The socialization of teachers in physical education: Review and recommendations for future works

Teacher Socialization 1

Running Head: TEACHER SOCIALIZATION 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17

The Socialization of Teachers in Physical Education: 18

Review and Recommendations for Future Works 19

K. Andrew R. Richards1, Thomas J. Templin1, & Kim Graber2 20

1Purdue University 21

2University of Illinois 22

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This is the authors’ version of an article published in the Kinesiology Review (Richards, K. A. R., 25

Templin, T. J., & Graber, K. (2014). The socialization of teachers in physical education: Review 26

and recommendations for future works. Kinesiology Review, 3, 113-134.). The paper appears 27

here in its pre-publication format in lieu of the publisher’s version of record. The published 28

version can be found at: http://journals.humankinetics.com/kr-back-issues/kr-volume-3-issue-2-29

may-2014/the-socialization-of-teachers-in-physical-education-review-and-recommendations-for-30

future-works 31

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Abstract 33

Occupational socialization theory describes the acculturation, professional preparation, 34

and organizational socialization of physical education teachers and addresses factors that 35

contribute to their decisions and behaviors. Utilizing occupational socialization theory as a 36

grounding framework, this paper summarizes research conducted on teacher socialization in 37

physical education and provides recommendations for future research. Each of the three phases 38

of socialization is reviewed as are related constructs. The paper concludes with a discussion of 39

socialization into physical education more generally and addresses the limitations of the current 40

body of literature. Future researchers are encouraged to continue using occupational socialization 41

theory as a framework though which to understand the careers and pedagogical decisions of 42

physical education teachers. 43

Key Words: occupational socialization theory, teacher training, workplace culture 44

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The Socialization of Teachers in Physical Education: 46

Review and Recommendations for Future Works 47

Beginning with the seminal works of Lawson (1983a, 1983b) and Templin and Schempp 48

(1989b), investigators have studied the ways in which the physical education (PE) profession 49

recruits, trains, and socializes its teachers. This line of inquiry can be traced to research in the 50

sociology of education by scholars such as Waller (1932), Lortie (1975), Lacey (1977), and 51

Zeichner and Gore (1990). Through research on teacher socialization, scholars have learned 52

about the background characteristics of PE recruits (Dewar, 1989; Hutchinson, 1993; Schempp, 53

1989; Templin, Woodford, & Mulling, 1982), the effectiveness of teacher education programs 54

(Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; Graber, 1993, 1996; Lawson, 1986; Solmon & Ashy, 1995), and 55

the influence of induction assistance in aiding new teachers in the transition to the school setting 56

(Banville & Rikard, 2009; Napper-Owen & Phillips, 1995; Richards & Templin, 2011; Stroot & 57

Ko, 2006), among other topics. 58

While the current body of literature provides important insight into the lives and careers 59

of PE teachers, important questions remain unanswered. Developing a more comprehensive 60

understanding of teacher socialization is integral for the PE profession as this work has 61

implications for the ways in which PE teachers perform their work and help promote student 62

learning in the complex social contexts of schools (Richards, Templin, & Gaudreault, 2013; 63

Schempp, Sparkes, & Templin, 1993). Further, research on teacher socialization cannot be 64

absolute. School cultures and the policies that govern them change over time and the experiences 65

of PE recruits and inservice teachers change with them. As a result, it is critical that new studies 66

be conducted to both add to the body of literature related to teacher socialization and to account 67

for changes in the way that socialization changes over time. 68


The purpose of this paper is to review and summarize research utilizing occupational 69

socialization theory (OST) as a grounding framework. Results of studies examining different 70

phases of teacher socialization are discussed and synthesized, and the paper concludes with a 71

discussion of the results from an integrated perspective across all phases of socialization. The 72

methodology used to conduct research using OST is explored and critiqued as are the limitations 73

of the body of literature. Special attention is paid to the practical implications of this line of 74

research and recommendations for future scholarship 75

Occupational Socialization Theory 76

Defined broadly, the study of socialization as it relates to the teaching profession refers to 77

“that field of scholarship which seeks to understand the process whereby the individual becomes 78

a participating member of the society of teachers” (Zeichner & Gore, 1990, p. 329). Scholars 79

have generally adopted a three-phase approach to occupational socialization that is often 80

represented using a time-oriented continuum. The first phase, acculturation, represents that 81

period of time where recruits learn about the profession from teachers, coaches, and other 82

significant individuals, prior to entering a teacher education program. The second phase, 83

professional socialization, refers to the time in which future teachers are enrolled in a teacher 84

certification program at a college or university. Organizational socialization is the third phase 85

and is the time where individuals assume the role of teacher in K-12 schools. These three phases 86

of socialization were adopted by Lawson (1983a, 1983b) and Templin and Schempp (1989b) 87

when initially outlining teacher socialization in PE. 88

The Dialectical Nature of Socialization 89

Traditional views of socialization assume a functionalist perspective in which it is posited 90

that individuals passively adopted the behaviors and attitudes valued by members within a 91


particular social group. For example, Merton, Reader, and Kendall (1957) defined socialization 92

as “the process by which people selectively acquire the values and attitudes, the interests, skills, 93

and knowledge – in short, the culture – current in groups to which they are, or seek to become, a 94

member” (p. 278). Such a perspective assumes that it is the responsibility of the individual to 95

adapt to fit within the existing social structure while the structure itself remains relatively 96

unaltered. Functionalist approaches to socialization, however, have been criticized and deemed 97

inadequate because of evidence indicating that individuals have the capacity to both overtly and 98

covertly resist the influence of teacher education and workplace socialization (Schempp & 99

Graber, 1992). Overt resistance can be characterized by instances in which preservice or 100

inservice teachers take an active stance against individuals or social institutions that aim to 101

socialize them. Covert resistance may not be outwardly noticeable and occurs when individuals 102

silently protest or when resistance is organized in a strategic way that seeks to elude the attention 103

of individuals who hold power in social institutions (Skelton, 1990). 104

Given the active role that individuals play in the socialization process, contemporary 105

approaches to understanding socialization have adopted a dialectical approach to explain the 106

interchange between individuals and socializing agents (i.e., those who attempt to influence the 107

beliefs, perspectives, or actions of teachers; Zeichner, 1979; Zeichner & Gore, 1990). The term 108

“dialectic” traces its roots to the work of philosophers such as Plato, Kant, and Hegel. According 109

to Hegel, each world view has a rival and the contention between perspectives results in a 110

struggle for power. The result of this power struggle is that each view is altered, which results in 111

the synthesis of the two (Loewenberg, 1929). Socialization is considered in contemporary 112

educational literature to be dialectical because the individual teacher plays an active role in 113

shaping their own socialization. That is, rather than being unidirectional in nature, socialization 114


represents “a contest of social thesis against individual antithesis” in which both the teacher and 115

socializing agents are subject to change (Schempp & Graber, 1992, p. 331). 116

The dialectical perspective of socialization embraces constructivist theories of learning, 117

which view reality as socially constructed and value the role of the learner’s personal biography 118

in shaping new knowledge (Lawson & Stroot, 1993). Individuals are able negotiate the adoption 119

of beliefs and knowledge with socializing agents as opposed to passively absorbing them. 120

Through this process, individuals develop subjective theories of reality through which social 121

messages are interpreted. Grotjahn (1991) conceptualized subjective theories as “complex 122

cognitive structures that are highly individual, relatively stable, and relatively enduring, and that 123

fulfill the task of explaining and predicting such human phenomena as action, reaction, thinking, 124

emotion and perception” (p. 188). Subjective theories impact the socialization process as 125

messages that tend to align with the individual’s previous experiences and worldviews are often 126

incorporated into beliefs and behaviors, while those that do not fit tend to be filtered out 127

(Schempp & Graber, 1992; Templin & Schempp, 1989a). Subjective theories can be 128

conceptualized as sieves that screen out inconsistent perspectives while allowing for consistent 129

perspectives to be incorporated with the individual’s existing worldview (see Figure 1). 130

Discussed later in this review, subjective theories are formed through early socialization 131

experiences and are relatively stable. Despite their stability, there is evidence to indicate that 132

subjective filters can be altered over time as individuals accumulate new experiences and interact 133

with a variety of socializing agents. 134

The dialectical process highlights the fact that, while socializing agents have some impact 135

on the individual, the individual has a reciprocal impact on the agents (Zeichner, 1979). The 136

result is that both worldviews are changed and move closer toward one another. It should, 137


however, be recognized that the power relationships in a dialectical exchange are often not equal. 138

Typically, the organizational structure (e.g., teacher education program, school district) exerts 139

power over the individual and is resistant to change. Thus, the individual may be reshaped more 140

in the exchange than the organization (Schempp & Graber, 1992). Additionally, since individuals 141

often do not have the formal power to challenge organizational structures, such as the rules that 142

govern a public school or physical education teacher education (PETE) programs, at times they 143

are forced to use covert tactics in order to assert their sense of agency and resist socialization 144

(Curtner-Smith, 1997; Scarth, 1987). 145

Innovative and Custodial Orientations 146

Related to, but district from, the notion of dialectics is the degree to which the individual 147

PE teacher or recruit and the context in which they are teaching is innovative or custodial 148

(Curtner-Smith, 2009; Curtner-Smith, Hastie, & Kinchin, 2008). A custodial orientation reflects 149

an individual or context that is concerned primarily with maintenance of the status quo and the 150

use of traditional teaching methodologies. Change is viewed with skepticism and is avoided 151

rather than pursued. An innovative orientation, on the other hand, reflects an individual or 152

context that is open to change and solicits new, up-to-date approaches to teaching PE. 153

When the individual and context share the same orientation, integration is eased. For 154

example, when an individual with a custodial orientation enters a setting (e.g., school, PETE 155

program) that also embraces a custodial orientation, the perspectives align and there is less likely 156

to be conflict. However, when the context and individual share differing orientations, as would 157

be the case when an innovatively oriented individual is socialized into a custodial context, the 158

transition can be challenging. The teacher is likely to overtly or covertly resist the contextual 159

demands, and individuals within the context are likely to exert increased control over the entrant. 160


Innovative and custodial orientations should not be thought of as binaries, but as opposite ends of 161

the same continuum. Further, innovation and custodianship should not be thought of as absolutes 162

–elements of an individual or context’s orientation can be more or less innovative or custodial. 163

The following sections of this paper will review the three phases of socialization and 164

related constructs. Through this discussion an emphasis will be placed on the dialectical nature 165

of the socialization process as well as the way in which individuals are able to exercise their 166

sense of agency in response to socialization. Each of the three phases of socialization will be 167

overviewed and pertinent constructs will be discusses. Through this process, the available 168

research will be summarized and critiqued and specific areas in which research evidence is 169

currently lacking will be highlighted. 170

Acculturation: Deciding to Become a Physical Education Teacher 171

Acculturation, often referred to as pretraining or anticipatory socialization, explains the 172

ways in which individuals are socialized into teaching prior to their formal entrance into teacher 173

education programs (Lawson, 1983b). Acculturation begins at birth and continues to the point at 174

which an individual makes the decision to enter a teacher education program. During this time, 175

future teachers’ early experiences as pupils form the basis for their role identities, or the ways in 176

which they envision themselves as teachers (Bullough & Pinnegar, 2001). Some evidence 177

indicates that acculturation is “the most potent type of socialization experienced by PE teachers” 178

(Curtner-Smith et al., 2008, p. 99) and can be more powerful than teacher education (Zeichner & 179

Gore, 1990). As such, acculturation is an important element of socialization that must be 180

understood because of the significant role it plays in shaping the perspectives of future teachers. 181

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The Apprenticeship of Observation 184

With regard to the acculturation phase, Lortie (1975) used the term apprenticeship of 185

observation to describe the ways in which experiences as a pupil influence one’s impressions of 186

the teaching profession. During the apprenticeship, K-12 students spend upwards of 13,000 187

hours interacting with teachers, coaches, parents, counselors, and others both within and outside 188

of the school context who influence their decision pursue a career in PE (Lawson, 1983b; 189

Templin et al., 1982). As a result, recruits develop very strong impressions about the 190

occupational role of the PE teacher (Lawson, 1983b). Their views, however, are often distorted 191

because they are exposed to only a limited view of the technical culture of teaching. For 192

example, while recruits may understand the act of teaching a lesson, they are unlikely to fully 193

understand the amount of preparation that went into the lesson that they observed. Nevertheless, 194

their impressions have a traceable impact and exert a strong influence on their beliefs and future 195

practices as a teacher (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). As Schempp (1989) noted, “the 196

apprenticeship of observation represents collected and recollected experiences from days as a 197

student, and those experiences provide a continuing influence over the pedagogical practices and 198

orientations of PE teachers” (p. 35). 199

Teachers’ subjective theories of education that constitute the filters through which 200

socialization experiences are interpreted begin to develop during the apprenticeship of 201

observation, which make this an important time for shaping the type of teacher one becomes. 202

Graber (2001) noted that as a result of the apprenticeship, recruits may believe that PE is 203

primarily designed to accommodate athletes, promote fun, and that all students can be successful 204

even with minimal instruction. This is especially true in the cases of those whose PE programs 205

emphasized traditional values and pedagogies. Since contemporary education theory posits that 206


socialization is dialectical, recruits who were exposed to PE programs that emphasized custodial 207

orientations are likely to overtly or covertly resist experiences encountered during teacher 208

education. This helps to explain Curtner-Smith’s (1999) observation that many beginning 209

teachers look more like the teachers they had while in school than products of the teacher 210

education institution from which they graduated. These early experiences represent one way in 211

which the PE profession perpetuates itself by promoting continuity and tradition (Lortie, 1975; 212

Templin et al., 1982). 213

Recruitment into Physical Education 214

In writing about recruitment into the teaching profession more broadly, Lortie (1975) 215

hypothesized that, in order to attract an individual, an occupation must possess recruitment 216

resources. While these resources are not always actively promoted in order to explicitly recruit 217

students into teaching, they do act to help people make decisions about whether or not they view 218

teaching as a viable occupational choice. Specifically, Lortie (1975) described two types of 219

resources: attractors and facilitators. Attractors are the “comparative benefits proffered would-be 220

entrants” (Lortie, 1975, p. 26) and include (a) interpersonal (the desire to work with young 221

people), (b) service (a wish to contribute to society by working with youth), (c) continuation (a 222

wish to continue to work in a familiar environment), (d) time compatibility (the attraction of 223

numerous holidays and summer vacations), and (e) material benefits (the need for money, 224

prestige, and security). Interpersonal, service, and time appear significant in recruits’ decisions to 225

enter PE (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Dewar, 1989; Spittle, Jackson, & Casey, 2009; Templin et 226

al., 1982). A variation of the continuation theme, an interest in remaining involved in sport and 227

physical activity, has also been noted in the literature when referring to PE (Spittle et al., 2009). 228


Lortie (1975) defined facilitators as “social mechanisms which help move people into a 229

given occupation” (p. 26). Specifically, the subjective warrant and special facilitators 230

(identification with teachers, pursuing a career in teaching because of family members who have 231

taught, and blocked aspirations) are highlighted by Lortie as particularly important. Research in 232

PE has indicated that although former teachers are important facilitators (Curtner-Smith et al., 233

2008; Dewar, 1989; Templin et al., 1982), coaches may be even more significant (Curtner-Smith, 234

1997). While some evidence indicates that family members, such as parents and siblings, are 235

important facilitators (Dewar, 1989; Spittle et al., 2009; Templin et al., 1982), their influence 236

does not appear to be as strong as teachers and coaches. 237

The Subjective Warrant 238

One of the facilitators introduced by Lortie (1975), the subjective warrant, can be 239

conceptualized as an individuals’ perceptions of the requirements of a given profession along 240

with a self-evaluation of their abilities to meet those requirements. The subjective warrant is, 241

therefore, analogous to a combination of Richardson and Watt’s (2006) concepts of task 242

demands and self-perception. Individuals develop subjective warrants for a multitude of fields 243

and these perceptions are important in determining career choice (Lawson, 1983b). It is in 244

relation to the subjective warrant that recruits draw conclusions about the degree to which they 245

are well suited to teach PE (Graber, 2001). Research indicates that students who develop high 246

subjective warrants for PE tend to have extensive backgrounds in sports and physical activity and 247

enjoyed PE as children (Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; Dodds et al., 1991). Some evidence does 248

indicate, however, that recruits who have negative experiences in school PE select the profession 249

in an effort to teach better than their PE instructors (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 250


There is no guarantee that recruits’ subjective warrants accurately represent the demands 251

of the PE profession. As noted previously, the apprenticeship of observation seldom provides 252

students with insight into the totality of a teacher’s responsibilities. They may, therefore, develop 253

subjective warrants that do not align with the actual challenges of the work-role. Nevertheless, 254

the subjective warrant is critical in the dialectical process. Even when the subjective warrant is 255

flawed or incomplete, it still contributes to recruits’ subjective theories and influences their 256

interpretation of future socialization messages and experiences. For example, recruits’ subjective 257

warrants influence their interpretation of the messages emphasized during teacher education. 258

Profiles of PE Recruits 259

Research on the background characteristics of recruits indicates they are likely to have 260

extensive experience participating in sport (Dodds et al., 1991), often at the high school or 261

college level, and have families who are involved in sport (Dodds et al., 1991; Hutchinson, 1993; 262

Lawson, 1983b). Significant others who influence their career choice include coaches, PE 263

teachers, parents, and peers (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Spittle et al., 2009; Stran & Curtner-264

Smith, 2009; Templin et al., 1982). Some evidence indicates that recruits are also likely to have a 265

parent or relative who was a teacher (Curtner-Smith, 1997; Richards & Templin, 2011). They are 266

more likely to come from working and middle class backgrounds and perceive a career in PE as 267

an opportunity to attend college (Hutchinson, 1993; Lawson, 1983b). While women remain more 268

likely than men to enter teaching (Guarino, Santibanez, & Daley, 2006), the gender profiles of 269

PE recruits are less clear. The background profiles of PE recruits have not been extensively 270

studied and many of the studies that do exist are several years old. Changes in society, culture, 271

and the economy likely influence individuals’ career choice, and it is possible that PE now 272


attracts recruits who hold different perspectives than those studied in the past. As a result, 273

additional investigations are required to understand the profiles of current PE recruits. 274

The Development of Teaching and Coaching Orientations 275

The apprenticeship of observation and subjective warrant predispose recruits to differing 276

orientations toward teaching PE that relate to various motivations for entering the field. Lawson 277

(1983a, 1983b) posited that some recruits enter the field because they want to teach PE and 278

perceive this as their primary role. Others, however, seek to coach extracurricular sports and 279

view teaching PE as the gateway to coaching. Although many classroom teachers now coach 280

regardless of their curricular specialty, earlier research indicated that many recruits believed that 281

teaching PE was the only entry to coaching (Schempp & Graber, 1992). It has been surmised that 282

those who were exposed to high quality PE as children may be predisposed to teaching whereas 283

those who participated in more traditional forms of PE may be attracted to coaching (Curtner-284

Smith, 1997; Richards & Templin, 2011). Curtner-Smith (2009) makes the case that PE tends to 285

recruits less than optimal students who prefer coaching over teaching and tend to have custodial 286

orientations related to teaching PE. He emphasized that “we must strive to recruit bright students 287

with innovative teaching orientations, improve screening at the beginning of our programs, and 288

reject applicants with hard core custodial coaching orientations” (Curtner-Smith, 2009, p. 222). 289

Although prior research has discussed role orientations as either teaching focused or 290

coaching focused, teaching and coaching orientations likely lie along a continuum from highly 291

teaching oriented to highly coaching oriented (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Richards et al., 2013). 292

At the center of the continuum are individuals who are equally interested in both teaching and 293

coaching. It is important to note the importance of teaching and coaching orientations relative to 294

the dialectics of socialization. Individuals who are highly coaching oriented and enter PETE 295


programs that emphasize teaching over coaching are likely to resist socialization efforts. This 296

supports the notion that teacher education is an especially weak form of socialization among 297

coaching-oriented recruits (Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004). 298

Professional Socialization 299

Professional socialization begins when a recruit enters a teacher education program, 300

typically in a college or university setting (Lawson, 1983b, 1986). During this phase, recruits are 301

taught the knowledge, skills, and dispositions of the profession that are deemed important by 302

teacher education faculty (Lawson, 1983b). Simultaneously, they are exposed to general 303

education courses taken outside the department, methods and foundational courses completed 304

within the department, and field-based experiences carried out in local schools and classrooms 305

(Zeichner, 1979). Schempp and Graber (1992), however, emphasize that it cannot be assumed 306

that recruits will accept all of the knowledge, values, and beliefs communicated by teacher 307

educators as the subjective theories constructed by preservice teachers are not easily altered and 308

all socialization, including professional socialization, is dialectical (Graber, 1989). This may be 309

especially true when recruits with custodial orientations encounter teacher education programs 310

that promote innovation or espouse knowledge and behaviors that are inconsistent with 311

experiences they had as students in K-12 schools. In order to effectively socialize recruits, 312

teacher educators must acknowledge that recruits have existing beliefs and prior experiences, and 313

be willing to negotiate and dialogue about them (Schempp & Graber, 1992). 314

Studentship and Strategic Compliance 315

PE recruits enter PETE programs having already begun to form their subjective theories 316

of education that are used to evaluate new information relative to teaching PE. The lessons they 317

learn and messages they receive through PETE are interpreted through these theories, which has 318


implications for the extent to which teacher education has an impact on the perspectives of 319

recruits. When the messages of teacher education do not align with recruits’ prior expectations 320

and experiences, they may filter out the information as depicted in Figure 1. When PETE 321

programs emphasize innovative approaches to teaching PE that contradict what recruits learned 322

during K-12 education, many beliefs promoted by teacher educators are likely to be filtered out. 323

Since recruits often perceive themselves as having little power, they may employ various 324

strategies for resisting the socialization efforts they encounter during teacher education without 325

jeopardizing their standing in the program. 326

Some recruits will strategically comply (Lacey, 1977) with the mandates of PETE faculty 327

in an effort to make it seem as if they are “buying into” program content, while their beliefs 328

about teaching remain relatively unchanged. Graber (1991) observed this behavior in her study 329

of undergraduate PE majors and termed it “studentship”. Specifically, “studentship is a process 330

by which teacher trainees react to the demands of their training environment. It consists of an 331

array of behaviors that students may employ in order to progress through a training program with 332

greater ease, more success, and less effort” (Graber, 1991, p. 41). These behaviors manifest in 333

covert tactics such as cheating, taking shortcuts, psyching-out the instructor, and image 334

projection (Schempp & Graber, 1992). Despite the unequal distribution of power between the 335

PETE program and students, studentship behaviors enable the socialization process to remain 336

dialectical (Stroot & Williamson, 1993). 337

The Limited Impact of Professional Socialization 338

In the general education literature, Zeichner and Gore (1990) indicated that teacher 339

education courses do not effectively alter the beliefs and dispositions that recruits acquire during 340

acculturation. Brouwer and Korthagen (2005) reaffirm the limited impact of teacher education, 341


especially when compared to the influence of workplace socialization. Others have noted that 342

teaching K-12 PE requires an understanding of workplace culture and knowledge about the non-343

instructional components of teachers’ work that many PETE programs do not provide 344

(Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Schempp et al., 1993). As a result, several calls have been made 345

for revisions to teacher education curricula in general education (Feiman-Nemser, 2001) and PE 346

(Lawson, 1986; Richards et al., 2013) that would help to better prepare recruits for the realities 347

of working in schools, while simultaneously educating them about research-based teacher 348

effectiveness and best practices. The limited impact of professional socialization has been 349

discussed extensively in the PE literature (Curtner-Smith, 1999; Lawson, 1986; Stran & Curtner-350

Smith, 2009). Several studies have found that, despite being exposed to innovative practices 351

during PETE, recruits revert to traditional methodologies when they begin teaching (See Stroot 352

& Ko, 2006). 353

In an effort to acknowledge that socialization is a dialectical process, some authors have 354

suggested infusing elements of social constructivist theory into PETE programs in order to 355

embrace recruits’ backgrounds and encourage reflection, critical thinking, dialogue, and 356

knowledge ownership within learning communities (Rovegno & Dolly, 2006; Tatto, 1998). Such 357

perspectives are more sensitive to the role of the teacher education student in the construction of 358

knowledge (Rovegno, 2003). These perspectives position students at the center of the learning 359

process and acknowledge the role of previous knowledge (i.e., subjective theories) in 360

understanding how students process new information (Tatto, 1998). The goal of a constructivist 361

approach is to embrace students’ as co-creators of knowledge and assist them in critiquing and 362

challenging their prior beliefs (Cheng & Pang, 1997). In both education (Beck, 2007; McDade, 363

1995) and PE (Collier & O'Sullivan, 1997; Richards, Hemphill, Templin, & Eubank, 2012; 364


Timken & van der Mars, 2009), the use of case study methods in which recruits read and discuss 365

cases which overview issues that could potentially occur in the classroom is an example of one 366

teaching method that embraces constructivism. 367

Maximizing the Impact of Teacher Education 368

While much has been written about the limited impact of professional socialization, it is 369

important to note that not all teacher education is ineffective in influencing students’ subjective 370

theories. Faculty in some teacher education programs, particularly those who recognize and 371

acknowledge the influence of acculturation, have been able to more strongly impact the teaching 372

behaviors of their graduates. For example, Brouwer and Korthagen (2005) describe a 373

comprehensive teacher education program that included progressive induction into schools in 374

conjunction with on-campus seminar courses that facilitated reflection. This combination of 375

progressively structured field experiences and concentrated reflection resulted in a change in 376

recruits’ subjective theories as they began to embrace the messages they learned during teacher 377

education and implement newly acquired knowledge into their own teaching. Smith and Schmidt 378

(2012) also suggested that teacher education faculty might acquire stronger insights into their 379

recruits perspectives and subjective theories by trying to understand the influence of their 380

favorite K-12 teachers. PETE faculty have also been found to be more effective at teaching 381

students to embrace best practices when faculty are perceived as credible, do not coach, closely 382

supervise field-based experiences, and confront beliefs acquired during acculturation that do not 383

align with program values (Curtner-Smith, 1997, 2001; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 384

It may also be beneficial to promote instructional approaches that are at least somewhat 385

compatible with recruits’ value orientations and subjective theories of teaching (Curtner-Smith, 386

2009). Sport education, for example, may be one such instructional model as it tends to align 387


with recruits’ interests in team sports while also reflecting a research-based approach to teaching 388

PE (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). Graber (1993, 1996) investigated a high impact PETE 389

program and found that consensus building among faculty, awareness of studentship, reinforcing 390

the same messages to students from one teacher education class to another, examining beliefs 391

acquired during the acculturation phase, encouraging early conference attendance, and placing 392

students in practicum settings that reinforced programmatic messages, led to considerable 393

success in socializing students to implement a non-traditional teaching curriculum upon 394

employment as a certified teacher. Graber’s studies were based on a series of investigations by 395

Rovegno (1992, 1993a, 1993b) which indicated that recruits who graduated from this program 396

tended to retain the influence of the program upon entering the workforce. 397

Lortie (1975) introduced the concept of a shared technical culture in which teacher 398

education faculty express relative agreement over the knowledge, skills, and dispositions 399

required to teach effectively. These beliefs are manifested in a consistent approach to teacher 400

education across the preservice training curriculum (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). In such 401

situations, recruits receive consistent messages about teaching PE, which has been found to 402

increase the likelihood that they will embrace the perspectives emphasized by teacher educators 403

as they transition into the workplace (Curtner-Smith, 1996; Curtner-Smith & Sofo, 2004; 404

Richards & Templin, 2011). Conversely, when teacher educators fail to develop a shared 405

technical culture, it is more likely that recruits will use contradictions within the program to 406

reaffirm their existing beliefs. For example, when consistency is lacking, recruits may believe 407

there are numerous correct approaches to teaching PE and that their subjective theory is equally 408

or more correct than the approaches emphasized in their PETE program. Developing a shared 409

technical culture, however, is difficult since the views expressed by different PETE faculty 410


residing in the same department can vary significantly (Lawson, 1983b, 1986). Nevertheless, it is 411

important to emphasize that PETE faculty do not have to have the exact same perspective on 412

teaching PE. Rather, they should just agree on some of the key elements of effective teaching 413

and reinforce these across the curriculum. Some diversity within the curriculum may be a good 414

thing as it demonstrates to recruits that there are multiple appropriate ways to teach. The key is 415

that all approaches should embrace best practices and research-based pedagogies. 416

The Influence of Teaching and Coaching Role Orientations 417

One factor that appears to have particular salience in determining whether or not teacher 418

education will be effective in helping recruits to adopt knowledge, skills, and dispositions in line 419

with best practices is the degree to which they are oriented toward teaching or coaching. Lawson 420

(1983b) hypothesized that students who are primarily oriented toward coaching would be less 421

receptive to the messages of preservice training than their peers who are oriented toward 422

teaching. Several investigations have found that although recruits with strong coaching 423

orientations are generally unaffected by teacher education, a well-structured teacher education 424

program can have an impact on students who enter with moderate coaching orientations 425

(Curtner-Smith, 1996, 1997, 2001; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). As predicted, recruits with 426

strong teaching orientations tend to be more receptive to programmatic messages communicated 427

by PETE faculty and are more likely to have their subjective theories of education shift toward 428

the values promoted by the program (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Richards & Templin, 2011). 429

Recruits who develop coaching role orientations are also more likely to be oriented 430

toward traditional, custodial approaches to teaching PE. These individuals are also likely to view 431

teaching as a career contingency or path to becoming an athletic coach (Richards & Templin, 432

2012). As a result, coaching oriented recruits are more likely to disagree with the perspectives of 433


PETE faculty who emphasize quality teaching and espouse an innovative approach. In contrast, 434

teaching oriented recruits are more likely to see teaching as their primary role and to espouse 435

innovative orientations (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). 436

Early Field Experiences and Student Teaching 437

In the general education literature, numerous investigators have examined the socializing 438

influence of early field experiences and student teaching. Zeichner and colleagues (Zeichner & 439

Gore, 1990; Zeichner & Tabachnick, 1983) addressed the ways in which the dialectical process 440

impacts student teaching and found that some student teachers internalized and adopted the 441

perspectives of the school, while others pushed back and asserted their sense of agency. While 442

student teaching tends to be viewed as the most important field experience, scholars also point to 443

the potential socializing power of early field experiences, many of which are embedded within 444

methods courses (Dodds, 1989). For example, Solomon and Ashy (1995) found that the value 445

orientations of recruits participating in an early field experiences changed throughout the 446

semester and shifted in the direction of the instructor. Lawson (1983b, 1986) surmised that early 447

field experiences would be most successful in helping recruits adopt innovate teaching 448

orientations if faculty recruit students who are oriented to teaching rather than coaching, take 449

care to emphasize the importance of quality PE instruction, hold recruits accountable for 450

appropriate teaching behaviors, and model appropriate teaching behaviors in their own practice. 451

Early field experiences also appear to be most impactful when recruits are placed in schools that 452

reinforce the messages of PETE, are closely supervised by university faculty and trained 453

cooperating teachers, are linked to on-campus methods courses, focus on evidence-based 454

teaching skills, and require students to collect and analyze data on their own teaching (Curtner-455

Smith, 1996; Sofo & Curtner-Smith, 2005; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 456


During early field experiences and student teaching, recruits may be faced with 457

conflicting expectations for their behavior as they are required to navigate relationships with 458

teachers, pupils, administrators, and parents (Richards et al., 2013; White, 1989). It is 459

particularly challenging when recruits encounter perspectives in the school setting that differ 460

from those espoused by their PETE faculty. In these situations, recruits may use the values 461

emphasized during field experiences to reaffirm rather than challenge their existing subjective 462

theories, which may serve to undermine PETE programming (Sofo & Curtner-Smith, 2005). 463

Thus, the degree to which recruits are able to navigate varying role expectations may partly 464

determine the success of field-based learning as a socializing experience. Collaborations in 465

which teacher educators partner with local school districts have been promoted as one effective 466

means of helping preservice teachers navigate the school culture while also providing 467

professional development to inservice practitioners (B. Johnson, Wetherill, & Greenebaum, 468

2002). In well-structured partnerships, both the school and university benefit and teacher 469

education students receive more intensive and focused supervision and support, as well as more 470

consistent socialization messages across both settings. 471

Student teaching is viewed as a culminating event or “the flagship of field experiences” 472

(Schempp & Graber, 1992, p. 339), and cooperating teachers and students have considerable 473

impact on the developing perspectives of preservice teachers (Dodds, 1989; Schempp & Graber, 474

1992; Templin, 1979). This is particularly true since student teaching is one of the first 475

opportunities preservice teachers have to spend protracted time in schools learning about the 476

daily realities of teaching (Richards et al., 2013). Tinning and Siedentop (1985) note the 477

importance of cooperating teachers in helping novices to learn instructional techniques as well as 478

organizational and social tasks within the school setting. However ,since recruits are often not 479


empowered to openly question existing practices during student teaching, the experience often 480

lends itself to the perpetuation of the status quo as opposed to an open dialogue that embraces 481

differences in opinion and is focused on improving practice (Locke, 1979; Schempp, 1987). 482

Children serve a particularly important socialization function during student teaching because 483

student teachers spend a considerable amount of time working with them (Zeichner & Gore, 484

1990). Templin (1979, 1981) found that interacting with non-compliant students often shifts the 485

student teacher’s perspective away from student learning and achievement to pupil control and 486

compliance. 487

Student teachers as a liminal population. The curious thing about the role of student 488

teacher is that they assume many of the roles of a teacher, but are not yet recognized as full-489

fledged members of the school community. Student teachers are provided with some degree of 490

autonomy, but do not yet assume full responsibility for teaching in the classroom (Schempp & 491

Graber, 1992). Similarly, they are likely to feel as if they have moved beyond the role of student, 492

but are not yet full-fledged teachers. For this reason, one way to conceptualize the role of student 493

teacher is through the concept of liminality (V. Turner, 1967; van Gennep, 1909). The word 494

liminal derives from the Latin word limen, which means to be at a threshold. In Turner’s (1967) 495

original work with African tribes, the term was used to refer to the disorientation that arises in 496

rite of passage rituals in which participants are no longer at the preliminal stage, but have not yet 497

taken the status they will hold when the ritual is complete. More broadly, “liminality represents 498

the midpoint of transition in a status-sequence between two positions” (V. Turner, 1974, p. 237). 499

Since student teaching can be seen as the midpoint in a transition between the roles of 500

student and teacher, the position can be viewed as liminal. As noted by Lawson (1983a), “the 501

student teacher is caught between two worlds, the university and the school, as reflected in the 502


joint supervision of their performance” (p. 4). Important to teacher socialization, Turner (1969) 503

posited that liminal periods are marked by dissolution (at least in part) of one’s identity along 504

with the opportunity for new perspectives to arise. As a result, individuals who are in a state of 505

liminality may be more likely to question their central values and amend the ways in which they 506

think about the group into which they are being inducted. Thus, viewing student teaching as a 507

liminal state can help to explain why it is so powerful in the socialization of beginning teachers. 508

Organizational Socialization 509

Writing from the perspective of organizational theory more broadly, Van Maanen and 510

Schein’s (1979) theory of organizational socialization has strongly influenced the ways in which 511

researchers in PE have viewed workplace socialization. The authors state that “organizational 512

socialization is a jejune phase used by social scientists to refer to the process by which one is 513

taught and learns the ropes of a particular organizational role” (p. 211). Important to this 514

definition is the notion that the socialization process is ongoing and continues to shape one’s 515

experience throughout the organizational career. Teachers form a culture within a given school 516

context that helps to shape their actions and behaviors as well as their orientations toward 517

teaching (Feiman-Nemser & Folden, 1984). Specific to PE, Lawson (1989) described the 518

school’s organizational culture as “largely unwritten” and consisting of “deeply embedded 519

assumptions, which are accepted and professed by veterans and powerful school personnel. The 520

organizational culture has two functions. First, it helps the school and its members meet external 521

environmental demands. Second, it facilitates the internal integration of diverse school workers” 522

(p. 152). Both the individual teacher and culture within the school can espouse either innovative 523

or custodial orientations toward teaching. The match or mismatch between orientations may 524


influence the dialectical exchange and helps to determine the extent to which there will be 525

conflict in perspectives (Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009). 526

Socializing Agents and the Organizational Context 527

The institutional press is the method through which new teachers are taught about a 528

particular school’s culture as well as the knowledge and behaviors deemed important by veteran 529

teachers within that culture. While it can be innovative, this process of culture transmission tends 530

to favor the status quo and custodial approaches to teaching (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008). As a 531

result of its emphasis on preserving current practices in the school setting, the institutional press 532

often contradicts professional socialization (Lawson, 1983a). Thus, the institutional press is a 533

strong, custodial force in schools and should not be overlooked. In response to the institutional 534

press, Templin et al. (2011) suggest that some teachers overtly or covertly resist in an attempt to 535

alter the status quo by asserting their sense of agency. Richards and colleagues (2013) emphasize 536

the importance of preparing preservice teachers for the realities of school life by helping them to 537

understand the types of cultures in which they will be inducted and equipping them with 538

strategies to successfully navigate the micropolitical environments of schools. 539

Students have long been perceived as primary socializing agents, and prolonged 540

interaction with students has been found to shift teachers’ pupil control ideology from 541

humanistic to custodial in both general education (Haller, 1967; Hoy, 1969) and PE (Templin, 542

1978). In PE, the socializing impact of students is so significant that teachers have been observed 543

to change their expectations or curricular goals to align with student expectations (Curtner-544

Smith, 1997; Smyth, 1995; Solmon, Worthy, & Carter, 1993). The role of principals as 545

socializing agents has also been highlighted in the education and PE literatures (Watkins, 2005), 546

although their influence is not as significant as other teachers or students. Although parents are 547


viewed by many physical educators as important resources, many PE teachers perceive that they 548

are unwilling to become involved or are generally unsupportive (O'Sullivan, 1989). Studies 549

concerning teachers’ interactions with parents and principals, however, are sparse and these 550

topics merits additional attention in future research. 551

Research indicates that teachers feel empowered and better prepared when they have 552

opportunities to engage professionally (Templin et al., 2011). Many schools, however, limit the 553

professional development that is available and may not offer resources for teachers to become 554

professionally involved (Doolittle & Schwager, 1989; Templin, 1989). Such opportunities are 555

important for physical educators, particularly those new to the profession (Templin et al., 2011). 556

Professional development allows teachers to remain current in the field and prevent what 557

Lawson (1993) refers to as knowledge obsolescence. Knowledge obsolescence occurs when a 558

teacher’s content knowledge is so out of date that the information they provide students is no 559

longer relevant. Templin and colleagues (2011) note that engaging in continuing professional 560

development may help novice teachers avoid stressful entry into the workplace. Professional 561

organizations may play some role in the continual development of teacher knowledge (Kneer, 562

1989), but little research has been conducted in this area. 563

Teacher Induction and Induction Assistance 564

Although teacher education recruits are exposed to the school setting during early field 565

experiences and student teaching, induction into the workplace is typically characterized as the 566

first 3-5 years of a teacher’s career (Fessler & Christensen, 1992). Lawson (1983b), however, 567

posited that induction occurs when “a recruit’s inaccurate subjective warrant is replaced by a 568

new self-image forged out of new ideological commitments and newly acquired knowledge and 569

skill” (p. 13). In this way, induction is not viewed as a particular period of time, but as the 570


process through which the new teacher develops a set of values, beliefs, and skills that are 571

needed to succeed in the particular school setting in which one is employed. While the induction 572

process begins with field experiences during preservice training, it cannot be completed until the 573

recruit transitions into the workforce and is further inducted while in the school setting (Lawson, 574

1989). Recruits who are not successfully socialized through preservie training may be considered 575

only partially inducted and not fully prepared to assume the responsibilities associated with their 576

job as a beginning teacher (Curtner-Smith, 1997; Richards et al., 2013). 577

While Lawson (1989) hypothesized that the transition from student to teacher should be 578

relatively seamless, the reality is that some beginning teachers experience a difficult transition 579

that is characterized by frustration and dissatisfaction (Stroot & Ko, 2006; Veenman, 1984). 580

Nevertheless, the teaching profession has not historically had any formal mechanisms through 581

which to induct or initiate its new members (Lortie, 1975; Waller, 1932). Many teachers were 582

left largely to sink or swim on their own and some were “lost at sea” (S. M. Johnson, 1990). This 583

lack of assistance in the transition into the school setting coupled with expectations placed on 584

new teachers has led some to characterize teaching as a profession that “cannibalizes its young” 585

(T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Some evidence indicates that the transition for PE teachers may 586

be even more difficult than for teachers in general education since they experience subject matter 587

marginalization (Lux & McCullick, 2011); physical and intellectual isolation; and the pressure to 588

take on additional, non-teaching responsibilities such as coaching (Macdonald, 1995; Sparks, 589

Templin, & Schempp, 1993; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Due, in part, to these difficult transitions, the 590

teaching profession has consistently had high attrition rates, with estimates of between 35- and 591

50-percent of beginning teachers leaving within their first five years (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 592

2004). These numbers are consistent with those reported in PE (Ingersoll, 2001). 593


In response to challenging transitions and high attrition rates, many states and local 594

school districts have designed and implemented induction assistance programs in an effort to 595

ease the transition and bridge the gap from student to teacher (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). It 596

should be noted, however, that this form of induction is usually more focused on helping 597

teachers assimilate into the school culture rather than into their disciplinary specializations. 598

Nevertheless, such programs have the potential to ease the transition of beginning teachers and 599

help them to become part of the school culture in which they are employed. While induction 600

assistance comes in many sizes, shapes, and forms, common components of programming 601

include mentoring, documentation and assessment workshops, seminars with other beginning 602

teachers, internal and external support networks, common planning time with other teachers in 603

the same discipline, and regular communication with administrators. Less common forms 604

include a reduced teaching schedule, fewer preparations, and the assignment of a teaching 605

assistant (Banville & Rikard, 2009; T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004; Stroot & Ko, 2006). 606

Research on teacher induction in general education is plentiful and suggests that 607

involvement in induction assistance programming has an impact on teachers’ beliefs about 608

education and ability to transition effectively into the school setting. (Wang, Odell, & Schwille, 609

2008). Induction assistance also has an influence on teacher retention, particularly when teachers 610

are given multiple forms of support beyond mentoring (T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). 611

Evidence indicates that beginning teachers appreciate induction assistance and find it helpful in 612

their transition into the workplace (Cherubini, 2007). Further, when beginning teachers perceive 613

they are being mentored and supported by their principals, they are more likely to flourish 614

(Quinn & Andrews, 2004; Watkins, 2005). 615


While mentoring has been established as an important component of beginning teacher 616

induction, it is more effective when mentors teach in the same content area as the beginning 617

teacher and are trained and supported in the fulfillment of their duties (Feiman-Nemser, 2003; T. 618

M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Another form of mentoring is for the new teacher to maintain their 619

affiliation with a teacher education program. Several investigators have noted the benefits of 620

maintaining a connection between teacher educators and beginning teachers through school-621

university partnerships (Howey & Zimpher, 1989; B. Johnson et al., 2002). In PE, the research 622

shows that induction which supports the professional and emotional needs of physical educators 623

is more favorable than that which focuses on only instruction (Eldar, Nabel, Schechter, Talmor, 624

& Mazin, 2003). Unfortunately, the research indicates that PE teachers are sometimes assigned 625

mentors outside their content area as well as individuals who are not interested in serving in a 626

mentoring capacity (Smyth, 1995; Stroot, Faucette, & Schwager, 1993). In some cases, physical 627

educators feel as if they must find mentoring from colleagues who are not officially assigned to 628

them (Richards & Templin, 2011; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 629

Kelchtermans and Ballet (2002) note that the induction experience also involves learning 630

to navigate the political aspects of the school environment. In PE, however, navigating the 631

micropolitics of the school may be more complicated due to isolation and marginalization 632

(Schempp et al., 1993; Smyth, 1995). While literature related to induction assistance 633

programming in PE is sparse, Richards and Templin’s (2011) case study of one beginning 634

teacher’s experience with state-level induction assistance is an important first step. The authors 635

found that the participant was reluctant to accept the support provided through her school district 636

because it was too broad and did not focus on her needs as a PE teacher. This speaks to the 637

importance of individualizing induction assistance to the teacher’s needs and subject affiliation. 638


Reality Shock and the Washout Effect 639

When making the transition into the school setting, new teachers are often faced with a 640

significant amount of anxiety related to the need to take on a full complement of teaching duties 641

(Banville & Rikard, 2009; O'Sullivan, 1989). In many cases, beginning teachers are expected to 642

fulfill the same responsibilities as colleagues with 20 or more years of experience (Lortie, 1975; 643

T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004). Thus, the transition into schools can result in reality shock 644

which is “the collapse of missionary ideals formed during teacher training by the harsh and rude 645

reality of everyday classroom life” (Veenman, 1984, p. 143). The phenomenon seems to stem 646

from incongruences between beginning teachers’ expectations for school life and the realities of 647

school life, combined with the general difficulties associated with teaching (O'Sullivan, 1989; 648

Richards et al., 2013). Lawson (1989) noted that reality shock is strongest when beginning 649

teachers are caught between contradictions in the perspectives promoted by teacher education 650

and those embraced in the school context. 651

The orientations espoused by the individual and those embraced in the teaching context 652

are important when considering reality shock. Teachers who have innovative orientations, but are 653

inducted into environments that promote custodial approachs to teaching are likely to experience 654

reality shock, as are those with custodial orientations who are inducted into innovatively oriented 655

school cultures (Eldar et al., 2003; Rust, 1994; Stroot & Ko, 2006). When reality shock is high, 656

teachers are more likely to leave the profession. The literature, however, demonstrates that both 657

reality shock and teacher attrition can be reduced through induction assistance and mentoring 658

(Ingersoll, 2001; T. M. Smith & Ingersoll, 2004; Stokking, Leenders, Jong, & Tartwijk, 2003) 659

and when recruits have been adequately prepared during teacher education for the realities of 660

school life (Lawson, 1983a; Richards et al., 2013). Reality shock is also likely to be less severe 661


when the environment in which beginning PE teachers are inducted aligns with their subjective 662

theories of teaching and supports the values and messages associated with preservice teacher 663

education (Macdonald, 1995; Napper-Owen & Phillips, 1995). 664

In some situations, reality shock can lead to the abandonment of the lessons learned 665

during preservice teacher education (Schempp et al., 1993; Smyth, 1995; Stroot et al., 1993). In 666

their analysis of school culture, Zeichner and Tabachnick (1981) referred to this as the washout 667

effect and noted its salience in maintaining the status quo in the school environment. Schools are, 668

according to Lawson (1983a), “custodial bureaucracies” that employ both formal and informal 669

mechanisms to perpetuate themselves, even if it means preventing innovation and change” (p. 6). 670

The result is that “pedagogical practices and perspectives learned during PETE which are 671

incompatible with a school’s culture are often ‘washed out’” (Curtner-Smith, 2001, p. 82). Some 672

investigators, however, have noted that washout is not an all or nothing process and that certain 673

elements of teacher education may be abandoned when transitioning into schools while others 674

are supported and nurtured (Blankenship & Coleman, 2009; Graber, 1998; Macdonald, 1995). 675

It appears that when beginning teachers are supported to implement what they learned 676

during teacher education, washout is less likely to occur. For example, Richards and Templin 677

(2011) found that a supportive school environment that connected a beginning teacher with 678

content learned during PETE helped to prevent washout. Any discussion of washout, however, 679

must be predicated on the assumption that there is something to be washed out. If the teacher 680

education program from which the new teacher graduated was ineffective in instilling the 681

knowledge, skills, and dispositions reflective of best practices in PE, what appears to be a 682

washout effect may simply be that individual’s true beliefs about teaching PE being manifested 683

(Lawson, 1983a). This speaks to the importance of dialectics in the socialization process. When 684


recruits subjective theories are relatively unaffected by teacher education, what appears to be 685

washout may be beginning teachers entering environments that align with their preexisting 686

beliefs about PE. 687

Socialization through Innovative Professional Cultures 688

Some evidence indicates that teachers who are inducted into innovative professional 689

cultures will have smoother beginnings and are less likely to experience reality shock (Day, 690

Sammons, Stobart, Kington, & Gu, 2007; Huberman, 1993). These environments tend to be 691

encouraging and supportive of beginning teachers’ perspectives, allow beginning teachers to 692

implement instructional strategies learned during preservice training, and help beginning 693

teachers feel as if they are important parts of the school culture. In contrast, custodial 694

professional cultures tend to silence the perspectives of beginning teachers and perpetuate the 695

status quo through the institutional press. Custodial school environments can be especially 696

challenging for beginning teachers who have innovative orientations and are interested in 697

implementing best practices learned during teacher education. This speaks directly to the 698

importance of developing supportive cultures that provide teachers with both an avenue through 699

which to express their voices and with leaders who are willing to assist them in the induction 700

process (Day et al., 2007). 701

Communities of practice (Brown & Duguid, 1996) – groups of individuals who are drawn 702

together for a common purpose and strive together toward a common goal – are seen as a 703

particularly effective means of helping PE teachers succeed in the school context (O'Sullivan, 704

2007; Richards & Templin, 2011; Richards, Templin, Hemphill, & Eberline, 2012). Such 705

arrangements help teachers to “orient their intertwined professional culture around sharing and 706

improving practice” and can give rise to innovative professional cultures (Westheimer, 2008, p. 707


765). Richards and Templin (2011) reinforce the importance of establishing communities of 708

practice in PE and note that such supportive arrangements may have a greater, more positive 709

influence on induction than formalized teacher induction programming. In general education, 710

Kardos, Johnson, Peske, Kauffman, and Liu (2001) distinguish between and among veteran, 711

novice, and integrated professional cultures. As with communities of practice, integrated 712

professional cultures bring novice and veterans teachers together in an innovative environment 713

that is focused on sharing ideas and best practices. 714

Teacher Role Stressors and Teacher/Coach Role Conflict 715

While this review draws most on OST, teacher role stressors and teacher/coach role 716

conflict are best understood when couched within the related perspective of role theory (Linton, 717

1936; Merton, 1957; Parsons, 1951). Role theory is designed to explain how individuals in 718

specific social positions view their realities as well as how they are viewed by others. This 719

includes expectations for one’s own behavior in a given role along with expectations for the 720

performance of others (Hindin, 2007). Individuals are seen to occupy specific social statuses 721

(e.g., school teacher) that include enacted behaviors or roles (Linton, 1936; Merton, 1957). A 722

theatre metaphor is adopted by role theorists to explain social behavior: “the vision is of actors 723

playing parts in scripts written by culture and shaped by evolutionary adaptation” (Stryker, 724

2001). Ideally, social actors share standards for behavior that are appropriate for those who are 725

members of the same status (Biddle, Rosencranz, Tomich, & Twyman, 1966). Actors are guided 726

by a set of internalized or externally enforced expectations and are judged by how well they meet 727

these expectations (R. H. Turner, 2001). Individuals behave in distinct and predictable ways 728

depending upon their social identities and the situation (Biddle, 1986). The socialization process 729

is integral to understanding how individuals are prepared for and socialized into roles which they 730


perform. Therefore, role theory can be used to understand the ways in which the role of PE 731

teacher is socially constructed and OST can be used to explain how individuals are prepared for 732

and socialized into the role of PE teacher within a given social context (Richards et al., 2013). 733

Role Stressors. Role theory has been applied to the analysis of the roles of teacher 734

(Biddle et al., 1966; Merton, 1957; Wilson, 1962) and teacher/coach (Kwon, Pyun, & Kim, 735

2010; Locke & Massengale, 1978; Richards & Templin, 2012) in order to explain stressors 736

associated with role conflict, role overload, and role ambiguity (Conley & You, 2009; Hindin, 737

2007). The teacher’s role is particularly susceptible to role overload as teachers are often 738

required to take on a number of different responsibilities associated with the function of the 739

classroom (e.g., behavior management, instruction, student assessment) as well as the school as 740

an organization (e.g., filing paperwork, serving on committees) and the larger community (e.g., 741

parent-teacher conferences, community involvement). Further, while some new teachers are 742

fortunate to be employed in contexts in which facilities and equipment are abundant and 743

colleagues are supportive (Macdonald, 1999), many lack adequate resources and have colleagues 744

who are perceived as marginalizing and non-supportive (Smyth, 1995). Role ambiguity is 745

marked by situations in which the expectations for teachers’ behavior are unclear or 746

unarticulated (Conley & You, 2009). In these situations, expectations cannot appropriately guide 747

behavior and the teacher may experience frustration from lack of guidance. 748

Role conflict can be divided into intrarole conflict and interrole conflict. Intrarole conflict 749

occurs when teachers receive varying expectations from different stakeholders that are often 750

incongruent (Biddle et al., 1966; Getzels & Guba, 1954; Merton, 1957). For example, a principal 751

may want a new teacher to implement innovative practices, while that teacher’s colleagues 752

expect him/her to adopt a custodial orientation and utilize traditional pedagogies. When this 753


occurs, the expectations that most closely align with the individual’s subjective theory are 754

deemed most important (Hindin, 2007; Stryker, 2001). Interrole conflict occurs when the 755

expectations for performance in multiple roles are contradictory and make it difficult for one 756

individual to perform both roles in tandem (R. H. Turner, 2001). Specific to PE, interrole conflict 757

has been examined in relation to assuming the dual roles of teacher and coach (Locke & 758

Massengale, 1978; Richards & Templin, 2012; Ryan, 2008). Research highlights the 759

inconsistencies between the role of teacher and coach, which can make simultaneous 760

performance a challenging experience for the teacher/coach. In some cases, the combination of 761

roles can result in role retreatism in which the teacher/coach chooses to identify most strongly 762

with one role to the detriment of the other (Millslagle & Morley, 2004). Due to the structure of 763

reward and accountability systems, the coach role has traditionally been prioritized over that of 764

teacher (Sage, 1987; Templin, Sparkes, Grant, & Schempp, 1994). 765

Teacher Responses to the Socialization Process 766

In their seminal work on organizational socialization, Van Maanen and Schein (1979) 767

described two ways in which individuals tend to respond to workplace socialization. The most 768

common response is custodianship, in which the recruit assimilates into the existing school 769

environment without openly questioning or challenging the status quo. Although they may have 770

some initial reservations, the new teacher accepts the responsibilities traditionally associated 771

with the position and internalizes the system in place at the school, thus perpetuating that system 772

and reducing the impact of what may have been learned during teacher education (Van Maanen 773

& Schein, 1979). As a result, “The current system becomes stronger and the continuation of 774

current knowledge, practices, and outcomes is assured” (Stroot & Ko, 2006, p. 427). Research 775

conducted in PE confirms that custodianship is the most common response among beginning 776


teachers (Smyth, 1995; Stroot & Ko, 2006; Williams & Williamson, 1998). However, 777

custodianship reduces the likelihood of a beginning teacher integrating lessons learned during 778

teacher education in the workplace (Curtner-Smith, 1997), thus reducing the impact of PETE. 779

Another response to socialization in the workplace, innovation, represents a process 780

through which the beginning teacher challenges the status quo. This response can be manifested 781

as either content or role innovation (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). Content innovation occurs 782

when the teacher seeks to implement new teaching strategies for meeting the goals of the 783

preexisting system, but does not seek to redesign that system (Stroot & Ko, 2006). Van Maanen 784

& Schein (1979) note that content innovation is “marked by the development of substantive 785

improvements or changes in the knowledge base of strategic practices of a particular role” (p. 786

228). For example, a teacher who attempts to implement best-practices learned in teacher 787

education in order to meet existing program goals would be exhibiting content innovation. The 788

goals of the program are not in question, merely the strategies used to meet those goals (Stroot & 789

Ko, 2006). Changes the implemented by a teacher may promote or inhibit student learning, and 790

may result in positive or negative reactions from colleagues and administrators. The responses 791

depend on the teacher’s subjective theory and orientation toward PE as well as the orientation 792

espoused by the culture of the school. For example, if the beginning teacher and school hold 793

innovative orientations toward PE and the PE teacher attempts to implement new practices, the 794

school environment will likely support the content innovation. In contrast, if an innovative 795

teacher attempts to make changes in a custodial-oriented environment, resistance is likely. 796

Role innovation occurs when a new teacher enters the school environment and reacts by 797

“attacking and attempting to change the mission associated traditionally with the role” (Van 798

Maanen & Schein, 1979, p. 228). This type of response is rare and typically arises when there is 799


a fundamental difference between the views of the teacher and those currently operational at the 800

school. When new teachers attempt to completely redefine the ways in which PE is viewed or 801

implemented within the school setting, they would be exhibiting role innovation. This can be a 802

challenging task because the beginning PE teacher would be attempting to alter the fundamental 803

values of the institution. For example, a teacher who attempts to change the grading scheme in 804

PE from pass/fail to a letter grade system would be attempting role innovation. Although there 805

are some examples of beginning teachers who exert their sense of agency and challenge the 806

status quo, many who do so develop difficult relationships with colleagues (Blankenship & 807

Coleman, 2009; Graber, 1998; O'Sullivan, 1989; Smyth, 1995), particularly in programs with 808

custodial orientations that are resistant to change. 809

Teacher Socialization Strategies 810

Related to teachers’ responses to the socialization process, Blumer (1969) described 811

socialization strategies that individuals may draw upon when integrating into the existing culture 812

of an institution. Lacey (1977) expanded upon Blumer’s work to suggest that new teachers 813

employ one of three strategies to comply with or resist the social structure depending upon their 814

subjective theory and preservice training, and the context of the school: (a) strategic compliance, 815

(b) internalized adjustment, or (c) strategic redefinition. These strategies demonstrate how the 816

dialectical process enables teachers to be “sculptures of their own destiny” (Williams & 817

Williamson, 1998, p. 78). While some teachers may comply, others may covertly or overtly 818

resist and even take direct, targeted action toward change. 819

Strategic compliance occurs when “the individual complies with the authority figure’s 820

definition of the situation and the constraints of the situation, but retains private reservations” 821

(Skelton, 1990, p. 389). This is most likely to occur when there is conflict between what a 822


teacher believes and the values promoted by the institution. If the teacher feels powerless to 823

confront or change the school policies, he/she will like comply in order to more easily facilitate 824

the transition into the context, but will retain reservations about doing so and may seek to change 825

the constraints of the environment when empowered to do so. 826

Internalized adjustment occurs when the “individual complies with the constraints and 827

believes that the constraints of the situation are for the best” (Skelton, 1990, p. 389). A new 828

teacher who elects to use this strategy adopts the policies and procedures operating in the school. 829

Teachers may adopt this stance because they believe that doing so is “in the best interest of all” 830

(Scarth, 1987, p. 247). The socialization process remains dialectical because the teacher is 831

making the choice to integrate into the culture of the school rather than being passively 832

socialized into it. In many ways, this strategy is analogues to Van Maanen and Schein’s (1979) 833

concept of custodianship in that the new teacher makes little effort to alter the infrastructure of 834

the school. Research in PE indicates that internalized adjustment occurs most often when the 835

culture of the school aligns with the new teacher’s subjective theory relative to the purpose of PE 836

(Graber, 1998; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 837

Strategic redefinition characterizes teachers who are determined to change the status quo 838

even though they may lack the formal power to do so (Scarth, 1987). In this way, individuals 839

recognize that the status quo is in conflict with their subjective theory and actively challenge it 840

by attempting to bring about change. This reinforces the dialectical nature of socialization in that 841

teachers are capable of “realizing their own educational values and persuading others with 842

formal power of their legitimacy” (Skelton, 1990, p. 389). Examples of strategic redefinition are 843

rare, but some teachers report making efforts to change the way in which PE is perceived and 844

implemented (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Schempp et al., 1993; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 845


At times, especially in custodial-oriented school environments, these attempts at redefinition can 846

be met with resistance from the school culture. 847

It is important to note that the socialization strategies adopted by teachers are not 848

absolute. Teachers may internally adjust to certain elements of a program while strategically 849

complying or redefining others depending on the school context as well as their backgrounds and 850

subjective theories (Scarth, 1987; Williams & Williamson, 1998). Sikes, Measor, and Woods 851

(1985) introduced the term strategic compromise to describe situations in which teachers 852

strategically comply with some aspects of the school culture while attempting to redefine others. 853

Since most beginning teachers do not have the formal power to redefine the situations in which 854

they teach, some may adopt a gradualist approach to redefinition by strategically choosing 855

developmental sites within the school context that are vulnerable to change (Skelton, 1990). This 856

allows them to begin to assert their sense of agency without experiencing overt resistance. Such 857

an approach seeks to begin small and then expand once the beginning teacher has established 858

secure footing and a sense of legitimacy in the school context. 859

Isolation and Marginalization 860

Higher levels of status and rewards are allocated for school subjects such as science and 861

math that align with the academic mission of the school. The status accorded to different subject 862

matter areas is strongly rooted in the mental-manual labor dichotomy that is reflected in the 863

perception of white- and blue-collar work (Hoyle, 1986; Schempp et al., 1993). White-collar 864

work is associated with achievement and dependent upon academic success, while blue-collar 865

work is often characterized as less important because it requires less cognition and more 866

physicality. This general attitude toward labor is also reflected in the social system of the school 867

and creates an unequal status structure among teachers. This results in some teachers being 868


viewed as having a more central role, while others are perceived as marginal (Armour & Jones, 869

1998; Sparks et al., 1993). 870

Turner (1974) differentiates marginal individuals from those who have liminal status. He 871

notes that “marginals like liminars are also betwixt and between, but unlike ritual liminars they 872

have no cultural assurance of a final stable resolution of their ambiguity” (p. 233). Thus, like the 873

liminal student teacher, the marginalized teacher is in a position between being afforded social 874

status as a legitimate teacher and having it withheld. These individuals are both part of the 875

mission of the school and not part of that mission at the same time. They may have a formal 876

position with the educational bureaucracy, but are not afforded the same rights and rewards as 877

those viewed as central to its mission. While liminal student teachers have assurance that they 878

will emerge as a fully licensed teachers, marginal teachers have no such assurance that they or 879

their subject will ever be recognized as legitimate. 880

Within the context of schools, PE is often viewed as a marginal subject and the PE 881

teacher as a marginal educator. As noted by Sparks and colleagues (1993), “physical educators 882

teach a subject that tends to be defined as peripheral to the central functions of the school; that is, 883

PE is a marginal subject” (p. 387). Such marginalization has a traceable impact on the ways in 884

which physical educators view themselves and their work. Numerous studies have captured the 885

impact of marginalization as PE teachers receive both explicit and implicit messages that their 886

subject is less important than others (Eldar et al., 2003; O'Sullivan, 1989; Templin et al., 1994). 887

Although PE teachers are sometimes recognized as experts within their individual 888

schools, accolades are typically given for their ability to manage students rather than their 889

teaching accomplishments (O'Sullivan, 1989; Schempp et al., 1993). Further, academic learning 890

in PE is not perceived as a primary goal from the perspective of administrators, other teachers, 891


students, and parents (Smyth, 1995; Templin et al., 1994). PE teachers are often forced to defend 892

their grading and evaluation practices as documented during an investigation in which a PE 893

teacher was told by a parent that to fail PE is analogous to failing lunch or recess (O'Sullivan, 894

1989). PE teachers often struggle for the legitimacy of their subject and may feel as if they are 895

not treated like “real” teachers (Macdonald, 1995, 1999; Solmon et al., 1993; Wright, 2001). A 896

particularly explicit example of this comes from a teacher in Smyth’s (1995) study who was told 897

that “anyone can teach PE. Just play games” (p. 205). 898

While many beginning PE teachers experience marginalization, evidence also indicates 899

that there are some strategies that can be used in order to assist beginning teachers in exercising 900

their sense of agency and enhancing the status of PE within individual school contexts. Research 901

conducted by Lux and colleagues (Lux, 2011; Lux & McCullick, 2011) has led to the 902

identification of specific behaviors that physical educators can use in order to advocate for their 903

program and resist marginality. These behaviors include fostering diplomatic relationships with 904

colleagues; working with administrators to secure tools and resources (e.g., planning time, 905

teaching space, equipment) needed to teach effectively; and developing strong relationships with 906

parents, students, and community members. Similarly, teachers in studies conducted by Curtner-907

Smith (2001) and Napper-Owen and Phillips (1995) were able to navigate marginality by joining 908

networks of beginning teachers and educating their colleagues about the importance of PE. 909

Related to the concept of marginalization is the fact that PE teachers are often physically 910

and intellectually isolated from their peers (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Although 911

all teachers experience some degree of isolation because they are the only adults in classes filled 912

with children (Lortie, 1975), evidence indicates that isolation is more prominent for physical 913

educators because they are the only, or one of a mere handful, of other PE teachers employed in 914


the school (Macdonald, 1995; Stroot & Ko, 2006). This is especially true at the elementary level 915

where there is often only one PE teacher, or for PE teachers must travel to different buildings 916

(Richards & Templin, 2011; Solmon et al., 1993; Williams & Williamson, 1998). 917

The physical location of the gymnasium, which is usually at one end of the building or in 918

a separate structure all together, likewise promotes physical isolation from colleagues (Curtner-919

Smith, 2001; Stroot & Ko, 2006). Additionally, the structure of the school day provides teachers 920

with opportunities to interact informally before and after school, but rarely permits the space for 921

professional dialogue, which increases intellectual isolation (Stroot & Ko, 2006). This may be 922

exacerbated for PE teachers who may not be required to meet to discuss curricula and common 923

exams in the way teachers in core-subjects are, which highlights the interaction between 924

marginalization and isolation (Smyth, 1995). Some evidence indicates that isolation can be 925

reduced through the creation of communities of practice (O'Sullivan, 2007; Richards & Templin, 926

2011) that bring teachers together in intentional ways to discuss the goals emphasized in PE as 927

well as the strategies used to meet those goals. 928

Conclusions and Directions for Future Research 929

Research using OST explains the acculturation, professional socialization, and 930

occupational socialization of PE teachers. Research using OST spans the lives and careers of PE 931

teachers. The current literature base highlights the importance of acculturation in the 932

development of teachers’ subjective theories and indicates that, in many situations, professional 933

socialization is ineffective in overcoming recruits’ preexisting perceptions of what it means to 934

teach PE. The research also indicates that school can be challenging contexts for PE teachers to 935

navigate and captures the influence of socializing agents, isolation, and marginality on their daily 936

lived experiences. The research literature demonstrates that school contexts are frequently unable 937


to provide nurturing environments that are conducive to the development of effective teaching in 938

PE. Lack of professional, emotional, and financial support sends powerful explicit and implicit 939

messages about the perceived importance of PE. At times, mediocrity is even enforced when 940

teachers are admonished for implementing instructional practices that are inconsistent with the 941

existing culture of custodial schools. 942

Constructed based on the research summarized in this review, Figure 2 depicts a path 943

model that provides an overview of OST. The model captures socialization experiences during 944

acculturation (pretraining factors, development of subjective theories and orientations toward 945

teaching and coaching orientations), professional socialization (students’ value orientations and 946

studentship, PETE Programming, Effectiveness of PETE Programming), and organizational 947

socialization (Induction and entry into the school context, socialization across career phases, and 948

teacher identity and responses to socialization). Pathways in the model highlight the ways in 949

which various elements of the socialization process directly and indirectly influence teacher 950

identity and responses to the socialization process. Arrows in the model depict relationships 951

between constructs that are supported in the current literature. The dialectical nature of 952

socialization and teachers’ sense of agency underlie the entire model as they exert influence 953

throughout the socialization process. The model incorporates feedback loops from “socialization 954

across the career phases” and “teacher identity and responses to socialization” to “pretraining 955

factors” in order to highlight in influence of school practice in shaping the subjective theories 956

and perspectives of PE recruits. 957

Curtner-Smith (2009) discussed the notion of breaking the cycle of the non-teaching 958

teacher in PE. He emphasized, however, that this is not easily accomplished, particularly when 959

school cultures dissuade new and innovative approaches in favor of traditional practices that are 960


unlikely to disrupt the status quo. Thus, new teachers who have subjective theories that 961

emphasize innovation and change who begin teaching in custodial school cultures may relent to 962

the forces exerted upon them, attempt to make changes in the school culture (overtly or 963

covertly), or leave the field out of frustration and dissatisfaction. Regardless of the response, the 964

process remains dialectical as teachers always have a choice with regard to how they will 965

respond to the socializing forces of the school. It is possible, however, for an innovatively 966

oriented teacher who enters a custodial school culture to yield to the status quo and adopt the 967

traditional practices emphasized within the school. In these situations the influence of 968

professional socialization may be washed out (Blankenship & Coleman, 2009), and teacher 969

educators who strive to improve the public image of PE by educating highly qualified future 970

teachers may be rendered impotent. 971

Research conducted in the past four decades has provided the field with important 972

information about the ways in which teachers are trained for and socialized into their jobs. 973

However, several gaps remain in the literature that need to be filled by future scholars. The 974

majority of research focuses on the experiences of young teachers who are transitioning into the 975

profession. Although the study of teachers’ careers has been given significant attention in general 976

education (Day & Gu, 2010; Day et al., 2007; Goodson & Hargreaves, 1996), very few studies in 977

PE explore the ways in which teachers navigate the cultures of the schools in which they are 978

employed over the course of their careers (e.g., Macdonald, 1999; Templin et al., 1994). With the 979

exception of the work of Woods and Lynn (Lynn & Woods, 2010; Woods & Lynn, 2001), nearly 980

all of this work has been retrospective. There is “relatively little literature on PE teachers and 981

their careers. What does exist tends to paint a picture of an occupation in turmoil, in which 982

satisfaction is rarely achieved” (Armour & Jones, 1998, p. 123). Most theoretical constructs 983


relate specifically to the experiences of novices, but to understand the career cycle of PE 984

teachers, research that spans the lives and careers of teachers is required (Day et al., 2007). 985

Thirty years ago Lawson (1983b) commented that research related to the profiles of 986

recruits and the subjective warrant in PE was somewhat sparse. In response, he called for 987

additional research designs that sampled high school-aged students who intend to pursue a career 988

in PE in order to better understand the true profiles of PE recruits. The majority of the research 989

conducted in this area, however, has adopted retrospective designs that ask preservice and 990

inservice teachers to reflect back on their experiences as children (Curtner-Smith, 2001; Richards 991

& Templin, 2011; Spittle et al., 2009). Only a few investigators (Hutchinson, 1993; Mulling, 992

1981) have studied recruits during the acculturation phase and most are outdated, particularly 993

since physical activity has come to be emphasized in some PE programs over a traditional sport-994

oriented curriculum. If the field of PE is to develop a better understanding of the factors that 995

attract students to PE as a career as well as the background characteristics of recruits, additional 996

research is needed in this area (Hutchinson, 1993). 997

Since professional socialization has been identified as relatively ineffective in altering the 998

subjective theories of physical education recruits, additional work is needed to better understand 999

the ways in which it can be strengthened in order to provide recruits with the knowledge, skills, 1000

and dispositions required to teach effectively. For example, research that is aimed at developing 1001

a better understanding of the culture of teacher education faculty and their impact on preservice 1002

teachers is warranted (Lawson, 1986). Especially important is developing an understanding of 1003

the shared technical culture and the ways in which faculty can promote and model teaching 1004

effectiveness. Research related to general education and content courses is also limited and 1005

deserves greater attention. PETE students take a number of courses outside of the primary 1006


department, such as core courses in which all students on campus are required to enroll, but little 1007

research has been conducted to examine the impact of these courses in shaping preservice 1008

teachers’ identities. Future scholars also need to continue to investigate the ways in which 1009

students with strong and moderate coaching orientations can be influenced through teacher 1010

education. This may require a reexamination of some of the values of PETE programs through an 1011

acknowledgement of students’ subjective theories and the dialectical nature of socialization 1012

(Richards et al., 2013). Studentship is a concept that should be revisited and expanded upon so 1013

that teacher educators better understand how students overtly and covertly navigate the 1014

curriculum when confronted with policies and practices with which they do not agree. 1015

Future research that investigates the experiences and perspectives of PETE faculty and 1016

doctoral students is also warranted. While studies are beginning to emerge (e.g., Lee & Curtner-1017

Smith, 2011; Williamson, 1992), we have much to learn about the individuals who prepare future 1018

teachers. Similarly, the role of professional organizations as related to occupational socialization 1019

is generally not well understood and very few studies (e.g., Kneer, 1989) have been conducted 1020

on this topic. Further, since research has demonstrated that teaching is a political as well as 1021

instructional process (Kelchtermans & Ballet, 2002; Schempp et al., 1993), future research 1022

should explore the ways in which teachers navigate school micropolitics as well as the shifting 1023

landscapes of state and national policy (Richards et al., 2013). Teachers and administrators who 1024

have been particularly successful at advocating for their programs should be investigated in order 1025

to understand why some individuals are able to overcome obstacles while others are not. 1026

Another interesting area of future research is related to the way in which occupational 1027

socialization influences how preservice and inservice teachers interpret and react to various 1028

curricular models. Curnter-Smith and his colleagues (Curtner-Smith et al., 2008; Curtner-Smith 1029


& Sofo, 2004; Stran & Curtner-Smith, 2009) have begun conducting research in this area and 1030

have found that PE teachers and recruits with coaching orientations are less likely to implement 1031

sport education as intended than those with teaching orientations. Researchers should expand 1032

upon this line of inquiry and continue to investigate the role of socialization and how teachers’ 1033

subjective theories impact the interpretation and delivery of other curricular models. 1034

Future researchers are also called upon to explore the lived experiences of teacher 1035

education recruits, teacher education students, and inservice teachers from multiple perspectives. 1036

The majority of research to date has been predominantly qualitative and relies on interview and 1037

observation data. Although the qualitative research paradigm has and will continue to provide 1038

tremendous insight toward advancing teaching practice, conceptualizing studies that use 1039

quantitative designs and mixed methods will provide different types of information that will 1040

likewise be useful (Graber, 2001). For example, Blankenship and Coleman’s (2009) study that 1041

combined interviewing with systematic observation to document washout is an example of how 1042

researchers can use multiple methods to more completely understand socialization. Richards and 1043

Templin’s (2013) investigation of teacher/coach role stressors, burnout, and resilience, is another 1044

good example of the type of research that can provide insight from a quantitative paradigm. 1045

Related to the use of multiple research paradigms is the need to develop psychometric 1046

instrumentation designed to evaluate some of the theoretical constructs forwarded by OST. For 1047

example, numerous qualitative studies have identified marginalization, isolation, and 1048

teacher/coach role conflict as prominent issues faced by PE teachers as they attempt to navigate 1049

the context of the schools in which they work. Scholars, however, have not to use valid and 1050

reliable quantitative instruments for measuring these constructs. Without such instrumentation it 1051

is difficult to generalize findings. One might posit that a school context that does not support 1052


physical education would lead to higher perceptions of isolation and marginalization, but without 1053

survey measures of these constructs it is difficult to demonstrate this empirically, especially 1054

beyond the scale possible when using qualitative research. Thus, the availability of survey 1055

instruments to study facets of socialization could open new doors to researchers using OST. 1056

Finally, much of the research on occupational socialization in PE was conducted in the 1057

1980s and 1990s. It is important to note that research on socialization is not absolute. As cultures 1058

and social organizations change, so do the experiences of PE teachers. There have been 1059

considerable shifts in the profession, such as the increasing focus on physical activity in PE. 1060

Therefore, research conducted several decades ago may no longer accurately represent the 1061

experiences and perspectives of PE recruits and inservice and preservice teachers. Several 1062

decades ago Locke (1977) noted that scholars in PE tended to view the replication of studies with 1063

disdain. He argued that social scientific inquiry requires replications for true understanding of the 1064

phenomenon in question. Contemporary scholars in PE would benefit from heeding Locke’s 1065

advice and recognizing that research related to teacher socialization requires replication, 1066

especially over time as new information emerges and school cultures change. For example, the 1067

recent movement toward teacher accountability introduced with No Child Left Behind and 1068

reinforced with Race to the Top may have implications for the lived experiences of PE teachers 1069

and should be investigated for their sociological impact. Understanding the dynamics and 1070

implications of these changes relative to OST will shed new and important light on how teachers 1071

in the 21st Century are educated and integrated into the existing culture of the school. 1072

There remain a significant number of questions that can be explored using OST. Some of 1073

these questions have been outlined in the preceding paragraphs and others will likely be 1074

developed through future research. If future research could provide further empirical validation 1075


for the relationships posited in Figure 2, the field would develop a more comprehensive 1076

understanding of the ways in which PE teachers are recruited, trained, and socialized in schools. 1077

Future research may also lead to the development of new pathways and deeper insights into the 1078

complexity of the socialization process. Finally, lessons learned from the current literature as 1079

well as future studies can be used to develop research-based approaches to teacher education and 1080

inservice professional development that attend to the needs and experiences of preservice and 1081

inservice practitioners. 1082

1083


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1459 1460 Figure 1. Graphical representation of the way in which subjective theories filter out information 1461 that is inconsistent with prior beliefs and worldviews while allowing messages that are consistent 1462 to pass through and become incorporated with the individual’s belief system. Subjective filters 1463 are formed during early socialization experiences and tend to be relatively stable. 1464 1465

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