She, on the other hand: Sinistrality, handedness, and
pronoun resolution – proposal for an eye-tracking study Rachel Gargiulo
1. Introduction
To date, sinistrality, familial sinistrality, and degree of handedness have been a massive gap for the
linguistics research community. Few studies have undertaken to account for any variation
potentially influenced by these factors; many exclude left-handers entirely in order to homogenize
their participants and reduce noise in their experimental data. Even among right-handed people,
though, there appear to be individual differences that arise in language processing, related to
familial sinistrality and degree of handedness. While it’s useful and necessary, for many reasons, to
reduce noise in data, there comes a time to dive into that noise and begin to understand where and
how it originates. In a recent paper by Willems, Van der Haegen, Fisher, & Francks (2014), the
authors called upon cognitive neuroscience and neurogenetics researchers “to recognize the
potential of studying this often-discarded group of research subjects” (p. 1).
The linguistics community ought to heed this call as well, as there is still much to be learned about
neural organization and brain lateralization, and what effects they could potentially have on
language comprehension and production processes. Section two will review what linguistically-
relevant observations are currently available in the literature, addressing the effects of familial
sinistrality and degree of handedness, as well as possible parallels between some of these effects
and dual processing models of language comprehension (e.g., Kuperberg 2007). This section will
also explore ambiguous pronoun resolution as a means of looking at the relationship between
familial sinistrality, degree of handedness, and language processing. Section three provides an
experiment for the purpose of examining the validity of these parallels, and section four discusses
possible experimental outcomes and how they will improve on current knowledge.
2. Literature Review
2.1 Handedness
2.1.1 Sinistrality & familial sinistrality
Sinistrality, or left-handedness, occurs in roughly 10% of the population, with some slight cultural
variance. Familial sinistrality (FS+), or a right-handed person having at least one left-handed close
relative, occurs in approximately 40-45% of the human population (Hancock & Bever 2013). Those
in the remaining portion of the population are right-handed with no close relatives who are left-
handed (FS-). This leaves us with two equally-large normal populations between whom evidence
suggests differences which affect language processing strategies. Before 1987, there had been
studies suggesting differences in linguistic performance between groups of subjects with and
without left-handed family members in experiments using very simple stimuli, such as syllables or
single words (see Cowart 1989 for discussion). According to Cowart (p. 94), the first study to
suggest an effect on linguistic processing was conducted by Bever, Carrithers, & Townsend (1987).
In this study, subjects read sentence fragments in which a particle could appear in one of two
positions, as in (1).
(1) John called (up) every one of his friends (up) yesterday…
Shortly after the fragment, the subject would hear a probe word (the particle), and would have to
give a rapid response as to whether or not it had occurred in the fragment. While FS- subjects
showed a distinct linear effect (i.e., their RTs were dependent on whether the probed item had
appeared early or late in the fragment), the FS+ group1 showed no linear effect at all, suggesting
they relied on a representation of the fragment that was not dependent on linear order. A graph of
their findings is reproduced from Cowart (1989) in Fig. 1. Since then, a number of studies have
produced similar results.
Fig. 1 Mean response times to probes from early and late parts of
sentence fragments, by subject type.
Townsend, Carrithers, & Bever (2001) have interpreted their findings from the 1987 and several
follow-up studies as supporting what they call an analysis-by-synthesis model of language
comprehension, consisting of “an initial meaning/form hypothesis based on habits and a later
compositional meaning based on the application of grammatical rules” (p. 312) (for an overview of
the model and its origins, see Bever & Poeppel 2010). They take the behavioral difference between
the two groups to represent differences in the type of linguistic item, or aspect of the linguistic
representation, that is more strongly attended-to. “…FS- adults, show greater sensitivity to
1 The criteria Bever et al used for identifying FS+/- subjects in this study was whether they had left-handed family members among their grandparents, parents, aunts & uncles, and siblings. Some researchers are more restrictive, requiring the left-handed person to be a first-degree relative (parent, sibling, or child), or requiring that 30% of a subjects relatives be left-handed.
sequential properties of the linguistic stimulus. Those who show relatively less lateralization of
linguistic functions in the left hemisphere, namely, FS+ adults, show greater sensitivity to lexical-
associative properties…” (Townsend et al. 2001, p. 327). This argument does not include any sense
of a ‘deficit’ in either group. They comprehend language equally well, though perhaps with different
preferences for method of processing.2
Mounting evidence of processing differences similar to that of the word-probe task discussed above
includes:
- FS- people tend to read sentences faster in a clause-by-clause reading paradigm as
opposed to word-by-word. The opposite is true for FS+. FS- people tend to display better
comprehension of auditorily-presented text when it is presented monaurally. FS+ display
better comprehension when the words are presented by alternating between both ears
(Bever et al. 1987; Bever 1988).
- In addition to the simple linear effects in probe recognition described earlier, FS- also
show sensitivity to syntactic structure (main vs. subordinate clause) in similar probe-
recognition tasks, as compared to FS+ (Townsend et al. 2001).
- Townsend et al. (2001) also found evidence that FS+ individuals rely more on a semantic
strategy during sentence comprehension while FS- rely more on a syntactic strategy.
- Suggestive evidence from an fMRI study by Chan (2007) that lexical tasks activate both
hemispheres in FS+ people, but only the left hemisphere in FS-.
This evidence culminated in a prediction by Hancock & Bever (2013); namely, that syntactic
processing occurs in the left hemisphere for (at least) all right-handed people, but that lexical
processing is more left-lateralized for FS- than it is for FS+. In other words, FS+ people use the right
hemisphere more in lexical processing, though not in syntactic processing. Linguistic information is
probably coded in the same way in both groups, but attended-to differently, so that FS+ individuals
access words and meanings more readily while FS- individuals access syntactic structure more
readily. This specific prediction is as yet untested, at least as far as what can be seen in currently-
available literature.
2.1.2 Degree of handedness
Degree of handedness is essentially another way to try to capture the same variance as familial
sinistrality. The two measures typically overlap, yielding similar results for right-handed people
who are FS+ and who have a lower degree of handedness (DH), while FS- show results that align
with right-handers who have a high DH. However, it’s also conceivable for someone to be FS+, but
show a very strong preference toward use of the right hand in daily tasks, and it’s unclear at this
time how to predict their behavior during language processing as this is nowhere discussed in the
literature. It would be useful to look at both measures, as there may be an interaction or additive
effect between FS and DH.
2 It should be noted, however, that it’s well-attested that FS+ suffer fewer language impairments due to brain damage, and have a tendency to recover from them more quickly. This may be related to effects of lateralization on language-oriented neural substrates. See Hancock & Bever (2013, p. 81), and references therein.
An interesting finding by Newman, Malaia & Seo (2014), who used fMRI to look at regions of the
brain activated during sentence comprehension, showed that the correlations between DH and
region of activation diminish with increasing syntactic complexity, suggesting that higher levels of
reliance on semantic/lexical processes in FS+ and people with low degree of handedness is a
preference, and does not indicate a syntactic deficiency, as it can be modulated by the task at hand
and/or context.
2.2 Dual-stream processing models
There are several processing models of language comprehension and a number of them include
some kind of multiple parallel stream approach, such as Jackendoff’s (2007) Parallel Architecture
model and Kuperberg’s (2007) dual-stream processing model. They show a high degree of
similarity in many respects, but with a number of finer points under disagreement. We will abstract
away from the finer points here, and pursue a more coarse-grained review by focusing in on
Kuperberg’s model, which is sufficient for our purposes. Kuperburg (2007) discusses the traditional
wisdom, which describes semantic processes and syntactic processes as clearly distinguishable,
with most EEG studies showing semantic effects at N400 and syntactic effects at P600, and suggests
that this understanding of the time-course of language processes is clearly insufficient, since we
also find what appear to be semantic effects in what we understand as the syntactic time-window.
Kuperberg suggests (at least) two separate combinatorial streams – one morphosyntactic, and the
other “…semantic combination in the absence of morphosyntax…distinct from processing based
purely on what is stored within semantic memory” (p. 40) – and this hypothesis might explain the
occasional overlap of P600 and N400 effects.
Therefore, a question that this model may help to investigate is that of the differences that we see in
processing strategies and preferences between FS+ and FS- people, because it gives us a theoretical
framework in which to investigate and with which to work toward an explanation of these apparent
distinctions. Support for this idea comes from a study by Kos, Van den Brink, and Hagoort (2012).
They found interesting (and currently unexplained) individual variation in the late positive
complex (LPC) during a task exploring semantic anomaly. They found that half of their participants,
all of whom were right-handed, showed an N400 response, while the other half showed an LPC.
Accounting for working memory differences did not explain the effect. They collected information
about the handedness of the parents of 70 out of the 72 participants whose data were used in
analysis, 14 of whom had reported having at least one left-handed parent. Of these 14, only three
belonged to the group that showed an LPC response. These numbers are not very meaningful,
however, since handedness of parents alone is not a typical measure of familial sinistrality. A more
accurate picture may have emerged with handedness information about more family members, and
with degree of handedness data, which was not collected.
2.3 Ambiguous pronoun resolution
The resolution of ambiguous pronouns has not been used to explore potentially different
processing preferences in comprehenders based on FS or DH, but available literature suggests it
could be used effectively for this purpose. Pronouns require the reader/listener to find an
appropriate antecedent in the discourse in order to be interpreted. Heim’s (1982) thoughts bear a
striking resemblance to Kuperberg’s (2007) in one respect that is very important to our purposes
here – dual routes for processing. They use different terminology, but the two views line up in the
following way. Kuperberg (2007) describes the two processing streams as being morphosyntax-
dependent (combinatorial) and semantic-based, independent of morphosyntactic processing. This
aligns with Heim’s (1982) “anaphoric pronouns as bound variables” (p. 14) which has a distinctly
syntactic flavor, and “anaphoric pronouns as picking up a speaker’s reference”, which has a
distinctly semantic flavor. As discussed in Koornneef et al. (2012), these two methods of finding an
appropriate antecedent will often end in the same result, but not always. In the case of a fully
ambiguous pronoun embedded in an elided VP structure, the outcome of the two streams may be
different. If the reader/listener were to choose an antecedent based on a preference for
semantic/discourse-based processing in (2a), they would arrive at (2b), whereas a syntactic
resolution tactic would result in the interpretation in (2c), given a preceding context that allows for
complete ambiguity.
(2) (a) Poohi thought hei should explore outside of the Hundred-Acre Wood, and Piglet j did
(…i/j) too.
(b) Piglet also thought Pooh should explore outside of the Hundred-Acre Wood.
(c) Piglet also thought he, himself should explore outside of the Hundred-Acre Wood.
In (2c), the syntactic structure of the first clause is copied into the second, and the pronoun is
bound by the clause-internal antecedent, and in (2b), the antecedent is taken from the preceding
clause.
Looking at past studies, both offline and online, some interesting data emerges. A number of offline
studies have been done with different kinds of participants, including agrammatic aphasics,
children and unimpaired adults (Vasić 2006; Vasić et al. 2006; Vasić, Avrutin & Ruigendijk 2006;
Shapiro, Hestvik, Lesan & Garcia 2003; among others). Together, these studies have shown an
advantage, or preference, for the syntactic stream; i.e., the bound-variable interpretation. This
preference was weakest in unimpaired adults. This lends some support to an account of FS and/or
DH effects in preference once we take into consideration the fact that these studies tend to exclude
left-handed participants and fail to account for FS or DH. There is also a confound in the case of
children and agrammatic aphasics. That is, due to working memory limitations or difficulty with
syntax, these two groups may appear to be showing a preference for a bound-variable
interpretation when, in fact, they are merely strategically opting for the closest (read easy-access)
antecedent. Vasić (2006) and Vasić et al. (2006) also interpret their data in this way.
In Shapiro et al.’s (2003) study of unimpaired adults, two experiments were conducted using cross-
modal lexical priming to explore activation of antecedent NPs in elided ambiguous pronoun
resolution. One experiment used stimuli biased toward the earlier antecedent, and the other used
stimuli biased toward the second antecedent. In both studies, both antecedents were activated at
the ellipsis. The authors concluded that “…both the subject NP from the first clause and the subject
NP from the second clause appear to be re-activated at the elided position, suggesting that listeners
compute both the strict and sloppy readings momentarily and relatively simultaneously” (p. 9). The
unimpaired adults may be showing more balanced behavior as a result of a lack of control for FS
and DH. Since these 2 groups represent equally large portions of the population, we would expect
their overall behavior to be balanced if they are treated as one group and, as was the case in the
Shapiro at el. (2003) experiments, as a random factor. In fact, the authors did not report excluding
left-handed participants, which could have contributed to more balanced data.
Online studies of this particular domain of interest are far fewer, but have similar issues. For
example, Frazier & Clifton (2000) conducted a study looking at reading times for the second
conjunct in a sentence containing an ellipsis that was biased toward one of two antecedents:
coreferential or bound-variable. When a sentence was biased toward a coreferential interpretation,
the authors found longer reading times, tentatively concluding that semantics/discourse-based
anaphor resolution results in an increase in processing costs. This claim may be accurate, but it may
not be accurate for everyone. Looking at the behavioral evidence for FS+ subjects in the literature
reviewed previously, it appears rational to suspect that these costs may be slight or even non-
existent in this group. To make a stronger claim, based on studies showing clear benefits and
disadvantages to both groups (Bever et al. 1987; Bever 1988, as discussed in section 2.1.1) – it may
even be that syntactic processing is associated with higher costs in this group, though this is not
necessarily an expected outcome, given the results of the Newman, Malaia & Seo (2014) study
presented in section 2.1.2.
As a final note, pronouns have been shown to be more open to use of semantics, in terms of
resolution, than reflexives, which are more syntax-dependent (Kaiser, Runner, Sussman &
Tanenhaus 2009), making ambiguous pronouns a suitable area of investigation for the current
study.
3. Methodology
3.1 Experimental Paradigm
This study will be conducted using the visual world eye-tracking paradigm, with a ‘look and listen’
task. The critical manipulation will be between-subjects. One advantage of this paradigm for the
purposes of this study is that it relies on the well-attested tendency of people to look at relevant
images as they are referred to without involving the potential confounds or behavioral changes that
might result from task demands in, for example, probe-recognition or lexical decision tasks
(Huettig, Rommers & Meyer 2010). This may be of particular importance in looking at behavioral
differences in FS+/- groups, as FS+ have been found to be faster at lexical access than FS- under
certain circumstances. Another advantage is that this paradigm has been used several times in past
studies to investigate pronoun resolution (e.g., Arnold et al. 2000; Arnold 2001; Kaiser et al. 2009)
and has shown itself to be sensitive to a number of different relevant constraints, such as word
order, information structure, and syntactic role (Huettig et al. 2010).
3.2 Participants
Approximately 40 adult participants will be used. The experiment is currently designed for native
English speakers, but can be adapted for native Dutch speakers. They will be as balanced as
possible for familial sinistrality and degree of handedness, using the Edinburgh Handedness
Inventory (EHI) (Oldfield 1971) and a questionnaire which participants will be asked to take home
before the experiment, in order to have time to contact relevant family members (see Appendices A
& B). This is a more reliable measure of familial sinistrality than self-reporting (Karev 2011). There
is an inherent male/female imbalance in FS (the cause of which is a topic of debate; see Karev 2011
for an overview), so participants will not be balanced for sex. It is easily recognized from the above
literature review that familial sinistrality is very commonly treated as a dichotomy, though it is, in
fact, a continuous variable (Corey & Foundas 2005). In this study, a serious attempt will be made to
maintain a continuous, rather than a dichotomous, balance for both FS and DH. See section 3.5
below for a discussion of how this will be treated in statistical analysis. Ideally, the participants will
form a balanced continuum, from strongly left-handed to strongly right-handed.
3.3 Stimuli
Materials consist of 20 stimuli and 20 fillers, all auditorily presented, as well as a display on-screen.
This display will contain pictures of the two characters relevant to the story, one other image
relevant to the story, and an unrelated object. All unrelated objects will be simple, easily-
recognizable colored versions (Rossion & Pourtois 2004) of inanimate items from the Snodgrass &
Vanderwart (1980) set. The two characters will remain constant throughout the experimental
items (Pooh and Piglet), but the fillers will contain different characters (Rabbit, Tigger, etc.); the
relevant image will vary according to the story, and the unrelated filler will vary randomly. The
locations of all four images on-screen will vary randomly. Examples of images3 can be found in
Appendix B. The on-screen display matching the stimulus in (4) would look something like (3):
(3)
The auditory experimental stimuli will consist of short stories of four sentences each. The first
sentence introduces the two characters and a situation; the second and third sentences set up a
context which allows an ambiguous reading of the critical region in the fourth sentence; the fourth
sentence ends with a VP ellipsis containing a pronoun that can be interpreted with each character 3 Images will be used that are licensed under Creative Commons, or otherwise steer clear of copyright
infringement. The images contained in Appendix B are licensed for free use.
as an equally-appropriate antecedent. Since it has been shown that pronoun resolution is sensitive
to multiple constraints (e.g., Arnold et al. 2000; Arnold 2001; Kaiser et al. 2009) these will be
controlled for as much as possible. For example, the information structure of the stimuli will be
consistent and the order of mention of the two characters will be evenly- and randomly-distributed
across participants. Items will be pre-tested to ensure none contain an inadvertent bias toward one
antecedent, and no one who participates in the pre-test will participate in the experiment. Below is
one example of the stimuli. Others are in Appendix C.
(4) Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh went out to eat. There were two tasty-looking soups on the
menu. Neither of them could decide which of the two soups to order, so they each ordered a
different soup, and shared them equally. Pooh/Pigleti liked the soup hei ordered, but
Piglet/Poohj didn’t. (like the soup he(i, j) ordered).
The VP ellipsis is important in this procedure because the stimuli will be presented auditorily and
it’s vital to avoid any role that intonation might play in interpretation.
3.4 Procedure
In addition to the EHI and the FS questionnaire, participants will complete a working memory
performance test and a language proficiency measure before beginning the experimental
procedure. Then they will be introduced to the eye-tracker, which will be calibrated. The
participants then receive instructions and complete a practice session until they are comfortable
with the task. Fillers will be used for the practice session, and will not be repeated in the
experiment proper.
During the experiment, participants will see a briefly-presented central fixation point on a screen in
front of them, followed by the images described above. Simultaneous to the presentation of the
image4, the participants will be presented with an auditory stimulus (or filler). The task aims to be
very natural, and subjects will be instructed before-hand to simply listen carefully to the story and
look at the screen. Some stimuli and some fillers will be followed by yes/no comprehension
questions to ensure that the participants are listening for comprehension and staying attentive to
the task.
3.5 Data Analysis
Growth Curve Analysis (GCA) will be used to analyze the eye-tracking data. There are a number of
benefits to applying this statistical model to data from the visual world paradigm. It allows
inspection of individual variation (model1) and group variation (model2) (Mirman, Dixon &
Magnuson 2008). This approach allows for both characterization and interpretation of individual
4 This may require some pilot-testing. Huettig et al. (2011) note that the amount of preview of an image that subjects receive is important, and the likelihood that they will look at images can depend on the amount of time they have to retrieve necessary information. This is more of an issue when imag es aren’t presented for long enough, but we should also ensure that beginning presentation of the images with the beginning of the story doesn’t give the participants too long to view the image. It may be better to begin the image presentation with or slightly before the beginning of the sentence containing the region of interest.
differences. GCA estimates parameters that characterize individual variability, which then enables
us to analyze these differences further and determine whether they stem from variation in language
processing or some other source. Because the individual differences are external to the experiment,
and a continuous variable (FS/DH), this variable is added as a fixed effect in GCA (Language and
Cognitive Dynamics Laboratory 2014). Essentially, this allows for a fine-grained analysis on a
participant-by-participant basis, while maintaining the ability to look at the wider picture group-
by-group, which is precisely what is needed for the sort of research question being posed here.
Something that will be interesting to explore is which of the two measures – DH or FS – is a better
predictor, or whether they are equally good (i.e., whether they differ from one another statistically).
As mentioned in section 2.1.2, it’s unclear at this time how to predict the pattern of behavior of
people who are strongly FS+, but also strongly right-handed. Some studies (Sontam, Christman &
Jasper 2009; Sontam & Christman 2012) have suggested that degree of handedness is a better
straightforward behavioral predictor than direction of handedness, which are confounded in FS
measures. In fact, no clear picture emerges from the literature of a well-thought-out and distinctly-
defined separation between the two. In the works of Sontam and colleagues, familial sinistrality
was confounded in the analyses based only on degree of handedness. The trick here will be to avoid
issues of collinearity in statistical analysis, but the CGA makes this a relatively straightforward
matter.
4. Discussion
4.1 Predictions
Assuming that other constraints on pronoun resolution are controlled for, and all else being equal,
participants should display a range of behaviors at the critical region, depending on handedness
and familial sinistrality. Participants who are strongly right-handed and FS- should, given the
literature on the subject, show a preference for resolving the elided ambiguous pronoun via the
more syntax-dependent copy-paste procedure, which would result in a tendency to select the
antecedent in the second clause. The associated behavior in the visual world paradigm is to return
eye-gaze to the picture showing that antecedent. In example (5), this group of participants should
be more likely to look at Piglet during the critical region.
(5) Poohi liked the soup hei ordered, but Piglet j didn’t….(like the soup hej ordered.)
On the opposite end of the spectrum, participants who are left-handed with higher FS+ percentages
should prefer a more semantics/pragmatics-dependent reading of the elided ambiguous pronoun,
co-indexing the pronoun with the antecedent of the first clause. In example (6), this group of
participants should be more likely to return eye-gaze to Pooh during the critical region.
(6) Poohi liked the soup hei ordered, but Piglet j didn’t….(like the soup hei ordered.)
Alternatively, this group could also be expected to perform at chance, showing no systematic
preference for one or the other antecedent. This would not be surprising, given the results obtained
by Townsend et al. (2001), in which FS+ people showed no linear effects in a probe-recognition task
– they may be able to access both antecedents equally-well, in which case they would be as likely to
choose either. If this is the case, it would be instructive to analyze the data in way that will show
whether performance hovering around chance is modulated by DH or FS or both.
4.2 General discussion
The aim of this study is to take some of the available data regarding familial sinistrality and
handedness, and put it into the context of a theoretical framework that aims to account for some of
the individual differences that we currently see in our data, but cannot yet seriously explain. Given
the differences in processing behavior observed thus far in differently-lateralized people, it will be
useful to extend the range of experimental procedures and tasks under which these differences are
found, as a matter of exploring the robustness of the observations, as well as to look at the
participants from a perspective that is more in line with the actual population, rather than creating
false dichotomies. These dichotomies can be useful as a beginning, but in order to understand the
phenomena in question, they need to be slowly expanded into a continuum that is more truly
representative of humanity as a whole.
This is, it must be admitted, essentially a correlation study, which have their dangers, but also their
uses. A statistically significant correlation is not an answer in itself, but indicates that the question
is worth asking. That is the goal here. There is enough evidence to suggest that there may be a
causal relation between brain lateralization and language processing variation, but it remains to be
asked whether the extent of the correlation between the two warrants a deeper investigation. If this
study shows evidence that the full range of handedness and/or sinistrality might be a way to
account for certain individual linguistic variance, it may ultimately help lead us to an understanding
of where some of the noise in our experimental data comes from and how to account for at least a
portion of it, which will, in turn, make even unrelated studies stronger. As Kos et al. (2012) noted,
“Importantly, variation between individuals may partly explain the inconsistency in results with
respect to the LPC across experiments” (p. 9). Whatever the results are for this study, they will be
informative, because they can serve as a sort of signpost indicating either that we need to think
about alternative explanations for our data or that this path can be pursued in order to shed light
on some of the noise in experimental data currently obscuring a more precise understanding of
language processing.
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Appendix A
Edinburgh Handedness Inventory Surname:
Given Names:
Date of Birth:
Sex:
Please indicate your preferences in the use of hands in the following activities by putting + in the
appropriate column. Where the preference is so strong that you would never try to use the other
hand unless absolutely forced to, put ++. If in any case you are really indifferent put + in both
columns. Some of the activities require both hands. In these cases, the part of the task, or object, for
which hand preference is wanted is indicated in brackets. Please try to answer all the questions,
and only leave a blank if you have no experience at all of the object or task.
Activity Left Right
Writing
Drawing
Throwing
Scissors
Toothbrush
Knife (without fork)
Spoon
Broom (upper hand)
Striking Match (match)
Opening box (lid)
Which foot do you prefer to kick with?
Which eye do you use when using only one?
Appendix B
Familial Sinistrality Questionnaire
Surname:
Given Names:
Date of birth:
All questions below refer to living relatives only. Please complete as many questions as possible by
contacting your family members and asking them directly. If you cannot contact someone, but you
or another member of your family is absolutely certain about the answer for this person, please
indicate this in your response.
1) Siblings:
a) How many siblings do have? Count only those who share both parents.
b) Of these siblings, how many use their left hand for at least one of the following: writing, drawing,
throwing?
2) Parents:
a) Do either or both of your biological parents use their left hand for at least one of the following
activities: writing, drawing, or throwing? (If you don’t know both biological parents, please indicate
this in your answer.)
3) Aunts & Uncles:
a) How many aunts and uncles do you have who share both parents with your biological mother?
How many for your father?
b) Of these aunts and uncles, how many use their left hand for at least one of the following: writing,
drawing, throwing?
4) Grandparents:
a) Of the total possible 4 biological grandparents, how many can you answer for in this
questionnaire?
b) Of these, how many use their left hand for at least one of the following: writing, drawing,
throwing?
Appendix C
Stimuli.
(1)
Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh went out to eat. There were two tasty-looking soups on the menu.
Neither of them could decide which of the two soups to order, so they each ordered a different
soup, and shared them equally. Pooh/Pigleti liked the soup hei ordered, but Piglet/Poohj
didn’t….(like the soup he(i, j) ordered). (images: Pooh, Piglet, soup, unrelated)
(2)
Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh went to the store to buy new shirts. They each picked out a shirt and
went to the fitting room together to try them on. They both wanted to see what the shirt looked like
on/get each other’s opinions, and also to get each other’s opinion/see what the shirt looked like
on.5 Pooh/Pigleti liked the shirt hei picked out, but Piglet/Poohj didn’t….(like the shirt he(i, j) picked
out.) (images: Pooh, Piglet, shirt, unrelated)
(3)
Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh had never been to the beach, so they decided to go. They went to one
beach that Pooh/Piglet had heard of, and one beach that Piglet/Pooh had heard of. Pooh/Piglet i
liked the beach hei had heard of, but Piglet/Poohj didn’t….(like the beach he(i, j) heard of.) (images:
Pooh, Piglet, beach, unrelated)
(4)
Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh went to see two movies together. They each chose one of the movies
they would see. Pooh/Pigleti liked the movie hei had chosen, but Piglet/Poohj didn’t….(like the
movie he(i, j) had chosen.) (images: Pooh, Piglet, movie projector, unrelated)
(5)
Pooh/Piglet and Piglet/Pooh wanted to plant a garden together, but neither of them had any
gardening experience. They each decided on a few different flowers to plant. Once they started to
bloom, Pooh/Pigleti liked the flowers hei had chosen, but Piglet/Poohj didn’t….(like the flowers he(i,
j) had chosen.) (images: Pooh, Piglet, flowers or garden, unrelated)
Fillers.
(1)
Rabbit and Eeyore decided to go for a bicycle ride together. They couldn’t agree on which direction
to go, so they flipped a coin. Eeyore won and they walked to the East. In the end, Rabbit was happy
about how things worked out, but Eeyore wasn’t. (images: Rabbit, Eeyore, walking path, unrelated)
(2)
Tigger and Rabbit went to gather blackberries, but they couldn’t agree on what to do with them.
Rabbit wanted to make jam and Tigger wanted to make a pie. Tigger was so enthusiastic that Rabbit
finally agreed that they should make a pie. When it came time to eat the pie, Rabbit was happy
about their decision, and Tigger was, too. (images: Tigger, Rabbit, pie, unrelated)
(3)
Eeyore and Tigger wanted to cut down their own Christmas tree, but they had different ideas about
how big the tree should be. Tigger wanted a big tree and Eeyore wanted small tree. In the end,
5 Without this line, the reading might be differently-biased for men & women. Women are more likely to get each
other’s opinions, which might bias them toward the higher antecedent, whereas men might be biased toward the
lower antecedent.
Eeyore convinced Tigger that a small tree would be easier to carry home. When they were carrying
the tree home, Eeyore was happy that they’d gotten a small tree, and Tigger was too. (images:
Eeyore, Tigger, tree, unrelated)
(4)
Eeyore and Rabbit were taking a trip together, but they had trouble deciding how to travel. Eeyore
wanted to go by train, and Rabbit wanted to fly in an airplane. Rabbit finally convinced Eeyore that
they should fly. When they arrived, Eeyore was glad they had decided to fly, but Rabbit wasn’t.
(images: Eeyore, Rabbit, airplane, unrelated)
(5)
Pooh and Piglet decided to get a pet together, but they weren’t sure what to get. Pooh wanted to get
a puppy, but Piglet wanted to get a hamster. Piglet eventually agreed that a puppy would be more
fun. When they brought the puppy home, Piglet was happy with their decision, as so was Pooh.
(Pooh, Piglet, puppy, unrelated)
Appendix D
Examples of images for characters and related objects.
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