George H. Newth
30/10/14
The rise and fall of MARP – A brief history of the
movement
1) From the Declaration of Chivasso to MARP
Between 1945-50 a group known as il Gruppo Subalpino dell’Associazione
Regionale Italiana (ARI) was active in Italian politics developing a
complex study into the concept of the Regional body of government.
Amongst the members of the ARI was an ex-member of the PNF, Michele
Rosboch who was later to become a key player in Piedmontese
regionalist politics. Having an ex-fascist in the ranks of the ARI
was highly paradoxical due to the fact that it was a legacy of the
Resistance and was carrying forward many of the ideals of a group of
Alpine based partisans who had signed the Dichiarazione dei diritti
all’autonomia delle popolazioni Alpine.1 This declaration, signed in Chivasso,
had a strongly Piedmontese element to it as many of the leading
signatories were partisans from the Valli Valdesi who were
determined to gain greater regional autonomy for their Piedmontese
valley from the central government. They were in many ways carrying
forward similar proposals to those of the Piedmontese based
parliamentary group La Permanente who in the 1860s had suggested
dividing regions into districts and a decentralisation of power.2
1 G.Peyronel. La dichiarazione dei rappresentanti delle popolazione alpine al convegno di chivasso il 19 dicembre 1943. Estratto dalla rassegna ‘il Movimento di liberazione in Italia’. Milano Luglio 19492 “La Permanente ed il Corriere Mercantile” in Gazzetta Piemontese, Anno II, Num. 81, Saturday 21st March, 1868. http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,1/articleid,1280_01_1868_0081_0001_18781332/anews,true/G.Peyronel. La dichiarazione dei rappresentanti delle popolazione alpine al convegno di chivasso il 19 dicembre 1943. Cit. Milano Luglio 1949
The first elections of the newly established republic in June
1946 saw the ARI busy supporting the candidature of various
candidates in various party lists in return of the promise of
inserting regional statutes in the constitution. Initially, the
Constitution looked promising in terms of regional autonomy with
Article 23 stating that “every region has a statute which, in harmony
with the constitution and with the laws of the republic stabilises
the relative norms for the internal organisation of the region” and
also Article 131 which stated that Piedmont was to be one of 20
regions to be established with autonomous statutes, thus recognising
it officially as a region. It is easy, therefore, to see how the ARI
saw that it had achieved its goal and was, subsequently, dissolved
by its members.3 The reality, however, was quite different with
only 5 regions being awarded a ‘special statute’ (Valle D’Aosta,
Sicily, Sardinia, Trentino Alto-Adige and later in 1963 Friuli
Venezia Giulia) and the other 15 regions including Piedmont being
given no formal recognition. The Constitution had not, therefore,
been fully respected by the ruling parties and one person who was
keen to point this out was a young, ambitious political activist,
Enrico Villarboito who attempted to revive the Piedmontese
autonomist ideals of the ARI and bring them from the Alps into the
cities.
2) MARP is born
3 “Gli Articoli della Costituzione che non si vogliono ricordare” Piemonte Nuovo 23rd March 1956, Istituto piemontese per la storia della resistenza e della società contemporaneaSee also. La costituzione Italiana. Titolo V. Articoli 114-133
http://www.senato.it/documenti/repository/relazioni/libreria/Costituzione_anastatic
a.pdf
For the most up to date version in English, please refer to
https://www.senato.it/documenti/repository/istituzione/costituzione_inglese.pdf
On 25th July 1955 Villarboito signed into life il Movimento per
l’Autonomia Regionale Piemontese (MARP).4 Villarboito was determined
to stir up an autonomist vote in Piedmont by making the Piedmontese
electorate aware of the regional obligation written into the
constitution and gave maximum attention to the importance of the
problems of Piedmont in general and Turin in particular.5 MARP was
conceived as a cross-party movement which was open to anyone who was
a citizen with residence permanent in Piedmont, whatever their
political persuasion as long as they were over 18 years of age6.
This is demonstrated by a meeting with took place on 17th March 1956
when “17 people participated of various political loyalties (DC,
Liberal, Monarchists, Nenni Socialists and Communists) of which 14
had at the end of the meeting adhered to the movement.7” The scope
of the movement was to obtain autonomy for the Piedmontese Region,
within the confines of the unity of the Italian State and on the
basis of the principles fixed by the Constitution. The movement
proposed to collect at least 50,000 signatures which they would then
send to parliament as part of a project to create a law for the
creation of the Regional body in Piedmont. 8 During its first press
conference, MARP stated that its main purpose lay in “defending the
interests of Piedmont, reducing unproductive spending, bureaucratic
reform and decentralisation”.9 Aside from the key issue of regional
autonomy, the initial questions raised were also of the question of
4 Statuto MARP. Archivio di Stato Torino. Cat.A3A. 25th July 1955.5 “Movimento Autonomia Regionale Piemontese – MARP - Al Sig. Capo Ufficio Politico.Sede M.llo De Filippi.”. Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato, Torino, Cat.A3A. 25th July 1955. 10 Novembre 1955.
6 “Articolo 5”, Statuto MARP. Archivio di Stato Torino. Cat.A3A. 25th July 1955.7 Questura di Cuneo, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A, 27 March 1956
8 “Movimento Autonomia Regionale Piemontese – Con Sede in via Bava no.5” Questura di Torino, – Con Sede in via Bava No. 5. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 006/617/10. 29 Agosto 1955
railway links, the motorway between Piedmont, Liguria and Lombardy
and the lines of communication between Piedmont, Switzerland and
France.10
3)The 1956 elections – a breakthrough
Following the growth in popularity of the movement, MARP
decided to stand in the council elections on the 28th June 1956. The
results must have come as a surprise even to the greatest optimists
within its ranks as on its first electoral outing MARP received
5.79% of the vote in Turin electing, therefore, 4 councillors, of
which two were to become assessors. It is important to remember that
this was only in Turin as this was the Movement for Piedmontese
Regional Autonomy and its levels of success should not be measured
in the regional capital alone. Later in the year, in Rivara, MARP
would present its own list and obtain 113 of the 453 valid votes,
seeing 3 councillors elected. Furthermore, in Vercelli in 1957 three
councillors in the comune and one in the administration of the
province were elected from a MARP list.11 A further success of MARP
was the election of Ferreo Emilio Capo as the first MARP mayor of
Pinerolo in 1957, with this area of Piedmont already having elected
MARP councillors the previous year.12 Following these successes,
MARP intensified its activity by collaborating with the Christian9 “Il MARP. Chi sono e cosa vogliono” La Stampa Friday 1 June 1956,http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,2/articleid,0059_01_1956_0127_0002_14019902/(La Stampa 27 Aprile 1956).10 Le Origini del MARP e gli uomini che lo rappresentano, Appunto del Questore di Torino. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 24 Gennaio. 195811 “Magnifica affermazione del MARP nelle recenti elezioni amministrative Vercellesi” Piemonte Nuovo Anno II. No.21, 17th November, 1957, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
12“Ferreo Emilio Capo del Comune di Praly.- Il Primo Sindaco Marpista – La nommina hasuscitato in tutta la zona di Pinerolo il più vivo gradimento”. ” Piemonte Nuovo. Anno II. No.16. 1st September 1957, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
Democrat-led regional council in both Turin and Pinerolo, while
presenting itself also from time to time in the various
administrative elections in opposition to the DC and bringing 24% of
the votes to the comune of Cirie.13 Such successes meant that MARP’s
representatives were instrumental in the formation of the council
administrations in various important Piedmontese centres.14 When
this movement was started by Villarboito two years previously, such
a level of success was unthinkable. To highlight this, it is
interesting to look at the police commissioner’s notes that “as far
as any future developments are concerned, this movement surely
cannot have any due to lack of financial backing or of any
significant followers.15 However, from the date when these words left
his pen to the results of the council elections in 1956, certain
events transpired within the movement which made it much more
appealing to the Piedmontese public. The first of these must be seen
in the internal power struggle in the new movement which saw the
removal of an idealistic, enthusiastic but essentially ineffective
leader and his replacement with a ruthlessly pragmatic committee.
4) Reasons for success
i) The removal of Enrico Villarboito from the leadership
Enrico Villarboito was one of the three principal signatories
of the MARP Statute in 1955. The other two were his close friends
and collaborators Mario Beinatti and Franco Laini.16 Villarboito’s13 “Le origini del MARP e gli uomini che lo rappresentano”. Appunto del Questore di Torino.Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 24 Gennaio 1958
14 Ibid.
15“Movimento Autonomia Regionale Piemontese – Con Sede in via Bava no.5” Questura di Torino, – Con Sede in via Bava No. 5. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 006/617/10. 29 Agosto 1955
16 Statuto MARP: Archivio di Stato Torino. Cit.
desire to stamp his own name and authority on MARP is not only
confirmed by police reports from the period, but also evident from
one of the first membership cards of MARP which contained his image
and stated that rather than being a member of the movement, one
could be a collaborator of Villarboito, the supposedly sole founder
and ideologue behind the movement.
Unfortunately for Villarboito, his ambition and idealism
outweighed his ability as a politician. This can be demonstrated by
the fact that he had in 1951, once again accompanied by his friends
Beinatti and Laini, given life to a party entitled Volontà
Nazionale. Presenting himself as a candidate with the PVN had been a
disappointing experience for the young Villarbotio and his party
failed to return a single candidate from their list due to “an
inconsistent political programme and the negative intellectual and
moral qualities of its key exponents”. In spite of being keen to run
again with his new movement MARP Torino, 10 Novembre 1955, his
chances of success again here seemed slim as he was described as
being “lacking in any cultural or political preparation and didn’t
inspire any public faith due to his poor public speaking and his
opportunistic character”. 17 Moreover, far from being a stabilising
influence as leader, Villarboito was described as “an unsettled and
rowdy element of the movement…who lacked in any cultural or
political preparation whatsoever and, therefore, fails to win any
public trust.”18
By 1955, the movement had attracted the membership of Colonel
Achille Baricco, Germano Benzi, Mario Vezzani and Franco Bruno.
Villarboito was to meet his political nemesis in Bruno, cited as an
active member of the Turin PNF prior to the war and after the war a
similarly ambitious and young politician who had joined MARP in
1955. Like Villarboito, Bruno had also stood in the 1951 elections,
standing as a candidate for the Republican Party and like
Villarboito he had been unsuccessful in his candidacy.19 Unlike
Villarboito, however, Bruno had the ear of the aforementioned new
and highly influential members of MARP. In a meeting on 22 December
1955, this group headed by Franco Bruno threatened a complete break
with the movement unless a complete revision of the Villarboito
statute was accepted. As President, Vice President and Secretary
General of the Movement, respectively, Article 14 stated that
Villarboito, Beinatti and Laini s would remain in their positions
until the obtainment of Autonomy and reserved reserving the right to
17 “Movimento Autonomia Regionale Piemontese – MARP - Al Sig. Capo Ufficio Politico.Sede M.llo De Filippi.”. Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato, Torino, Cat.A3A. 25th July 1955. 10 Novembre 1955.
“MARP” Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 066/617/10” 30th December1955
18 Ibid.
19 “Appunto del questore” Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat. A3A. 30th October 1956
nominate and also revoke provincial members.20 The faction stated
their opposition to this measure and Franco Bruno rallied these new
members in opposition to Villarboito’s rule and the prospect of
another electoral disaster at the hands of this volatile political
entity. 21 After lively discussion, a decision was taken by Bruno’s
faction to promote the nomination of a Committee which would
reconstitute the movement with its own constitution which on 23rd
December took precedent over the original statute created by
Villarboito.22 The direction of the movement was assumed by a
provisional committee, composed of 9 members with Baricco as its
President. From this moment onwards Villarboito was effectively
expelled from the movement as he was not amongst the key signatories
of the new constitution. The ousted leader was, however, not to give
up without a fight and was to continue to be involved in the fight
for regional autonomy as we will look at in greater detail below.
Under the new leadership, MARP began to prepare itself for the 1956
elections, something which did not sit well with some members.
ii) The politicisation of the non-party movement
The decision to participate in the elections marked a new
stage in MARP’s short history as they effectively shifted from being
a cross-party movement to a political party. This was not an easy
sell to the grass-roots of the movement who saw in MARP a group
which would pressure parties, not become one of them. MARP’s leading
exponents were to later justify taking part in the elections and
eventually the council by stating that their decision was “technical
20 “MARP” Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 066/617/10” 30th December 195521 “MARP” Questura di Torino. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 066/617/10” 30th December 195522“Costituzione del Movimento per l’Autonomia Regionale del Piemonte” Questura di TorinoArchivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 23rd December 1955
and not political.”23 However, the effective purge of elements loyal
to Villarboito was indeed political and was heavily linked to the
decision to stand in elections as two of the four members who
resigned due to the growing politicization of the movement were
Villarboito’s aforementioned collaborators, Mario Beinatti and
Franco Laini. The letter which explains the reasons for their
resignations stated that
“the nine components of the regional committee…
assured us that MARP would not be turned into a
political party. Today we find ourselves in front of
a much different situation. New political tendencies
have prevailed and MARP will present itself at the
elections with its own list. The undersigned do not
approve the system with which the electoral campaign
has been conducted, which in the name of electoral
opportunism has seen MARP move against all political
parties and turn itself into a new political party”.24
Those who resigned from the movement stated that whilst it was
“possible to aim for regional autonomy and belong to a political
party” it was “not desirable to divide the vote between this party
and MARP.” The letter ends with an affirmation of the faith in
regional autonomy yet the overall tone is a loss in faith with the
new leadership of the movement which consisted of a highly
23 “Perchѐ il MARP ѐ entrato nella Giunta Comunale di Torino” Piemonte Nuovo, Anno I. Numero I – 15 Settembre 1956. L.30. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
24 “5 resignations from MARP” La Stampa 3-05-56. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A
opportunistic and ambitious committee who were aiming to gain the
vote of the economic and industrial life of Piedmont.25
iii) The inclusion of ex-members of ARI and key members of
Piedmontese economic and industrial life
With Villarboito and his inner circle out of the way, the new
ruling committee were free to push the movement forward with their
own ideas. However, they understood that MARP would remain one of
the many fleeting movement of the administrative elections, if it
did not recruit some of the most well-known and influential men in
the economic and professional life of Turin.26 Particularly worth
mentioning are the three men who alongside Bruno would become
councillors after the 1956 elections. The first was the previously
mentioned ex-fascist, Dr Michele Rosboch who had significantly not
only been a member of the ARI, but was also a noted and esteemed
businessman and business consultant in Turin.27 After the war,
Rosboch had gravitated towards the Liberal Party before joining
MARP.28 He was recognised by reports at the time as the most active
of the men in MARP and the man who brought the most amounts of votes
and consensus to the movement, not only in the city and regional
environment but also outside of Piedmont. Rosboch was cited as being
responsible for bringing MARP a certain level of prestige. Elected
as councillor of Turin he held the position of assessor of Tourism,
the Alpine excavations and communication. The second councillor (and
the head of the MARP councillors) was Dr Timoteo Nobile, one of the
most active and combative men of the movement who was considered
25 Ibid.
26 “Le origini del MARP e gli uomini che lo rappresentano”. Appunto del Questore di Torino.Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 24 Gennaio 195827Ibid28 “Appunto del Questore”, Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 30 October 1956
wise and enjoyed esteem and trust amongst its members. This was also
due to his punctuality and precision in his speeches and
presentations. The third councillor was Mario Vezzani, who was
particularly significant in creating ties with “the categories of
the small businessmen, which saw in the movement of the strongest
defenders of their demands and interests. This was essential as it
was amongst this group that MARP was to receive the majority of its
funding.29 Indeed, it was Vezzani, who immediately after the
electoral result went to see the President of the Industrial Union
of Turin to ask for a donation of two million to cover the expenses
of the election campaign. In exchange, Vezzani promised that he and
the other four MARP councillors would work to work on all of the
problems which concern industry”30. In his appeals to industry and
business class of Piedmont, Vezzani was key in adding a new element
to the movement
iv) The “Poujadist” element
With its opposition to political parties, populist nature and
also tendency to attract ex-fascists with links to the old regime
such as Franco Bruno and Michele Rosboch, it is understandable that
MARP was labelled by many as a qualunquist movement.31 However, such
an analogy was at best inaccurate and at worst facile as MARP’s
ultimate objectives were different to Guglielmo Giannini’s Uomo
Qualunque movement. One of Mario Vezzani’s initial contribtions to
the movement was an article appealing directly to the Piedmontese
29 “Appunto del Questore”, Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 9 November 1957
30 Ibid.
31“Appunto del Questore”, Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 9 November 1957
business class in which he wrote: “Business Owners: It’s the voice
of Piedmont that is reawakening.…understand that only the Region
will be able to end to the economic, financial and moral ills which
afflict us”32 Under the leadership of the new committee the
movement, therefore, linked its appeals for regional autonomy to a
protest against high taxes and government interference in small
business affairs. In this respect, a more illuminating comparison
than that of qualunquism can be made by looking abroad to France.
Whether the leaders of MARP were conscience of it or not, the
movement was imitating Pierre Poujade’s Union de Defense Comercents et
Artesans in France which had been experiencing great success in
mobilising French small shopkeeper, businessman and artisan vote
against taxes from the central government. The Poujadism in the
movement was strongly linked to the the anti-political nature of
MARP and is shown in their pride of presenting a list of candidates
who are not professional politicians.
“They tell us that we don’t have great names in our
list. Honestly, I can’t understand what ‘big names’
mean. If we mean honest and capable people then the
affirmation is welcomed…if by big names we mean the
professional political class, then we are delighted
to confirm that in our list we have no ‘great names’
because we have willingly excluded them. If for big
names we mean the big names of finance and of capital
then we must declare that we don’t have any of them” 33
Indeed, they stated specifically that their list included “20
businessmen, 13 industrialists and business managers, 13
32 M. Vezzani “Gli utili idioti e la libertà del voto” Piemonte Nuovo 23rd March 1956, Istituto piemontese per la storia della resistenza e della società contemporanea33 “L’autonomia regionale amministrativa non potrà dividere il popolo Italiano” Piemonte Nuovo 23rd March 1956, Istituto piemontese per la storia della resistenza e della società contemporanea
professionals, 7 employees, 6 workers, 4 professors, 3 artists and 2
doctors.” MARP insisted that it was “a movement conducted by free
men who were tired of the partyocracy and the bureaucratic
centralism” of Rome34. Indeed when naming their candidates for the
upcoming elections, they note each candidates ‘real’ profession. The
list itself would seem to include a broad section of Piedmontese
society. MARP is, therefore, proud of not having ‘career
politicians’ in its ranks – something which adds to its anti-
politics credentials. Below the mock electoral card is a message to
Piedmontese voters which states “on the day of the elections, don’t
forget this emblem: it is that of a movement which contains honest
and capable people who are not tied to party interests”.
Although the label of Poujadism was refuted by MARP, the support
which it gained from small businesses seems to place it at least
partly in this category.35 Franco Bruno in order to aid his rise
within the movement had prior to the election formed an agreement
with the local DC for their political backing in return for
channelling the Poujadist vote towards the DC list. However, once he
had worked his way up the ranks of MARP, gained a group of
supporters and managed to kick out Villarboitio, he directed it on a
course which was anything but pro-Christian Democrat. On an
unofficial level, this seems to be a response to not being nominated
for the presidency of SAGAT (Societa; Anonima Gestino Aeroporto
Torini), a position which had been promised to him by Christian
Democrat Mayor AVV. Amedeo Peyron.36 However, on an official level,
34 Rosboch, M, “Perchѐ ho scelto le lista del MARP” Piemonte Nuovo 23rd March 1956, Istituto piemontese per la storia della resistenza e della società contemporanea
35‘Il MARP. Chi sono e cosa vogliono’, La Stampa, 1 June 1956 http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,2/articleid,0059_01_1956_0127_0002_14019902/36 “Appunto del Questore”, Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 30 October 1956
steering MARP against the DC was about as politically convenient as
it could get for MARP’s Poujadist platform as this anti-political
element was connected to a further development in Piedmontese
regionalism which was the identification of the DC with Rome, which
in turn was identified as the corrupt central state. The DC was
viewed by MARP as the party most guilty for not implementing the
regional statutes in the constitution, therefore rendering it as
distinctly un-constitutional’. 37 The DC was described as the “face
of typical Roman administration…misgovernment, waste, illicit
favours and even corruption, careless spend, incautious in taking on
tasks and often violating parliamentary law”.38
v) A successful propaganda campaign
On 7th January 1956, several young members of MARP were seen
distributing leaflets of the movement of the movement.39 It is worth
looking at the content of this leaflet in full below:
“We are an apolitical, democratic, constructive and
national movement. Apolitical because we develop our
action in relation to organisational and regional
problems of an administrative, economic and financial
nature without interfering in particular political
ideologies. Democratic because in promoting the
implementation of Regional autonomy we are asking for
the most democratic form of public administration.
37 Ibid.
38 “L’autonomia amminstrativa non porterà nuove spese ed una nuova burocrazia” Piemonte Nuovo 23rd March 1956, Istituto piemontese per la storia della resistenza e della società contemporanea
39“Lettera al Sig. Capo Ufficio Politico ” Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino.Cat.A3A 7 Gennaio 1956
Constructive because we want public administration to
be reduced in its size and tasks. National, because
by recognising every region, the unity of the nation
is reinforced, eliminating rancour and
misunderstandings that can lead to irreparably
damaging consequences. The government should limit
its functions to national problems and leave to the
Regions the task of resolving its own problems”.40
In addition to leafletting around Piedmont, prior to the
election campaign, MARP released a newspaper entitled Piemonte Nuovo.
Initially intended to be only a ‘numero unico’, the paper was soon
published on a fortnightly basis. The first issue was, however, a
detailed piece of electoral propaganda and a call to arms to
Piedmontese against Roman centralism. The content of the newspaper
followed the line of the leaflets and continued to promote the ideas
which made the movement so successful: defence of Piedmontese
interests against the central state, controls on immigration from
other regions, tax breaks, major or direct control on fiscal policy.
It was these issues which seemed particularly sensitive to a notable
part of public opinion of Turin and other Piedmontese provinces. 41
5) MARP’S Political Discourse
40 Movimento Autonomia Regionale Piemontese Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 7 Gennaio 1956
41 “Appunto del Questore”, Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 30 October 1956
Piedmont was the “prime receiving region” of the “more than 2
million people [who] left Italy’s south’…in the two decades
following WW2””.42 The post-war period was also to see the
establishment of the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno which despite having
the intention to close the gap between North and South, by providing
funds to the South was actually to turn the South into a financial
chasm and eventually lead to what Anna Cento Bull and Mark Gilbert
have noted as a “substantially accurate” critique by the Lega Nord
that the South had “been allowed to stagnate by decades of state
handouts”.43 The 1950s opposition to the Cassa from the Piedmontese
electorate, however, was not born from a desire to protect the south
from stagnation but rather from the fear that it represented a
‘double burden’ on their shoulders through having “to pay the
highest taxes for the South as well as extra money for the inclusion
of southerners in ‘their’ cities”. 44 This is illustrated clearly by
a speech from councillor Timoteo Nobile in 1957 entitled ‘MARP for
the economic well-being of Turin and Piedmont’ which illustrated
that MARP viewed the regional body as a tool which could help
advance Piedmontese interests against this double burden. Nobile put
forward the idea that
“Regional government, [was], indispensable for all
the Italian regions [and] for Piedmont in particular,
insofar as it is the region which pays the largest
quantity than any other in terms of taxes and the
continued influx into Piedmont of southern elements
and of other regions (around 3,000 per month)”.45
42 E. Capusotti‘NordisticontroSudistiInternalMigrationandRacisminTurin, Europe:1950sand1960s. in Italian Culture Volume 28 Issue 2, p.12143 A.Cento Bull, M.Gilbert The Lega Nord and the Northern Question in Italian Politics, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2001 p.14)44 E. Capusotti‘NordisticontroSudistiInternalMigrationandRacisminTurin, Europe:1950sand1960s. in Italian Culture Volume 28 Issue 2, p.121
Nobile’s polemic against the South was emphasised by his
insistence that “it would be more just to think of our mountainous
population and those of Monferrato, which abandon the country due to
the lack of public works and increasing financial pressure”.46
Indeed, this was again mentioned in an article in MARP’s newspaper
Piemonte Nuovo pleading for the government to institute a “Cassa per
le Montagne” to match the existing fund for the south.47
In spite of the racist connotations, the focus on anti-
immigration in Piemonte Nuovo actually reveals more about the movement
than just anti-southernism. In order to explore this briefly, it is
necessary to focus on an extract from Piemonte Nuovo itself. In the
third edition of the paper, a large section is taken up by a letter
entitled Lettera diretta a chi viene dal Sud written by Roberto Codazza, a
Piedmontese “everyman” as an appeal against “those who come from the
South”.48 The letter clearly reflects the anti-immigrant element
within the movement pleading with an imaginary southerner to stay in
his “wretched little land of the South” in order to” resolve his own
problems by staying at home and fighting for administrative rights”.49 The letter states that “your mass exodus from your regions is not
45 “Appunto del Questore” Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 20th January 1957
46 “Appunto del Questore” Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 20th January 1957
47 “Istituire la Cassa per la Montagna” Piemonte Nuovo, 5th December 1959, Anno IV, No.16. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II.486
48“Lettera diretta a chi viene dal Sud”, Piemonte Nuovo, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486 Anno I. N.3. 15 Ottobre 1956.
49Ibid.
only not a solution to your misfortunes but is a reason for the
weight of an already overpopulated land.” 50 While it would be easy
to dismiss this letter as simple anti-immigrant and anti-southern
propaganda, a more careful reading reveals something more than this.
Codazza states that “we fought in order to unite your lands to ours
in one Italy”. 51 This reference to the Risorgimento and MARP’s
interpretation of history and the Piedmontese role in the
unification of the Italian state is something which became ever
present in MARP’s discourse. Further examples throughout Piemonte
Nuovo’s issue argue in favour of regional autonomy as a “Second
Italian Risorgimento” stating that “After having made Italy, once
again Piedmont must teach how to make Italians and how to give life
to a true democracy”.52 In addition, another issue of Piemonte Nuovo
looks back to historical figures such as Gioberti and Minghetti,
stating that “Regionalism and administrative decentralisation is in
the spirit and the history of the Italian tradition”.53 Indeed, it
would appear that as the years went by MARP began focusing less on
the South and appealing more to Piedmontese sense of history, in
particular Piedmont’s central role in ‘making Italy’, demonstrated
aptly by an article in July 1959 entitled “People of Piedmont, they
can deny us everything, but not the pride of having made Italy.”54
50Ibid.
51Ibid.52 “Il Secondo Risorgimento Italiano, Piemonte Nuovo Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 48617th May 1958. Anno III, No.16.53 “Da un milennio gli Italiani sono autonomisti” Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486Piemonte Nuovo 28th June 1958. Anno III. No.20
54 “Piemontese, possono negarci tutto ma non l’orgoglio di aver fattol’Italia” Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486 Piemonte Nuovo – Anno.IV. No. 11-12 14th July 1959
Another key issue which is raised in the letter to the South is that
of regional identity. This is emphasised by including regional
dialect “Noi siamo convinti che voi siate in grado di ‘deve n’
ardriss’ come si dice qua.” 55 Further examples of how PIedmontese
identity is exploited by MARP in an attempt to win support can be
seen through articles which talk about the particularity of
Piedmontese character and also appeals on behalf of Piedmontese
folkloristic organisations to protect Piedmontese customs and
language. This can be further demonstrated by an article which
states that the Piedmontese are by nature patient, tolerant and that
a Piedmontese thinks “seven times” before making a decision. 56 The
letter in the 3rd edition of Piemonte Nuovo, therefore, far from being
a mere rant against immigration was a marker for how MARP’s
discourse would develop over the following years.
6) MAR
It is important to note, however, that Piemonte Nuovo was not the
only regionalist-based newspaper of the time to speak of internal
migration. Another similar publication known as Le Nostre Tasche also
used the subject of immigration, and linked the history of the
Italian state and the Risorgimento with its arguments. Contrary to
Piemonte Nuovo, this article was arguing in favour of migration from
the South to the North regions which was reflected in its title
55 “Istituire la Cassa per la Montagna” Piemonte Nuovo, 5th December 1959, Anno IV, No.16. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II.486
56 “I Piemontesi sono per natura fin troppo pazienti e tolleranti. Non sopportano però di essere trattati da ‘fabioc’” Biblioteca NazionaleUniversitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486Piemonte Nuovo, Anno I – N.4 Torino – 1Novembre 1956.
“Assurda la Polemica fra Nord e Sud”. Although both articles mention
the same arguments, they are diametrically opposed on almost all of
them. Most significant of these contradictions was Le Nostre Tasche’s
plea for tolerance towards migrants and argument that it would
benefit the North both socially and financially, thus stating that
“we must not close the door on our brothers from the South”. 57 Like
Piemonte Nuovo’s article, it also looked to the past to justify its
claims. The article emphasised a historical fraternity between
Sicilians, Piedmontese, Lombards and Neapolitans,who fought as
brothers in arms for unification. Putting such a simplistic view of
the Risorgimento aside, Le Nostre Tasche’s article is nevertheless
interesting as it aims to use the issue of immigration not to divide
but to instead unite.58 In many ways it is not surprising that this
newspaper took such a contrasting position to Piemonte Nuovo and MARP
as it was the mouthpiece of Enrico Villarboito and his new movement
Movimento Autonomia Regionali (MAR) which he had formed following
his expulsion from MARP.
MAR reflected Villarboito’s ambition by attempting to take the
fight of regional autonomy beyond Piedmont to the whole of Italy
and, to this purpose, created both a northern and a southern
section. Looking at electoral material released by both MARP and MAR
it is possible to note some key similarities but also some important
differences which reflect a strictly ‘regional’ nature of the former
and the more ‘national’ nature of the latter. Both leaflets attest
to an ‘anti-political’ element within their movements, stating that
that they wished to dedicated themselves to administrative reform
and not to align themselves with other political parties. Similarly,
57 “Assurda la Polemica fra Nord e Sud” Le Nostre Tasche Biblioteca NazionaleUniversitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486 Anno.1 No.3.
58 Ibid
both movements commit themselves to a battle to implement the
regional statutes written in the Italian constitution and highlight
that it is Rome which is the obstacle to this. Both movements also
utilize the slogan of “Aiutare si’, mantenere no”, referring to the
fact that they want to help poorer regions of Italy but not maintain
them through measures such as the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno. The
biggest difference noticeable here is that on the leaflet of MAR it
states “non intendiamo sbattere la porta in faccia ai fratelli delle
altre parti d’Italia” – This leaflet being from the Northern section
of the movement (comprising of Milan, Genoa, Bologna, Venice and
Trieste) – the other parts of Italy must be the Southern regions.
Such a plea to not ignore the South is missing from the MARP leaflet
and it is indeed this issue of North and South which divides the two
movements which were so similar in so many other ways. Although
clearly opposed on the issue of immigration, the aims of MAR and
MARP were essentially the same in that they wished to see the
regional statutes in the constitution respected and implemented. The
two movements were in fact so similar that MARP had to publish a
notification in their newspaper stating that they had “no links with
other autonomist movements” wishing to avoid any confusion with
posters placed around the city which carry the name of MAR
(Movimento Autonomie Regionali).59
59 “Il MARP non ha rapporti con altri gruppi autonomisti” Piemonte Nuovo Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486Anno I . N.2. 20. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486 Settembre 1956. L.30
60
7) Villarboito’s last stand
The idea that “something new and constructive was emerging in
Italy” in the form of Villarboito’s new movement proved itself to be
premature as Villarboito’s political jinx continued to plague him.61
In spite of the fact that MAR on the surface promoted and
encouraged the formation of autonomist movements in the various
regions of Italy, in reality “it failed to take any initiative on
60Archivio di Stato. Torino61 Archivio di Stato. Torino
the political plain or managed to form any significant links with
other autonomist movements”62. Villarboito abandoned MAR in 1958 with
the hope of forcing his way back into MARP by circulating 2000
political manifestos with the symbol of MARP on one side and an
image of himself on the other. In attempting to rejoin MARP,
Villarboito was in effect admitting defeat in his project of taking
the fight for regional autonomy to the entire Italian peninsula and
re-opening old wounds in the movement which had been caused by the
signing of two separate statutes in 1955. Villarboito declared
himself determined to “salvage the salvageable” from a movement
which he claimed “no longer listened to the grassroots members” and
whose members “without his support would never be elected to
parliament”. 63 However, Mario Vezzani, a key exponent of MARP
stated that “Villarboito was considered to be lacking in political
and moral requisites to be allowed back into the movement.”64 Michele
Rosboch went further by stating that Villarboito was “nothing more
than a forgettable episode of our movement”.65 Once he had finished
his cutting insult, Rosboch proceded to rub salt in the wound by
stating that the movement was “busy preparing for the national
convention” for during which they were confident of forming an
alliance of Milanese autonomists. This must have aggrieved
Villarboito who had for the past year been attempting to forge links
62 Questura di Torino. 066.406.10. Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 8th June 1956
63 “Appunto del Questore”, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 24th January 1958
64 “Appunto del Questore”, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A 24th January 1958
65 “Le ‘rivelazioni’ di Villarboito sul MARP e la risposta dei dirigenti autonomisti” La Stampa Sunday 16th February 1958. http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,2/articleid,0064_01_1958_0041_0002_16372259/
around the country with MAR. As a result, Villarboito criticised
MARP for forming alliances with other groups, accusing them of being
detached from the real needs of Piedmont. With what seems to have
been his final political movement ‘Autonomia Piemontese Movimento
Villarboito attempted to put forward the argument that Piedmontese
citizens paid disproportionate levels of taxes by circulating 1000
cheques around the city signed as “nauseato sfiduciato”. Even here,
though, the fact that the logo of his movement shows his face and is
indeed named after him would seem evidence enough of a character who
was keen to stamp his own personal authority on any political
movement he was involved in. Villarboito had managed to form an
alliance with at least one other regional movement from Novara,
entitled SCOPA (servire coscienziosamnete ogni pubblica
amministrazione).66
66“Costituzione del Movimento ‘Autonomia Piemontese Movimento Villarboito’”. Cat. A3A, b.1 Archivio di Stato, Torino. 066/544/10. 8th April1958
It is important to note that prior to this alliance with
SCOPA, it is highly likely that the reason why MAR had been
unsuccessful was that MARP’s leadership had been beating Villarbotio
at his own game, forming links with a variety of autonomist groups
in North Italy.
7) Movimento per l’Autonomia Regionali Padane
The success of MARP in the 1956 elections had sparked the
emergence of various autonomist movements. The first of these was in
Liguria where “a movement emerged which assumed the title of MARL
and has established its headquartes in Genoa, 10 Piazza Campetto”
MARP stated in Piemonte Nuovo that “The Ligurians, like us
Piedmontese, have created a free movement, independent of Parties,
with no political ties to Rome”. They went on to state that
“Piedmont, Lombardy and today even Liguria have their own
committees, have their own organisation and men ready to battle for
the regional autonomy which is the only way to break the excessive
power of the centralised bureaucracy and the dominant partyocracy”67.
For historical reasons it is particularly relevant that MARP
recognised the autonomists of Liguria a regions which had been
denied any measure of autonomy whilst under the rule of the Savoy
Dynasty. The enthusiasm for other autonomist movements in various
regions was, however, not limited to Liguria. Indeed, prior to the
emergence of MARL, Indeed Prior to the emrgence of this Ligurian
movement, there had also been the emergence of MAB (Movimento per
l’Autonomia Bergamasca) which had received 106 votes in the council
elections of 1956.68
The aforementioned movements are but two of the many
autonomist groups which emerged in the 1950s. By 1958 there were
enough organisations to justify holding the first meeting between
Italian autonomist movements. This took place in Verona on 19th
67“Saluto agli autonomistii della Liguria”, Piemonte Nuovo Anno II. No.1 Torino 1 Gennaio 1958, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
68” L’Autonomia regionale nella provincia di Bergamo” Piemonte Nuovo, Anno I. Numero I –15 Settembre 1956. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
January 1958 with speeches from a group of participants from
Milanese, Bergamascans, Bresicans, Trentino, Veronese as well as
participants from the Centro Politico Italiano of Rome. Naturally,
this conference was organised by MARP who sent a delegation made up
of the President of the movement, Achille Barricco, Regional
Secretary Germano Benzi and Council assessor Franco Bruno, all of
whom participated actively throughout the conference. “mDr Benzi,
representing MARP put forward the idea of a meeting between all the
autonomist movements of North Italy and to the constitution of the
autonomist groups in central-south Italy…with the key goal of such a
Union being the struggle against Roman centralism, without
discriminating from Region to Region. Following this meeting, there
was indeed an attempt to bring these groups together in an electoral
pact the following month69.
Dr Benzi appeared to be a key exponent of merging MARP with
other autonomist movements and at the end of the conference declared
that
“the congress has been a great success: we will
present the symbol of MARP to 12 million Piedmontese,
Lombard, Ligurian, Venetian and Trent electors. The
Ligurian autonomists will join the pact in the
following days. If possible we will also present
ourselves in some of the electoral colleges in Emilia
Romagna: for now, our electoral strength is
constituted by the 50 thousand votes gathered in the
Piedmontese administrative elections, by the 10
thoudand votes form the Bergamascan autonomists, by
69“Vei Piemunt! Gli Autonomisti Italiani vedono nel MARP l’algiere dell’autonomia regionale – il congresso di Verona ha messo in luce che l’idea autonomista ѐ oggi diventata la forza motrice del popolo italiano” Piemonte Nuovo Anno III. No.3 1 febbraio 1958. Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino. Giorno II. 486
the 45,000 votes in Bolzano and from the 15-16
thousand Tirolese votes”70.
Further to this conference, in October 1961, a further meeting
of several autonomist movements was brought to the attention of the
police headquarters of Milan, Venice, Bologna, Genoa, Bergamo, Turin
and Como. The meeting was between Gruppo Amministrativo Autonomista di
Mestre, l’Unione Emiliana Cristiani Sociali, il Partito Democratico Federalista Italiano, Il
Partito Laborista Italiano, Il movimento Autonomia Regionale Lombardo and MARP.
After much debate, those present decided to give life to the
Federazione Autonomie Regionali Italiane.71 Some of its members -
the most ambitious – were happy that MARP was presenting itself in
all the Piedmontese electoral colleges connected with the movements
of other regions. However, other leading figures wanted MARP to
designate its more recognised men in he lists of democratic parties
of the centre, granted that these parties would give guarantees for
the implementation of regional Autonomy for Piedmont”.72 In the end
it was to be the second plan of action which succeeded in the 1960s
and lead to an irreparable split in the movement.
8) The decline of MARP
MARP had effectively been in decline since its initial
victories due to the fact that it never managed to effectively build
70 ‘Il MARP diventa Padano per presentarsi alle elezioni’, La Stampa, 24 February 1958.http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,2/articleid,1580_02_1958_0047A_0002_23556259/71“Federazione Autonomie Regionali Italiane”, Questura di Milano, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 19th October 19
72 “Le Origini del MARP e gli uomini che lo rappresentano”, Appunto del Questore di Torino.Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 24 Gennaio. 1958
on or even replicate its great success in the 1956 communal
elections. The result of this can be seen in the unhappy experience
of the political elections of 1960 in which its votes were reduced
to 19,274 and 2 seats on the regional council. The two elected MARP
councillors were Dr Germano Benzi, who had shown himself so
enthusiastic for the cause of forming electoral alliances with other
autonomist groups, and Dr Timoteo Nobile, who had given the rousing
speech in 1957 which denounced the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno and
assured the 350 people present that MARP would remain true to its
programme and, furthermore, that the expectations of the 32,000
electors who support it would not be disappointed. The speaker, who
had been presented by the assessor Franco Bruno, had been repeatedly
and warmly applauded.73 However, now, a few years down the line, both
Nobile and Benzi were to perform a political U-turn against fighting
for autonomy and act as the architects of destruction of the
movement whilst Bruno would be one of their fiercest opponents.
With such a reduction in influence on the council, it became
increasingly more difficult for the movement to make itself heard
and considerably easier for the other elements of the council to
drown out the by now tired calls for regional autonomy in Piedmont.
A party which was on the rise in Piedmont, on the other hand, was
the PSDI which had seen their vote increase by 2% from 1954 and had
increased its council members from 6 to 8. Significantly, the PSDI
also had regional autonomy written into its programme. Benzi and
Nobile, being the two elected MARP councillors, saw in this growing
movement an opportunity to advance their own political careers and
in 1962 plans were put into motion to merge MARP with the PSDI via a
73“Appunto del Questore” Questura di Torino, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 20 Gennaio 1957
series of talks between these two MARP exponents and the social
democratic exponent Avv. Guido Secreto.
It could well be stated that MARP, in attempting to enter the
PSDI represented a paradox as it was this very party that
Piedmontese socialists had split from barely ten years before in the
search for greater autonomy. In 1953, the Piedmontese section of the
PSDI had broken away from the party to form what was to become part
of a larger movement under the banner of Autonomia Socialista. In
an early political leaflet, there is a call to action under the
title of ‘Socialisti Piemontesi!’ which is littered with elements of
Piedmontese pride of having been the first to leave the PSDI and to
have prepared the way for an ‘absolutely independent socialist
party’. The appeal to Piedmontese socialists is also evident through
attacks on the centralism of Rome. “Never before like today have we
had less need to wait for the initative of the men in Rome.” It is
ironic, therefore, that whilst in 1953, autonomists caused a split
in the PSDI, ten years later it was to welcome autonomists into its
ranks. As previously noted, the motivation cited by MARP was that
the PSDI had regional autonomy written into its programme.74 However,
MARP passed to the PSDI with its debt of around 18 million lire
which would also raise the question of whether the operation had
financial motives. The conditions set by MARP for entering the PSDI
were 4 seats in the directive council, which was judged to be
excessive by the Social Democrat exponents. 75 Eventually, MARP was
offered a place at the centre of the executive committee with the
74 Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 066/1580/10 n- 15 Novembre 1962
75“PSDI – Congresso Provinciale”, Questura di Torino 066/1451/10 Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 13. Novembre 1962
right to vote and other two posts in the direct provincial council
but only with a consultative and non-deciding vote, both of these
posts would be assigned to Nobile and Benzi.
The merging of MARP with the PSDI inevitably caused a split in
the movement with Franco Bruno once again proving himself to be one
of the most tenacious members of MARP, fighting tooth and nail to
keep the movement alive and independent. A matter of weeks after the
merging of MARP with the PSDI, Bruno called a meeting of around 40
people, amongst whom there was the marpist leader of the Comune of
Pinerolo, Dr Carlo Marino. Bruno affirmed that the key reasons which
had brought the movement into existence in 1955 were still valid
and, therefore, rejected the fusion with the PSDI stating that this
move was wanted by only a minority of members who had failed to
consult the grass-roots of the movement Most significantly, Bruno
wished to re-affirm his faith in regional autonomy, stating that
“further to being Piedmontese, we are also Italian; the constitution
of the regions is a sane and healthy measure that will give
tranquillity to and stabilise the general equilibrium of the
country.76
IL MARP bis
One of the final stories of MARP was a somewhat farcical
controversy caused by the two identical symbols presented at the
76“Lettera Al Sig,. Capo Ufficio Politico” Questura di Torino, Archivio di Stato. Torino. Cat.A3A. 066/1580/10 1st December 1963.
1964 elections, which was indeed the final time a MARP list would be
presented. On 26th October 1964, Bruno, headed a MARP list of
candidates for the next administrative elections. However, Bruno’s
attempts to keep the movement alive were considered illegal by
Germano Benzi who cited that that when “in November 1962, when
MARP’s two councillors Benzi and Nobile and the entire directive
committee merged with the PSDI, all the rights of the movement moved
with it, including the symbol and the name” as a result, “the only
group which can use the symbol and present lists of MARP is the
PSDI”77. Barely a month before the elections, Giovanni De Bernardi
an ex-member of MARP who had defected to the PSDI tried to disrupt
Bruno’s attempts to reform the movement, by heading a second list,
of 27 candidates with the same MARP symbol.78 The dilemma of the two
lists of candidates at the council elections (marp or marp bis) with
the same symbol was not resolved until the last minute when MARP bis
was forced to withdraw its list.79 Such an attempt to sabotage the
movement barely seemed necessary and this bitter split was a sad end
to a political movement which had shown so much promise in local
politics ten years previously, but in the elections of 1964, with
77 “Il MARP bis non intende modificare il simbolo.” La Stampa http://www.archiviolastampa.it/component/option,com_lastampa/task,search/mod,libera/action,viewer/Itemid,3/page,2/articleid,1558_02_1964_0247_0002_21900234/
78“MARP & PSDI” Questura di Torino Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. 066.1228/10 Torino.Cat.A3A 28th October 1964
79“MARP & PSDI” Questura di Torino Questura di Torino Archivio di Stato. 066.1228/10 Torino.Cat.A3A 28th October 1964