Captain Hook and The Run-Away Train:Assessing the Management Contexts within
Philippine Air Quality Monitoring and Evaluation
Rejene Tan LakibulUniversity of San CarlosCebu City, Philippines
The Philippine Air Quality Monitoring andEvaluation has a metaphor of a run-away train. Itsstructural, agential, and legal impetuses are fast-moving in their attempt to achieve the mission of aclean air for all. Its management culture is orientedwithin development administration and ideal-visionworldview and is meant to be individual-politicaland technocratic-traditional - that which gives riseto the rowing of the present-age Captain Hook.
Over the years, we still struggle with air quality as agreatly overlooked yet ironically glaring issue thatchallenges the foundation of our environmental governance.The pivotal move now is to transcend the creed ofenvironmental fervour into “All living things need clean airquality monitoring and evaluation” but beyond the overtnessof figures and glaringness of statistics. In responsethereof, this paper provides an assessment of perceivedmanagement contexts within Philippine Air Quality Monitoringand Evaluation (AQME) by making use of legal-rational,descriptive-contextual, and qualitative assessment tools.The target of this case study is the Department ofEnvironment and Natural Resources-Environmental ManagementBureau.
The paper’s over-all contention is that the management ofPhilippine AQME adapts an individual-political andtechnocratic-traditional culture that is supportive of the
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ideals of development administration and ideal-world vision.Metaphorically, it is represented by Captain Hook whoseillusory impression of autonomy and formalism is stilldeeply entrenched with dimensions of power-valueorientation, hierarchical structure, static-reactiveinstrumentality, and centralized participation. Thesedimensions are fast-moving like a run-away train in theirattempt to achieve the mission of a clean air for all.Conscientious paradigm shift is then recommended to makemanagement independent from the control of legality andresistive to the complete dictates of developmentadministration.
Breathing Beyond Statistics and Figures
An elementary yet powerful reinforcing statement about
air quality is simply phrased as “All living things need
clean air” (EKO, 2010). However such statement should no
longer be debated upon as it brings about universal truth
and practical acceptance. It is pivotal to transcend such
creed into “All living things need clean air quality
monitoring and evaluation.” Apparently over the years we
still find ourselves struggling with air quality as an
otherwise greatly overlooked, yet ironically compelling
2
issue that breaths upon our neck and challenges the
foundation of our environmental governance. Verily, air
pollution may be a mundane issue for policy consideration.
Numerous empirical researches are published almost every
year to highlight significant changes in the rise and fall
of total suspended particles among other technical
quantifications. But rarely do we read unpublished
discussions beyond the overtness of figures and glaringness
of statistics.
As such, it is the aim of this paper to assess the
perceived management contexts in the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) specifically in its
role in the Philippine Air Quality Monitoring and Evaluation
(AQME). The use of legal-rational, descriptive-contextual,
and qualitative assessment tools is complemented with
metaphorical presentation of arguments such as Captain Hook
as the embodiment of development administration paradigm and
the Run-Away Train as the depiction of ideal-world vision.
The first part of this paper provides an exposition of
literatures that answer why the twin concept of monitoring
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and evaluation is considered critical in project management.
It is then followed by a presentation of the legal impetuses
behind the operation of Philippine AQME. The third section
elaborates frameworks about the prevailing perceived
management contexts within the Department of Environment and
Natural Resources - Environmental Management Bureau (DENR-
EMB). After which are discussions on Captain Hook and Run-
Away Train and how they are argued to metaphorically
represent a pressing reality within AQME. The concluding
part provides an over-all working contention that the
management culture and worldview of Philippine AQME is also
observable and replicative in other government agencies
within Philippine bureaucracy.
Exposing the Breadth and Breath of Monitoring and Evaluation
The fundamental concern of air quality management is to
attain economic awareness and regulatory objectives that are
geared towards the development of an effective air quality
management plan. One crucial ingredient in this plan is the
reliability of information on ambient pollution levels. This
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is recognized in Agenda 21 of United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development (Hester & Harrison, 1997). Thus,
in establishing the reliability of information we take into
account what Gary Haq and Dieter Schwela value as the
relationships between the data collected and the information
derived from them. Given these relationships, a monitoring
programme must be planned, executed, and reported (Haq and
Schwela, 2008).
A sustainable system of air quality management is
substantially dependent on how effective is its
environmental monitoring and evaluation since it is the
foundation for adaptive management and sound decision
making. Monitoring and evaluation is therefore the key to
measuring and reporting progress (UPAP, 2007).
To this end, environmental monitoring can be defined as
the “process of repetitive observing for defined purposes,
of one or more elements or indicators of the environment
according to pre-arranged schedules in space and time, and
using comparable methodologies for environmental sensing and
data collection” (SCOPE as cited in Agarwal, 2005). Some of
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the objectives of monitoring include the following:
determining present conditions and trends, validating
environmental models, understanding phenomena, making short-
term predictions and long-term assessments, and optimizing
the utility and cost-effectiveness of the preceding
variables (Munn, 1980).
Jon Bower in his scholarly write-up, “Ambient Air
Quality Monitoring” espoused the concept of monitoring as a
powerful tool in identifying and tackling air quality
problems. When taken as part of an integrated approach to
air quality management, the utility of monitoring increases.
Bower contends that such case happens when monitoring is
used in conjunction with predictive modelling and emission
assessments (Hester & Harrison, 1997). Though approaches and
motivations for monitoring and evaluation vary, the twin
concept is found to be critical for improving project
management (Stem et. al., 2003).
Legitimizing Philippine Air Quality Management
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Republic Act No. 8749. This is also known as the Philippine
Clean Air Act of 1999 which provides a comprehensive air
pollution control policy in the country. This legislation is
intended for the pursuit of development side-by-side
environmental sustainability. The policy thrust includes
pollution prevention rather than control that is within the
ambit of cooperation and self-regulations amongst citizens
and industries, promotion of education and participation,
and creation and enforcement of a system of accountability.
In fact, Article 1, Section 4 of the aforementioned
legislation recognizes the enjoyment of basic human rights
beginning with the right to breathe clean air and the right
to file cases in court if deemed necessary.
Imperatively, the law demands that environmental
responsibility be decentralized and area-based. Multi-
sectoral governing boards amongst airsheds - those areas
with similar climate, weather, meteorology and topography –
are supposed to formulate and implement policies and
standards within their respective local government units
(DENR-EMB, 2009). Under the auspice and primary leadership
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of DENR and the equally significant roles of national
government agencies, the implementation of Clean Air Act is
envisioned to be a collaborative venture. A matrix of such
collaboration between or amongst DENR and other governmental
offices is created below. The inputs in this matrix are
derived from the salient features of the Clean Air Act as
well as from scholar R.E. Dunn’s environmental literature on
monitoring.
TABLE 1: Matrix of Functions and Achieved Monitoring Objectives: The Clean Air Act and R.E Munn’s Design of Environmental Monitoring Systems
GovernmentAgency
Unshared Functionaccording to Clean Air
Act
Shared Functionaccording to Clean
Air Act
What Munn’smonitoringobjective isdominatinglyadvanced?
Department ofTransportation
andCommunication
(DOTC)
design, imposition andcollection of regular emission fees; implements emission standards for motor vehicles
establishment of procedures for the inspection of motorvehicles
* control and optimization of its utility and cost-effectiveness
Department ofEnergy (DOE)
set specifications for all types of fuel and fuel-related products to improve fuel composition
* validation and/or calibration of environmental model
Department of
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Trade andIndustry (DTI)
* set specificationsfor all types of fuel and fuel-related products to improve fuel composition
* establishment of procedures for the inspection of motorvehicles
* development of action plan within the Integrated Air Quality Management Framework
* validation and/or calibration of environmental model
* control and optimization of its utility and cost-effectiveness
* understanding phenomena and making short-termpredictions and long-term assessment
Department ofScience andTechnology(DOST)
establishment of National Research Development Program for prevention and control of air pollution
* set specificationsfor all types of fuel and fuel-related products to improve fuel composition
* development of action plan within the Integrated Air Quality Management Framework
* validation and/or calibration of environmental model
* control and optimization of its utility and cost-effectiveness
* understanding phenomena and making short-termpredictions and long-term assessment
Department ofEducation(DepEd);
Commission onHigher Education
(CHED)
encouragement of participation from government agencies and private sector in a multi-sectoral campaign
* optimization ofthe utility and cost-effectiveness of determining trends
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Department ofInterior and
Local Government(DILG)
* encouragement of participation from government agencies and private sector in a multi-sectoral campaign
* development of action plan within the Integrated Air Quality Management Framework
* optimization ofthe utility and cost-effectiveness of determining trends
* understanding phenomena and making short-termpredictions and long-term assessment
PhilippineInformationAgency (PIA)
encouragement of participation from government agencies and private sector in a multi-sectoral campaign
* optimization ofthe utility and cost-effectiveness of determining trends
PhilippineNuclear ResearchInstitute (PNRI)
regulation of all projects involving theuse of atomic and/or nuclear energy
* validation and/or calibration of environmental model
PhilippineAtmospheric,
Geophysical andastronomical
ServiceAdministration
(PAGASA)
regular monitoring of meteorological factorsaffecting environmental conditions including ozone depletion and greenhouse gases
* validation and/or calibration of environmental model
It is noticeable that significant few unshared
functions are assigned to selected government agencies.
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These are technically inclined agencies whose perceived
thrust has been to produce quantifiable results that are
demanded from empirical studies, which have become part of
the unshared function exclusively delineated to them in the
first place. The primary action agenda is based on
statistics, therefore the instruments to be used in
monitoring and evaluation are of solid pure science
approach. This scientific knowledge as the precursor for
unshared function is argued to be limited to regulation and
control since it restricts environmental proactivity to mere
ad hoc status – that which is activated on predetermined
dates and dictated by the availability of technical
equipment and institutional funding.
On the other hand, there are quite a number of shared
functions scattered across different government agencies.
These shared functions have the common thrusts of validation
and optimization. It is inferred that these shared functions
are dependent on what the unshared functions recommend. In
other words, the shared functions operate on frameworks pre-
set and recommended by government agencies solely tasked to
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put scientific and quantifiable values to studies-turned-
policies. As a result, the shared functions exist primarily
to supply data for another round of empirical studies. They
are meant to validate and provide inputs but do not possess
the mandate to concretize change at the outset. This
restrictive-bureaucratic recommendation stance serves as a
requisite for policy change. What is even more exciting to
note is that DENR has been serving as the umbrella agency
that is lodged with both shared and unshared functions.
Local Government Code of 1991. The legal backbone does not
end with Clear Air Act. As a matter of fact, the Local
Government Code of 1991 devolves political powers to local
government units (LGUs) even to the extent of creating
mechanisms for environmental protection. Some pertinent
environmentally responsive provisions in the Code include
Chapters 2 (sec. 17), 3 (sec. 26), and 4 (sec. 36) among
others. These provisions advance the idea that local
government units and their chief administrative officers are
given the political and administrative right to
institutionalize an environmental management system replete
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with penalties in order to address violations against the
environment. Additionally, Chapter 5 of the same Code
legally allows LGUs to partner with peoples and non-
governmental organizations for the promotion of environment-
related activities. On a personnel perspective, there is
Article XIV of still the same Code that highlights the
qualifications, powers, and duties of the environment and
natural resources officer (LGC, 1991). Indeed, it can be
inferred that even at the barangay, municipal, and
provincial levels there are legislations that are readily
available for the purpose of institutionally supporting the
mandate for environmental sustainability.
1987 Philippine Constitution. Clean Air Act also intends to
create a comprehensive national program that is anchored on
a provision in the fundamental law of the State. Article 2,
Section 16 of the Philippine 1987 constitution dictates the
need to “protect and advance the right of the people to a
balanced and healthful ecology in accord with the rhythm and
harmony of nature”. It is to this effect that Clean Air Act
serves as one blueprint on how the Philippines can
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concretize its advocacy for sustainable development with
local government units expected to be at the forefront in
dealing environmental problems and concerns (R.A. 8749,
1999). Inferably, the implementation of Clean Air Act is
operating in a multi-disciplinary, multi-approached, and
multi-pronged operational framework and action agenda.
Philippine Agenda 21. On a global scope, Clean Air Act is
analysed to be a by-product of Philippine Agenda 21. With
the aim of igniting a shift in developmental thinking and
approach, Philippine Agenda 21 breathes life into Clean Air
Act by highlighting a scale of area-based intervention,
integration, multi-stakeholdership, consensus building and
operationalization of pursuit for sustainable development –
that which has become an international implant and common
parlance that has reached its pinnacle during the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in
1992 at Rio de Janeiro. In the words of Meadowcroft and
Dryzek, sustainable development “had become a new ‘meta-
narrative’ subscribed to by local, national, and
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international government and non-government organizations
and institutions” (Paton, n.d.).
I argue that the move for cleaner Philippine AQME has
long been supported by local, regional, and even
international legislations. Having a multi-tiered legal
backbone as depicted in the illustration below, the
Philippine AQME has a definite start and legal standing. The
challenge now has always been how to maximize these
legislations in order to produce the best available outputs
and gains for environmental monitoring and evaluation as
well as how to coordinate such maximization with
administrative capacity, management culture, and political
will.
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Figure 1: AQME Multi-tiered Legal Backbone
Despite the passage of the aforementioned landmark
legislations and their operations for more than 10 years
now, pollution levels remain in excess of the DENR’s
standard of 90 micrograms of pollutants per cubic meter. On
March 2, 2010, Business Insight Malaya, Inc. even reported
that the stretch of EDSA alone is recorded to have the
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dirtiest air (BIMI, 2010), while many other cities in the
country have air pollution levels that have exceeded the
national standards. The Philippine Environment Monitor (PEM)
also contends that the concentrations of particulate matter
have found to be on an average scale of three times higher
in urban than in the rural areas (Burgonio, 2007).
As a matter of fact, according to Yale Center for
Environmental Law and Policy, the environmental performance
index of the Philippines in 2010 scored 65.7 or an
equivalent ranking of 50 out of 163 countries across the
globe. This tells us that the country’s performance in the
areas of environmental vitality and health is neither
impressive nor something to be relaxed about. Being
awkwardly situated in the median scale despite the richness
of legalities could mean several things: it can suggest that
much is yet to be realistically accomplished and that bold
moves are yet to be concretized.
On the other hand, it may suggest that existing network
of monitoring stations across the nation are challenged by
the quality of questions it is capable of answering as well
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as the confidence level derived out of those questions
(Munn, 1980). It is also possible that the main focus of
administrative and regulatory instruments has been to
control pollution rather than institutionalize proactive-
preventive actions in improving air quality. In the
fulfilment of such actions, much weight is given to
mechanisms of monitoring, permitting, and closing of
pollution sources after the imposition of fines has already
been exhausted. Thus, “since the system was excessively
prescriptive and intrusive, it is but natural that hostility
and resistance would often ensue between the DENR and the
industries” (Pascual, 2005). In addition to that is the
recurring problem of environmental management as being
impeded by “inconsistent laws, inadequate regulations, over-
lapping institutional mandates, weak enforcement and funding
shortages” (World Bank, 2005). As a consequence, air quality
monitoring in the country “has been sporadic and lacks good
quality assurance” (Krupnick, et. al., 2003).
Uncovering the Management Contexts in Philippine AQME
18
When seriously analysed, the Philippine Air Quality
Monitoring and Evaluation uncovers several potentials for
reassessment, improvement, and further studies. It has been
realized that there are both structural and non-structural
intervening variables that hamper efficient system of
monitoring and evaluation. But what becomes the overbearing
issue that is worthy of analysis and has yet to be exposed
to the public are the management contexts within DENR-EMB
and how these contexts have been determining and influencing
the progression of Philippine AQME over the years.
It is argued that the management of Philippine AQME is
adapting an individual-political and technocratic-
traditional culture that accentuates the principles of
development administration and embraces the ideal-world
vision. Such argumentation can be explained using the
following dimensions: power-value orientation, hierarchical
structure, static-reactive instrumentality, and centralized
participation. Before elaborating the aforementioned four
dimensions, it is necessary to operationalize development
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administration and ideal-world vision in order to guide our
contextual pacing and qualitative assessment.
Development Administration. This is defined as an essential
ingredient in societal development that is heavily
influenced by overall political, economic, and cultural
variables within the society. The objective of which is to
determine “how ideas and mechanisms of public administration
can be used as instruments of social and economic
development” (Graduate School of APS, 2008). Fred W. Riggs
simply explains it as “the combined process of both the
‘administration of development’ (implementation of
development policies and plans) and the ‘development of
administration’ (improvement of administrative
capabilities)” (Haque, 2010).
Ideal-World Vision. On the other hand, ideal-world vision
holds with it the ultimate aim for success. The author of
this paper would operationalize the term as the vision for
success - that which is characterized by a direct yet
concise description of what the organization or community
should look like after it successfully implements its
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strategies and achieves its full potential. It is an
expression by the people, not solely their representatives,
about what they want the organization to be (University of
Wisconsin, 1998). Thus, some of its fundamental
requirements would include effective information
accumulation, development, and exploration of strategic
alternatives that are geared to reveal future implications
out of the present decisions (Green, Haines, & Halebsky,
2000).
It is precisely the workings of development
administration and the ideal-world vision which breathe upon
power-value orientation, hierarchical structure, static-
reactive instrumentality, and centralized participation as
underlying variables in the management of Philippine AQME.
It is to this effect that an illustration is created below
to capsulize some perceived management contexts that are
normally not reported in scientific facts and figures.
Succeeding such illustration are descriptions and narrative
story telling on how the AQME management framework is able
to bring to life and operationalize the roles, functions,
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and metaphor of Captain Hook enshrined at the outset of this
paper.
Figure 2: AQME Management Framework
Captain Hook as the Power Vacuum Holder
The author of this paper argues that AQME management is
power-oriented and confusion-laden. The Environmental
Management Bureau (EMB) through its regional offices is
tasked to monitor industrial firms and to issue notices of
22
violations and permit-to-operate in the Philippines. The
bureau is delegated to implement the national program for
air pollution. Amongst its mandates include but may not be
limited to the following: formulation, integration,
coordination, supervision, and implementation of all
policies and programs of actions in consonance “to the
prevention and control of pollution as well as the
management and enhancement of environment” (DENR AO, 2002).
Arguably, the bureau is assessed to be sharing a thrust that
is ideally compact and multi-pronged on the one hand and
critical and risky on the other hand. It is adapting a
policy mandate that attempts to fix one problem yet create
several more. In the sharp words of Wildavsky (1979), its
purposive social action brings with it certain unintended
consequences. Referring to it, Robert E. Goodin and his
academic fellows say that the “policy is its own cause”
(Goodin, 2007).
In addition, the environmental agency is perceived to
be mistakenly or perhaps purposefully performing confusing
identity roles. It serves the function of an implementer and
23
a regulator at the same time. This becomes biased and
conflicting, depictive of that science of “muddling through”
- which intertwines ends and means (Lindblom, 1959). It can
be contended then that in the attempt to operationalize a
holistic framework for air quality management, DENR-EMB is
laid back with confusion in its roles and responsibilities.
The ideas and tools needed in the implementation of projects
are un-delineatedly shared and lodged altogether into both
the agency’s roles as implementer and regulator. The
implementing rules and procedures become both the means and
ends of regulation, while the regulating arms and conducts
become the reinforcements of implementation. These scenarios
create a vacuum of power that prevents efficient
accountability and predictability measures. Precisely, one
contention is that there is no structure that would allow
for coordination to be “imposed upon the work-division units
of an enterprise” (Gulick, 1937). The reason could be that
there are no work-division units available at the moment
that would dichotomize the implementing and regulating roles
of DENR-EMB. Even if there are existing work-division
24
units, they are relatively weak and fail to maintain an
identity that is capable of expressly delineating and
focusing on only one of the two functions – performing
either a purely regulatory function or an independent
implementing function. The repercussion of which is a “boxed
in” administrative practice that diametrically influences
the operation of AQME within DENR.
Indeed, the administrative value of power presented
hereinbefore is not even a misnomer. Its actual relevance
can even be traced from the established administrative
culture during the totalitarian regime of the late president
of the Philippines Ferdinand Marco up to the democratic
regime of his successor Corazon Aquino. To help us situate
our understanding within the reality of local administrative
culture, we have Amelia P. Varela (1996) and her concept of
Filipino bureaucratic ambiguity and dualism. Considered as
one facet of administrative culture, bureaucratic ambiguity
creates a “legal jungle” that is brought about by the
multiplicity of conflicting laws, unclear and frequently
changing characteristics of regulations and organizational
25
actions, as well as confusion in the interpretations of
policies and rules. No matter how clear the policy may be,
its interpretations are often relegated to what Amelia
Varela describes as “culturally acceptable” or “personally
beneficial” or “face-saving”. The dimension even extends to
dualism where cacique relationship between Filipino elite
and the common citizens accentuate differences in the
treatment of government agencies and their respective
officials and groups of personnel. Such dualism in policy
implementation has for so long years been serving as
duplications of the “double standard in society covering all
aspects of life: familial, social, political, economic, and
even religious” (Varela, 1996).
It is possible then that the value on bureaucratic
power entails a system of government where the control
completely resides in the officials and the power
“jeopardizes the liberties of the ordinary citizens” (Laski
as quoted in Smith, 1988). Sadly in this aspect, we allow
the reality of Beamtenherrschaft to take effect wherein “the
burden of omniscience on the ruling class becomes virtually
26
intolerable…and the underpinnings of social solidarity
crumble entirely” (Shea and Wilson in 1975 as cited in
JMorrow223, 2002). Concordantly, a framework is established
below to show the connection of Captain Hook to the power-
oriented and confusion-laden stance of AQME management.
Figure 3: Dimension of Administrative Culture(Power-Oriented and Confusion-Laden)
Captain Hook as the Bureaucracy Framer
The prior dimension revealed the prevailing values
underpinning the system in DENR-EMB. Equally significant it
is to expose the hierarchical structure where the values
anchor themselves to. Thus in this section we look into AQME
management as one that is hierarchy-based and complex.
27
Basically, DENR-EMB consists of its central, regional,
provincial, and other create-when-exigency-arise offices.
These offices serve as the implementing arms of the Bureau -
that which exercises supervision and control. The
organizational structure is vertical with the leadership of
the Executive Director and concomitantly followed in the
hierarchy by the Regional Director, Pollution Adjudication
Board (PAB) Technical Secretariat, National Solid Waste
Management Commission (NSWMC) Secretariat, National Ecology
Center, Project Management Staff, Internal Audit,
Administrative & Finance Service, and Environmental Planning
& Policy Service to name just a few. There are also several
subsections or divisions in almost each of the foregoing
entities. As a matter of fact, the EMB central office is
complemented with additional one hundred forty six and still
counting positions on top of its existing bloated list of
positions (DENR AO, 2002).
Verily, the perceived positive implications of such
bureaucratic set-up would be increased opportunities for
democratic decision-making and policy formulation, minimized
28
monopoly of knowledge and high regard for specialization,
and greater safeguards to dysfunctionality to mention some.
However, most of such implications are observed to be
minimally present and/or ineffectively put forward within
DENR-EMB. They lack significant strength to offset the
impact brought about by deficiencies. It can be assessed
therefore that DENR-EMB has been operating in a vertical
inter-organizational setting for its air quality monitoring
and evaluation. Although certain assignments and functions
for different governmental departments are outlined in
several legal documents, there are no clear-cut
delineations, and all the times complicated and similar
efforts are required and grappled amongst the departments
all the time. In this set-up, “the differing routines and
specialized languages, not to mention the distinct ways of
seeing the world” would mean daunting challenges and
increased chances of complexity and conflict that will
overwhelm efforts to make things happen (O’Toole, 2007).
For example, the Air Quality Management Division (AQMD)
is under the Laboratory Services and Pollution Research
29
Division which is under the Standard Setting & Monitoring
Service. The latter office is then under the Information
Technology & Statistics Division which is finally under the
Planning and Policy Division of the Environmental Planning &
Policy Service. This same set-up occurs in numerous other
divisions within the DENR-EMB agency. Apparently, if we try
to analyse closely, AQMD tends to be specific, delimited and
too specialized such that the possibility of competition and
de-synchronization with its regional counterparts is greater
than envisioned. The presence of other offices that may be
sharing closely similar and almost undistinguishable set of
responsibilities is also an added area for reflection. To
come up with a detailed list of those offices would just
highlight the bloated bureaucracy operating within DENR in
particular and in the Philippine public sector as a whole.
One case to support this is what happened during the
administration of then president of the Philippines Corazon
Aquino. Despite the incessant attempt to restore pure
democracy, her administration was still held captive to the
continued practice and expansion of patronage – catering to
30
appointment of more undersecretaries and assistant
secretaries from one to about five to seven per department.
This patronage as one facet of administrative culture has
unduly increased the size of the upper bureaucracy despite
earlier pronouncements of streamlining it. Confusion is an
obvious observation especially when local government
officials are removed from office to be replaced by
officers-in-charge. It is also observed that there is
unequal treatment between members of the top and upper
bureaucracy and those who belong to the lower bureaucratic
hierarchy. In the final analysis, Philippine bureaucracy is
a carry-over from its societal culture of manifest elitism,
cacique-ism, personalism, familism, and popularism – a
culture which permeates severely in both political and
technical functions of the bureaucratic personnel system
(Varela, 1996).
This set-up entails processes that are too elaborate
and complex. The end result would mean that it is harder to
determine the following: who is responsible for establishing
the implementation effort, what type of policy is involved,
31
the extent of the national role or presence in the program
area, the level of risks and sanctions for non-conformance,
the level of diversity of practices across the country, and
several important others (Radin, 2007). It is then easy to
consider J. E. Jane’s conception of bureau as applicable to
DENR-EMB in which the “bureaux display inherent tendencies
to operate sub-optimally due to unintended and unrecognized
consequences of behavior in a complex structure” (Lane,
1993). A framework is presented below to summarize the
salient concepts in this sub-section.
Figure 4: Dimension of Administrative Culture(Hierarchy-based and Complex Bureaucracy)
32
Captain Hook as the Agenda Pacesetter
We have already identified the prevailing systemic
values anchored on DENR’s hierarchical structure. We now
highlight on how such values and structure are translated
within the working capability of a bureau in the areas of
decision-making and agenda setting.
The Land Transportation Office (LTO) enforces
compliance with emission standards for mobile sources, while
multi-sectoral governing boards amongst airsheds formulate
and implement policies and standards within their respective
local government units (DENR-EMB, 2009). Along with these
two entities is the authority of EMB over stationary
emission sources. The staff bureaus have sectoral
representatives in regional offices across the archipelago.
They perform regulatory functions, to wit: review of
environmental impact statements, permitting, compliance
monitoring, and inspection (Krupnick, et. al., 2003). These
regulation and enforcement procedures are heavily dependent
on ambient air quality and national emission standards,
which make DENR-EMB’s leadership goal as pacesetting.33
According to Daniel Goleman’s scholarly article entitled
“Leadership That Gets Results,” such a leadership style
operates in a modus operandi that sets a high standard of
performance using such underpinning catch phrase as “Do as I
do, now”. Although the pacesetting style works best to get
quick results, it entails negative overall impact on the
climate (IME, 2009) - the climate of monitoring and
evaluation.
It can also be inferred that the monitoring schemes
undertaken by government agencies is done “to uncover and
deter rule-breaking” (Milner-Gulland and Rowcliffe, 2007:
245). The government entities mentioned at the outset of
this paper are regarded as instruments in the monitoring and
evaluation phase. They are believed to only track the
process of strategy formulation and implementation (process
monitoring) or evaluate the actual outcome of the measures
taken (outcome monitoring) (Hogl, et. al., 2008: 4). Their
focus then is on making monitoring and evaluation as a mere
transaction that sets out management by objectives,
organizational process analysis and clarification, and
34
recognition and delegation of responsibility, instead of
empowering people and not controlling them.
For instance, the common framework and direction
adapted by DENR-EMB is for monitoring and evaluation to be
done in order to determine the areas where the government
agency can find bases for the formulation of policies and
guidelines (Metin, 1992). To situate the aforementioned
statements into rational perspective, James McGregor Burns
in his 1968 academic write-up entitled “Leadership” espoused
the four theories of management namely: management by
command, objective, communication, and vision (IME, 2009).
Using the legal-rational framework, it is thus
imperative to note that DENR-EMB’s management is a mixture
of command and communication. Those in the upper positions
of the hierarchy usually tell their subordinates what to do.
They assume those under them to follow orders without any
question, discussion, and dialog. Management directives
concentrate more on communication, primarily the sourcing
out of information, because employees are expected to have
aligned their objectives and outputs directly and without
35
dissent to the organization. Management revolves around its
technocratic supremacy, leaving its subordinates mere
followers of orders. Management training becomes minimal
because the employees are conditioned not to take a great
deal of responsibility for others (IME, 2009).
Eventually, the approach to air quality management of
DENR-EMB is static-reactive since the thrust is primarily to
set and enforce management rule in a seemingly one-
directional pacing; monitoring outcomes come only as a by-
product of such pacing, and change happens only if something
goes wrong. At its downside, it can cause delay in the
response and may even be missing better options (Milner-
Gulland and Rowcliffe, 2007). A framework is provided
herewith to capsulize the descriptive discussion on AQME
management as instrumental and static-reactive, thereby
pacesetting the agenda for monitoring and evaluation.
36
Figure 5: Dimension of Administrative Culture(Instrumental and Static-Reactive Agenda Pacesetting)
Captain Hook as the Development Prescriber
AQME management is further described in this section as
non-participatory. The focus of discussion now is on whether
or not there is an avenue for participation within an
established pre-set agenda that has been anchored on
hierarchical administrative value-system.
In 2005, the DENR-EMB provided the criteria in the
selection and implementation of qualified or eligible
37
projects and activities to be supported by the Air Quality
Management Fund (AQMF). Memorandum Circular No. 010, dated
July 15, 2005, mandates that these projects/activities must
have relevance to air quality monitoring, reporting or
management; public awareness and air quality campaigns; air
pollution-related researches; capacity building on air
quality management; and roadside apprehension/emission
testing (DENR-EMB, 2005). In fact, efforts in compliance to
such memorandum include but are not limited to the
operationalization of Motor Vehicle Inspection Stations
(MVIS); Euro 2 Type approval standards; hydrocarbon emission
standards; anti-smoke belching operations (Atienza, 2009);
alternative fuels and/or fuel switching program of DOE;
emerging use of Compact Flourescent Lightbulbs (CFLs); clean
transport technology shifts such as the retrofit of
motorcycles to reduce two-stroke tricycles; and electric
jeepneys in the cities of Bacolod and Makati as well as
electric tricycles in Bicol (CAI-ASIA, 2008).
The above-given projects/activities are noble and
contributory to air quality management, but do not reflect
38
the idea of a working participatory air quality monitoring
and evaluation. The management of programs is still
observed to be authoritative and on a top-down basis. Local
people do not carry out the initiatives by themselves and
are not provided with key positions in the active management
of resources. Even if the support of the local people to
such projects/activities can be noted, innovative ideas are
not generated from and entrusted to the local people.
Responsibilities in crafting the ideal-world vision are
still heavily entrusted to governing authorities, leaving
the local people’s supposed active involvement irrelevant.
Such scenarios are not “keeping track of changes with the
community stakeholders” (NGO Programme KTN, 2005), and that
“the action plan would likely be implemented if stakeholders
have local ownership” (CAI-ASIA, 2009) even up to the stage
of monitoring and evaluation. It is surprising to note that
there are a few select registered environmental non-
government organizations in the Philippine Council for NGO
Certification as of the year 2010. A map is presented below
to spatially locate the areas where these selected few NGOs
39
operate. There are several implications of this. One is that
a smaller number of accredited NGOs could serve to hold back
genuine decentralization in areas of decision-making and
vision-setting, as well as in project implementation,
monitoring, and evaluation by the people outside the
government. Amelia Varela (1996) puts forward an end-result
within the culture of arrogance attributable not only to the
elitist character of the top and middle bureaucracy, but
also to the “ingrained characteristics of western
bureaucracy with its requisites, the values of impersonality
and universalism.”
40
As such, DENR-EMB is still stacked up on the framework
of development administration that puts high regard on
institution-building rather than agential considerations. It
is preoccupied with expediting development programmes and
strengthening administrative capabilities – leaving
incompatible “bureaucracy as a form of institutionalized
social control and development” (Hazary, 2006). The result
41
Figure 6: PCNC Accredited Environmental NGOs
Philippine Council for NGO Certification (PCNC) has only four duly registered environmental non-government organizations as of 2010. None of the four is coming from any Mindanao region.
is bureaucratic corruption – a perceivable conflict brought
about by incompatible agendas of the legal norms and social
norms. The former is an imposition by the bureaucratic
system, while the latter is implanted by internalized
individual and group value system. In this inherent
incongruence we notice the clash of bureaucratic values of
efficiency, rationality, equity, impersonalism, universalism
and discipline with the cultural values of personalism,
familism, pakikipagkapwa, pakikisama, hiya, utang-na-loob, and damayan
(Varela, 1996).
42
Figure 7: Dimension of Administrative Culture(Development Prescriber)
Connecting the Metaphors and Realities in Captain Hook andRun-Away Train
Captain Hook is an infamous fictional character
immortalized by James Matthew Barrie, a Scottish dramatist
whose enduring tale of Peter Pan has captured the attentions
of literary enthusiasts over a century now. The symbolisms
attached to Captain Hook are reflective of life situations
and cues that transcend beyond the fictional stance.
Epitomizing both gentleness and villainess when provoked,
Captain Hook was considered as someone of significant value
prior to his transformation into a complicated scoundrel.
Although there are a myriad of theories pertaining to the
inspirations that fictionally brought to life Captain Hook,
“none have been indefinitely proven as the source of
Barrie's creativity, nor did Barrie reveal a particular
individual that led him to author Captain Hook” (McGinnis,
n.d.).
It is according to this premise that an operationalized
characterization of Captain Hook is developed in this43
academic paper. Thus, the silver hook attached to his left
hand is representative of development-administration
paradigm, while the pirate clothing/slops that he wears are
indicative of traditional-political disposition. The hook
and the slop stand out to be the defining essentials of
Captain Hook, the ones which authorize him to navigate the
course and vision of the ship, to dictate the
responsibilities of the crews, and to put forward the agenda
for development. These are consistent with Fred Rigg’s
version of what development administration has turned out to
be. It caters for an administrative system that provides an
illusory impression of autonomy and formalism despite its
being deeply entrenched in the remnants of the older and
more traditional socio-economic and political system
(University of Wisconsin, 1998).
On another note, the run-away train is probably the
fastest single-lane means of transportation that continues
to grow in value especially amongst highly urbanized
economies. Inspired from a movie in 1985 entitled Runaway
Train, this type of transportation has no brakes and no
44
driver, thereby making it uncontrollable. Its high speed is
notable, its direction already pre-set, and its development
agenda put alongside risk. It may seem impossible to have
such a set-up functioning in industrialized states. However,
even the most high-tech-controlled trains are prone to
deadly disasters such as in the case of China’s bullet train
which crashed in the province of Zheijiang in July 2011. The
foregoing scenario is no different from what Ferrel Heady
identifies as the common administrative realities present in
developing countries and their type of development
administration. These realities include imitation rather
than development of indigenous public administration,
bureaucratic deficiencies of skilled workers, nonproduction-
oriented bureaucracy, formalism and autonomy (University of
Wisconsin, 1998).
Truly, Captain Hook and the Run-away train are
metaphors that could underpin belief, a kind of belief that
will eventually underpin actions. These metaphors would be
able to link conceptions of nature with political
prescription, “potentially powerful political arguments,
45
aesthetically compelling and culturally resonant
representations of nature” (Saward, 2006) within all
dimensions of the Philippine AQME.
Transcending a Conscientious Paradigm Shift
The management of Philippine AQME is driven by an
individual-political and technocratic-traditional culture.
According to the thesis of Daniel Elazar, the government
(examined in this paper as DENR-EMB) is perceived to embrace
a very practical orientation. It was instituted to
rationalize utilitarianism even if it does not have direct
concern and priority towards the questions on good society.
In almost all aspects, its role is limited to securing the
maintenance of existing social order. While there are
several actions for change, DENR-EMB maintains a traditional
politics that is plagued with “backdoor” set-up and rigid
hierarchical divisions (Elazar, 1972). For these reasons,
we can stereotype DENR-EMB as the present-age Captain Hook.
The management culture within DENR-EMB is perceived to
be power-oriented and confusion-laden in its roles and
46
responsibilities, hierarchy-based and complex in its
structure, instrumental yet static-reactive in its
initiatives and actions, and centralized in its
participation and vision-setting and decision-making. Such
culture is propagated and has been circulating in the air to
legitimize or delegitimize some actions and behaviours of
managers. In the process, it is shaping the “intellectual
and normative order within which all day-to-day decisions
(are) made” (Ghoshal, 2005).
Verily, there is a need to reassess – to both monitor
and evaluate - the management of Philippine AQME. In order
to increase the utility of monitoring and evaluation, an
integrated approach must be institutionalized and adapted.
These can be done through close consideration of the
following governance values (Sosmeña, 2010), which I have
tailored fit to address the management contexts within AQME.
These governance values are also illustratively summarized
in Figure 7: The Air Quality Governance Culture.
47
Active Effectiveness: by transcending well-designed
monitoring and evaluation systems away from their
mere passive, “ad hoc”, and exigency-oriented status
Vigilant Participation and Responsible Equity: by
intensifying participatory management decisions and
practices from empowered bottom where representation
is multidirectional and equitable
Adequacy and Responsiveness: by making the
management active-adaptive through agential reform
and enabling participatory environment that is
replete with well-discerned incentives, public
awareness, education and action
Objective Appropriateness: by operationalizing a
management style that must change from one of
control to one of instruction and guidance (Herrera,
2001) and proactive deliverance, rather than of
subjective pacesetting and cultural conformance
Focused Timeliness and Efficiency: by creating a
bold effort for conscientious paradigm shift –
making management independent from the control of
48
legality, resistive to the complete dictates of
development administration, and transcendentally
supportive to the values of good governance.
Figure 8: The Air Quality Governance Culture(No to Run-Away Train, Yes to Revolutionized Multi-cycle)
A matrix of comparison is also provided below to distinguish
the differences in the values and thrusts advanced by two
competing development frameworks.
49
TABLE 2: Matrix of Comparison: Development Administration VS Governance
DimensionDevelopment
Administration andIdeal-World Vision
(Values andThrusts)
Governance Culture(Values and Thrusts)
Orientation
power-orientedand confusion-laden
* un-dichotomized implementing and regulatingroles
* “boxed-in” administrative culture
* bureaucratic ambiguity and dualism
Appropriateness
*operationalizing a management style that is geared towards instructionand guidance
* Timeliness
* Efficiency
* conscious and conscientious paradigm shift fromdevelopment administration to contemporary governance
Structure Hierarchical bureaucracy
* several subsections or divisions within oneoffice
* fuelled by societal culture ofelitism, cacique-
Effectiveness * move out
from the practice ofcreating adhoc or exigency-driven government offices
50
ism, personalism, familism, and popularism
* conflicting roles and interlocking responsibilities
Instrumentality
static-reactiveagenda setting
* “Do as Ido, now” as the underpinning pacesetting agenda
* “to uncover and deter rule-breaking” as the monitoringscheme
* command and communication as managementimperatives
* Adequacy*Responsiveness
* mainstreaming active-reactive management
* creating incentive mechanisms
Participation Centralized * top-down
development prescripti
* Equity * Participation
* intensification of participato
51
on
* clashingbureaucratic and societal values; culture ofarrogance
ry management decisions and practices from empowered bottom
* making representation multidirectional
Conclusion: Integrating an Air Quality Governance
There is transcendental importance in mainstreaming a
clean air quality monitoring and evaluation that sets
standards beyond statistics and figures and sensitizes
administrative vision and culture. This can be realized
through conscious and conscientious paradigm shifting from
traditional development administration to contemporary
governance. Verily, if the above-provided recommendations
are not seriously considered, the Philippine AQME will
continue to be at its runaway-train mode where passengers
are given no alternatives but just one-way tickets. Going
back to their original destinations will be a hassle or,
52
worse, not an option at all because the discretionary rowing
abilities of Captain Hook are tolerated or, worse,
completely left to both choice and chance. It is important
then that we formalize and strengthen the need for a
conscientious paradigm shift. That way we can truly say we
have achieved the mission of a clean air quality monitoring
and evaluation for all. And so we quote Yasmin Roselle
Caparas (2011), "Every Filipino is a partner for clean air.
The air quality principles embodied in the Clean Air Act
says it all: “a clean and healthy environment is for the
good of all and should therefore be a concern of all.”
53
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List of
Figures
Figure
Title
Page
1 AQME Multi-tiered Legal Backbone 10
2 AQME Management Framework 14
60
3 Dimension of Administrative Culture 17 (Power-Oriented and Confusion-Laden)
4 Dimension of Administrative Culture 20 (Hierarchy-based and Complex Bureaucracy)
5 Dimension of Administrative Culture 23 (Instrumental and Static-ReactiveAgenda Pacesetting)
6 PCNC Accredited Non-Government Organizations 26
7 Dimension of Administrative Culture 27 (Development Prescriber)
8 The Air Quality Governance Culture 31 (No to Run-Away Train, Yes toMulti-Cycle)
61
List of
Tables
Table
Title
Page
1 Matrix of Functions and Achieved Monitoring Objectives: 5 The Clean Air Act and R.E Munn’s Design of Environmental Monitoring Systems
2 Matrix of Comparison: 31 Development Administration VS Governance
62
List of
Acronyms
AQMD Air Quality Management Division
AQME Air Quality
Monitoring and Evaluation
AQMF Air Quality Management Fund
63
CFLs Compact Flourescent Lightbulbs
DENR Department of
Environment and Natural Resources
DENR-EMB Department of Environment and Natural Resources - Environmental Management Bureau
LGUs LocalGovernment Units
LTO LandTransportation Office
MVIS Motor Vehicle Inspection Stations
NSWMC National Solid Waste Management Commission
PAB Pollution Adjudication Board
PEM Philippine Environment Monitor
UNCED United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
64
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