Post on 07-Jan-2023
1
“Reach Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side.”1
The March from Valley Forge to Monmouth Courthouse, 18 to 28 June 1778
John U. Rees Contents
1. “We struck our tents and loaded our baggage.”: Leaving Valley Forge
2. Progress, June 18, 1778.
3. Progress, June 19, 1778.
4. “Crost the dilliware pushed on about 5 milds …”: June 20, 1778: Progress and a River
Crossing
5. “4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.”: The Mechanics of Ferrying an Army
6. “Halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware ...”: June 20th
River Crossing
7. “The number of boats … will render the passage of the troops very expeditious.”:
June 21st Ferry Operation
8. “The Troops are passing the River … and are mostly over.”: June 22d Crossing 9. “The Army will march off …”: June 22d and 23d, Camp at Amwell Meeting
10. “Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment …”: Camp and Council: Hopewell
Township, 23 to 24 June
11. “Giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event …”: Advancing to Englishtown,
24 to 28 June
a. Progress, June 25, 1778.
b. Progress, June 26, 1778.
c. Progress, June 27, 1778.
d. Forward to Battle, June 28, 1778.
12. “Our advanced Corps … took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road …”:
Movements of Continental Detachments Followng the British, 24 to 28 June 1778
a. The Advance Force: Scott’s, Wayne’s, Lafayette’s, and Lee’s Detachments.
b. Daily Movements of Detachments Later Incorporated into Lee’s Advanced Corps.
13. Echoes of 1778, Three Years After.
Addendum
1. Driving Directions, Continental Army Route from Valley Forge to Englishtown
2. Day by Day Recap of Route
3. The Road to Hopewell.
4. The Bungtown Road Controversy.
Addendum (continued):
5. Weather During the Monmouth Campaign
6. Selected Accounts of the March from Valley Forge to Englishtown
a. Fifteen-year-old Sally Wister
b. Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery
c. Henry Dearborn, lt. colonel, 3rd
New Hampshire Regiment
d. Captain Paul Brigham, 8th
Connecticut Regiment
e. Sergeant Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment
f. Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman, 2d Rhode Island Regiment
g. Dr. James McHenry, assistant secretary to General Washington
7. List of Related works by the author on military material culture and the Continental
Army
(See endnotes for additional content.)
_______________________
2
On June 28th 1778 the last large northern battle between the two main American and
British armies was fought at and near Monmouth Courthouse (Freehold), New Jersey.
The campaign began on June 18 when Gen. George Washington received word that
British forces had crossed the Delaware River, intent on marching back to New York
City after having occupied Philadelphia since the previous September.
“We struck our tents and loaded our baggage.”
Leaving Valley Forge
The armies marching towards Monmouth took two converging routes, with Crown
forces under Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton beginning at Coopers Ferry (present–day
Camden), New Jersey, and marching via Haddonfield, Mount Holly, Black Horse
(Columbus), Crosswicks, Allentown, Imlaytown, and on to Freehold. Several contingents
of Continental troops plus sizeable militia forces shadowed the British on their march,
impeding their progress whenever possible.2
Washington’s brigades at Valley Forge moved from their winter quarters more than a
week before the British began their march across New Jersey. On June 9th the
commander-in-chief directed that “The Army is to take a new Camp tomorrow morning
at 8 oClock; The whole is to be in readiness accordingly and march to the respective
Ground of Encampment which will be pointed out for each division by the Quarter Mastr.
Genl.”3 Most brigades merely occupied unspoiled land outside the main fortifications.
Joseph Clark, deputy quartermaster, Woodford’s Virginia Brigade, wrote that, "the army
removed from their huts [at Valley Forge] the 10th of June, and encamped [in] front of
our old ground in clear fields,” and Sgt. Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment, in
Brig. Gen. John Glover’s Brigade, noted,
10 June. About 8 o’clk the General was beat before the B[riga]d. [the “General” was a
drum and fife tune played before a march, which, when beat, notified the men it was time
to dress, prepare themselves for a march, and pack up and load the baggage] We struck
our tents & loaded our baggage and about 10 o’clk we marched away from our huts about
a half a mile in the front of our works, & encamped there in a very pleasant place near
wood & water …4
Maj. Gen Charles Lee’s Division, nearest the bridge over Fatland Ford, moved north
across the Schuylkill River. Second Rhode Island Regiment Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman
recorded for June 10th, “this morn at the beat of the Genl. Struck our tents. marcht about
a mild over Schollkills River & Piched out tents in a field in providence town Ship.” The
sergeant noted just before the division marched on the 18th, “Continuing in Camp near
chalkiss ...”; “chalkiss” (Greek for copper) likely refers to the vicinity of present-day
Audubon, Pennsylvania, an area noted for its copper and lead mines. In all likelihood Lee’s
troops camped at or near the intersection of Pawlings and Egypt roads, one mile from the
bridge. This movement placed Lee’s troops in an advanced position along the likely line
of march for Washington’s army.5
3
Map of Valley Forge, showing troop dispositions and fortifications. The bridge at Fatland
Ford is shown on the right. Papers of John Austin Stevens (1827-1910), Newport Historical
Society (Brought to my attention by Daniel Sivilich of BRAVO (Battlefield Restoration &
Archaeological Volunteer Organization), http://www.bravodigs.org/index.html )
4
Detail from 1777 British map of the area north of Valley Forge. This section shows the
Schuylkill River with Fatland Ford marked by an island, marked in its center with a dotted
line. The small group of buildings to the left is the site of Walnut Hill, part of Pawling's
Farm. The cluster of buildings at top right likely marks the site of the modern village of
Audubon, where Charles Lee’s division camped after leaving Valley Forge on June 10th.
Map: Pennsylvania: Paoli, Chester Co. 1777. From near the White Horse Tavern on the
Lancaster Road from Philadelphia thro' Tryduffrin Camp, Valley Forge, Charleston and
cross Schuylkill on the road to Norrington. [Sept. 1777] Title from back of map. Size: 36" X
31" ms. pencil, ink and water color, 1 sheet, Archibald Robertson Maps (ca. 1790-ca. 1830),
New York Public Library ( http://www.digital.nypl.org/archives/1830 )
5
The American order of march had been set in 28 May army orders, well before the British
evacuation of Philadelphia and their overland movement north, with one difference; the
original orders called for Delaware crossings at three points, from Coryell’s Ferry to Easton
Ferry, thirty-five miles upriver. When the objective changed from a general movement
towards the North (Hudson) River to intercepting Crown forces marching across New
Jersey, all five marching divisions were directed to follow the same road and cross at
Coryell’s.6 (That ferry was an important and much used Delaware River crossing during the
1777 campaign, but June 1778 was the only occasion when the bulk of the Continental
Army under Washington’s personal command passed there.) The order of march from
Valley Forge was as follows:7 (See endnote for brigade composition and vehicle
allotment.)
Departure from
Valley Forge Divisions and Detachments *
18 June, 3 PM Maj. Gen. Charles Lee’s Division (3 brigades, 3,052 troops)
Division baggage: 26 wagons, 103 wagon horses, 5 riding horses
Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 5 ammunition wagons,
40 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.
Total Lee’s Division: 6 field pieces, 33 wagons, 150 horses.
18 June, 5 PM Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne’s Division (3 brigades, 2,407 troops)
Division baggage: 30 wagons, 120 wagon horses, 3 riding horses
Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 1 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons,
34 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.
Total Wayne’s Division: 6 field pieces, 35 wagons, 159 horses.
(TOTAL, Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions: 12 field pieces, 68 wagons, 309 horses.) -------------------------------------
19 June, 5 AM Maj. Gen. Marquis de Lafayette’s Division (3 brigades, 2,422 troops)
Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons,
36 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.
Maj. Gen. Johann DeKalb’s Division (3 brigades, 2,647 troops)
Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons,
36 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.
Artillery support (spare ammunition, foraging, and commissary), 41wagons,
1 spare field piece, 5 riding horses, and 171 draft horses.
Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s Division (4 brigades, 3,321 troops)
Division artillery, 8 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 5 ammunition wagons,
44 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.
(TOTAL, Lafayette’s, DeKalb’s, and Stirling’s Divisions, plus artillery support: 21 field
pieces, 60 wagons, 293 horses.) -------------------------------------
* 2 field pieces and 60 artillerymen were attached to and marching with each brigade.
The artillery with each three–brigade division had: 180 artillerymen
6 field pieces and limbers with 12 horses
4 or 5 ammunition wagons with 16 to 20 horses
1 or 2 baggage wagons with 4 to 8 horses
1 bat horse
Stirling’s four–brigade division had: 240 artillerymen
8 field pieces and limbers with 16 horses
5 ammunition wagons with 20 horses
2 baggage wagons with 8 horses
1 bat horse
6
Total Artillery with all Marching Divisions: 33 field pieces, 5 bat horses, 9 baggage wagons,
22 ammunition wagons, 190 wagon and artillery horses,** 6 riding horses.
(** 215 wagon and artillery horses on 30 May 1778 return.)
-------------------------------------
The whole Baggage to fall in the Rear of the Column of Troops,” disposition as follows:
The Commander in Chief's Baggage is to march in the front
The Adjutant General's
Paymaster Generals
Engineers
Muster Master General
Auditor of Accounts
Commander-in-Chief’s baggage
7 baggage wagons, 28 wagon horses
Staff baggage
13 baggage wagons, 52 wagon horses
Commissary to the Staff
3 commissary wagons, 12 wagon horses, 1 riding horse
Estimated baggage for:
Adjutant Gen., Paymaster Gen., Muster Master Gen., Auditor, 2 wagons,
8 horses
Engineers, 2 wagons, 8 horses
(TOTAL: 27 wagons, 109 horses.)
The Baggage of the Marquis de la Fayettes
Total: 30 wagons, 116 wagon horses, 5 riding horses
De Kalbs Division
Total: 23 wagons, 92 wagon horses, 2 riding horses
the Baggage of Lord Stirlings Division
Total: 46 wagons, 168 wagon horses, 8 riding horses
(TOTAL: 99 wagons, 391 horses.)
and then the Waggons of the Quarter Master General's department
Quartermaster General
10 wagons, 40 horses
Artificers
1 baggage wagon, 5 artificer’s wagons, 2 traveling forges, 29 wagon horses
Flying Hospital
1 baggage wagon, 1 store wagon, 1 extra purpose wagon, 12 wagon horses,
1 riding horse
Comy. and Forage Master General's Waggons. Estimated for Commissary General
20 wagons, 80 horses
Foraging for the Continental Yard
7 foraging wagons, 28 wagon horses, 1 riding horse
(TOTAL: 48 wagons, 191 horses.)
TOTAL for baggage following “in the Rear of the Column of Troops.”
174 wagons, 691 horses
TOTAL baggage for entire army:
33 field pieces, 302 wagons, 1,293 horses Plus 13,849 officers and enlisted men, at least 335 wagon and artillery drivers, 5 bat men, and
unknown numbers of support personnel, including regimental female followers.
7
Progress, June 18, 1778. Surgeon Samuel Adams, Col. John Crane’s Artillery Regiment,
slated to march with General Washington’s three divisions on the 19th, jotted in his diary,
“18th [June] Th[ursday]: fair & very hot – the enemy this morning left Philadelphia, crossed
the Delaware into N. Jersey & our Army recd. orders to March ...”8 Washington acted
quickly once news of the British departure was received:
Head Quarters, V. Forge, Thursday, June 18, 1778 ...
Poor's, Varnum's and Huntington's Brigades are to march immediately under the
Command of Majr. General Lee. The two Pennsylvania and Late Conway's Brigades to
march at three o'Clock this afternoon and the whole Army to march at five o'Clock
tomorrow morning. All former orders respecting the sick &c. are to be strictly obeyed.9
Lee’s divisions complied as soon as possible, as Sergeant Wild testified, “18 June. This
day we learned the enemy had left Philadelphia. About 12 o’clk Genl Poor’s, Varnon’s,
& Huntingdon’s Brigades marched off. At three o’clk the 2d Pennsylvania & another
Sethern Brigade [late Conway’s] marched off; and we had orders with the rest of the
army, to march tomorrow morning at 5 o’clk.” A soldier in Brig. Gen. James Varnum’s
brigade wrote of the day, “att the beet of the Genl. struck our tents / marcht about 4 milds &
incampt in a large field.” If this mileage is accurate, the June 18-19 overnight camp for
Lee’s troops was near the intersection of present-day Egypt Road and Ridge Pike.10
Progress, June 19, 1778. Surgeon Adams recorded of the 19th, “F[riday]: Cloudy some
rain – our whole Army marched from their camp at the Valley towards Coryells ferry ...”11
Lt. Samuel Armstrong and Sgt. Wild, with Maj. Gen. Johann DeKalb’s Division, left similar
accounts of the day:
At 5 o’clk the General was beat before the Brigade, & we struck our tents & loaded our
baggage. Between 9 & 10 o’clk we marched off, and making several short stops on the
road to rest ourselves; we pitched out tents in a field. We had orders to cook all our
provision, & be ready to march at 4 o’clk tomorrow morning. We have marched 9 miles
this day. This place is called Noringtown.12
One of the liveliest accounts of the march eastward was recorded by Washington’s
military secretary Dr. James McHenry, who noted on June 19th,
The whole army in motion –March to Norringtown Township. Encamp on Stony run.
Head Quarters at a Doctor Shannons [present-day Norristown Farm Park]. A good farm
house – good cheer – and a pretty situation.13
In the meantime Lee’s troops continued their advance. Sgt. Greenman recorded,
F[riday] 19. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents / marcht fore or five milds /
Stopd a few moments then pushed on as far as Newbriton ware we halted about one oClock
& piched our tents in a larg field ware we taried all day14
Travelling down Germantown Pike, Lee’s two divisions turned east on Swede Road,
then northeast on State Road (present-day DeKalb Pike). As noted, they stopped in New
Britain Township, along the Doylestown Road, possibly centered on the Bristol Road
intersection or at Butler’s Mill, now the town of Chalfont. As with the other marching
divisions, their overnight camps were likely strung for some distance along the road
8
behind the column’s leading units. Based on soldier’s accounts, the two advance
divisions marched approximately seventeen to eighteen miles this day. _____________________
These troops followed the course taken by Lee’s divisions, across the Schuylkill, along
Pawling’s and Egypt Roads, down the Ridge Pike to Whitehall Road, and then south on
Germantown Pike. Armstrong and Wild both noted the distance traveled this day as nine
miles, placing the end of the first day’s march for Washington’s main body on Germantown
Pike, near Dr. Robert Shannon’s house. That locale served as army headquarters on the
night of June 19-20, and the commander-in-chief’s sleeping tent was likely erected near the
house. (Shannon’s mansion may still be seen at Norristown Farm Park, just off
Germantown Pike.)
__________________________
The Shannon house in Norristown Farm Park, the site for General George Washington’s
headquarters on the night of June 19/20 1778. _________________________
9
The Continental Army’s route from Valley Forge to the Delaware River can be traced on
this 18th century map of southeastern, Pennsylvania. V.F. – Valley Forge; S. – Shannon
house. North Wales Meeting, presently called Gwynedd Friends Meeting can be seen on the
right, along State Road/DeKalb Pike. Clinton Map 250 (Brun 538), circa 1777, unfinished,
pen and ink map indicating the roads in eastern Pennsylvania between the valleys of the
Delaware and the Susquehanna, showing part of the modern counties of Philadelphia,
Bucks, Chester, Montgomery, Lehigh, Northampton, Lancaster, and Lebanon, mss. map on
2 sheets, 96.5 x 136 cm., scale ca. 1:126,720, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements
Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
10
“Crost the dilliware pushed on about 5 milds …”
June 20, 1778: Progress and a River Crossing
The bulk of the army under General Washington camped at Doylestown on the night of
20/21 June. According to W.W.H. Davis’s History of Bucks County the troops were
grouped in three camps from “the south side of State street, west of Main” street, along
the ridge to the east of the Presbyterian church, and “along the New Hope pike east of the
borough mill.”15
Doctoer McHenry of June 20th,
March at 4 o’clock in the morning … The army encamps for the night [at Doylestown]
… 25 [miles] from Philadelphia. Head Quarters at Jonathan Fells.
A rainy evening. Let me see, what company have we got within doors. – A pretty, full–
faced, youthful, playfull lass. – The family quakers, meek and unsuspicious. – [Lt. Col.
Alexander] Hamilton [another of Washington’s aides], thou shalt not tread on this ground
– I mark it for my own. Enter not this circle.
The pretty girl gives me some excellent milk, and sits and chats with me till bedtime. –
She was too innocent a subject for gallantry, so I kissed her hand – telling her that we
should be all gone before she got up – but not to forget that one man is often more
dangerous to a woman than a whole army.16
Massachusetts Sgt. Ebenezer Wild’s narrative is more mundane, but no less
informative:
20 June. This morning at half after 3 o’clk the General beat / We struck our tents and
loaded our baggage. At 4 o’clk the Troop was beat [the “Troop” was usually the signal to
strike tents and load them in the wagons, and sometimes to form prior to marching]. We
fell in & were counted off, & about 5 o’clk we marched. Went about 8 miles, and stopped
to rest & eat some victuals between 9 & 10 o’clk. After stopping there till about 1 o’clk
we marched about 6 miles further [to Doylestown], & pitched our tents in a field, and had
orders to march tomorrow morning at 4 o’clk. 17
With Washington’s troops a day behind them, the two advance divisions, Lee’s and
Wayne’s, according to Rhode Island Sergeant Jeremiah Greenman, had camped the night
of 19/20 June at New Britain and on the 20th,
[were woken] att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht about 7 milds & made a halt at a
small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain / Crost the dilliware [River, into
New Jersey] / pushed on about 5 milds to Amwell [present-day Mount Airy] ware we piched
our tents in a field ...18
The place where they stopped before continuing on to Coryell’s Ferry, “Green town,”
was actually Grintown, the name by which present–day Holicong was known at the time
of the Revolution. Lee’s troops marched this day about twelve and a half miles to the
ferry crossing, then another three miles to Amwell Meeting, where they camped, making
in all fifteen to sixteen miles.19
_____________________
Washington’s three divisions, plus the bulk of the baggage and artillery had followed in the
path of Lee’s force, down Swede Road, then east on State Road (DeKalb Pike). The
commander-in-chief and staff stopped at the house of Mordecai Moore, then continued on.
The exact location of Moore’s residence is unknown, but Dr. McHenry’s estimate of seven
miles distance from the Shannon home places it along State Road, between Gwynedd
11
Friends Meeting and Welsh Road. The army’s main body proceeded via State Road and
Bethelehem Pike to Doylestown Road, ending their day’s march at Doylestown, camping on
the high ground along the road. Their distance this day totaled about eighteen miles.
(Doylestown Road is present-day Route 202. As it enters Doylestown it becomes West State
Street, then East State Street, and on through town. The course is the same as the 18th
century thoroughfare, but one-way traffic makes impossible driving the actual eastwards
route. Once outside Doylestown proper the road name is changed once again, to
Doylestown-Buckingham Pike/Route 202.)
12
(Map on Previous Page.)
Another section of the Clinton map, showing the army’s route from Norriton to
Doylestown. On the upper right N.B. indicates New Britain, present-day Chalfont in
New Britain Township, then known as Butler’s Mill. Clinton Map 250 (Brun 538),
circa 1777, unfinished, pen and ink map indicating the roads in eastern
Pennsylvania between the valleys of the Delaware and the Susquehanna, showing
part of the modern counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery, Lehigh,
Northampton, Lancaster, and Lebanon, mss. map on 2 sheets, 96.5 x 136 cm., scale
ca. 1:126,720, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor. Shows the road net used to march from Valley Forge to
Coryell’s Ferry.
___________________________
(Map on Following Page.)
Route from Doylestown to Buckingham (Bogart’s Tavern), where the road intersects with
the York Road, leading east to Coryell’s Ferry. The hill on the map’s right-hand side
(where the side road is marked “To Howels Ferry”) is where Buckingham Friend’s Meeting
stands. The meetimghouse was used as a hospital during the war. Robert Erskine (1735-
1780), map, “From near Doyles Tavern, Swedes Ford Road into the old York Road + along
it towards Morristown,” by Robert Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York
Historical Society; (format, 31.0 cm. wide by 40.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic
map. Covers Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Shows roads running through Doylestown,
Buckingham and Lahaska. Also shows buildings and owners' names, landforms and
streams. Shows relief by hachures. Title proper from recto is the work of a later editor--
Simeon DeWitt or his assign--subsequent to 1820. Title from verso is in Erskine's hand and
may be cited as such. Index title, statement of responsibility, date and series title also by
Erskine, but on separate index sheet filed at head of series. Series numbering inferred by
cataloger. Pen-and-ink, pencil on laid paper. Watermark: "T M W" accompanied by dove,
similar to Gravell and Miller American watermarks nos. 658 amd 659. Creased, torn,
frayed and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and cropped, disbound and silked by
subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings 1999; some fill remains. Sheathed in
mylar.” Erskine’s maps are available online via New York University and NY-HS, “Witness
to the Early American Experience,” World Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/
(search on keyword, “Erskine”).
14
Ferry below Bristol, Pennsylvania, 1777, by Charles Willson Peale. This period drawing gives
some idea of how Coryell’s Ferry may have looked at the time, though, given the large
numbers of troops and vehicles crossing in 1777, the landings on each side at Coryell’s were
likely widened. Martin P. Snyder, City of Independence: Views of Philadelphia Before 1800
(New York, Praeger Publishers, 1975), fig. 193.
Wagons used to carry baggage and stores for the Continental Army were of no standard size
or type. Some had a bonnet cover (as pictured) to protect the cargo, while others used a close
cover drawn directly over the lading. Depending on the weight of the load, wagons were drawn
by two or four horses. Illustration from William Tatham, Historical and Practical Essay of the
Culitivation and Commerce of Tobacco (London, 1800). Tatham was present in the James
River basin area of Virginia in the 1760s and 70s.
15
“4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.”
The Mechanics of Ferrying an Army
A large-scale ferrying operation was an intricate affair, requiring skilled boatman
operating several types of flat bottom watercraft, some able to carry only troops, others
suitable as well for wheeled vehicles and animals. While there are no eyewitness
accounts of the June 1778 Coryell’s Ferry river crossing, Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene’s
directions for a 1780 Hudson River passage give some idea of what was involved:
[King’s Ferry, August 1780] The Officer commanding at the place of embarkation will take
care that the Troops embark in regular order that the Waggoners are sent on Board the Boats
as fast as they arrive or as fast as the Boats are ready to receive them: The horses are to be
embarked at the same time that the Waggons are; and to avoid confusion, there must be a
proper division of the Boats, one part for the Waggons, one part for the horses, and one part
for the Troops. The Troops and horses are not to land at the Wharf. A good strong party is to
be posted on the Wharf to run the Waggons on board the Boats. Great care is to be taken
that the horses are not injured in putting them on board the Boats. Neither men, horses or
Waggons are to be allowed to cross out of the line of march ... unless so ordered by the
Commander in Chief. No person is to be permitted to give any directions or orders that is not
of the party for embarkation.20
From Greene’s King’s Ferry account we can surmise that there was at least one wharf on
eech shore at Coryell’s Ferry to accommodate vehicles. One significant difference between
the two crossings is the rivers’ width; the Delaware at Coryell’s Ferry is about 1,000 feet
wide, while the Hudson River crossing at King’s Ferry is almost four times that, at 3,960
feet (three-quarters of a mile). Despite that the two operations would have been similarly
executed.21
Described in a June 1777 synopsis of Delaware River crossings as “Rapped Deep &
wide 400 Yds across,” Coryell’s Ferry had been much-used that year, but the June 1778
three-days ferrying was by far the largest and most complicated operation.22
Then
Quartermaster General Thomas Mifflin gives us a look at the watercraft at Coryell’s
Ferry on 8 June 1777, when he informed the commander–in–chief,
We have here 3 large Artillery Flats, [and] four Scows, each of which will carry a
loaded Wagon with Horses, 4 flat boats, each to carry 80 Men, 13 Boats on Wagons at
this place and 5 others on the Way 6 Miles from this Ferry each of which Wagon Boats
will carry 40 Men[,] All which will transport 3 p[ieces]. Artillery with Matrosses &
Horses, 4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.23
It is likely that these vessels, with perhaps more added, were present at the ferry in 1778.
The flatboats at the very least were propelled with oars, and poles if the water was
shallow enough. Poles would have been particularly useful on the downriver side to keep
the craft from drifting downstream; approximately three-quarters of a mile below the
ferry a series of rocky shoals and rapids made hazardous any downriver passage. Given
the heavy traffic over Coryell’s Ferry in 1777, the large number of vessels used at the
crossing, and the relative narrowness of the river at that point, it is also feasible that one
or several guide ropes, perhaps one for each vehicle-bearing flatboat, would have been
slung across the river to more easily and expeditiously direct them towards the opposite
shore. Troop carrying vessels (especially the forty-man wagon boats, pointed at each end)
16
Overhead and side view of a mid-18th century French wagon ferry from Diderot's Encyclopedie.
Approximate dimensions are 61 feet long by 22 feet wide. Encyclopedie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonne des
Sciences, des Arts et des Metiers, par une Societe de Gens de Letres (Paris, 1751-1765), plate XLVI, fig. 22,
"Plan d'un bac."
An 18th century French flatboat used for transporting horses, measuring 54 feet long by 15 feet wide.
The large Continental army scows were likely similar in form. Encyclopedie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonne
des Sciences, des Arts et des Metiers, par une Societe de Gens de Letres (Paris, 1751-1765), plate XLVI, fig.
20 "Plan d'un passe cheval."
17
were propelled by oars, smaller and more maneuverable, and could have landed their
loads above or below the actual ferry crossing.
The 20 to 22 June Delaware River crossings were likely performed by local boatmen in
John Coryell’s employ, along with other men assigned the task. Edmund Dalrymple of
Amwell Township, Hunterdon County, New Jersey, was one of the ferrymen. Dalrymple
served in the militia during the war and noted in his 1833 pension deposition, “I was
stated [stationed] at Coryells ferry on the Delaware under Capt George Ely … I helped to
ferry Washingtons army across the Delaware shortly previous to the battle of
Monmouth.”24
“Halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware ...”
June 20th
River Crossing
The crossing of Lee’s and Wayne’s divisions involved approximately 5,459 troops, 12
cannon with limbers, 68 wagons and at least 309 horses. Supposing the same number of
watercraft in use at Coryell’s Ferry in 1777 were available in 1778 (capable if carryng “3
p[ieces]. Artillery with Matrosses & Horses, 4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try”),
the 20 June ferrying operation likely comprised six trips to the Jersey side of the river
(carrying all the troops, 12 field pieces and limbers, 30 wagons, and draft horses), plus
six more trips carrying only wagons and teams. Though the river is less than one-quarter
mile wide, the rain of the previous several days may have caused a rise in the water,
perhaps adding to the difficulty of loading and propelling the flat boats, cumbersome
enough when empty, more so when loaded with men, horses, and vehicles. Even so,
given the relatively short distance, it is feasible that loading the craft, traversing the river,
unloading in New Jersey, plus the return trip, likely took about thirty minutes or a bit
less, and the time for the entire June 20th crossing about 6 hours. Of course, this is
supposing that the landing areas on both sides of the Delaware were broad enough to
allow several boats to load and unload at the same time. It should also be noted that the
two divisions were likely aided in their late–day crossing by the long hours of sunlight
one day before the summer solstice.25
With the British route of march still uncertain Major General Lee, as overall
commander of the advance troops, was ordered, “to halt on the first strong ground after
passing the Delaware at Coryells ferry till further orders unless you should receive
authentic intelligence that the enemy have proceeded by a direct rout to South Amboy (or
still lower). In this case you will continue your March to the No[rth]. [a.k.a., Hudson]
River … If my memory does not deceive me there is an advantageous spot of ground at
the Ferry to the right of the road leading from the Water.” Despite these last instructions,
and assuming his destination still to be the Hudson River, Lee’s troops continued on three
miles into New Jersey, camping in and around Amwell Meeting (present-day Mount
Airy) on the York Road.26
Remaining with the three divisions camped at Doylestown, General Washington
informed President of Congress John Laurens at 4:00 P.M. on the 20th,
I am now advanced with the main body of the Army within Ten Miles of Coryel's ferry,
and shall halt to refresh the Troops, and for the night, (as the weather is very rainy). Genl.
Lee with the six Brigades … will reach the Ferry this Evening. My last accounts from
Jersey were from [militia] Genl. [Philemon] Dickinson, dated Yesterday at 3 o'Clock
P.M. These say, the Enemy had then advanced to Eyres Town, three miles below Mount
18
Holly, and were busily engaged in repairing the Bridge which had been destroyed. Genl.
Dickinson adds, that there had been a brisk firing for some minutes between the Enemy
and Maxwell's Brigade or a part of it in their advance …27
_____________________
Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions began the day at New Britain, moved through Doylestown,
and continued along the Doylestown-Buckingham Pike (Route 202). Upon reaching
Buckingham proper the Pike made a right hook and joined with the York Road (the old
route has been altered, but the spur exists in present-day Bogarts Tavern Road, now a
dead-end lane; Bogart’s Tavern, Nathanael Green’s headquarters in 1776, still exists as the
General Greene Inn at the corner of York Road and Route 413/Durham Road). Lee’s
troops turned left on York Road towards the Delaware River. After a six and a half mile
march York Road angles right, downhill towards the Coryell’s Ferry western landing (now
Ferry Street, in New Hope). On the New Jersey side, the eastern terminus of the ferry has
been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the
canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to
the eighteenth century route of York Road can roughly be done. First, continue to the end
of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route
179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and turn left on West Franklin Street. At the
next intersection, turn right on York Street, which soon turns left on to the original Old
York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old road, which occasionally diverges off to
the right of the modern route. Route 179/York Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three
miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts right through Mount Airy, situated on
high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping area for Washington’s troops. _____________________
(Map on Following Page.)
Detail from Robert Erskine’s map, “Crossing Correll’s ferry … to Ringoe’s Tavern.” The
Coryell’s Ferry crossing is to the right (east); the Benjamin Paxson home, “Rolling Green,”
can be seen on the west side, just left of the letters “CH.” Robert Erskine (1735-1780), map,
“No 73 [third] Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to Ringoe’s Tavern” by Robert
Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York Historical Society; (format,54.0
cm. wide by 35.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic map. Covers the townships of
Solebury in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and of Delaware and West Amwell in Hunterdon
County, New Jersey. Shows roads running through Deer Park and New Hope in
Pennsylvania; Lambertville, Mount Airy and Ringoes in New Jersey. Pen-and-ink, pencil on
laid paper. Watermark: ‘G R’ under shield, similar to Gravell and Miller foreign
watermark no. 301. Heavily soiled, creased and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and
cropped, disbound and silked by subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings
1999; some fill remains. Sheathed in mylar. In pencil on recto: ‘No 73 3rd’.” Erskine’s maps
are available online via New York University and NY-HS, “Witness to the Early American
Experience,” World Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/ (search on keyword,
“Erskine”).
20
Drawing of an 18th or 19th century ferry-flat recovered from the Trent River in North Carolina. This
craft measured slightly over 31 feet long by 11 wide, and is calculated to have carried a 4 1/2 ton load.
Michael B. Alford, "The Ferry from Trent: Researching Colonial River Ferries," Tributaries (Journal of
the North Carolina Maritime History Council), vol. 1, no. 1 (October 1991), 13-14.
An English Carrier’s wagon similiar to those used by the British army in 1776 and early
1777. These vehicles were found to be too heavy for military use, though some American
army wagons may have been been as unwieldy. This example, built at Colonial Williamsburg
and completed in late 2007, weighs approximately 2,700 pounds, close to the 1,300 pounds
recorded for later British military wagons. (Wagon constructed by the Colonial
Williamsburg wheelwright shop; photo courtesy of same.)
21
“The number of boats … will render the passage of the troops very expeditious.”
June 21st Ferry Operation
The following day, the 21st, at 6:00 A.M. the commander–in–chief wrote from
Doylestown, “This morning the main army would have been in motion by four o'clock
had it not been for the rain, however as there is a prospect of the bad weather giving way,
we shall be under march in a few hours.” Not long after that he notified Maj. Gen.
Benedict Arnold, commanding at Philadelphia, “June 21, 1778 … [Col. Daniel] Morgan's
[rifle] corps … are now advancing as the whole Army is to the Delaware. We have been
much impeded by the rain. The Troops with Genl. Lee crossed the River last night. I am
in haste, etc.” Later in the day Washington related that besides the “Rain [that] prevented
our marching so early this morning as I intended, the succeeding heat and badness of
Roads rendered it impossible for the Army to advance any farther than the other side of
the ferry.”28
Sergeant Wild described his experiences that day,
21 June. About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted
off in order to march. About 11 o’clk we marched off, and made no halt till we got
within about a quarter of a mile of the Dilewear [Delaware], where we pitched our tents
on an eminence’ and we had orders to be ready to cross the ferry tomorrow morning at 4
o’clk.29
The day’s route must have been arduous, the General having “arrived myself about
three o'Clock to day on the East side of the Delaware and the main body of the Army on
the other, from whence they will cross to morrow.” (The distance covered this day from
the Doylestown camp to the west landing of Coryell’s Ferry totaled nine and a half
miles.) To expedite the next day’s operations “this afternoon [21 June] has been
employed in passing the Artillery and such Baggage as could be got over.” The expertise
gained in the 1777 ferrying operations no doubt enabled Washington to note, “The
number of boats and state of readiness in which every thing is for the purpose, will render
the passage of the troops very expeditious.”30
The army baggage traveled “in the Rear of the Column of Troops,” and consisted of:
The Commander in Chief's Baggage ... The Adjutant General's, Paymaster Generals
Engineers Muster Master General [and] Auditor of Accounts [wagons] The Baggage of
the Marquis de la Fayettes De Kalbs Division the Baggage of Lord Stirlings Division and
then the Waggons of the Quarter Master General's department Flying Hospital and lastly
the Com[missar]y. and Forage Master General's Waggons.31
Some effort was made to reduce the number of vehicles crossing into New Jersey,
Nathanael Greene writing to Moore Furman, deputy quartermaster for New Jersey, from
“Buckingham June 21, 1778,”
Sir I want to know what number of Teams and what quantity of forage you can provide
us with at Coryell’s Ferry. We have a great many hir’d and impressed Waggons
belonging to this State which I wish to dismiss if possible on this side of the River; and
therefore want to know what assistance you can give us that I may regulate my conduct
accordingly.
We shall reach the ferry this forenoon and encamp on this side to Night and cross early
in the morning. The teams we shall want, will be for the Commissary of provisions and
forage. We have nearly baggage Waggons enough.
22
The ferry at Coryells is attended with a very great expence, if not accompanied with an
equal degree of imposition; I wish to know whether it would be agreeable to you to
undertake the regulation thereof.32
The conglomeration of baggage, plus brigade artillery and artillery support vehicles,
initially consisted of 21 field pieces and perhaps as many as 234 wagons with 984 horses.
Subtracting at least 27 commisary and foraging wagons, with 108 horses, would lessen
the vehicles for the 21/22 June crossing to 207 vehicles, and 876 draft animals, still a
daunting number. The lead elements of the three infantry divisions must have arrived at
the ferry landing no later than 3:00 PM on June 21st. The field pieces would have
required seven trips, and those seven crossings would also have accommodated at least
28 wagons and teams. Given 30 minutes per crossing (back and forth) those crossings
alone would have taken three and a half hours. The remaining daylight hours may have
admitted two more crossings, carrying 7 wagons each, leaving 165 vehicles and teams
plus the three infantry divisions still to ferry on 22 June.33
That same day the General issued orders for June 22d from his quarters at the Richard
Holcombe house on the Jersey side of the ferry:
Head Quarters, Coryell's–Ferry, June 21, 1778 …
A Gill of spirits pr. man to be issued to the Troops this day. Those Brigades which are
out of provision will draw this afternoon at Mr. Simpson's on the Hill the West–Side of
the Ferry. No men are to be permitted to bathe till sunset. The Troops are to begin to
cross the Ferry at half past three o'Clock tomorrow morning precisely, at which time the
new Guards are to parade on the East Side the Ferry and the old ones on the West where
the officers who are to march in the Rear will also assemble.
The General to beat at three quarters past two and the troop at a quarter past three in
the morning.34
The location of Mr. Simpson’s is uncertain, but must have been relatively near the road,
and likely at the top of the hill leading directly down to the ferry. That high ground is also
the probable site where the divisions of Lafayette, DeKalb, and Lord Stirling (comprising
approximately 8,400 troops) camped the night of June 21/22.
The name Coryell’s Ferry referred to the villages on both banks of the river, and it was
on the New Jersey side that Dr. McHenry noted at 10:00 P.M. on the 21st,
Additional waggons ordered for the tents which were wet and heavier in consequence.
A rapid morning’s march. The heat excessive – Some of the soldiers die suddenly.
Reach Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side.
The General crosses – with the spare baggage and the artillery.
Headquarters at one Holcombs in the Jersey. Here are some charming girls – But one
of the drums of the [Commander–in–Chief’s life] guard more a favorite than [Alexander]
Hamilton.
Division of Lee and Wayne [on the Jersey side] 4 miles in advance of Coryells.35
_____________________
23
Image of artillery field piece and two-horse limber, from a powder horn engraving. This
drawing is from Harold L. Peterson, Round Shot and Rammers: An Introduction to Muzzle-
loading Land Artillery in the United States (South Bend, In.: South Bend Replicas, 1969), 59.
Also see photograph of powder horn in Harold L. Peterson, The Book of the Continental Soldier
(Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1968), 132.
____________________________________
(Map on Following Page.)
Detail from Robert Erskine’s map, “No 73 Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to
Ringoe’s Tavern.” The ferry crossing is to the right (east); the Benjamin Paxson home,
“Rolling Green,” can be seen on the west side, just left of the letters “CH.” Robert Erskine
(1735-1780), map, “No 73 [third] Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to Ringoe’s
Tavern” by Robert Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York Historical
Society; (format,54.0 cm. wide by 35.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic map. Covers
the townships of Solebury in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and of Delaware and West
Amwell in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. Shows roads running through Deer Park and
New Hope in Pennsylvania; Lambertville, Mount Airy and Ringoes in New Jersey. Also
shows buildings and owners' names, landforms and streams. Shows relief by hachures. Title
proper from recto is the work of a later editor--Simeon DeWitt or his assign--subsequent to
1820. Title from verso is in Erskine's hand and may be cited as such. Index title, statement
of responsibility, date and series title also by Erskine, but on separate index sheet filed at
head of series. Series numbering inferred by cataloger. Pen-and-ink, pencil on laid paper.
Watermark: ‘G R’ under shield, similar to Gravell and Miller foreign watermark no. 301.
Heavily soiled, creased and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and cropped, disbound and
silked by subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings 1999; some fill remains.
Sheathed in mylar. In pencil on recto: ‘No 73 3rd’.” Erskine’s maps are available online via
New York University and NY-HS, “Witness to the Early American Experience,” World
Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/ (search on keyword, “Erskine”).
25
“The Troops are passing the River … and are mostly over.”
June 22d Crossing
The final river passage took place on Monday, 22 June 1778. According to Dr. Adams
the weather was “Cloudy some rain …” A Rhode Island soldier with Lee’s Division wrote
the same day, “Continuing in amwell / wraining wether ...” The operation commenced at
3:30 A.M., and the three divisions to be crossed, with remaining vehicles, numbered 8,390
troops, and 165 wagons and their attendant animals (at four per wagon); this count does
not include officers’ horses, with at least five per regiment, uncounted army followers
and support personnel. The vehicles alone would have meant twenty-four trips, in all
requiring perhaps 12 hours, ending about 4 or 5 o’Clock PM. The number of troops
would have taken nine trips across, and consumed about four and a half hours. In any
event, the crossing at one point of so many men, vehicles, and animals in the space of
three days would have taxed the directing officer’s ingenuity and patience, as well as the
stamina of the ferrymen.36
After reaching the Jersey shore the troops formed in their respective regiments and
marched the three miles to Amwell Meeting, where they joined Lee’s two advance
divisions. Ebenezer Wild, who crossed with Glover’s Brigade of DeKalb’s Division,
wrote of the day’s events,
22 June. At 5 o’clk the General was beat. We struck our tents and loaded our baggage.
Between 6 & 7 o’clk we fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 8 o’clk we
marched down to the ferry & crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the Jerseys,
and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then we marched about 2 miles further, where
we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field.37
During the day General Washington informed Congress,
the Troops are passing the River at Coryel's and are mostly over. The latest intelligence I
have had respecting the Enemy, was yesterday from General Dickinson. He says that they
were in the morning at Mo[o]res Town and Mount Holly, but that he had not been able to
learn what rout they would pursue from thence; nor was it easy to determine, as from
their then situation, they might either proceed to South Amboy or by way of Brunswick.
We have been a good deal impeded in our march by rainy weather. As soon as we have
cleaned the Arms and can get matters in train, we propose moving towards Princetown, in
order to avail ourselves of any favourable occasions that may present themselves of
attacking or annoying the Enmey [sic].38
He later notified General Dickinson in New Jersey, “The whole army is now across the
River incamped about three miles from it. Tomorrow morning very early, we march
towards Princeton.”39
26
“The Army will march off …”
June 22d and 23d, Camp at Amwell Meeting
Dr. McHenry noted preparations for the army’s advance towards Princeton:
22d. [June] Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at the draw bridge
4 miles below Trenton, and preparing for a vigorous defense of that post. – The enemy’s
superiority in horse making it impossible for our handful of calvary to stand their ground.
Genl. [Louis Lebègue] du Portail, [a French] Engineer, ordered forward to reconnoiter
a position near Princetown.
Sourland hills and Rocky hill reported by the Engineer. The nearest part of the former
chain of hills 5 miles distant from Princetown – running in the direction of North by East.
Rocky hill has the advantage in point of water. – The roads of retreat from Sourland must
be opened towards Aimwel road – The country rocky and difficult.40
With the last of the troops across the river and at or nearing the camp at Amwell
Meeting, Washington kept his headquarters at the Holcombe house until the night of the
22d. A bill noted as paid to Richard Holcombe is headed, "Near Coryells Ferry, 9 oClock
evnig." The receipt listed thirty–eight dinners @ 3 pounds, 9 shillings, "bread butter and
other necessaries £ 1:17:6," and "To Trouble &c. made in the house £ 1:17:6."41
With the Delaware River behind them, the only obstacles between the Continental
Army and Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton’s Crown forces were miles of countryside, dusty
thoroughfares of varying quality, and oppressively hot weather. The last army orders
from “Head Quarters, Coryell's Ferry,’ dated “Monday, June 22, 1778,” issued additional
directives for controlling the army on the march and in their encampments:
The soldiers to have their Arms well cleaned and afterwards carefully inspected, together
with their Ammunition, by their respective Officers. The tents and heavy baggage, if there
is any, will be separated from the Army for some days; the Officers will content themselves
with a few Necessaries during that time; The Quarter Master General will make his
Arrangements accordingly. He will give orders respecting the movement of the separated
baggage: None but Invalids and men unfit for the fatigues of a march are to go as guards to
the baggage ...
When circumstances will permit the Artificers and Pioneers are to advance before the
Van Guard of the Army and repair the roads with Fascines and Earth instead of Rails which
serve to cripple the horses.
The Quarter Master General will fall upon some method to have straw equally and
regularly distributed to the men, when they arrive at the ground of Encampment to prevent
Confusion and Waste.
On a march the Major General of the day will pay particular Attention that the Column
advances in compleat order and not so fast in front as to fatigue and distress the Rear.
The Brigadier of the day with the Officers ordered to remain in the Rear will see that
every thing is properly conducted there; the Guards kept to their duty and all damage to the
fruit trees prevented, of which the whole road hitherto exhibits such shameful proofs.
Commanding Officers of Companies will see that their men fill their Canteens before
they begin the march, that they may not be under a necessity of run[n]ing to every spring
and injuring themselves by drinking cold water when heated with marching …
If the weather should prove very rainy in the morning [of the 23d] the Troops are not to
march; in any case, if they march the tents are to be left standing and the baggage guards
are, when dry to strike and load them in the Waggons. Lieutt. Colo. Coleman will take
command of the baggage guard.42
27
Beginning on the 23d, Washington’s army was reorganized, reflecting the proximity of
British forces and the need to place the divisions on a footing to form line of battle as
quickly as possible. After orders for June 22d stated,
The following Brigades during the march are to compose the Right Wing of the Army
and be commanded by Major General Lee: Woodford's, Scott's, No. Carolina, Poor's,
Varnum's and Huntington's. First Pennsylvania, 2nd. Pennsylvania, Late Conway's,
Glovers, Larneds, and Paterson's are to compose the Left Wing and be commanded by
Major General Lord Stirling.
The Second line is to consist of 1st. and 2nd. Maryland, Muhlenberg's, Weedon's and
Maxwell's (when it joins) and be commanded by Major General the Marquis De la
Fayette. The Army to march from the left.43
As they left Amwell Meeting on the morning of 23 June, the army was formed as
follows:
1st. Commander in Chiefs [baggage] to form the Front of the Column
2d. Adjutant Generals [baggage]
3. Pay Master Generals
4. Quarter Master Generals
5. Engineers
6. Auditors of Accounts
7. Clothier Generals, Judge Advocate, Comy. [of] Prisoners & Post Office
8. Baggage of the Army according to the Line of March as follows – viz. –
1st. Pattersons --------|
2d. Learneds | Lord Stirlings
3. Glovers |--- Baggage in Front
4. late Conways |
5. 2d Pennsylvania |
6. 1st. – Ditto – --------|
7. late Weedons --------| The Marquis
8.. Muhlenbergs |--- de la Fayettes
9. second Maryland | Baggage in Front
10. first Ditto |
11. the Baggage of Artillery
12. Huntingtons --------|
13. Varnums |
14. Poors |--- General Lees
15. North Carolina | Baggage in front
16. Scotts |
17 Woodfords --------|
9. The flying hospital
10. The Commissary General
11. The Forage Teams
The Teams are to march as near to each other as possible & on no pretence break the Line or
double up – nor to stop for water unless by orders from the Officer commanding the
Baggage Guard for the Whole to halt for that purpose -
28
The Army will march off, leave the Baggage on the Ground and their Tents standing –
which the Guards left in charge of the Baggage are to load in the Waggons when the Tents
shall be completely dry –
The whole then to remain loaded at the present Encampment until the Day after tomorrow
unless they should receive other Orders – in Case they should not, they are then to move in
the most Direct route towards Somerset Courthouse halting near Sower Land hill at the
distance of nine or Ten miles from Princetown –
The Provision & Forage belonging to the Brigades to march with the Army – 44
Pictured is the typical Continental Army warm weather wear consisting of linen hunting
shirt and linen overalls, clothing worn by many regiments during the Monmouth campaign.
This soldier carries a camp kettle, one kettle being allotted to each six-man mess group.
Illustration by Peter F. Copeland; “7th
Virginia Regiment, 1777,” Peter F. Copeland and
Donald W. Holst, Brother Jonathan print series. Courtesy of the artist.
29
Col. Daniel Morgan’s Corps of Riflemen had been posted in advance of the army, as
noted in the 22 June orders, “The Officer and twenty five men from each Brigade who are
to be annexed to Colo. Morgan's Corps are to be sent to his quarters early tomorrow
morning about a mile in front of the Army. The two Light Infantry Companies in the
North Carolina Brigade will be attached to Colo. Morgan's Corps instead of the twenty
five therefrom, mention'd in the first order of this day.” Morgan’s troops were then sent
ahead to join Brig. Gen. William Maxwell’s New Jersey Brigade and the militia
harassing the British columns travelling north. The commander-in-chief immediately
informed New Jersey militia General Philemon Dickinson of that as well as another small
reinforcement: “All the effective horse under Colo. Moylan will instantly march to join
you. I am augmenting Colo. Morgans Corps which will also speedily march to your
assistance. I need not observe to you that every thing ought to be done to keep up the
spirits of your Militia.”45
These were the first and smallest of four forces detached from the main army to push
forward against the enemy columns.
“Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment …”
Camp and Council: Hopewell Township, 23 to 24 June
Directions for the 23 June movement to Hopewell stipulated that “The General will beat
at three oClock in the morning and the Army march at four o'Clock precisely ...”46
Sergeant Wild wrote of the day,
This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat, & we turned out & got ready to march.
About 7 o’clk we marched off, but left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind
us. We marched about 10 miles, & halted on the road about 4 hours, & turned into a field
to cook provision, & had orders to march at 11 o’clk at night. Our tents did not come up
this night, but what little time we had to sleep we slept in the open field, which was only
from 11 o’clk at night till 4 in the morning. The reason we did not march at 11 o’clk was
because we could not get provision till late.47
From “Hopewell Township, near the Baptist Meeting House, ½ past 7 O'Clock P.M.,
June 23, 1778” the commander-in-chief notified General Dickinson, still shadowing
enemy, “As soon as this comes to hand (if you have not done it before) I would beg of
you to send me as full and explicit an account of the enemy's present position as you can
possibly obtain. I would wish to receive it before morning, as it will be a matter of great
influence in directing my movements.” Thus, Washington remained unsure where to
direct the main body of his army when they next marched.48
Army orders issued the night of the 23d directed the soldiers to “cook their Provisions
and in every respect be in the greatest readiness possible for a march or Action very early
in the morning.” They continued, “The Commissary of Military Stores will deliver out
Arms tomorrow to the returns signed by Commanding Officers of Regiments or Corps,
who will send very early to the Artillery Park for such numbers as are wanting to
complete their men now on the ground fit for duty.” An addition to these directives,
another from an order book belonging to the 10th Virginia Regiment called for “Fifty
Black Men to Compose a Corps of Poineers …”; military pioneers did the manual work
of the army, and in this case their main objective was to repair the road ahead for the
troops and baggage wagons. (The creation of a temporary unit composed solely of black
30
soldiers is also worthy of note.)49
Once again, Sergeant Wild recounts the events of the
second day at Hopewell:
24 June. This morning at 4 o’clk the General was beat. We got up, fell in & were
counted off in order to march, but we did not. Our tents came up to us, & we pitched
them on the field, where we lay all night. We had no orders to march this day, but slept
very quietly in our tents all day.50
A Council of War was held the same day to determine the several commanders’
opinions on the best course to follow in pursuing the enemy. Besides General
Washington, five major generals participated (Charles Lee, Nathanael Greene, William
Alexander, the Marquis de Lafayette, and Friedrich Wilhelm de Steuben), as well as
seven brigadier generals (Henry Knox, Enoch Poor, Anthony Wayne, William Woodford,
John Paterson, Charles Scott, and Louis Lebègue Duportail.) Minutes of the meeting
noted:51
His Excellency informs the Council, that by the latest advices he has received, the Enemy
are in two columns, one on the Allen Town and the other on the Borden Town Road. The
front of the latter near the Drawbridge, at which the two Roads unite in the main
Cranbury road; Their force from the best estimate he can form is between 9 and 10,000
rank and file.
That the strength of the Army on this Ground, by a Field return made two days since,
consisted of 10,684 rank and file; besides which there is an advanced Brigade[of New
Jersey Continentals] under General [William] Maxwell of about 1200. That, in addition
to this force, from the account given by General Dickinson, there appear to be about 1200
Militia, collected in the Neighbourhood of the Enemy, who in conjunction with General
Maxwell are hovering on their flanks and rear and obstructing their march.
He further informs the Council, that measures have been taken to procure an aid of
Pennsylvania Militia; which have not as yet produced any material effect. General [John]
Cadwalader with fifty or Sixty Volunteers and a detachment of Continental Troops,
amounting to about 300, were to cross the Delaware yesterday morning and fall in with
the Enemy's rear, General [John] Lacey had crossed with 40 men.
He observes to the Council that it is now the seventh day since the Enemy evacuated
Philadelphia during which time, they have marched less than 40 miles; That the
obstructions thrown in their way, by breaking down Bridges, felling Trees &c were
insufficient to produce so great delay, as is the opinion of General Dickinson himself,
who has principally directed them; and that the opposition, they have otherwise received,
has not been very considerable.
Under these circumstances, and considering the present situation of our national affairs
and the probable prospects of the Enemy, the General requests the sentiments of the
Council on the following questions:
Will it be adviseable for us, of choice, to hazard a general action?
If it is, should we do it, by immediately, making a general attack upon the
Enemy, by attempting a partial one, or by taking such a position, if it can be
done, as may oblige them to attack us?
If it is not, what measures can be taken, with safety to this Army, to annoy the
Enemy in their march, should it be their intention to proceed through the Jerseys.
In fine, what precise line of conduct will it be best for us to pursue? 52
In the end, the generals decided against forcing a general action with British General
Sir Henry Clinton’s troops, but authorized sending forward a fifteen hundred man
31
detachment to harass the flank and rear of the strung out Crown column. Notably, Brig.
Gen. Anthony Wayne, known for his aggressive nature, was the only officer involved in
the discussion who did not sign the proceedings.
The force to be detached consisted of fifteen hundred troops under Brig. Gen. Charles
Scott. Henry Dearborn, lieutenant colonel of the 3d New Hampshire Regiment, recorded,
24th a Detatchment of 1500 Pick’d men was taken to Day from the army to be
Commanded by Brigadier Genrl. Scot who are to act as Light Infantry … Col
o. Cilley & I
am in one Regt. of the Light Infantry – Genr
l. Scot march’d to Day towards the Enimy, who
are at Allin Town … we march’d thro Prince Town & Proceeded 3 miles towards allin
Town & Incamp’d we have no Tents or baggage – 53
Orders issued on the evening of the 24th mentioned the possibility of a move for the
troops remaining at Hopewell, but gave no intimation that it would happen the following
morning:
Head Quarters, Hunt's House, Wednesday, June 24, 1778 … Officers are on no Account
to be absent from their Encampment and are to be particularly vigilant to prevent their
men from stragling.
The Troops in point of provision and every other respect are to be held in constant
readiness for moving when the General beats which will be the signal for marching.
The Commanding Officers of Corps are to make accurate returns of the Axes,
Tomahawks and other such tools in possession of their Corps.54
_____________________
The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus
a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York
Road/Route 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a
short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s
Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on
Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road.
Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short
distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm
lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General
Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line
Road, approximately three quarters of a mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin
Turnpike. There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but
there is no through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show
Feather Bed Lane leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with
Hopewell-Amwell Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but
Feather Bed Lane is closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road. (For a
discussion of the roads traveled by the army from Coryell’s Ferry to Hopewell, see Addenda
below.) _____________________
32
Map source: Cleon E. Hammond, John Hart: The Biography of a Signer of the
Declaration of Independence (Newfane, Vt.: The Pioneer Press, 1977), 69.
33
“Giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event …”
Advancing to Englishtown, 24 to 28 June
Progress, June 25, 1778. During this campaign James McHenry rarely failed to provide an
informative and lively account of events, and this day was no exception:
25th. March to Rocky hill. Cross the Millstone [river] by a bridge, and hault at Kingston.
Breakfast at Mrs. Berians – good tea and agreeable conversation.
A dinner in the woods. – The General receives advice that the English right column
marched from Imleys Town by the road to Monmouth court house.
The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with orders to
take command of the whole detached troops.
The young Frenchman in raptures with his command and burning to distinguish
himself moves towards the enemy who are in motion.
It is night before the main body of our army marches, and then only to Laurens’s [John
Laurence’s Longbridge farm, currently the town of Monmouth Junction], 4 miles from
Kingston.55
Sergeant Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment, Glover’s Brigade of Dekalb’s Division,
recounted the day from a common soldier’s perspective.
25 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat throughout the whole army; at 6
o’clk the Troop beat. We fell in & were counted off in order to march. We left all our
tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched off, and making several
short stops on the road to rest we arrived at Kingstown between 12 & 1 o’clk. We
marched into a large field there and made a halt, it being very hot weather. Just after we
halted we sent out a large detachment, to see if they could make any discovery of the
enemy, under the command of the Markis Delefiat [Marquis de Lafayette]. About
sundown we moved ahead about a quarter of a mile further, into a field where we
expected to take up our lodgings for the night. But we had not been here above a quarter
of an hour before the long roll beat. We fell in to our arms and marched about 5 miles,
and halted in the road all night.56
During that time a second large force was detached under Maj. Gen. Marie Joseph Paul
Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette. The commander-in-chief described
Lafayette’s command and objective:
The next day [25 June] … I dispatched a third detachment of a thousand select Men, under
Brigadier General Wayne, and sent the Marquis de la Fayette to take the command of the
whole advanced Corps, including Maxwells Brigade and Morgans light infantry; with orders
to take the first fair opportunity of attacking the Enemy's Rear.57
Washington continued,
In the evening of the same day [25 June], the whole Army marched from Kingston where
our Baggage was left, with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting the
advanced Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning [of 26 June].58
_____________________
After leaving the Hopewell camp Washington’s army took modern-day Route
518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike east to Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone
River, the troops turned south on Kingston-Rocky Hill Road/Laurel Avenue towards
Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early evening.
34
From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John Lawrence’s
Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction); the distance from Hopewell to the first stop at
Kingston was 9.6 miles, from there to Longbridge another 4.1 miles, making 13.7 miles
covered for the day. _____________________
Kingston and Longbridge Farm are nicely pictured in this 1762 map. Howard Rice, Jr.,
New Jersey Road Maps of the 18th Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981)
35
Progress, June 26, 1778. The stay at Longbridge lasted from sunset (approximately 7:19
P.M.) or late evening to 5 A.M. on the 26th. Once again Sergeant Wild recounts his day.
26 June. At 5 o’clk we fell in to our arms & were counted off in order to march. About
half after --- o’clk we began our march and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road
& drew two days allowance of pork & flour. We cooked our provision. Between 4 & 5
o’clk we began our march again, but we had not got but a very short way before it began
to rain, which caused us to stop. It held raining above an hour successively, and was
attended with very heavy thunder and sharp lightning. It being late when it stopped
raining, we took our lodgings in the road without anything to cover us, or any thing to
lodge on but the wet ground, & we in a very wet condition.59
Doctor McHenry noted of the day, “March to Cranberry, and hault 7 miles from
Laurence’s farm. – A heavy rain,” while General Washington wrote, “The intense heat of
the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our
march that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops.”60
The general revealed
more details of the army’s situation in a letter to Lafayette:
June 26, 1778.
Dear Marquis: I received your favors of last night and this morning. I have given the
most positive and pointed orders for provisions for your Detachment and am sorry that
they have not arrived ... Tho giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event, yet I
would not wish you to be too precipitate in the measure or to distress your men by an
over hasty march. The Weather is extremely warm and by a too great exertion in pushing
the Troops, many of them will fall sick and be rendered entirely unfit for Service. I am
etc.
Cranbury 45 m past 9 O'Clock A.M.
I am now arrived here with the Head of our line. I must repeat again my wish that you
do not push on with too much rapidity. You may be, in case of Action, at too great a
distance to receive succour and exposed from thence to great Hazard. The Troops here
are suffering for want of provision, as well as those with you, and are under the necessity
of halting, till they are refreshed. Had this unfortunate circumstance not intervened, the
severe rain now falling would compel them to delay their march for the present. Your
provision is on the Road.61
Surgeon Samuel Adams mentioned yet another force detached to march against the
enemy ahead of the main army, “fair & light showers with thunder - the Army proceeded
on to Cranbury - a detachment sent off under Gen'l Lee …”62
Originally, Charles Lee,
second in seniority only to Washington, was offered the command eventually given
Lafayette, but demurred. Lee soon had second thoughts, explaining his change of heart in
a June 25 letter to the commanding general:
When I first assented to the Marquis of Fayette's taking the command of the present
detachment, I confess I view'd it in a very different light than I do at present I consider'd
it as a more proper busyness of a Young Volunteering General than of the Second in
command in the Army; but I find that it is consider'd in a different manner; They say that
a Corps consisting of six thousand Men, the greater part chosen, is undoubtedly the most
honourable command next to the Commander in Chief, that my ceding it woud of course
have an odd appearance I must intreat therefore, (after making a thousand apologies for
the trouble my rash assent has occasion'd to you) that if this detachment does march that I
may have the command of it; so far personally, but to speak as an Officer I do not think
36
that this detachment ought to march at all, untill at least the head of the Enemy's right
column has pass'd Cranbury; then if it is necessary to march the whole Army, I cannot
see any impropriety in the Marquis's commanding this detachment or a greater as
advance Guard of the Army; but if this detachment with Maxwells Corps Scotts, Morgans
and Jackson's are to be consider'd as a seperate chosen active Corps and put under the
Marquis's Command until the Enemy leave the Jerseys; both myself and [William
Alexander] Lord Sterlin[g] will be disgrac'd.63
The commander-in-chief laid out his reasoning in sending forward this new force,
The Enemy, in Marching from Allen Town had changed their disposition and placed their
best troops in the Rear, consisting of all the Grenadiers, Light Infantry, and Chasseurs of the
line. This alteration made it necessary to increase the number of our advanced Corps; in
consequence of which I detached Major General Lee [26 June] with two Brigades to join the
Marquis at English Town, on whom of course the command of the whole devolved,
amounting to about five thousand Men.64
Rhode Island Sergeant Green, with Varnum’s Brigade, moved forward with Lee. The
going must have been difficult for the troops, given hot weather coupled with rain.
F[riday] 26. this morn started very early / pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd
Crambury ware we made a halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18 milds a head &
the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear we stayed three owers & drawed sum
provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command of Genl Lee / went
about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.65
General Washington issued no army orders on the evening of the 26th, but at least one
of his brigadier generals did. Charles Woodford’s directive to the four Virginia regiments
under his command was brief, but reflects the possibility of soon going into action:
Cramberry June 26th.
1778
[Officers of the day] Majr. Genl. Lord Stearling Brigadier Woodford
Coll. Vorce Lt. Coll. Cropper
Bringer up [in the rear of the army] Coll Swift
B[rigade]. Majr. McOrmick
B.O. A Very Exact Affective Return to be made tomorrow Morning to the Brigade Major
Commanding Officers of Cores are Requested to Examine into the State of Arms and
Ammunition & Accoutrements and have their Arms put in the best order & if any
Ammunition is Damagd. they will Draw a Sufficiency to Compleate their Men to 40
Rounds and return the Damagd.66
___________________________
The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the
thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of
Cranbury.
37
This 1781 map show the road net from Kingston via Cranbury to Englishtown. The
road from Kingston to “Cross Roads” is the Ridge Road, along which lay
Longbridge Farm. Map of Middlesex County, reduced from the original survey
by John Hills, asst. engineer, 1781. Library of Congress.
38
Progress, June 27, 1778. Doctor Adams this day noted, “27th S: fair and excessive hot! -
we marched in the morning to Penelopon's Creek [Manalapan Bridge]. The detachments that
had been sent off halted this night at English Town 4 miles in front of the Main Army.”67
Conditions again were not conducive to hard marching, as attested to by Sergeant Wild,
27 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General beat. We got up fell in to our arms and
were counted off in order to march. We drew a gill of whiskey a man, and about 7 o’clk
we began our march, and marched about 4 miles & stopped in the road to rest and get
water. After stopping about a half an hour we marched again about a mile further, and it
being excessive hot, we halted again. I expected we should go further but we stopped
here all day. We had no orders for marching at sundown. I had the flank guard while we
marched this day. We lay in the open field. Hard thunder, &c. &c.68
The heat and humidity during this campaign were notable, even in a region known for
such weather. German Capt. Johann Ewald, Hessian Field Jaeger Corps, noted on the
27th, “Since the [British] army had lost over two hundred men on yesterday's march through
the intolerable heat, it stopped today to rest [at Monmouth Courthouse] ..." Lack of water,
too, was a problem. Capt. Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment, with Varnum’s Brigade
of Lee’s Division, “on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we
suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the
Rest of the Day,” and New Jersey militia Col. Sylvanus Seely recounted, “Jun 27th
,
marched to a meeting house near English Town; our men suffered greatly with heat and
drought.” Exact temperatures were rarely available, but James Parke recorded in
Philadelphia, “Very warm from 26 to 30 [June] Therm[ometer] 85 to 91.” When British
general Sir Henry Clinton reported on the June 28th battle he twice mentioned the
temperature. To his sisters he wrote, “with the thermometer at 96 - when people fell dead
in the street, and even in their houses - what could be done at midday in a hot pine barren,
with everything that [the] poor soldier carries? It breaks my heart that I was obliged
under those cruel circumstances to attempt it." And in a July 1778 letter to the Duke of
Newcastle, “nothing but the intolerable heat prevented [success]; the Thermometer at 94
in the shade, is not a climate for troops to act with vigour in at noon day …”69
_____________________
When Washington’s troops halted on the 27th they were positioned at Manalapan Bridge
(on the Manalapan Brook, where present-day Hoffman Station Road crosses that waterway;
their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to the Prospect Plains Road,
then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which crosses the Manalapan Brook).
The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several variants, including “Monolopy” and
“Penolopen.” A field return of Washington’s army, likely erroneously dated June 28th
1778, was probably done the previous day given that it was tallied at “Ponolopon Bridge.” _____________________
39
At some point in the day (by 1 P.M., if not earlier) the commander-in-chief rode from
Manalapan Bridge to Englishtown to confer with Charles Lee. While there he sent several
letters, including one to Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling, who commanded the
army in Washington’s absence.
English Town, June 27, 1778.
My Lord: Altho Col Meade has already signified to you my desire that our present
Camp should be minutely reconnoitred, it is a matter of such serious importance that I
cannot forbear repeating to you my wish that yourself aided by General du Portail and
some other officers would critically examine the position, all it's avenues, and the
adjacent ground, that in case we should have occasion to make use of it, we may be
prepared to avail ourselves of its advantages, and apply the best possible remedy to its
defects … You will naturally determine the proper places for pickets.70
He also kept Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates apprised of the situation,
English Town, -- P.M., June 27, 1778 … Owing to the delays occasioned by rainy
weather and the intense heat when it was fair (tho' these may have been equally
disadvantageous to them) we have not been able to come up with the enemy yet. They are
now at Monmouth Court house, and we have some strong detachments advanced as far as
this to-day, which is about 7 Miles from thence. Col. Morgan is on their right flank, and
there are some corps of Jersey Militia acting around them in different parts. It is difficult
to say where they design to embark, some think they will push for the Hook. Others to
shoal harbour, as there appears to be a preparation of Vessels and craft there. There have
been many deserters. On wednesday evening 420 had got into Philadelphia since the
evacuation; besides, it is to be presumed there are many in the Country, as not a day
passes without some diminution of their force in this way. The deserters are mostly
foreigners.
I think you were right in reducing the rations of meat and increasing it in flour and rice.
Our supplies of the former are scarce and difficult to obtain of the latter they are plenty
and easy.71
Washington’s extant papers reveal a single army order for the evening of the 27th, but
the 10th Virginia order book contains a second. The first order noted,
Monolopy June 27th 1778
[Officers of the day] Majr. Genl. Lord Stearling - Brigadier Patterson
Coll. Patton Lt. Coll.Millon and Lt. Coll. Ford Bringer up [in the rear of the army] Lt.
Coll Wigglesworth Brid. Majr. Stag
As we are now nigh the enemy and of Consequence Vigilence & precaution more
Assentially necessary the Commanr. in Chief desires and injoins it upon all Officers to
keep their Posts & their Soldiers Compact so as to be ready for a March at a Moments
Warning as Circumstances May require.72
That version comes from Virginia book; the headquarters original mirrors the text, but is
headed “Head Quarters, Penolopen, Saturday, June 27, 1778.” The second June 27 order
is dated July 1778, but falls in the order book between orders for June 26 and June 27
1778.
40
G.O. July [sic, actually June] 27th 1778
No Drum to be Beat on the March except for signals (Viz) to halt in front for the Rear
to Come up three long Rolls – to march when the Rear is come up a Common March. to
Quickin the March the Granadiers March.
These Signals to begin in the Rear under the Directions of the B. Genl. of the Day and
are to be respected by the Orderly Drum of every Battalion from to front. An Orderly
Drum is to be kept ready Braced with each Battalion for that Purpose. When the whole
line is to halt for refreshment the first part of the Genl. will be Beat in front and is to be
Respected by every orderly Drum down the Rear --- The Troops are to be Compleated
with Provision (salt Meat if Possible) up to the 29th. Inclusively & have it Cookd. The
Commanding Officers of Regts. will see this order Executed as soon as possable.73
This second order for 27 June 1778 may be disputed. Points favoring a June 1778
attribution are that it matches no other general order for June or July 27th during the war
years, the directive is obviously intended for marching troops, and the call for provision
being provided up to and including 29 June jives with June 30 1778 orders directing
another issue of food.
Forward to Battle, June 28, 1778. Ebenezer Wild, with the main body of the army at
Manalapan Bridge, recorded the morning’s march,
28 June. This morning about 6 o’clk the General beat; in about an hour afterwards the
Troop beat. We fell in & marched off. Went about 4 miles, & made a little halt to sarch
[search] our arms and ammunition. Every man was compleated with 40 rounds apiece.
We left all our packs and blankets, and marched on in pursuit of the enemy as far as we
could. About 2 o’clk came up with them.74
_____________________
The road from Manalapan Bridge led east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right
turn on to Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit
less than 2,000 feet the road turned left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta
Avenue. The last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to
Englishtown. (Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a
hill where a portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on
28 June, and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon
reaching Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold
Road; that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken
by Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard. _____________________
At 6 A.M. General Washington had informed General Gates from “Head Quarters,
Middlesex County … In my letter of yesterday I pointed out the situation of the two
armies. This morning at 4 O'clock the enemy began to move; we are following them fast,
and mean to harrass them as much as possible.”75
He wrote later to John Laurens,
President of Congress,
English Town, 6 Miles from Monmouth,
- after 11 A.M., June 28, 1778.
Sir ... I am now here with the main body of the Army and pressing hard to come up with
the Enemy. They encamped yesterday at Monmouth Court House, having almost the
whole of their front, particularly their left wing, secured by a marsh and thick wood and
their rear by a difficult defile, from whence they moved very early this morning. Our
41
advance, from the rainy weather and the intense heat, when it was fair (tho' these may
have been equally disadvantageous to them) has been greatly delayed. Several of our men
have fallen sick from these causes, and a few unfortunately have fainted and died in a
little time after. We have a select and strong detachment more forward under the general
Command of Major Genl. Lee, with orders to attack their rear, if possible. Whether the
detachment will be able to come up with it, is a matter of question, especially before they
get into strong grounds. Besides this, Morgan with his Corps and some bodies of Militia
are on their flanks. I cannot determine yet, at what place they intend to embark. Some
think they will push for Sandy Hook, whilst other suppose they mean to go to Shoal
Harbour. The latter opinion seems to be founded in the greatest probability, as, from
intelligence, Several Vessels and Craft are lying off that place. We have made a few
prisoners, and they have lost a good many men by desertion. I cannot ascertain their
number, as they came in to our advanced parties and pushed immediately into the
Country. I think five or Six Hundred is the least number that have come in, in the whole.
They are chiefly foreigners.76
James McHenry recounted the events of the 27th and 28th, ending our narrative just at
the opening of the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse:
27. March early in the morning 6 miles on the road to English Town. – The enemy still
on the ground at Monmouth.
The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to co-
operate.
Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the commands
being given to the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2 brigades to join
the Marquiss, and as senior officer to the command.
His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked for this
service.
Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen. Dickinson on
their left.
Their right stretched about one mile and a half beyond Monmouth court house – in the
parting of the roads leading to Shrewsbury and Middletown – and their left along the road
from Allen Town to Monmouth about 3 miles on this side the court house. Their right
flank skirted by a small wood – their left by a thick forest & morass running towards their
rear. And their front covered by a wood and for a considerable extent to the left with a
morass.
Tonight Gen. Lee receives orders to attack as soon as they begin their march.
28th. The Baron Steuben and Col. Laurens reconnoitre. find the encampment up, and their
rear formed at the court house. They appear ready to march. Gen. Lee informed of this by
Col. Laurens. Gen. Lee moves his men to the attack … 77
“Our advanced Corps … took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road …”
Movements of Continental Detachments Followng the British, 24 to 28 June 1778
During the Monmouth Campaign several detached bodies of troops, most of them
Continentals, shadowed or harassed Crown columns as they traveled from Coopers Ferry
(modern Camden, New Jersey) to Monmouth Courthouse. Brig. Gen. William Maxwell’s
New Jersey Brigade (1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th Regiments) were stationed at Mount Holly
when British forces began their march. Given the disparity in numbers, the best
Maxwell’s men and scattered detachments of the state’s militia could do was to fall back
and delay the enemy as much as possible.78
(To follow the movements of the New Jersey
42
Continentals, see “'Beware of being Burgoyned.': Marching Toward Monmouth,
Delaware River to Freehold, 18 to 27 June 1778" Appendix A of "'What is this you have
been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth"
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm)
The New Jersey militia saw extensive service during this period, but there is no
comprehensive accounting of their whereabouts. Militia commander Maj. Gen. Philemon
Dickinson, did note militia dispositions on June 25th:
Head Quarters Chamber’s Tavern June 25, 1778
Colonels [Samuel] Furman [2nd
Regiment Monmouth County], [Joseph] Haight [2nd
Regiment Burlington County] & [Asher] Holmes [1st Regiment Monmouth County], with
their respective Battalions, are ordered to gain the Enemies Right Flank & join Col.
[Daniel] Morgan’s detachment, who are to annoy the Enemy in that Quarter as much as
in their power. They will consist of 3 Col – 1 Lt. Col – 3 Maj – 7 Cap – 15 Sub[altern]s –
13 Serjt – 12 Corp – 163 Priv.
Colonels [John] Neilson [2nd
Regiment Middlesex County] & [John] Webster [1st
Regiment Middlesex County] with their Battalions will take post in Front of the Enemy,
throw every possible obstruction in their Rout, impeded their march & harass them,
whenever opportunity present. This Detachment will consist of 2 Col – 1 Lt. Col – 1 Maj
– 6 Capt. – 16 Sub[altern]s – 19 Serjts – 13 Corps – 218 Privates.
Capt. Lane & 25 of his Company of axmen to attend Col. Neilson.
Col. [Nathaniel] Scudder [1st Regiment Monmouth County] with his Battalion will join
Brig’r Genl [Charles] Scott on the left flank of the Enemy consisting of 150 Privates.
The whole of the remaining Militia, are to be equally divided & to do duty on the lines
alternately, Officers as well as privates.79
Militia companies from Hunterdon and Somerset Counties also in blocking actions
during the campaign.
Col. Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Corps, augmented by two North Carolina light infantry
companies, were sent forward from Amwell on June 23d. General Washington directed
Morgan “to take the most effectual means for gaining the enemys right flank, and giving
them as much annoyance as possible in that quarter. Among the Militia annexed to your
Corps, General Dickinson will take care that there are persons perfectly acquainted with
the country and roads; so as to prevent every delay and danger which might arise from
the want of intelligent guides.” The colonel took seriously the directive to operate on the
British right flank, and during the battle of the 28th was postioned to the east of the
British column leading from Freehold but never participated in the day’s action.80
The Advance Force: Scott’s, Wayne’s, Lafayette’s, and Lee’s Detachments. The
three large forces sent ahead of the army beginning on June 24th were enumerated, and
some of their movements described as well, by the commander-in-chief in a post-
campaign report:
On [24 June] … I made a second detachment of 1500 chosen troops under Brigadier Genl.
Scott, to reinforce those already in the vicinity of the Enemy [i.e., Maxwell’s New Jersey
Brigade, Morgan’s Corps, and New Jersey militia] the more effectually to annoy and delay
their march. The next day [25 June] … I dispatched a third detachment of a thousand select
Men, under Brigadier General Wayne, and sent the Marquis de la Fayette to take the
command of the whole advanced Corps, including Maxwells Brigade and Morgans light
infantry; with orders to take the first fair opportunity of attacking the Enemy's Rear. In the
evening of the same day [25 June], the whole Army marched from Kingston where our
43
Baggage was left, with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced
Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the
Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march
that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops. Our advanced Corps, being
differently circumstanced, moved from the position it had held the night before, and took
post in the evening on the Monmouth Road, about five Miles from the Enemy's Rear; in
expectation of attacking them the next morning on their march. The main Body having
remained at Cranberry, the advanced Corps was found to be too remote, and too far upon the
Right to be supported either in case of an attack upon, or from the Enemy, which induced me
to send orders to the Marquis to file off by his left towards English Town, which he
accordingly executed early in the Morning of the 27th.81
James McHenry provided a few more details on the three detachments:
25th. … The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with
orders to take command of the whole detached troops … The young Frenchman …
moves towards the enemy who are in motion. …
27. … The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to co-
operate. Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the
commands being given to the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2
brigades [that actually occurred on the 26th] to join the Marquiss, and as senior officer to
the command. His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked
for this service. Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen.
Dickinson on their left.82
Daily Movements of Detachments Later Incorporated into Lee’s Advanced Corps.
23 June 1778. Capt. Jonathan Forman, 4th New Jersey Regiment, Maxwell’s Brigade:
“the 23d Ab.t 5 OC in the Morning they [British forces] then Approaching [we] were
Paraded they Advanc.d with their Horse so as to fall on our Rear in Crossing the brige,
when our Small Parties Skirmished w.th them Some time, but we Retiring to Trenton with a
Part of the Milt.a [militia] leaving a Part behind to Defend a Pass at [ -- ] Mill w.th Cap.t
Jones Artill[er].y [probably Gibbs Jones, Roman's Independent Company of Pennsylvania
Artillery, appointed captain 1 June 1778] we Moving on with the B[rigade]. to Maid[e].n
Head”83
24 June 1778. Captain Forman, “24th Ab.t 8 in the Morning March.d to [Chambers?]
Tav[er].n Ab.t 4 M[iles]. from A[llen].Tn.o where the E[nemy]. then lay, in the Afternoon
Moved to Pens Ne[c]k.”84
On the same day Brig. Gen. Charles Scott’s detachment left
Hopewell. Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn of New Hampshire wrote,
24th a Detatchment of 1500 Pick’d men was taken to Day from the army to be Commanded
by Brigadier Genrl. Scot who are to act as Light Ingantry … Col
o. Cilley & I am in one Reg
t.
of the Light Infantry – Genrl. Scot march’d to Day towards the Enimy, who are at Allin
Town … we march’d thro Prince Town & Proceeded 3 miles towards allin Town &
Incamp’d we have no Tents or baggage – 85
Bernardus Swartwout, a gentleman volunteer with the 2d New York Regiment, also
marched under Scott
44
24th June A detachment was ordered out to act as light infantry to the army … of which I
was one – in the Brigade commanded by Gen. Scott & Regt: under Col. Cilley of New
Hampshire – in the afternoon leave the main army and marched till very late at night, the
halt in the woods three or four miles west of Princeton.86
25 June 1778. This day a second large force, commanded by Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne
under the overall command of Maj. Gen. Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du
Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, was sent forward to operate against Sir Henry Clinton’s
columns. Captain Forman noted on the 25th, “Ab.t 4 O.Clk in the Aftrnoon Marchd to
Heights Tn.o where we were Join.d by G[eneral]. Sc[o]tts Light Troops and the Marquis [de
Lafayette] Continuing to keep on the E[nemy's]. left.”87
Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton,
principal aide to the commander-in-chief, wrote Lafayette on this date from Cranbury,
We find on our arrival here, that the intelligence received on the road is true. The enemy
have all filed off from Allen Town on the Monmouth road. Their rear is said to be a mile
Westward of Laurence Taylor's Tavern, six miles from Allen Town. General Maxwell is
at Hyde's Town {Hightstown], abt. three miles from this place. General Dickenson is said
to be on the enemy's right flank, but where cannot be told. We can hear nothing certain of
General Scott but from circumstances he is probably at Allen Town. We shall agreeable
to your request consider and appoint some proper place to rendezvous, for the union of
our force, which we shall communicate to General Maxwell and Scott and to yourself. In
the meantime, I would recommend to you to move towards this place as soon as the
convenience of your men will permit. I am told Col. Morgan is on the enemy's right
flank. He had a slight skirmish with their rear this forenoon at Robert Montgomery's, on
the Monmouth road leading from Allen Town. We shall see General Maxwell
immediately and you will here from us again. Send this to the General [Washington]. We
are just informed that General Scot passed by Hooper's Tavern, 5 miles from Allen
Town, this afternoon at 5 OClock.88
Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn recorded the activities of General Scott’s force and other
events,
25th this morning we march.d within 5 miles of the Enimy - & Halted & Drew Provision.
Sent a small Party of Horse to Reconoightir the Enimy. At 12 O Clock we ware Inform.d
that the Enimy ware on their way to Monmouth Coart House. Which is Towards Sandy
Hoock. Our main army is Near Prince Town, we are now Prepared to Harress the Enimy.
Genrl. Scot 1500 men Genr
l. Maxwell 1000 Col
o. Morgan 500 – Genr
l. Dickerson
1000[New Jersey] Millitia; & 200 Horse. the above Detatchmts are on the Flanks and Rear of
the Enimy … at 4 O Clock P:M we marchd to Allin Town & Incamp.d. – the Enimys Rear is
5 miles from us – 89
Another of Scott’s soldiers, Bernardus Swartwout, noted the same day, “The Horn
blowed (a substitute for a drum in the [light] Infantry corps) we marched about four miles –
halted & put ourselves in a fighting position – the enemy were close by – we moved to
Allenstown and halted for the day.”90
26 June 1778. Captain Forman, 4th New Jersey: “26[th] March.d to Robins[']s tavern
[present-day Clarksburg, New Jersey] the En[em].y Moving towards Monmouth.”91
Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton, now with with Lafayette's detachment, wrote Washington
from Robins Tavern (eight miles from Allentown) on this date,
45
We have halted the troops at this place. The enemy, by our last reports, were four miles
from this (that is their rear) and had passed the road which turns off towards South
Amboy, which determines their rout towards Shrewsbury. Our reason for halting is the
extreme distress of the troops for want of provisions. General Wayne's detachment is
almost starving, and seem both unwilling and unable to march further till they are
supplied. If we do not receive an immediate supply, the whole purpose of our detachment
must be frustrated. This morning we missed doing any thing from a deficiency of
intelligence. On my arrival at Cranbury yesterevening, I proceeded by desire of the
Marquis immediately to Hides Town and Allen town, to take measures for cooperating
with the different parts of the detachment, and to find what was doing to procure
intelligence. I found every precaution was neglected, no horse was near the enemy, or
could be heard of 'till late in the morning; so that before we could send out carries and get
the necessary information they were in full march, and as they have marched pretty
expeditiously we should not be able to come up with them during the march of this day;
if we did not suffer the impediment we do on the score of provisions. We are intirely at a
loss where the army is, which is no inconsiderable check to our enterprise if the army is
wholly out of supporting distance, we risk the total loss of the detachment in making an
attack.
If the army will countenance us we may do something clever. We feel our personal
honor as well as the honor of the army and the good of the service interested and are
heartily desirous to attempt whatever the disposition of our men will second and
prudence authorize. It is evident the enemy wish to avoid not to engage us.
Desertions I imagine have been pretty considerable to day; I have seen 8 or 10
deserters and have heard of many more. We have had some little skirmishing by detached
parties, one attacked their rear guard with a degree of success killed a few and took seven
prisoners. Marquis and Gen Dickenson send their compliments. My writing makes theirs
unnecessary. An officer just comes in who informs that he left the enemy's rear five miles
off, still in march about half an hour ago. To ascertain still more fully their route I have
ordered a fresh party on their left towards the head of their column. They have three
Brigades in rear of their baggage.92
For news of Scott’s detachment, we turn once again to our previous correspondents.
Lt. Col. Henry Dearborn, 3d New Hampshire:
26th we march’d Early this Morning after the Enimy. The weather is Extreemly Hot, we are
Obliged to march very Modirate … we are Join’d to Day by the Marquis De lefiette with a
Detatchment of 1000 men. We advanced within three miles of the Enimy, & Incamp’d. the
Enimy are about Monmouth Court House, on good Ground – 93
Gentleman Volunteer Bernardus Swartwout, 2d New York: “26th. At the sound of the horn
we marched eight miles and halted, owing to a heavy shower of rain which lasted some time
– After it abated marched two miles and halted in a wood.”94
On this day Maj. Gen. Charles Lee was sent forward with his division to take command
of the forces already advanced under Generals Lafayette, Scott, and Wayne. Eventually, the
Advanced Force he took into battle on June 28th also included the New Jersey Brigade and
Col. Henry Jackson’s Continental detachment. Sergeant Greenman of the 1st Rhode Island
Regiment wrote,
46
F[riday] 26. this morn started very early [with the main army] / pushed on 6 milds as far as a
small town cal'd Crambury ware we made a halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18
milds a head & the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear we stayed three owers &
drawed sum provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command of
Genl Lee / went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain &
Thundr.95
Company officer Paul Brigham serving with Lee described his experience:
on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the
Enemy are makeing their way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums
Brigades Began their march towards Munmouth marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard]
on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat 96
27 June 1778. Jonathan Forman, Jersey Brigade: “27.th began our March Early in the
Morning March.d to English Tn.o Gen.l Scott march[in].g in the rear of the Enemy Near
burnt Tav.n then moving by the left Joined us up wth at English Tn.o where we were Joined
by a part of the main Army.”97
Hamilton, still with Lafayette’s force, wrote General Scott,
“This part of the troops marches instantly. We are to join in the Monmouth road one mile
this side of Taylor's Tavern. You will govern yourself accordingly. If you can find
Morgan let him be desired again to keep close to the enemy and attack when we attack.
You will endeavour to keep up a communication of intelligence."98
Bernardus Swartwout, Scott’s Detachment: “27th. Early this morning, at the sound of
the horn we marched three miles and were ordered back to our old ground, then filed off in a
bye road, on the left flank of the enemy – marched within one mile of English Town and
made brush huts.”99
Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn wrote,
27th we march.d Early this morning within one mile of the Enimy & ware ordered by an
Express from Genrl. Washington to Counter March to where we Incamp’d Last night, &
from thence to file off to English Town (which Lay 7 miles on Our Left as we followed the
Enimy) & their Join Genrl. Lee Who was there with 2000 men. the weather Remains
Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the middle of the Day &
Incamp’d. the Enimy Remain at Monmouth. Genrl. Washington with the Grand army Lays
about 5 mile in our Rear. Deserters come in in Large numbers.100
Sergeant Greenman, with Lee’s Division, noted:
S[aturday] 27. this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass. from [illeg.] pushed on 6
milds near Englishtown ware we draw'd 40 rounds of Cartireges / then marcht into the wood
ware we heard a Number of Cannon fir'd toward the Surthurd of us / then we march'd about
half a mild to the left of the army ware we stopt a Nower / then we ware order'd to sling our
packs / we marcht half a mild into a Medow almost to the wright whare I took quarts. under
a huckel bury buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold.101
Capt. Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut, also with Lee, told of the soldiers’ living
conditions, on the march and in camp: “on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before
Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the
Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting and Som
Rain at night ...”102
47
28 June 1778. On the morning of the battle Maj. Gen. Charles Lee’s scattered forces,
united at Englishtown, set off to confront the enemy. Henry Dearborn sets the scene:
28th haveing Intiligence this morning before sun Rise that the Enimy ware moving, we ware
Ordered, together with the Troops Commanded by the Marquis & Genrl. Lee (in the whole
about 5000) to march towards the Enimy … at Eleven o Clock A.M. after marching 6 or 7
miles we arriv’d on the Plains Near Monmouth Court House, Where a Collumn of the
Enimy appeared in sight … 103
___________________________
A few days after the Monmouth battle Gen. George Washington sent his campaign report
to Congress:
… the whole Army marched from Kingston where our Baggage was left, with intention to
preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early
the next morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily
coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great inconvenience
and injury to the troops. Our advanced Corps, being differently circumstanced, moved from
the position it had held the night before, and took post in the evening on the Monmouth
Road, about five Miles from the Enemy's Rear; in expectation of attacking them the next
morning on their march. The main Body having remained at Cranberry, the advanced Corps
was found to be too remote, and too far upon the Right to be supported either in case of an
attack upon, or from the Enemy, which induced me to send orders to the Marquis to file off
by his left towards English Town, which he accordingly executed early in the Morning of
the 27th.
The Enemy, in Marching from Allen Town had changed their disposition and placed their
best troops in the Rear, consisting of all the Grenadiers, Light Infantry, and Chasseurs of the
line. This alteration made it necessary to increase the number of our advanced Corps; in
consequence of which I detached Major General Lee [26 June] with two Brigades to join the
Marquis at English Town, on whom of course the command of the whole devolved,
amounting to about five thousand Men. The main Body marched the same day [27 June] and
encamped within three Miles of that place [i.e., Englishtown]. Morgans Corps was left
hovering on the Enemy's right flank and the Jersey Militia, amounting at this time to about 7
or 800 Men under General Dickinson on their left.
The Enemy were now encamped in a strong position, with their right extending about a
Mile and a half beyond the Court House, in the parting of the Roads leading to
Shrewsbury and Middletown, and their left along the Road from Allen Town to
Monmouth, about three miles on this side the Court House. Their Right flank lay on the
skirt of a small-wood, while their left was secured by a very thick one, and a Morass
running towards their rear, and their whole front covered by a wood, and for a
considerable extent towards the left with a Morass. In this situation they halted till the
morning of the 28th.104
The first phase of the 28 June 1778 Battle of Monmouth Courthouse took place about
five and one half miles east of Englishtown; accounts of that engagement by Doctor
McHenry and Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn may be read in the addendum below.
48
Monmouth Battlefield. Large portions of Monmouth Battlefield, near Freehold, N.J.,
have been preserved as a state park, and anyone with an interest in that action would be
well–rewarded by a visit. For directions and contact information, see,
http://mars.superlink.net/~monmouth/battlefield.html
Those interested in learning more about the campaign and battle of Monmouth may
read, "’What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle
of Monmouth” (John U. Rees), available online at
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm This work is a detailed
primer of the entire battle, with nine appendices on various aspects of the campaign and
its participants. Additional articles about the armies and military participants of the War
for Independence can be accessed at www.revwar75.com/library/rees/40
A Continental soldier wearing a military cocked hat, regimental coat, breeches, and
carrying a blanket sling (tumpline) in lieu of a knapsack. He is reaching for his cartridge
pouch, evidently in the process of loading his firelock. Illustration by George C.
Woodbridge, from George C. Neumann, Swords and Blades of the American Revolution
(Texarkana, TX, 1991).
49
Echoes of 1778, Three Years After. Following the January 1781 Pennsylvania Line
mutiny, the enlisted men were discharged or furloughed, and the regiments reconstituted
from new enlistees and reenlisted veterans. In May three provisional Pennsylvania
battalions marched to Virginia, while six skeletal regiments remained behind to gather
new men. That September a fourth provisional battalion was sent south to join the others.
Lt. Enos Reeves wrote of his experience traveling to join the troops:
“On Monday Lt. McLean and I set off for the City of Philadelphia. Came round by the
[Yellow] Springs, lost our way by going the back road and found ourselves near the Bull
Tavern at the Valley Forge. We dined near Moor Hall, came thro’ our old Encampment,
or rather the first huts of the whole army. Some of the officers’ huts are inhabited, but the
greater part are decayed, some are split up into rails, and a number of fine fields are to be
seen on the level ground that was cleared, but in places where they have let the shoots
grow, it is already like a half grown young wood.
We crossed to the Lancaster Road near the Spread Eagle, and then made the best of our
way to the city of Philadelphia, where we arrived a little after dark, and put up at the sign
of ye Battle of Monmouth.”105
* * * * * * * *
Author’s Afterword: Vestiges of the 1778 Continental Army march from Valley Forge to
Monmouth Courthouse can still be seen today. The roads from Valley Forge to Coryell’s Ferry
have, for the most part, been incorporated into the modern road net. Some parts of the route have
been rerouted in modern times to straighten the roads for modern traffic, but by and large the old
course can still be discerned. Among other landmarks, Robert Shannon’s home, Washington’s
headquartersthe the first night after he left Valley Forge still stands in Norristown Farm Park,
Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, the Presbyterian Church and cemetery on East Court Street
in Doylestown, marks the western side of the ridge where part of Washington’s army (likely
DeKalb’s Divison) camped the night of 20/21 June 1778. The intersection of Route 202 and
Holicong Road marks the location of “Grintown” where Lee’s Division halted on the 20th before
continuing on, to and across the Delaware River. The old Paxson Farm is still at the intersection
of Route 202 and Aquetong Road, where, if the family stories are true, part of the army camped,
and Ferry Street in New Hope still leads down to the Coryell’s Ferry landing.
On the New Jersey side, the western terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking
lot is on the New Jersey side, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a
footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. The Holcombe house, where Washington
and his staff were quartered, is still standing in Lambertville, set back from North Main Street
(Route 29), near Elm St., between the entrance of the Phillips-Barber Health Center and a farm
market. Moving inland, Mount Airy, site of Amwell Meeting where the troops camped from 20 to
23 June, is a small village off the main roadway. Hopewell boasts the John Hunt house (army
headquarters for two days), and open fields where the troops camped on the high ground north of
town. Heading eastward through Rocky Hill, Kingston, Cranbury, Englishtown, and if you wish,
following British and German forces to their embarkation at Sandy Hook, any number of locales
and buildings connected to the campaign are still extant.
Finally, we return to Pennsylvania. The village of Aquetong was on the York Road nearly
midway between Lahaska and the Great (Ingham’s) Spring, at the intersection with present-day
Aquetong Road. “Rolling Green” the “fine Colonial mansion,” still to be seen on the west side of
York Road, then known as Paxson’s Corner, was owned by Benjamin Paxson at the time of the
War for Independence. Family history notes that, “a soldier, who was taken ill and died there
after the army had moved on, was buried on the Paxson property.” In 1926 Henry D. Paxson told
of ‘a relic preserved by the Paxson family … a wooden bowl left by a Continental soldier from a
50
southern State, who had been taken ill with a fever and was nursed by the family [until his
death].” The incident likely occurred during the Monmouth campaign, Henry Paxson claiming
that Lee’s Division camped near the residence in 1778. While it is unlikely Lee’s troops stayed
there, perhaps a portion of General Washington’s other three divisions did, and, in any case, the
entire army passed by in mid-June 1778. Further details of the bowl and a discussion of the
soldier who owned it may be read in, John U. Rees, (Rewritten in 2012 as “The common
necessaries of life …” A Revolutionary Soldier’s Wooden Bowl,” including, “’Left sick on the
Road’: An Attempt to Identify the Soldier Left at the Paxson Home, ‘Rolling Green,’ June
1778.”) http://tinyurl.com/at3dj3e
Paxson family soldier’s mess bowl.
Owned by Solebury Township Historical Society.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank John and Barbara Hencheck of Lambertville for information concerning the Old
Bungtown Road; Beth Landers, Librarian of the Bucks County Historical Society’s Spruance
Library; T.J. (Jim) Luce, author New Jersey’s Sourland Mountain, for sharing the 1779 Robert
Erskine map, his advice on the army’s march to Hopewell, and assistance with local place names
in Amwell and Hopewell Townships; and Les Isbrandt of the New Hope Historical Society for
his willingness to publish an earlier version that focused on the 1778 Coryell’s Ferry crossing.
This work in its present form would not have been possible without the help of Joseph Lee Boyle,
and Garry W. Stone, Monmouth Battlefield State Park Historian.
51
Addendum
Driving Directions, Continental Army Route from Valley Forge to Englishtown
The route of Gen. George Washington’s army in June 1778 can easily be traced today,
following, more or less, modern thoroughfares. Beginning on the north side of the
Schuylkill, at the site of Sullivan’s bridge (Fatland Ford), proceed to Pawlings Road,
travelling northeast to Egypt Road. Take Egypt Road east to Ridge Pike, then south on that
road to Whitehall Road. Travelling east on Whitehall will bring you to Germantown Pike;
turning right (south) takes you past the entrance to Norristown Farm Park, where General
Washington stayed at Dr. Robert Shannon’s mansion (still to be seen just inside the park’s
main entrance) overnight on June 19 1778. Lee’s troops may have camped here on the night
of 18 June, or travelled further before resting. Moving further south on Germantown Pike
at the intersection with Swede Road turn left (east), and then turn left on Route 202/DeKalb
Pike (known in the early 19th century as State Road). You will pass Gwynedd Friends
Meeting (noted on an 18th century map as “North Wales Meeting”), and continue on to the
intersection with Route 309/Bethlehem Pike. Turning left (northeast) Routes 202 and 309
merge for almost a mile, Route 202 then turns right (east) towards New Britain and
Doylestown. In the center of Doylestown, at the intersection with Route 611/Main Street the
old road goes straight, but now is one-way going west. To pick up the old Doylestown-
Coryell’s Ferry Road/Route 202 turn right on Main St., then left on Oakland Avenue, go
straight (east) on Oakland to the intersection with Route 202, and turn right. Follow Route
202 to the intersection with Route 413/Durham Road in Buckingham. The old road turned
right (now a dead-end spur called Bogart’s Tavern Road), then made a left (east) by
Bogart’s tavern (now called the General Greene Inn) on to the York Road. Heading east
you will pass through Holicong (“Green Town”), and Lahaska (where Buckingham Friends
Meeting is located), to the intersection with Aquetong Road; the Paxson house “Rolling
Green” is on the left, on the west side of Aquetong Road. If you wish to go on to the
Coryell’s Ferry landing, where the army crossed over to New Jersey, continue east on Route
202. The old road (Old York Road) occasionally veers off to the right from the modern
highway. As you near the river into New Hope, Ferry Street angles off to the right and leads
down to the original site of the ferry landing.
On the New Jersey side of the Delaware River, the road from Coryell’s Ferry to Amwell
Meeting/Mount Airy, via York Road, can be easily traced today. On the New Jersey side,
the eastern terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk
east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s
Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to the eighteenth century route of York Road can
roughly be done. First, continue to the end of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs
into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route 179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and
turn left on West Franklin Street. At the next intersection, turn right on York Street, which
soon turns left on to the original Old York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old
road, which occasionally diverges off to the right of the modern route. Route 179/York
Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts
right through Mount Airy, situated on high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping
area for Washington’s troops.
The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus
a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York
Road/Routre 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a
short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s
Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on
52
Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road.
Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short
distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm
lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General
Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line
Road, approximately a half mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike.
There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but there is no
through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show Feather Bed Lane
leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with Hopewell-Amwell
Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but Feather Bed Lane is
closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road.
The route from the Hopewell camp begins at the John Hunt House. Travelling south on
Provine Line Road, turn left (east), taking Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike to
Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone River, turn south on Kingston-Rocky Hill
Road/Laurel Avenue towards Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early
evening. From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John
Lawrence’s Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction).
The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the
thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of
Cranbury. The next day their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to
the Prospect Plains Road, then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which
crosses the Manalapan Brook). The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several
variants, including “Monolopy” and “Penolopen.” The day of the battle Washington’s main
force took the road from Manalapan Bridge; the route that traces the 18th century
thoroughfares roads leads east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right turn on to
Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit less than
2,000 feet the road turns left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta Avenue. The
last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to Englishtown.
(Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a hill where a
portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on 28 June,
and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon reaching
Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold Road;
that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken by
Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard. ____________________
Day by Day Recap of Route June 19 1778
General Washington’s three divisions followed the course taken by Charles Lee’s troops
(his own and General Wayne’s divisions), across the Schuylkill, along Pawling’s and Egypt
Roads, down the Ridge Pike to Whitehall Road, and then south on Germantown Pike.
Armstrong and Wild both noted the distance traveled this day as nine miles, placing the end
of the first day’s march for Washington’s main body on Germantown Pike, near Dr. Robert
Shannon’s house. That locale served as army headquarters on the night of June 19-20, and
the commander-in-chief’s sleeping tent was likely erected near the house. (Shannon’s
mansion may still be seen at Norristown Farm Park, just off Germantown Pike.)
June 20
Washington’s three divisions, plus the bulk of the baggage and artillery had followed in
the path of Lee’s force, down Swede Road, then east on State Road (DeKalb Pike). The
commander-in-chief and staff stopped at the house of Mordecai Moore, then continued on.
53
The exact location of Moore’s residence is unknown, but Dr. McHenry’s estimate of seven
miles distance from the Shannon home places it along State Road, between Gwynedd
Friends Meeting and Welsh Road. The army’s main body proceeded via State Road and
Bethelehem Pike to Doylestown Road, ending their day’s march at Doylestown, camping on
the high ground along the road. Their distance this day totaled about eighteen miles.
(Doylestown Road is present-day Route 202. As it enters Doylestown it becomes West State
Street, then East State Street, and on through town. The course is the same as the 18th
century thoroughfare, but one-way traffic makes impossible driving the actual eastwards
route. Once outside Doylestown proper the road name is changed once again, to
Doylestown-Buckingham Pike/Route 202.)
June 20-22
Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions began the day at New Britain, moved through Doylestown,
and continued along the Doylestown-Buckingham Pike (Route 202). Upon reaching
Buckingham proper the Pike made a right hook and joined with the York Road (the old
route has been altered, but the spur exists in present-day Bogarts Tavern Road, now a
dead-end lane; Bogart’s Tavern, Nathanael Green’s headquarters in 1776, still exists as the
General Greene Inn at the corner of York Road and Route 413/Durham Road). Lee’s
troops turned left on York Road towards the Delaware River. After a six and a half mile
march York Road angles right, downhill towards the Coryell’s Ferry western landing (now
Ferry Street, in New Hope). On the New Jersey side, the eastern terminus of the ferry has
been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the
canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to
the eighteenth century route of York Road can roughly be done. First, continue to the end
of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route
179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and turn left on West Franklin Street. At the
next intersection, turn right on York Street, which soon turns left on to the original Old
York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old road, which occasionally diverges off to
the right of the modern route. Route 179/York Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three
miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts right through Mount Airy, situated on
high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping area for Washington’s troops.
June 23
The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus
a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York
Road/Routre 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a
short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s
Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on
Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road.
Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short
distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm
lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General
Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line
Road, approximately three quarters of a mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin
Turnpike. There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but
there is no through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show
Feather Bed Lane leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with
Hopewell-Amwell Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but
Feather Bed Lane is closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road.
54
June 25
After leaving the Hopewell camp Washington’s army took modern-day Route
518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike east to Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone
River, the troops turned south on Kingston-Rocky Hill Road/Laurel Avenue towards
Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early evening.
From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John Lawrence’s
Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction); the distance from Hopewell to the first stop at
Kingston was 9.6 miles, from there to Longbridge another 4.1 miles, making 13.7 miles
covered for the day.
June 26
The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the
thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of
Cranbury.
June 27
When Washington’s troops halted on the 27th they were positioned at Manalapan Bridge
(on the Manalapan Brook, where present-day Hoffman Station Road crosses that waterway;
their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to the Prospect Plains Road,
then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which crosses the Manalapan Brook).
The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several variants, including “Monolopy” and
“Penolopen.” A field return of Washington’s army, likely erroneously dated June 28th
1778, was probably done the previous day given that it was tallied at “Ponolopon Bridge.”
June 28
The road from Manalapan Bridge led east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right
turn on to Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit
less than 2,000 feet the road turned left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta
Avenue. The last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to
Englishtown. (Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a
hill where a portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on
28 June, and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon
reaching Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold
Road; that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken
by Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard. ______________________________
The Road to Hopewell.
There has been some contention as to the route Washington’s troops took after they
crossed the Delaware River in 1778. Having studied correspondence, diaries, and weather
conditions, there is no doubt the army began their march via the Old York Road, a well-
known highway often used by Continental forces as they marched and countermarched
across New Jersey in the summer of 1777. General Washington originally based his route
on the supposition that British Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton intended to take his army to
North Jersey, and still held that possibility open as late as 22 June, two days after Lee’s
Division crossed at Coryell’s Ferry. Thus when Major General Lee received his marching
instructions on 18 June he was told “you are to halt on the first strong ground after
passing the Delaware at Coryells ferry till further orders unless you should receive
authentic intelligence that the enemy have proceeded by a direct rout to South Amboy (or
still lower). In this case you will continue your March to the No[rth]. River agreeably to
55
former orders and by the rout already given you.” In the event, Lee’s Division, after
crossing the Delaware on 20 June, advanced three miles into New Jersey and then halted,
still uncertain of Clinton’s course. This supports a march via the York Road, as
advancing three miles up what is known as the Old Bungtown Road, then for all intents a
farmer’s path or “driftway,” committed the army to march via Hopewell and Princeton.106
Having begun their advance on the most direct route to north Jersey from the ferry
landing, and still assuming General Clinton’s force was heading for Northern New
Jersey, General Washington received word from New Jersey militia Brig. Gen. Philemon
Dickinson the British were threatening Trenton. Military Secretary James McHenry noted
in his diary for 22 June, “Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at
the draw bridge 4 miles below Trenton,” and Joseph Clark, deputy quartermaster of
Woodford’s brigade recorded, “Monday morning, June 22d, the whole army encamped
near the new meeting house, having got word that the enemy were moving toward Trenton,
the army marched next morning towards them, and encamped at Hopewell …” Being
apprised of the need to alter the army’s course to Princeton, General Washington, with the
aid of local guides, turned his troops towards Hopewell, across the Sourland Hills. Two
miles further up York Road, one and a half miles before Ringoes, a side road (present-
day Gulick Road) turns off towards the King’s Highway, and was the route taken on the
movement towards Princeton. (See Hammond map, “Washington’s March from Coryell’s
to Baptist Meeting [Hopewell]”).107
Connecting landmarks to Washington’s initial line of march was initially difficult. Sgt.
Jeremiah Greenman, with Lee’s Division, repeatedly noted the place where they camped
before moving on to Hopewell:
S[unday] 20 [June]. this morn the genl beet att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht
about 7 milds & made a halt at a small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain /
Crost the dilliware / pushed on about 5 milds to Amwell ware we piched our tents in a field
...
S 21. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents. march about a mild then was
order'd to march back in to the field ware we incampt ware we continued all day. Exspecting
Genl. Washington to cros the dilliware. very hott whether. order'd to be in readyness for to
march in the morn.
M 22. Continuing in amwell / wraining wether / Genl Washington crost the river with a
large Number of troops /
T 23. this morn started from amwell / the hole army marcht toward prince town / marcht
about ten milds & stopt [at] hopewill.108
Amwell was an ambiguous place name, but Lee’s Division camped at or near present-
day Mount Airy, three miles from the river. The distance is corroborated by both Lt. Col.
Henry Dearborn, also with Lee’s Division, and Sgt. Ebenezer Wild, who crossed with
DeKalb’s Division on the 22d. Dearborn wrote, “20th we Cross. Corrells ferry &
Proceeded 3 miles & incamp.d … 22d our Whole army Incamp.d about 3 miles from
Correels Ferry in Jersey,” while Sergeant Wild noted, “22 June … About 8 o’clk [A.M.]
we marched down to the ferry & crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the
Jerseys, and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then we marched about 2 miles further,
where we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field.” Add these to
Joseph Clark’s mention that “June 22d, the whole army encamped near the new meeting
house,” and the Robert Erskine map showing the location of “Amwell Meeting House.”
56
Both refer to the Second English Presbyterian Meeting established at Amwell/Mount Airy in
1754.109
______________________________
The Bungtown Road Controversy.
Several secondary sources claim that a portion of Washington’s army traveled towards
Hopewell over the Bungtown Road (described in several sources as a “driftway,”
meaning a rough track or path used by local farmers for herding cattle, etc.). The same
sources admit any such detachments were likely cavalry as the nature of that throughway
could not handle large numbers of troops with their attendant animals and vehicles.
Besides the steep hills and rough nature of the track, the route’s unsuitability for heavy
traffic would have been made worse by the rain that fell on June 19th
, 20th
, and again on
the 22nd
. It is highly unlikely any troops, unless they were militia or very small parties of
Continental cavalry or infantry, traveled the Bungtown Road during the move to
Hopewell. One possibility, still doubtful, is that Col. Stephen Moylan’s 4th Continental
Light Dragoons with other cavalry, detached on 22 June, marched directly from Coryell’s
Ferry over Bungtown Road to join General Dickinson’s New Jersey militia near
Trenton.110
Be that as it may, the now-defunct thruway, likely in use by farmers during the
Revolution, offers a lovely walk through woods, fields, and wetlands. The path at one
point crosses an old stone bridge of uncertain age and remarkable workmanship. These,
then, are the directions to access the old Bungtown Road. By heading up Ferry Street, and
continuing on as it becomes Lily Street, then across Route 29, and up Route 518 about 50
feet (modern Route 518, leading to Hopewell, began as the Georgetown and Franklin
Turnpike, built in 1820-22), you can turn to the left on to Quarry Street/Rocktown-
Lambertville Road. About 150 yards further on the old Bungtown Road (now called
Stymiest/Rock Road) turns off to the right. After turning in from Quarry
Street/Rocktown-Lambertville Road, Bungtown Road ends after about a half mile, but
any hardy soul, equipped with directions, can walk the original road, now closed and at
times hard to follow. The road trace ends on Rock Crest Road leading to Rock Road
West. The original path then headed northeast on present-day Rock Road West in the
general direction of Hopewell.111
______________________________
57
Weather During the Monmouth Campaign
(Excerpted from, John U. Rees, “’Exceeding Hot & water is scarce …’: Monmouth Campaign
Weather, 15 June to 7 July, 1778,”Appendix Q of, "’What is this you have been about to day?’:
The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth,”
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm )
19 June 1778 (At or near Valley Forge)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“19th F: Cloudy some rain …”
Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“on ye 19th ... Came up with the Brigade about 2 o'Clock the whole Devision Pitched Tents Something Rainy
Towards night”
20 June 1778 (Doylestown)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“20th S: very rainey P.M. …”
(Coryell’s Ferry)
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
20 June, “... marcht a bout 7 milds & made a halt ... then pushed on in the rain / Crost the
diliware …”
21 June 1778
(Coryell’s Ferry)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“21st Sabb: Cloudy very hot …”
Sergeant Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment
“21 June. [1778] About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted off in
order to march.”
22 June 1778
(Coryell’s Ferry/Amwell)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“22nd M: Cloudy some rain …”
Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“22d … Rainy night ...”
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
22 June, “Continuing in amwell / wraining wether ...”
23 June 1778
(March from Amwell to Hopewell)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“23rd T: Cloudy …”
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
23 June, “… misty wraining wether.”
24 June 1778
(Hopewell)
58
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“24th W: fair …“
25 June 1778
(Kingston/Long Bridge)
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“25th Th: fair & hot …”
Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“the 25th … Exceeding hot this Day Lay out all This night marched Early in the morn”
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
25 June, “… very hot sultry wether ...”
26 June 1778 (Cranbury)
General Washington (1 July letter)
The army arrived at “Cranberry early [in] the … morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the Weather, and a
heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great
inconvenience and injury to the troops.”
Surgeon Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“26th F: fair & light showers with thunder …”
Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the Enemy are makeing
their way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums Brigades Began their march towards
Munmouth marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard] on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat”
(Near Cranbury)
Lt. Colonel Dearborn, 3rd
New Hampshire Regiment
(Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment)
“26th ... The weather is Extreemly Hot, we are Obliged to march very Modirate …”
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
(Major-General Charles Lee’s detachment)
26 June, “... pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ... hear we stayed three owers ... our
Division was order'd forrid under the Command of Genl Lee / we went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum
very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.”
Volunteer Swartwout, 2nd New York Regiment
(Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment)
26 June, “At the sound of the horn we marched eight miles and halted, owing to a heavy shower of rain
which lasted some time--After it abated marched two miles and halted in a wood.”
27 June 1778
British Army Route of March (Headquarters, Monmouth Courthouse)
Captain Ewald, Field Jaeger Corps
"The 27th. Since the army had lost over two hundred men on yesterday's march through the intolerable heat, it
stopped today to rest ..."
59
Lieutenant von Krafft, Regiment Von Bose
“27 June Sat. … At midnight [27/28 June] another and much more terrific thunderstorm than the
previous one came up, with heavy rain, so that again we got wet through. At daybreak we were ordered to
leave our [picket] post and betake ourselves to the regiment …”
Washington’s Army Route of March
(Manalapan Bridge)
Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery Regiment
“27th S: fair and excessive hot!”
Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came
within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting
and Som Rain at night ...”
(Englishtown)
Lt. Colonel Dearborn, 3rd
New Hampshire Regiment
(Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment)
“27th … the weather Remains Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the middle
of the Day & Incamp’d.”
Colonel Seely, Morris County militia
“Jun 27th
, marched to a meeting house near English Town; our men suffered greatly with heat and
drought.”
Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment
(Major-General Charles Lee’s detachment)
27 June, “this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass ... pushed on 6 milds near Englishtown ... [after some
further marching and halting] we marcht half a mild into a Medow ... I took quart[er]s. under a huckel bury
buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold.”
Weather Sources
"Samuel Adams's Private Miscellaneous Diary Ann: Dom: 1778. Kept partly in the Town of Dorchester
and partly in his Excellency General Washington's Camp at Valley Forge, White Plains,
Fredericksburgh, &c ...," Samuel Adams Diaries, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library.
Robert C. Bray and Paul E. Bushnell, eds., Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution: An
Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman, (DeKalb, DeKalb: Northern Illinois
University Press, 1978), 120-124.
Lloyd A. Brown and Howard H. Peckham, eds., Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 1775-
1783 (Chicago: The Caxton Club, 1939; reprinted Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994), 123-129.
Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, Joseph P. Tustin, ed. (New Haven and
London,: Yale University Press, 1979), 132-139.
Edward A. Hoyt, ed., "A Revolutionary Diary of Captain Paul Brigham November 19, 1777-September
4, 1778," Vermont History, vol. 34 (1966), 25-30.
"Journal of Lieutenant John Charles Philip von Krafft, of the Regiment Von Bose, 1776-1784,"
Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1882 (New York: New-York Historical Society,
1883), 40-49.
Sylvanus Seely Diary, original in Morristown National Historic Park Collection, transcription
(World Wide Web), http://www.popenoe.com/Diary/Seely%20Diary%203.htm
60
Bernardus Swartwout, diary 10 November 1777-9 June 1783, Bernardus Swartwout Papers, New-York
Historical Society, 4-6.
George Washington to the President of Congress, 1 July 1778; to John Augustine Washington, 4 July
1778, John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript
Sources 1745-1799, vol. 12 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1934), 139-143, 156-158.
Ebenezer Wild, "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd
series, vol. VI (Boston, Ma., 1891), 108-111.
______________________________
Selected Accounts of the March from Valley Forge to Englishtown
Fifteen-year-old Sally Wister commented on the troops marching from Valley Forge. At the time of
the Monmouth Campaign she and her family resided in North Wales (Gwynedd), at “the old house at
Penllyn, - the Foulke mansion …” The Foulke mansion is located on present-day Penllyn and
Bluebell Pikes.
Sixth Day [Saturday], Morn, June 19th. …
We have heard an astonishing piece of news! The English have entirely left the city! It is almost
impossible! …
Sixth Day. Eve.
A light horseman has just confirm’d the above intelligence! This is charmante [charming]! They
decamp’d yesterday. He (the horseman) was in Philadelphia. It is true. They have gone. Pat a
doubt. I can’t help exclaiming it to the girls, -
“Now are you sure the news is true? Now are you sure they have gone?” “Yes, yes, yes!” they
all cry, “and may they never, never return.”
Dr. Gould came here to-night. Our army are about six miles off, on their march to the Jerseys.
Seventh Day, Morn. [20 June]
O.F. [Owen Foulke] arrived just now, and relateth as followeth: - The army began their march
at six this morning by their house. Our worthy General Smallwood [the Wisters had entertained
Gen. William Smallwood and his staff the previous October] breakfasted at Uncle Caleb’s [Caleb
Foulke]. He ask’d how Mr. and Mrs. Wister and the young ladies were, and sent his respects to us.
Our brave, our heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life Guard, with drawn
swords. … We have been very anxious to know how the inhabitants of Philadelphia have far’d. I
understand that General Arnold, who bears a good character, has the command of the city, and that
the soldiers conducted [themselves] with great decorum. Smallwood says they had the strictest
orders to behave well; and I dare say they obey’d the order. I now think of nothing but returning to
Philadelphia.
Note: Sally’s Uncle Caleb Foulke, father of Owen Foulke (O.F.), lived at “the Meredith house, on the
Swedes’ Ford road.” That thoroughfare is just above State Road (modern-day DeKalb Pike). It runs
from a junction with DeKalb Pike north of Gwynedd Friends Meeting, ands runs in a southwesterly
direction, terminating at the intersection with Township Line Road. Gwynedd Friends Meeting lies
just below Swede’s Ford Road, at 1304 DeKalb Pike. In his 1884 work Henry Jenkins mistakenly
recounted the route of the army:
When the American army moved from Valley Forge to New Jersey, in June 1778, the whole of it
doubtless marched through Gwynedd, and at least a part of it encamped there over night, June 19-
20. … The march from Valley Forge was down the main roads, including the Perkiomen and
Skippack, to the Swede’s Ford road, and then across on it by Doylestown to Wells’s Ferry [sic,
actually Coryell’s Ferry] (New Hope), where the army crossed the river into New Jersey. That
Washington himself encamped in Gwynedd on the night of the 19th
is quite likely [actually, G.W.
61
stayed at Dr. Robert Shannon’s house at Norriton, present-day Farm Park on the grounds of the
old Norristown State Hospital] …
Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd
Continental Artillery "18th Th: fair & very hot - the enemy this morning left Philadelphia, crossed the Delaware into N. Jersey &
our Army recd. orders to March ...
19th F: Cloudy some rain - our whole Army marched from their camp at the Valley towards Coryells ferry ...
20th S: very rainey P.M. - the Army encamped at Night near Doyle's Town in Bucks County ...
21st Sabb: Cloudy very hot - part of the Army crossed the Delaware at Coryells Ferry ...
22nd M: Cloudy some rain - the remainder of the Army crossed the Ferry ...
23rd T: Cloudy - the Army marched on to Hopewell left our Tents & heavy baggage in the rear & slept the
Night in an Ammunition waggon.
24th W: fair - the Army remained in [Hopewell] except a Detachment of light troops sent off under Genl.
Scott - I rode over to Prince Town & returned ...
25th Th: fair & hot - the Army Marched on halted at Kingstown from 12 o'clock till sunsett, then marched
again halted about 12 at Night at a place called Long Bridge - this day a large detachment sent forward under
the command of the Marquis de la Fayette ...
26th F: fair & light showers with thunder - the Army proceeded on to Cranbury - a detachment sent off under
Gen'l Lee ...
27th S: fair and excessive hot! - we marched in the morning to Penelopon's Creek. The detachments that had
been sent off halted this night at English Town 4 miles in front of the Main Army.
Henry Dearborn, lt. colonel, 3
rd New Hampshire Regiment
27th we march.d Early this morning within one mile of the Enimy & ware ordered by an Express from Genr
l.
Washington to Counter March to where we Incamp’d Last night, & from thence to file off to English Town
[page 126] (which Lay 7 miles on Our Left as we followed the Enimy) & their Join Genrl. Lee Who was there
with 2000 men. the weather Remains Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the
middle of the Day & Incamp’d. the Enimy Remain at Monmouth. Genrl. Washington with the Grand army
Lays about 5 mile in our Rear. Deserters come in in Large numbers.
28th haveing Intiligence this morning before sun Rise that the Enimy ware moving, we ware Ordered,
together with the Troops Commanded by the Marquis & Genrl. Lee (in the whole about 5000) to march towards
the Enimy … at Eleven o Clock A.M. after marching 6 or 7 miles we arriv’d on the Plains Near Monmouth
Court House, Where a Collumn of the Enimy appeared in sight. A brisk Cannonade Commens’d on both sides.
The Collumn which was advancing towards us Halted & soon Retired, but from some moovements of theirs we
ware Convince’d they Intended to fight us, shifted our ground, form.d on very good ground & waited to see if
they intended to Come on. We soon Discovere’d a Large Collumn Turning our Right & an Other Comeing up
in our Front With Cavelry in front of both Collumns Genrl. Lee was on the Right of our Line who Left the
ground & made Tracks Quick Step towards English Town. Genrl. Scots Detatchment Remaind on the ground
we form.d on until we found we ware very near surrounded- & ware Obliged to Retire which we Did in good
order altho we ware hard Prest on our Left flank.- the Enimy haveing got a mile in Rear of us before we began
to Retire & ware bearing Down on our Left as we went off & we Confin’d by a Morass on our Right. after
Retireing about 2 miles we met his Excelency Genrl. Washington who after seeing what Disorder Genr
l. Lee.
s
Troops ware in appeer’d to be at a Loss whether we should be able to make a stand or not. however he order’d
us to form on a Heighth [Perrine Hill], & Indevour to Check the Enimy, we form.d & about 12 Peices of
Artillery being brought on the hill with us: the Enimy at the same time advancing very Rappedly finding we
had form.d, they form.d in our front on a Ridge & brought up their Artillery within about 60 Rods* [330 yards]
of our front. When the briske[s]t Cannonade Commenced on both sides that I Ever heard. Both Armies ware on
Clear Ground & if any thing Can be Call.d Musical where there is so much Danger, I think that was the finest
musick, I Ever heared. however the agreeableness of the musick was very often Lessen’d by the balls Coming
too near – Our men being very much beat out with Fateague & heat which was very intence, we order.d them to
sit Down & Rest them Selves … Soon after the Cannonade became serious a Large Collum of the Enimy began
to turn our Left [this was in front of Proctor’s Artillery, behind which Maxwell’s New Jersey brigade was
formed]. Some Part of our Artillery Play’d upon them very Briskly & they finding their main Body ware not
advancing, halted. The Cannonade Continued about 2 ½ Hours & then the Enimy began to Retire from their
Right. Genrl. Washington being in front of our Reg
t. when the Enimy began to Retire from their Right he
62
ordered Colo. Cilley & me with ab
t. 300 men to go & attact the Enimies Right wing which then was Passing
thro an orchard, but when they found we ware about to attact them they formed & stood Redy to Receive us,
when we arriv’d within 200 yards of them we form.d Batallion & advanc’d, (the Last of which was within 60
yards of the Enimy) we Could advance but slowly, the Enimy when we ware takeing Down the Last fence, give
us a very heavy fire which we Did not Return. after takeing Down the Last fence we march’d on with armes
shoulderd Except. 20 men who we sent on their Right to scurmish with them while we Pass.d the fences. the
Enimy finding we ware Determined to Come to Close quarter, fil.d off from the Left & Run off upon our Right
into a swamp & form.d in the Edge of it. We Wheel.d to the Right & advanc.d towards them. they began a
heavy fire upon us. we ware Desending toward them in Open field, with Shoulder’d armes until we had got
within 4 Rods* [22 yards] of them when our men Dress’d very Coolly & we then gave them a very heavy fire
from the whole Batallion. they had two Peices of artillery across a small Run which Play’d with grape very
briskly upon us but when they found we ware Determin’d to Push upon them they Retreeted to their main body
which was giving way & ware Persued by some Parties from our Line. We persued until we got Possesion of
the field of Battle, where we found 300 Dead & a Conciderable number of wound[ed]. among the Dead was
Colo. Mungton & a number of other officers. the Enimy Retire’d across a Morass & form’d. Our men being
beat out with heat & fateague it was thought not Prudent to Persue them. Great numbers of the Enemy Died
with heat & some of ours. We Remain’d on the field of Battle & ware to attact the Enimy Early Next morning
but they Prevented us by a Precipate Retreet in the middle of the night. they Left 5 Officers wounded at
Monmouth Court House the Enimies Whole Loss in the Battle of Monmouth was
327 kill’d
500 wounded
95 Prisoner
-------
Our Loss - 63 kill’d
210 wounded
here ends the famous Battle of Monmouth.”
(* rod: 16.5 feet or 5.5 yards.)
Captain Paul Brigham, 8th
Connecticut Regiment “on ye 18th [June 1778] ... G[eneral] Lees Devision marchd 4 or 5 miles and Encamped
on ye 19th ... Came up with the Brigade about 2 o'Clock the whole Devision Pitched Tents Something Rainy
Towards night
on ye 20th Struk Tents at 3 o'Clok this morn and marched and Crossed ... the Delaware at Carrels [Ferry]
marchd about 3 or 4 miles Piche Tents
on ye 21th Struck Tents at 3 Clock begand our march But Soon had orders to Turn Back and incamped on our
old Ground His Excellency Crossed the River yesterday
on 22d the Enemy [at] mount Holly [New Jersey] yesterday Rainy night ...
on 23d marched Early for Princes town [New Jersey] Stopd short about 6 miles the army Took Different
Routes. acounts warn that the Enemy Ware Between Trent[on] & Bourden town [New Jersey] our army Lay
Still this night
on ye 24th Lay Still this morn and our Baggage Came ... heard that the Enemy had filed of[f] to the Right and
ware making their way towards Woodbridge
on the 25th marched and Left Princetown on our Right made a halt at Kingstown the Marqus [Lafayette] and
G[eneral] Waine went out with a Detachment - Exceeding hot this Day Lay out all This night marched Early in
the morn
on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the Enemy are makeing their
way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums Brigades Began their march towards Munmouth
marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard] on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat
on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came
within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting
and Som Rain at night ...”
63
Sergeant Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment
“21 June. [1778] About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted off in
order to march. About 11 o’clk we marched off, and made no halt till we got within about a quarter of a
mile of the Dilewear [Delaware], where we pitched our tents on an eminence’ and we had orders to be
ready to cross the ferry tomorrow morning at 4 o’clk.
22 June. At 5 o’clk the General was beat. We struck our tents and loaded our baggage. Between 6 & 7
o’clk we fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 8 o’clk we marched down to the ferry &
crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the Jerseys, and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then
we marched about 2 miles further, where we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field.
23 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat, & we turned out & got ready to march. About 7
o’clk we marched off, but left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched about 10
miles, & halted on the road about 4 hours, & turned into a field to cook provision, & had orders to march at
11 o’clk at night. Our tents did not come up this night, but what little time we had to sleep we slept in the
open field, which was only from 11 o’clk at night till 4 in the morning. The reason we did not march at 11
o’clk was because we could not get provision till late.
24 June. This morning at 4 o’clk the General was beat. We got up, fell in & were counted off in order to
march, but we did not. Our tents came up to us, & we pitched them on the field, where we lay all night.
We had no orders to march this day, but slept very quietly in our tents all day.
25 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat throughout the whole army; at 6 o’clk the Troop
beat. We fell in & were counted off in order to march. We left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage
behind us. We marched off, and making several short stops on the road to rest we arrived at Kingstown
between 12 & 1 o’clk. We marched into a large field there and made a halt, it being very hot weather. Just
after we halted we sent out a large detachment, to see if they could make any discovery of the enemy, under
the command of the Markis Delefiat [Marquis de Lafayette]. About sundown we moved ahead about a
quarter of a mile further, into a field where we expected to take up our lodgings for the night. But we had
not been here above a quarter of an hour before the long roll beat. We fell in to our arms and marched
about 5 miles, and halted in the road all night.
26 June. At 5 o’clk we fell in to our arms & were counted off in order to march. About half after ---
o’clk we began our march and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road & drew two days allowance of
pork & flour. We cooked our provision. Between 4 & 5 o’clk we began our march again, but we had not
got but a very short way before it began to rain, which caused us to stop. It held raining above an hour
successively, and was attended with very heavy thunder and sharp lightning. It being late when it stopped
raining, we took our lodgings in the road without anything to cover us, or any thing to lodge on but the wet
ground, & we in a very wet condition.
27 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General beat. We got up * fell in to our arms and were counted off
in order to march. We drew a gill of whiskey a man, and about 7 o’clk we began our march, and marched
about 4 miles & stopped in the road to rest and get water. After stopping about a half an hour we marched
again about a mile further, and it being excessive hot, we halted again. I expected we should go further but
we stopped here all day. We had no orders for marching at sundown. I had the flank guard while we
marched this day. We lay in the open field. Hard thunder, &c. &c.
28 June. This morning about 6 o’clk the General beat; in about an hour afterwards the Troop beat. We
fell in & marched off. Went about 4 miles, & made a little halt to sarch [search] our arms and
ammunition. Every man was compleated with 40 rounds apiece. We left all our packs and blankets, and
marched on in pursuit of the enemy as far as we could. About 2 o’clk came up with them. Our Division
formed a line on the eminence about a half a mile in the front of the enemy, and our artillery in our front.
A very smart cannonading ensued from both sides. We stayed here till several of our officers & men were
killed and wounded. Seeing that it was of no service to stand here, we went back a little ways into the
words; but the cannonading still continued very smart on bout sides about two hours, when the enemy
retreated and we marched up & took possession of their ground. This place is called Monmouth. It has
been very hot all day. Numbers of our men had fainted and given out with the heat before we came up to
the enemy. We lay here all night in the field.
29 June. Very warm this morning. We lay still here till 5 o’clk, at which time the General beat, and we
marched to the ground where we left our baggage yesterday, and lay there all night without any tents.
30 June. Excessive hot this morning. We lay still here all day.
1 July [1778]. This morning between 1 & 2 o’clk the General was beat. We got up & fell in, & were
counted off in order to march; but we were delayed till almost daylight, and then we marched off & went 9
64
miles without making of any halt, which brought us to a place called Spots Wood. We arrived here about 8
o’clk in the morning, and make a general halt here. …”
Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman, 2d Rhode Island Regiment “T 18. [June 1778] ... last night about twelve oClock att the beet of the Genl. struck our tents / marcht about 4
milds & incampt in a large field
F 19. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents / marcht fore or five milds / Stopd a few moments then
pushed on as far as Newbriton ware we halted about one oClock & piched our tents in a larg field ware we
taried all day.
S 20. this morn the genl beet att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht about 7 milds & made a halt at a
small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain / Crost the dilliware / pushed on about 5 milds to
Amwell ware we piched our tents in a field ...
S 21. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents. march about a mild then was order'd to march back in
to the field ware we incampt ware we continued all day. Exspecting Genl. Washington to cros the dilliware.
very hott whether. order'd to be in readyness for to march in the morn.
M 22. Continuing in amwell / wraining wether / Genl Washington crost the river with a large Number of
troops /
T 23. this morn started from amwell / the hole army marcht toward prince town / marcht about ten milds &
stopt [at] hopewill. then the Rijmts marcht off / Left part of our division on the Ground wich was command'd
by Genl Lee / then we marcht in to a field ware we fixed our arms, & lay on the the Ground in the field / misty
wraining wether.
W 24. this morn thare was a detachtmt of 5 thousan men sent toward the enemy / Continuing in hope will /
holding our Selvs in readyness for to march ...
T 25. this morn the Genl. beet / we peraded the Rijt. & slung our packs marcht as far as rockey hill ware made
a small halt / then pushed on as far as kingstown ware we made a halt and sent out a large guard. very hot &
sultry wether / we have Intiligence of the enemy being about fourteen milds off & the Militia clost [close] after
them ... att Sun down marcht into a field ware we grounded our arms & order'd to stay by them ware we stayed
about half a Nowr / then marcht 5 milds and halted in a flax field at a place cal'd long Bridge.
F 26. this morn started very early / pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ware we made a
halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18 milds a head & the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear
we stayed three owers & drawed sum provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command
of Genl Lee / went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.
S 27. this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass. from [illeg.] pushed on 6 milds near Englishtown ware
we draw'd 40 rounds of Cartireges / then marcht into the wood ware we heard a Number of Cannon fir'd toward
the Surthurd of us / then we march'd about half a mild to the left of the army ware we stopt a Nower / then we
ware order'd to sling our packs / we marcht half a mild into a Medow almost to the wright whare I took quarts.
under a huckel bury buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold.
S 28. Englishtown / this morn att two oClock we slung our packs / advanc'd towards the enemy about 3 milds
from ware lay / part of the militia & light horse that was on the wright engag'd the enemy / then our Division
under the Command of Genl Lee advanced towards the enemy / thay form'd in a Sollid Collom then fir'd a
voley att us / thay being so much Superier to our Number we retreated / thay begun a very heavy Cannading /
kil'd a few of our Rijmt. then we form'd again under a fence ware the light horse advanced on us / we began a
fire on them very heavy / then the footmen rushed on us / after firing a Number of rounds we was obliged to
retreat. a Number of our men died with heat a retreating. A Number of troops form'd in the rear of us and sum
artillira wich cover'd our retreat. thay began a fire on the enemy, then thay [the British] retreat'd ... we went
back to the ground ware we left in the morning att English town ...
M 29. Continuing in English town. this day we buried all the dead / the enemy gone off intirly / very hott
indeed so that the men that wan [went] on a march retreating yesterday throy'd away thay packs & so forth and
a Number dyed before ye enemy retreated back.
T 30. Continuing in a field near to English town / water very scarce indeed / Such a Number of Solders that
water is almost as scares as Liquor & what is got is very bad indeed ... this afternoon we draw'd two days
provision & fit for a march.”
65
Dr. James McHenry, assistant secretary to General Washington 1778. Early this morning by intelligence from McLane, Sir Henry Clinton and the British army evacuated
Philadelphia and took post on the Jersey side.
Everything being arranged for our march – a division under General Lee proceeded towards the Delaware in
the evening.
19th. [June 1778] The whole army in motion – March to Norringtown Township, Encamp on Stony run. Head
Quarters at a Doctor Shannons. A good farm house – good cheer – and a pretty situation.
A letter from Genl. Dickinson to his Excellency – The enemy, the General writes, at Eyres Town, three miles
below Montholly. – The militia collecting to give them opposition. Some little skirmishing – The enemy
repairing a bridge which our people had broke down.
20th
. March at 4 o’clock in the morning. – Hault at Mordecai Moors, about 7 miles from Shannons … The
army encamps for the night 8 miles from Moors and 25 from Philadelphia. Head Quarters at Jonathan Fells.
A rainy evening. Let me see, what company have we got within doors. – A pretty, full-faced, youthful,
playfull lass. – The family quakers, meek and unsuspicious. – [Alexander] Hamilton [another of
Washington’s aides], thou shalt not tread on this ground – I mark it for my own. Enter not this circle.
The pretty girl gives me some excellent milk, and sits and chats with me till bedtime. – She was too
innocent a subject for gallantry, so I kissed her hand – telling her that we should be all gone before she got
up – but not to forget that one man is often more dangerous to a woman than a whole army.
In the morning, as we were about to move, we were stopped by a deputation from the Seneca, Tuscarora,
and Oneida Indians, who requested an audience of the Genl.
Their speaker informed the General that the Indians which he represents [the Oneida and Tuscarora were
allied with the Americans, the Seneca sided with the British; all were tribes of the Iroquois nation are now
at war with the Americans, but that this circumstance did not prevent him from trusting himself with his
enemy when in search of the warrior Astiarix, whom he understood was a prisoner with the Americans.
[Here McHenry paraphrases the emissary’s prolonged oration, telling of his mission, and the importance of
Astiarix] … His Excellency replied to this bold and animated speech through the interpreter – that he did
not know anything of the warrior, Astiarix – that perhaps he might be in Virginia [where he was captured]
– that if a prisoner, his life was safe: - that he was sorry to be at war with the Senecas, Tuscororas &
Oneidas, and that he wished to bury the hatchet, &c, &c, - He then desired the Indians to observe the army
(which was drawn up and ready to march) – suggesting that if peace could not be made upon reasonable
terms with the Indians, he must send these men, pointing to the troops, to make it. [In fact, many of those
same soldiers were sent against the Iroquois in northern Pennsylvania and New York in summer 1779.] –
The Indians then took leave, and the army took up its line of march.
10 o’clock. [21 June 1778]
Additional waggons ordered for the tents which were weat and heavier in consequence.
A rapid morning’s march. The heat excessive – Some of the soldiers die suddenly. Reach
Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side.
The General crosses – with the spare baggage and the artillery.
Headquarters at one Holcombs in the Jersey. Here are some charming girls – But one of the
drums of the guard more a favorite than Hamilton.
Division of Lee and Wayne [on the Jersey side] 4 miles in advance of Coryells.
General [Benedict] Arnold [commander at Philadelphia] advises that the Enemy’s advanced
guard commanded by Genl. Leslie consists of 2,000 – the main body 5,000 – rear guard 2,000 –
under Knyphausen …
22d. Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at the draw bridge 4 miles
below Trenton, and preparing for a vigorous defense of that post. – The enemy’s superiority in
horse making it impossible for our handful of calvary to stand their ground.
Genl. du Portail, Engineer, ordered forward to reconnoiter a position
near Princetown.
Sourland hills and Rocky hill reported by the Engineer. The nearest part of the former chain of
hills 5 miles distant from Princetown – running in the direction of North by East. Rocky hill has
the advantage in point of water. – The roads of retreat from Sourland must be opened towards
Aimwel road – The country rocky and difficult.
23d. The army takes the road from the Stone Schoolhouse to Rocky hill Hault near Sourland
hights – Hopewell. 4 miles from Princetown.
66
Rocky hill reconnoitered. A good position relative to Kingston in case that should be the
enemy’s route. The Millstone river unfordable ... The order of march – 3 o’clock. 600 men
detached under Col. Morgan to hang upon the enemy in conjunction with the militia.
24. In consequence of intelligence from Gen. Dickinson we remain on the ground we took
yesterday – The day spent in digesting intelligence and in decyphering the enemy’s intentions.
1400 picked men ordered to march towards the enemy under Brigadier General Scott.
General Arnold orders Jackson’s detachment to cross the Delaware.
Gen. Cadwalader endeavours to induce the Philadelphia Volunteers to march with him to the
enemy’s rear.
The seventh day since the evacuation of Philadelphia and the enemy tent near Allen’s Town.
This gives rise to a conjecture that their slow movement is not the consequence of obstructions –
broken bridges &c., but that it proceeds from a desire to give us battle. I don’t think so.
Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy failed in an attempt to rebuild a bridge 4 miles from
Trenton, owing to the fire of his militia.
A Council of War – The majority against putting the enemy in a situation which might bring on
a general engagement. – The General however determines to attack.
25th
. March to Rocky hill. Cross the Millstone by a bridge, and hault at Kingston.
Breakfast at Mrs. Berians – good tea and agreeable conversation.
A dinner in the woods. – The General receives advice that the English right column marched
from Imleys Town by the road to Monmouth court house.
The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with orders to take
command of the whole detached troops.
The young Frenchman in raptures with his command and burning to distinguish himself moves
towards the enemy who are in motion.
It is night before the main body of our army marches, and then only to Laurens’s, 4 miles from
Kingston.
26. March to Cranberry, and hault 7 miles from Laurence’s farm. – A heavy rain.
The armies at no great distance from each other. Our troops anxious to engage. – The enemy
encamped at Monmouth court house in two lines, and in a strong position.
27. March early in the morning 6 miles on the road to English Town. – The enemy still on the
ground at Monmouth.
The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to co-operate.
Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the commands being given to
the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2 brigades to join the Marquiss, and as
senior officer to the command.
His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked for this service.
Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen. Dickinson on their left.
Their right stretched about one mile and a half beyond Monmouth court house – in the parting
of the roads leading to Shrewsbury and Middletown – and their left along the road from Allen
Town to Monmouth about 3 miles on this side the court house. Their right flank skirted by a small
wood – their left by a thick forest & morass running towards their rear. And their front covered by
a wood and for a considerable extent to the left with a morass.
Tonight Gen. Lee receives orders to attack as soon as they begin their march.
28th
. The Baron Steuben and Col. Laurens reconnoitre. find the encampment up, and their rear
formed at the court house. They appear ready to march. Gen. Lee informed of this by Col.
Laurens.
Gen. Lee moves his men to the attack – but is repulsed and retreats.
Detail of the Engagement
The enemy advanced two regiments by files into the woods near the court house – These being
reported to Genl. Lee as heavy columns he immediately ordered a hault and Varnum’s Brigade to
repass a bridge which they had just crossed. The enemy were now more closely reconnoitred and
Gen. Lee ordered the troops to advance. But our advance troops had got into disorder – were much
exhausted by marching and countermarching and the moment lost for attacking the enemy. They
had now formed their order of battle and came on briskly to the charge with the calvary in front.
67
Our few horses were charged by their whole calvary and were obliged to give way till supported
by the infantry.
Livingston & Col. Steuart were orderd to turn their left – when the enemy charged their front –
These regiments were then ordered to fall back and form in the village. From thence they retired to
Rus house and the rest of the detachment through the woods.
Genl. Lee again ordered a retreat leaving a fine defile unguarded.
In this juncture Genl. Washington met the detachment having received no notice of the order for
retreat. He was much surprised, chagrinned and disappointed – and instantly preceiving there was
no time to be lost – for the enemy were in full view and full march to improve the advantage they
had gained over Lee’s detachment – he directed some of the disordered troops to form, till the
main body could take a position of support.
The moment was critical and the safety of the whole army depended upon a firm position.
Col. Steuart & Col. Ramsey’s troops were nearest the General – He encouraged the men – he
took the officers by the hand – he told them hw much depended on a moments resistance, and he
said he was satisfied every thing would be attempted. Col. Ramsey and Col. Steuart have him
assurances of their utmost exertions, and in that instant the whole was involved in the smoke of
battle.
As these two regiments were to sustain the assault of the whole British line, it is not to be
supposed they could make a long opposition. – They were obliged to give way and retreated into
the woods – but not before they had given our main body time to form and take an advantagious
ground.
Two Regiments of Varnums Brigade under Lt. Col. Olney received the next shock of the enemy
who keep advancing. The British cavalry dashed upon them with great impetuosity, but could not
stand a cool and well directed fire form our troops. This opposition did Olney great honor.
We had now everything disposed for a general action – Our center was covered by a morass –
the left commanded an extent of open ground on the flank which made it difficult for the enemy to
turn in rear - & the right was covered by a ravine and close wood.
Lord Stirling commanded our left wing and Genl. Greene the right.
Olney was at length obliged to give way – but he did it with great dignity – Livingston who
acted on his right was very powerful in his fire and did much execution.
Lord Stirling planted a battery of cannon on the right of his wing, and made a detachment of
Infantry under Col. Scilly and Col. Barker of the 1st Virginia Regt. which penetrated the woods
and fell vigorously on the enemy’s right flank. – This obliged the enemy to give way.
After this small repulse they appeared in motion towards our left.
Gen. Wayne kept them at bay in front, having occupied a barn and orchard, which he defended
with bravery. At this instant, when they pressed upon Wayne and on all sides, Gen. Green took
possession of a piece of ground on their left with a brigade under the immediate command of Gen.
Woodford.
It was now the fate of our army was to be decided – the firing was supported with equal vigor –
and neither party seemed inclined to give way – all was dubious – when Gen. Greene opened with
a battery of cannon on the enemy – This and Gen. Wayne’s fire at length forced them to retire with
considerable loss – and gave us the ground upon which they had fought, and all their wounded and
killed. … at evening the two front lines of the two armies within musket shot of each other rest
upon their arms ... we [Washington and his staff] composed ourselves to sleep behind the line of
battle under a large tree.
29. Bury the dead. Col. Burmer on our side – a Capt. of Artillery &c. – and Col. Moncton on the
part of the enemy with the honors of war – and about 245, of the enemy’s privates.
The enemy gain the heights of Middletown and we return to Englishtown. …
The soil near English Town sandy – and water very scarce.
Genl. Lee ordered under an arrest for retreating – misbehaviour &c.
30th
. The army marches to Spottswood. Pass through Brunswick – and make Head Quarters at
Ross Hall. The mistress of the house a pretty widdow.
A fine prospect comprehending Brunswick from Ross Hall. This place still exhibits marks of
war, and the remains of some elegant houses in ruins along the banks of the Raritan.
68
We rest ourselves on this ground till the 5th
. The 4 being the anniversary of Independence it is
celebrated with a feu de joye. The fire from the two lines of the army with the intermingled
discharge of cannon animating and brilliant.
In our route to Paramus where a part of the army had encamped in order to rest and refresh we
had an opportunity of seeing the falls of the Pasaic.
We crossed an old bridge very much out of repair on the Pasaic river, and in about half a mile,
reached the falls. The river is about 40 yards broad – The cleft of the falls is from 4 to 12 feet
broad. … [after a lengthy monologue lauding the charms of the Passaic River and environs,
McHenry continues] But a soldier has other objects to fill up the measure of his idle hours – more
amusing but rarely so commendable. … I was interrupted by a call from the General … Charming
Pasaic – Adieu!
I found the General & suite seated under a large spreading oak – within view of the spray
diversified by a beautiful rainbow.
A fine cool spring bubled out most charmingly from the bottom of the oak. The travelling
canteens were immediately emptied, and a sudden repast spread before us consisting of cold ham –
tongue - and excellent biscuit. With the assistance of a little spirit we composed some grog – over
which we chatted away a very cheerful hour, and then took leave of the friendly oak – its
refreshing spring – and the meek falls of the Pasaic. … It was about 6 o’clock the next morning
when we bad[e] adieu to the Hermitage (headquarter while the army was at Paramus], coasting it
through narrow and stony roads, to a place called Haverstraw in the State of New York.
Sources:
Howard M. Jenkins, Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd: A Township of Montgomery
County, Pennsylvania, Settled , 1698, by Immigrants from Wales, second edition (Philadelphia:
published privately, 1897), 313, 347, 356-357; see 313-348 for complete Sally Wister diary.
"Samuel Adams's Private Miscellaneous Diary Ann: Dom: 1778. Kept partly in the Town of
Dorchester and partly in his Excellency General Washington's Camp at Valley Forge, White Plains,
Fredericksburgh, &c ...," Samuel Adams Diaries, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library
(hereafter cited as Samuel Adams Diary, New York Public Library).
Lloyd A. Brown and Howard H. Peckham, eds., Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn,
1775-1783 (Chicago: The Caxton Club, 1939; reprinted Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994),
123-129.
Ebenezer Wild, "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
2nd series, vol. VI (Boston, Ma., 1891), 108-111.
Robert C. Bray and Paul E. Bushnell, eds., Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution:
An Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman (DeKalb: Northern Illinois
University Press, 1978), 210-124.
Edward A. Hoyt, ed., "A Revolutionary Diary of Captain Paul Brigham November 19, 1777-
September 4, 1778," Vermont History, vol. 34 (1966), 25-30.
James McHenry, Journal of a March, a Battle, and a Waterfall, being the version elaborated by
James McHenry from his Diary of the Year 1778, begun at Valley Forge, & containing accounts
of the British, the Indians, and the Battle of Monmouth, Helen and Henry Hunt, eds. (Greenwich,
Ct.: privately printed, 1945), 1-5. ______________________________
69
Continental soldier in marching order, circa 1777-79. Having no haversack, his food would
have been carried in his knapsack or the sheet-iron kettle he carries for his mess squad.
(Bob Krist, 2010)
______________________________
70
John U. Rees, "’What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle
of Monmouth” http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm Narrative
1. Introduction
2. "In readiness to march at a moment's warning ...": Pre-Battle Dispositions and Plans
3. "To get up with the enemy": Major General Charles Lee's Force Sets Off
4. "I found the whole of the troops upon my right retreating ...": Morning Confrontation at Monmouth
Courthouse
5. "The day was so excessively hot ...": Lee’s Retreat
6. “They answered him with three cheers ...”: Washington Recovers the Day
7. “The Action was Exceedingly warm and well Maintained …”: Infantry Fighting at the
Point of Woods, Hedge-row, and Parsonage
8. "The finest musick, I Ever heared.": Afternoon Artillery Duel, and Cilley’s Attack on the
42nd
Regiment
9. “Detached to assist in burying the dead …”: Battle’s Aftermath
10. “The March has proved salutory to the troops.”: Post-Battle: The Continental Army Moves North
11.“A very irregular & ill managed Embarkation.”: Post-Battle British March to Sandy Hook
12. "The defective constitution of our army ...": Casting Blame for the Morning Debacle
13. Battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778: Event Synopsis
Appendices
A. “Beware of being Burgoyned.”: Marching Toward Monmouth, Delaware River to Freehold, 18
to 27 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthA.htm
B. “The whole army moved towards the Delaware …”: Continental Army March from Valley
Forge to Englishtown, N.J., 18 to 27 June 1778
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthB.htm
C. “General Lee being detached with the advanced Corps …”: Composition of Charles Lee’s
Force http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthC.htm
D. “Our Division formed a line on the eminence …”:Washington’s Main Army Order of Battle,
28 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthD.htm
E. “A large Number of troops …”: Continental and British Army Field Returns, 28 June 1778
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthE.htm
F.“I resolved nevertheless to attack them …”: American Monmouth Battle Accounts
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthF.htm
G. “Charge, Grenadiers, never heed forming”: British Accounts of the Monmouth Battle
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthG.htm
H. "More Glorious to America than at first Supposed ...": New Jersey Officers Describe the Battle of
Monmouth http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthH.htm
I. "They answered him with three cheers ...": New Jersey Common Soldiers' Pension Depositions
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthI.htm
J. “A very smart cannonading ensued from both sides.”: Maxwell’s Jersey Brigade Artillery and
the Afternoon Cannonade at Monmouth http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthJ.htm
K. “Jun 29th
, Buried the Dead …”: Casualties in the Battle of Monmouth
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthK.htm
L. “We are informed by several persons …“: Contemporary Newspaper Accounts
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthL.htm
M. “That damned blue Regiment …”: Continental Army Clothing during the Monmouth
Campaign http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthM.htm
N. “General Wayne's detachment is almost starving.”: Provisioning Washington’s Army on the
March, June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthN.htm
O. “The canopy of heaven for our tent”: Soldiers' Shelter on Campaign, June 1778
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthO.htm
P. “Be pleased to fill up the vacancy with the eldest Captain in the line …”: Field Officers, Commissioned
Officers, and Staff of the 2nd
New Jersey Regiment December 1777 to May 1779
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthP.htm
Q. “Exceeding Hot & water is scarce …”: Monmouth Campaign Weather, 15 June to 7 July, 1778
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthQ.pdf
71
______________________________ Related works by the author on military material culture and the Continental Army:
Clothing
"'The Great Neglect in provideing Cloathing': Uniform Colors and Clothing in the New Jersey
Brigade During the Monmouth Campaign of 1778": "The Jersey Blues:" The New Jersey Regiments, 1755-1776
"Never...Our Proper Quantity:" The New Jersey Brigade of 1777
"The Regiments Have No Uniforms or Distinguishing Colours:" Uniform Coats
and the New Jersey Brigade During 1778
“The following Articles of Cloathing …”: 1778 Nine Months Levies’ Apparel
“Only a few light things in the Spring.": Clothing the Jersey Brigade’s Long Term Soldiers, 1778
Military Collector & Historian, two parts: vol. XLVI, no. 4. (Winter 1994), 163-170; vol. XLVII,
no. 1 (Spring 1995), 12-20. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/neglect1.htm and
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/neglect2.htm
"’The taylors of the regiment’: Insights on Soldiers Making and Mending Clothing, and
Continental Army Clothing Supply, 1778 to 1783,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 63, no. 4
(Winter 2011), 254-265.
Enlistment and Consciption
Continental Army draft , vol. 1, 250 (300 words), Entries in Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of
the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition,
Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
“`The pleasure of their number’: 1778, Crisis, Conscription, and Revolutionary Soldiers’
Recollections” Part I. “’Filling the Regiments by drafts from the Militia.’: The 1778 Recruiting Acts”
Part II. "’Fine, likely, tractable men.’: Levy Statistics and New Jersey Service Narratives”
Part III. "He asked me if we had been discharged …”: New Jersey, Massachusetts, New York, Maryland,
and North Carolina Levy Narratives”
ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXXIII, no. 3 (Fall 2003), 23-34; no. 4 (Winter 2004), 23-34; vol.
XXXIV, no. 1 (Spring 2004), 19-28.
"`He Come Out with us this time As a Volunteer': Soldiers Serving Without Pay in the Second
New Jersey Regiment, 1777-1780," Military Collector & Historian, vol. XLV, no. 4 (Winter
1993), 154-155. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/volunteer.htm
Miscellaneous Material Culture
Blankets, vol. 1, 77-78 (250 words);
Cartridge boxes, pouches, canisters, vol. 1, 173-174 (250 words);
Knapsacks and the soldiers’ burden, vol. 1, 591 (300 words);
Entries in, Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military
History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
"`White Wollen,' 'Striped Indian Blankets,' 'Rugs and Coverlids': The Variety of Continental
Army Blankets," The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXVI, no. 4 (Winter 2000), 11-14.
http://www.revwar75.com/library/rees/variety.htm
72
"The Care and Cleaning of Firelocks in the 18th Century: A Discussion of Period Methods and
Their Present Day Applications", published in The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXII, no. 2 (Summer
1991), 2-11, and Muzzleloader, vol. XXI, no. 4, (September/October 1994), 62-66.
Military Music Music, Military, vol. 2, 763-765 (1500 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American
Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition, Charles Scribner’s
Sons, 2006)
Artwork Narrative: Pamela Patrick White, “`Each morning we… had to play and beat the
Reveille’: Continental Army Musicians,” (2004) http://www.whitehistoricart.com
"`The musicians belonging to the whole army': An Abbreviated Study of the Ages of Musicians
in the Continental Army," The Brigade Dispatch, two parts: vol. XXIV, no. 4 (Autumn 1993), 2-
8; vol. XXV, no. 1 (Winter 1994), 2-12. Abridged version of this article published in Percussive
Notes, Journal of the Percussive Arts Society (August 2005), 64-66.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/musician1.htm and
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/musician2.htm
Rations, Food Preparation and Cooking Utensils
Soldiers’ rations, vol. 2, 1066-1068 (1250 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the
American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition, Charles
Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
"`To subsist an Army well ...': Soldiers' Cooking Equipment, Provisions, and Food Preparation
During the American War for Independence”: "’All the tin Camp-kettles they can procure ...’: Iron Pots, Pans, and Light-Weight
Military Kettles, 1759-1782”
“’The extreme suffering of the army for want of … kettles …’: Continental Soldiers and
Kettle Shortages in 1782”
“’A disgusting incumbrance to the troops …’: Linen Bags and Carts for Carrying Kettles”
“’The Kettles to be made as formerly …” Kettle Capacity and Weight, and
Archaeological Finds”
Military Collector & Historian, vol. 53, no. 1 (Spring 2001), 7-23.
"`To the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet.’: Soldiers' Food and Cooking in the War for
Independence”
Part 1. "The manner of messing and living together": Continental Army Mess Groups
“Who shall have this?”: Food Distribution
"A hard game ...": Continental Army Cooks
Military Collector & Historian, vol. 62, no. 4 (Winter 2010), 288-298.
Part 2. “On with Kittle, to make some hasty Pudding …”: How a "Continental Devil" Broke His Fast
1. The Army Ration and Cooking Methods.
2. Eating Utensils.
3. The Morning Meal.
4. Other Likely Breakfast Fare.
Military Collector & Historian, vol. 63, no. 1 (Spring 2011), 12-25.
73
“`Six of our regt lived together …’: Mess Groups, Carrying Food … (and a Little Bit of Tongue)
in the Armies of the Revolution” Mess Groups
Food Distribution
Carrying Food
The Burden of Rations
And … Tongue
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/tongue.pdf
“The common necessaries of life …” A Revolutionary Soldier’s Wooden Bowl,”
including, “’Left sick on the Road’: An Attempt to Identify the Soldier Left at the Paxson
Home, ‘Rolling Green,’ June 1778.”) http://tinyurl.com/at3dj3e
“`As many fireplaces as you have tents': Earthen Camp Kitchens”: Part I. "`Cooking Excavations': Their History and Use by Soldiers in North America"
Part II. "Matt and I Dig a Kitchen."
The Continental Soldier, vol. XI, no. 3 (Summer 1998), 26-32.
First published in Fall 1997 Food History News; also published as "Earthen Camp Kitchens,”
Muzzleloader, vol. XXX, no. 4 (September/October 2003), 59-64.
RevWar75 online version titled:
"`As many fireplaces as you have tents ...': Earthen Camp Kitchens”: Part I. "`Kitchens sunk ... for the soldiers to Cook in.': The History of Cooking Excavations and Their Use
in North America"
Part II. Complete 1762 Kitchen Description and Winter Covering for Field Kitchens
Part III. "`Ordered to begin work ...': Digging a Field Kitchen"
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/kitchen.htm
Food History News series (selected articles):
"’It was my turn to cook for the Mess’: Provisions of the Common Soldier in the Continental
Army, 1775–1783,” Food History News, 7, no. 1 (Fall 1995): 2, 8.
"’Sometimes we drew two days rations at a time.’: The Soldiers' Daily Issue,” FHN, 7, no. 3
(Winter 1995): 2–3.
"’Drew 2 pound of Shugar and 1 pound of Coffee’: Extraordinary Foodstuffs Issued the
Troops,” FHN, 8, no. 1 (Summer 1996): 2–3.
"’The unreasonable prices extorted ... by the market People’: Camp Markets and the Impact of
the Economy,” FHN, 7, no. 4 (Spring 1996): 2–3.
"’Complaint has been made by many of the Inhabitants’: Soldiers' Efforts to Supplement the
Ration Issue,” FHN, 8, no. 2 (Fall 1996): 1–2, 7.
"’Whilst in this country’: Sullivan's Expedition and the Carolina Campaigns,” FHN, 8, no. 3
(Winter 1996): 2, 6–7.
"’Hard enough to break the teeth of a rat.’: Biscuit and Hard Bread in the Armies of the
Revolution,” (Also in the same issue, information on cooking with biscuit and hardtack during the
American Civil War and the War for Independence in "Joy of Historical Cooking: Using
Hardtack & Crackers."), FHN, 8, no. 4 (Spring 1997): 2, 3–5, 6–7.
"’The essential service he rendered to the army’: Christopher Ludwick, Superintendent of
Bakers,” FHN, vol. IX, no. 1 (Summer 1997), 2, 6.
“’The Gingerbread Man’: More on Washington’s Baking Superintendent, Then and Now,”
FHN, 17, no. 1 (Summer 2005): 2.
74
"’As many fireplaces as you have tents’: Earthen Camp Kitchens,” FHN, 9, no. 2 (Fall 1997):
2, 8–9, plus “Matt and I Dig a Kitchen: Recreating an 18th–Century Cooking Excavation,” FHN,
9, no. 3 (Winter 1998): 2. Also published as "Earthen Camp Kitchens,” Muzzleloader, 30, no. 4
(September/October 2003): 59–64. For online version see (World Wide Web),
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/kitchen.htm
"’Our pie–loving ... stomachs ... ache to even look.’: Durable Foods for Armies, 1775–1865,”
FHN, 9, no. 4 (Spring 1998): 2, 7–8.
"’Tell them never to throw away their ... haversacks or canteens’: Finding Water and Carrying
Food During the War for Independence and the American Civil War,” FHN, 10, no. 1 (37): 2, 8–
9.
"’The victuals became putrid by sweat & heat’: Equipment Shortages, the Burden of Rations
and Spoilage During the War for Independence and the War Between the States,” FHN, 10, no. 2
(38): 2, 6–7.
"’False hopes and temporary devices’: Organizing Food Supply in the Continental Army”: part I. “’To subsist an Army well’: An Organizational Overview,” FHN, 12, no. 3 (47): 2, 9–10.
part II. “’Owing to this variety of waste …’: Producing, Storing, and Transporting Bread,” FHN, 12, no. 4
(48): 2, 9–10.
part III. “’We now have 500 head of fat cattle’: Procuring, Transporting, and Processing Livestock,” FHN,
12, no. 4 (48): 2, 8–9.
“’A perfect nutriment for heroes!’: Apples and North American Soldiers, 1757–1918,” FHN,
14, no. 1 (53): 2, 6.
“’The oficers are Drunk and Dancing on the table …’: U.S Soldiers and Alcoholic Beverages,”
FHN, 14, no. 2 (54): 2.
“’The repast was in the English fashion …’: Washington’s Campaign for Refined Dining in
the War for Independence,” FHN, 14, no. 3 (55): 2.
"’Give us Our Bread Day by Day.’: Continental Army Bread, Bakers, and Ovens”: part I. “’Waste and bad management …’: Regulating Baking,” FHN, 15, no. 4 (60): 2, 9.
part II.“’A bake–house was built in eleven days …’: Contemporary Baking Operations and Army Masonry
Ovens,” FHN, 15, no. 1 (61): 2, 8.
part III. “’Seeing that the Ovens may be done right …’: Bake Oven Designs,” FHN, vol. 15, no. 3 (63): 2, 8.
part IV. “’The mask is being raised!!’: Denouement: Early–War Iron Ovens, and a Yorktown Campaign
Bakery,” FHN, 16, no. 4 (64): 2.
“’Invited to dine with Genl Wayne; an excellent dinner …’: Revolutionary Commanders’
Culinary Equipage in Camp and on Campaign”: part 1 “’Plates, once tin but now Iron …’: General Washington’s Mess Equipment,” FHN, 17, no. 2 (66): 2,
8.
part 2 “’40 Dozens Lemons, in a Box’: British Generals’ Provisions and Mess Equipage,” FHN, vol. XVII,
no. 3 (67): 2, 8.
part 3 “’A Major General & family’: Nathanael Greene’s Food Ware,” FHN, vol. XVII, no. 4 (68), 2.
part 4 “’My poor cook is almost always sick …’: General Riedesel Goes to America,” FHN, vol. XVIII, no.
1 (69): 2–3,
“’A capital dish …’: Revolutionary Soldiers and Chocolate,” FHN, vol. XX, no. 3 (79): 2, 9,
12.
"’A better repast’: Continental Army Field and Company Officers’ Fare,” FHN, vol. XX, no. 4
(80), 2–3.
75
Shelter
"`We ... got ourselves cleverly settled for the night': Soldiers' Shelter on Campaign During the
War for Independence,"
part I, "`The most expensive & essential article of camp equipage': Tents in the Armies of the
Revolution": “Put our Men into barns …”: The Vagaries of Shelter
“We Lay in the open world": Troops Without Shelter on Campaign
"State of Marquees and Tents delivered to the Army...":
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter1.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 49, no. 3 (Fall 1997), 98-107.
part II, "`The Allowance of Tents is not sufficient ...': An Overview of Tents as Shelter:" "The Allowance of Tents is not sufficient...": An Overview of Tents as Shelter
"The fewer the Waggons to the Army, the better...": Transporting Tents
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter2.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 49, no. 4 (Winter 1997), 156-168.
part III, "`The camps ... are as different in their form as the owners are in their dress ...': Shades,
Sheds, and Wooden Tents, 1775-1782": "Not a bush to make a shade near [at] hand ...": Bush Bowers, "Arbours," and "Shades," 1776-1782
"An elegant shade ...": Officers' Bowers
“The Men employed in making Bowers before their Tents...": Shades for Common Soldiers
"The troops hutted with Rails and Indian Corn Stocks ...": Sheds, Planked Huts, and Straw Tents, 1775-
1777
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/bowers.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 53, no. 4 (Winter 2001-2002), 161-169.
part IV, "`We are now ... properly ... enwigwamed.': British Soldiers and Brush Huts, 1776-1781" http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter4.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 55, no. 2 (Summer 2003), 89-96.
part V, “`We built up housan of branchis and leavs ’: Continental Army Brush Shelters, 1775-
1777,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 55, no. 4 (Winter 2003-2004), 213-223.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/huts5.pdf part VI, "`We built up housan of branchis & leavs ...’: Continental Army Brush Shelters, 1778-
1782,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 56, no. 2 (2004), 98-106.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/huts6.pdf
Tactics and Military Manuals
Military manuals, vol. 2, 721-722 (250 words);
Tactics and maneuvers, vol. 2, 1137-1138 (300 words);
Entries in, Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of
Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
“`Knowledge necessary to a soldier …’: The Continental Officer’s Military Reading List, 1775-
1778,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 59, no. 1 (Spring 2007), 65-71.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/manuals.pdf
76
Transportation
Transport (wheeled), vol. 1, 1159-1160 (750 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the
American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd
Edition, Charles
Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
"`Employed in carrying cloathing & provisions': Wagons and Watercraft During the War for
Independence": Part I. "`Country Waggons,' `Tumbrils,' and `Philadelphia Carts': Wheeled Transport in the Armies of the
Revolution" Part II. "Sloops, `Scows,' `Batteaux,' and `Pettyaugers': Continental Army Rivercraft, 1775-1782"
ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXIX, no. 3 (Fall 1999), 4-9, and The Continental Soldier, vol. XII, no. 2
(Winter 1999), 18-25.
http://www.continentalline.org/articles/article.php?date=9902&article=990202
ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXIX, no. 4 (Winter 2000), 8-16, and The Continental Soldier, vol. XIII,
no. 1 (Winter/Spring 2000), 34-46.
http://www.continentalline.org/articles/article.php?date=0001&article=000101
“`Little chariots painted red …’: Continental Army Vehicle Paint Colors,”Military Collector &
Historian, vol. 60, no. 2 (Summer 2008), 154-156.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/paint.pdf
Unit Histories
"’I Expect to be stationed in Jersey sometime...’: An Account of the Services of the Second
New Jersey Regiment”:
Part I, December 1777 to June 1778 (1994, unpublished, copy held in the collections of the
David Library of the American Revolution, Washington Crossing, Pa.), contains seventeen
appendices covering various subjects including studies of the casualties incurred by the New
Jersey Brigade (1777-1779), the uniform clothing of the New Jersey Brigade (1776-1778), the
use of the nine-month draft in 1778, and names of all the officers and enlisted men of the
regiment. Also included is a collection of pension narratives of the common soldiers of the
New Jersey Brigade: The March to Winter Quarters: 13 December to 25 December 1777
General Orders, 20 December to 25 December 1777
Countering the "depredations of the Enemy": 23 December to 28 December 1777
The Valley Forge Camp in the Waning Days of 1777
A. General Orders: 25 December to 31 December 1777
B. "I fancy we may ... Content ourselves in these Wigwams ...": 1 January to 19 March 1778
Valley Forge in the First Months of 1778
General Orders, 1 January to 19 March 1778
"I Expect to be stationed in Jersey sometime ...": 22 March to 1 April 1778
General Orders of the Army, 20 March to 28 March 1778
"The Enemy Giting intelligence of our movement ...": 4 April to 30 May 1778
General Orders of the Army, 8 April to 6 May 1778
Reinforcements and Alarms: The Actions of Brigadier General William Maxwell and
the Remainder of the Jersey Brigade, May 7 to May 24, 1778
The Institution of Nine-Month Enlistments from the New Jersey Militia, February to June 1778
Procuring Arms and Equipment for the Regiment, March to June 1778
Clothing the Men in the Spring of 1778
The Jersey Brigade is Reunited, May 28 to June 19, 1778
77
(Continued)
Appendices (partial list)
Company Strengths and Dispositions, December 1777 to May 1779
(including tables of casualties, deserters, etc.)
Monthly Regimental Strength as Taken from the Muster Rolls, December 1777 to May 1779
Listing of Field Officers, Company Officers, and Staff, December 1777 to May 1779
Company Organization, December 1777 to May 1779
A. Lineage of Companies, 1777 to 1779
B. Continuity of Company Command Through May 1779
Proportion of Men from 2nd N.J. of 1776 Who Reenlisted in 2nd N.J. of 1777
A Listing of Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the 2nd N.J. of 1778
"'One of the best in the army.': An Overview of Brigadier General William Maxwell's Jersey
Brigade," The Continental Soldier, vol. XI, no. 2 (Spring 1998), 45-53.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/njbrigade.htm
"`None of you know the hardships of A soldiers life …’: Service of the Connecticut Regiments in
Maj. Gen. Alexander McDougall’s Division, 1777-1778” (2009) “I am … Packing up my baggage in order to March”: Service on the North River, and
Movement into Pennsylvania, May to September 1777
“God Grant I may Always be Preserv'd …”: The Battle of Germantown and Schuylkill Expedition,
October 1777
“So small A Garrison never attaind Greater achievments …”: Forts Mifflin and Mercer, and
Maneuvers in New Jersey, November 1777
“Nothing to cover us But ye heavens …”: The Whitemarsh Encampment and Early Days at Valley
Forge, December 1777
“This is a very Different Spirit in the Army …”: Wintering Over at Valley Forge and Spring
Training, January to June 1778
“Sixty three bullet holes were made through the colours …”: Summer Campaign and the
Battle of Monmouth, June 1778
“The Troops of the whole line will exercise and manoeuvre …”: The March to New York and the
White Plains Encampment, July to September 1778
“The Enemy are upon the eve of some general and important move.”: The Fredericksburgh Camp
and Shifting Commanders, September to October 1778
“Their countrymen would … conclude the Devil was in them …”: McDougall’s Division Takes
Post in Connecticut, October and November 1778
“Grievances … Justly complained of by your Soldiers …”: The Connecticut Line Winter Camp,
December 1778 to January 1779
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/CT-Div.pdf and
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/biblio.pdf
Women Following the Army
"`The proportion of Women which ought to be allowed': Female Camp Followers with the
Continental Army": Discussion of Numbers of Female Followers
"Rations... Without Whiskey": Women’s Food Allowance
"Some men washed their own clothing.": Women's Duties and Shelter
"Coming into the line of fire.": Women on the March or on Campaign
The Continental Soldier, vol. VIII, no. 3 (Spring 1995), 51-58.
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/proportion.htm
78
"`The multitude of women': An Examination of the Numbers of Female Camp Followers with the
Continental Army": 1777 and 1780: A Common Thread?
1776 to 1782: “Necessary to keep the Soldier's clean"
1781: "Their Wives all of whom ... Remained" - Women on Campaign With the Army
1781: "The women with the army who draw provisions"
1782: "Rations ... Without Whiskey" - Colonel Henry Jackson's Regimental Provision Returns
1783: "The proportion of Women which ought to be allowed ..."
The Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American Revolution)
Three parts: vol. XXIII, no. 4 (Autumn 1992), 5-17; vol. XXIV, no. 1 (Winter 1993), 6-16; vol.
XXIV, no. 2 (Spring 1993), 2-6 (Reprinted in Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and the
Military, vol. XIV, no. 2 (Summer 1996)).
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/wnumb1.htm
"`The number of rations issued to the women in camp.': New Material Concerning Female
Followers With Continental Regiments": Female Followers with the Troops at Wyoming:Prelude to Sullivan's Campaign, 1779
"Provisions and Stores Issued to the Grand Army": Female Followers at Middlebrook, 1779
“The women belonging to their respective corps": Further Analysis and Comparison of the Returns of Women
The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXVIII, no. 1 (Spring 1998), 2-10; vol. XXVIII, no. 2 (Summer
1998), 2-12, 13. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/wnumb2.htm
About the author: John Rees grew up in Wrightstown, Pennsylvania, and has lived in
Solebury, Pa. since 1984, with his wife Linda and two sons, Evan and Christian. Since
1986 he has written over 150 articles and monographs on various aspects of the common
soldiers' experience, focusing primarily on the War for Independence. Current works and
interests include soldiers’ food (1755 to the present day), Continental Army conscription
(1777-1782), African-Americans in southern Continental regiments, and the common
soldiers’ burden.
John’s work has appeared in the ALHFAM Bulletin (Association of Living History,
Farm, and Agricultural Museums), American Revolution (Magazine of the American
Revolution Association), The Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American
Revolution), The Continental Soldier (Journal of the Continental Line), Gastronomica:
The Journal of Food and Culture, Journal of the Johannes Schwalm Historical
Association, Military Collector & Historian, Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and
the Military, Muzzleloader Magazine, On Point: The Newsletter of the Army Historical
Foundation, Percussive Notes (Journal of the Percussive Arts Society), and Repast
(Quarterly Publication of the Culinary Historians of Ann Arbor). He was a regular
columnist for the quarterly newsletter Food History News for 15 years writing on
soldiers' food, wrote four entries for the Oxford Encyclopedia of American Food and
Drink, thirteen entries for the revised Thomson Gale edition of Boatner’s Encyclopedia of
the American Revolution, contributed a chapter to Carol Karels’ The Revolutionary War
in Bergen County (2007), and two chapters to Barbara Z. Marchant’s Revolutionary
Bergen County, The Road to Independence (2009). A partial article list plus many
complete works are available online at http://www.revwar75.com/library/rees/ .
Selected Civil War monographs posted online at http://www.libertyrifles.org/research/
Additional articles and research posted at http://www.scribd.com/jrees_10