Zimbabwe News, Vol. 17, No. 7

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Zimbabwe News, Vol. 17, No. 7

Alternative title Zimbabwe News

Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union

Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe)

Date 1986-07-00

Resource type Magazines (Periodicals)

Language English

Subject

Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa, Southern Africa(region), United States

Coverage (temporal) 1986

Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.17

Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African NationalUnion Patriotic Front.

Description Editorial: Zimbabwe and Mozambique Stand Together.President and First Secretary Addresses the Masses onSoweto Day. Soweto Day: The People's Uprising in SouthAfrica. Soweto Day Strike was a Great Success- FlamesBurning in South Africa by Horace Campbell, University ofDar es Salaam, Tanzania. Zimbabwe News CorrespondentSpeaks to a Leading American Expert on African Affairs.PLO Solidarity Message to South Africans. Sanctions Doand Can Work. Implementation of the Leadership CodeDiscussed: Kutsoropodzwa KwevatungamiririVarikuzviunganidzira upfumi. Leaders Who Get RichCondemned Ukunhothozwa KwabakhokheliAbazibuthanisela Inotho. Mashonaland East Province:Report from Publicity and Information Department. Pictorialand Report: Foreign Relations ZANU (PF). Insights into theNon-Aligned Movement. Book Review: DestructiveEngagement: Southern Africa at War by David Martin andPhyllis Johnson. Poetry: Kumuka Kwemapfupa AmbuyaNehanda.

Format extent(length/size)

28 page(s)

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Zimbabwe News

Zimbabwe News Official Organ of ZANU(PF)Department of Information and Publicity, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harareces tax) Volume 17 No. 7, July 1986, Registered at the GP.O. as a Newspaper.___ _lestaxh'OUTHERN AFRICA....AT WAR2/*

ContentsPrime Minister's Address on SowetoDav (See paze 2)Mashonaland East Province Comrade G.M. Chinengundu (Seepage 15)m7Pictorial and Report: Foreign Relations ZANU (PF) (See page 16)U-ONWEEditorial Zimbabwe and Mozambique SadTogether........ .....President and First Secretary Addresses the M asses on Sow eto Day . ................................................. ............................... 2Soweto Day: The People's Uprising in South Africa.5 Soweto Day Strike was aGreat Success- Flames Burning in South Africa by Horace Campbell, University ofDar es Salaam Tanzania..... ....... ..............Zimbabwe News Correspondent Speaksto a Leading American Experton African Affairs ................................ 8PLO Solidarity Message to South Africans 10.. .Sanctions Do and Can Work .............................. ................... 10Implementation of the LeadershipCode Discussed Kutsoropodzwa Kwevatungamiriri Varikuzviunganidzira upfumiLeaders Who Get Rich Condemned Ukurhothozwa KwabakhokheliAbazibuthanisela Inotho .............................. 11Mashonaland East Province Report from Publicity and InformationDepartm ent ........................................................... 15Pictorial and Report: Foreign RelationsZANU (PF) ............................... 16Insights Into the Non-Aligned Movement ............................... 19Book Review: Destructive Engagement:Southern Africa at War by David Martin and Phyllis Johnson. 21 Poetry KumukaKwemapfupa Ambuya N ehanda ...................................... ......................... . . 24

Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African NationalUnion [ZANU (PF)] and is produced on the authority of the Central Committeeby the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and PublishingCo., No, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, CentralCommittee [ZANU (PF)].Editorial Council: Cde. N.M, Shamuyarira; Cde. S.S. Mumbengegwi; Cde. C.Ndlovu; Cde. D.N. Mutasa; Cde. E, Kanganga; Cde. C. Nduku (Managing)Pictures by Jongwe Archives, Zimbabwe News papers and MinistryofInformation

Zimbabwe News VO1.17 No. 7 July 1986 1Editorial ZIMBABWE AND MOZAMBIQUE STAND TOGETHERThe people of Zimbabwe and Mozambique have a common destiny forged duringthe common struggle against British and Portuguese colonialism. Inthis commonstruggle Zimbabwean blood was shed on Mozambican soil and similarlyMozambicans heroically laid down their lives for Zimbabwe. Today, even thoughthe two countries have achieved national independence, the gallant sons of oursister nations are still laying down their lives in defence of the gains of thenational liberation struggle.The thousands of lives laid down in the national liberation struggle, weresacrificed in order to destroy the colonial power structure and createin its placethe political conditions for economic development that would have asits centralcontern, the masses of the two countries.This common struggle, based on an identical socio-economic outlook, createdcommon enemies opposed to the objectives of FRELIMO and ZANUconsequently, the two nations today face a common adversary on both-the economic and military front. Through a well coordinated strategy, the enemyseeks to maintain the two nations in a state of perpetual economic dependence onthe imperialist system. At the same time the enemy seeks to prolong its inevitabledemise at the hands of the ever-growing forces of progress.As a result of the enemy's machinations Zimbabwe and Mozambique have beenforced to mount joint military operations against South African sponsored banditsinside Mozambique to safeguard Mozambique's sovereignty, and independence,as well as Zimbabwe's lifelines to the sea. This is one more testimony to thecommon destiny between the two nations.The example of military cooperation, dating back to the days of colonial conquestand consolidated during the last anti-colonial struggle must be emulated andintensified in the economic field.Both Mozambique and Zimbabwe have an abundance of natural resources, whichshould be tapped and utilised to ensure economic self sufficiency and therealisation of the peopleoriented objectives of FRELIMO and ZANU.The rivers and lakes that are shared by the two countries could beused jointly toimprove agricultural production in boarder areas.With the improvement currently underway in Mozambique's transportinfrastructure and ports, through-put of Zimbabwean goods to Mozambique'sports should increase and in this way Zimbabwe will lessen dependence on South

Africa. Through-put could also increase significantly if the Chikwalakwala line isrehabilitated.The areas of potential cooperation are legion. They include energy and fuels,mineral resources, industry and fisheries and water development.Therehabilitation of Mozambique's tourist infrastructure could also beof naturalbenefit to our two peoples.The basis for the realisation of the potential of economic cooperation lies ofcourse in closer links at both Government and Party levels. Research, surveys andproject studies could reveal the most efficient ways of impiementing suchcooperation.The benefits of cooperation between our two nations could well spill over into theSADCC and the PTA for it is on bilateral, regional, and continental economiccooperation, that the economic liberation of Africa lies.Economic liberation threatens the hegemony of imperialism over thecontinent. Itis logical therefore. It is logical therefore, to expect and be prepared to counterdestabilisation and other machinations of the enemies of African liberation whoare represented in Southern Africa by the boers in Pretoria.

9 Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986 ZimbabwePresident and First Secretary addresses the Masses on Soweto DayThe First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF) addressing a mammoth Rally toMark the Soweto uprising's 10th Anniversary at Rufaro StadiumOn the 16th of June, 1986, the People of South Africa commemorated the 10thAnniversary of their dead, internationally known as the Soweto Uprising. On thisday students and workers of South Africa demonstrated their dedication to theunfolding of the revolution to free South Africa. In Zimbabwe the First Secretaryand President of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe addressed a mammoth Rallyin support of the struggle of the suffering masses of South Africa. In this issue ofZimbabwe News we reproduce the full text of Comrade Mugabe verbatim addressin full:M ay I thank the organisers of thisevent which is taking place on the eve of the Soweto Uprisings Anniversarywhich rightly should be celebrated Monday, the 16th of June. We have chosenthis Sunday because of the convenience that offers to us to organisethe peoplemuch more easily and readily than we would have managed to do on a day likeMonday, tomorrow, when people go to work. I wish to thank the organisers whohave done this marvellous piece of work and have mobilised the peoplein suchlarge numbers that the day has been given good significance.Now, we are recognising this day because of its significance to us. Thesignificance of the day lies in the fact that on this day, the 16tl4 of June, the Boersin South Africa decided to massacre young children in Soweto. They decided todo that in order to preserve their position of power.The Boers in South Africa claim South Africa as theirs yet the African people atthis time were already well-established in South Africa. The Boers saythat byvirtue of their having landed at the Cape in 1952 when Van Riebeck set foot there,they established the right to South Africa; the right as a dominant race, the right,

therefore, exclusively to be masters of South Africa. We reject that version oftheir history, Africa has always been Africa. Africa, we say first and foremost,belongs to the Africans and all those others who would want to identifythemselves with Africa.We cannot accept their philosophy, and a backward philosophy for that matter,that by virtue of their colour, by virtue of their race, they are entitled to a powerposition, to the position of dominance in South Africa. We reject the philosophythat subjects and subjugates the blacks merely because they are blacks. We rejectthe philosophy that subjects the blacks to inferior positions. The blacks haveremained the hewers of wood and drawers of water. It is they who toil in theminesof South Africa. It is they who toil on farms in South Africa, it is they whotin thefactories of South Africa. And y t it is the Boers who enjoy the benefits tiat accruefrom the mines, farms and factories of South Africa.Africa set itself the objective of decolonising every inch of its ownterritory.When the OAU was formed, that objective was written into the QAU Charter,dcolonisation of the Fntire territory of South Africa. We too, as a proud peopleand we say to ourselves, "Black is more beautiful", and, thereforecombine ourthoughts, we knit our strategies together, we formulate our solidarity front so thatwe can liberate the whole of Africa. The struggle which is being foughtin SouthAfrica, true, is a struggle which first and foremost is a struggle to liberate thepeople of South Africa liberate the non-whites in South Africa. But it isanAfrican struggle as wellaa Zimbabwean struggle. And it is because of that thatZimbabwe, and I am sure the whole of Africa and the whole of the progressiveworld, supports the struggle which is unfolding in South Africa.I wish on this day, to congratulate the fighting masses of South Africa, the ANCand the PAC, the United Democratic Front and all the progressive forces in SouthAfrica on the unfolding struggle that is taking place, the victories that are beingscored everyday, the -growing resistance that the people of South Africa aredemonstrating to apartheid and the unity that is being forged by the struggle.True, there will always be contradictions wherever a struggle is beingfought, thatis the revolutionary process, it creates contradictions. These contradictions,however, must yield solutions and as long as the forces within SouthAfrica areconfronting the same enemies, we would say, in our humble counsel to thefighting masses of South Africa, that whatever front there is in South Africa,which is confronting the Boers, let that front be part of the democratic front assuch the wide front. Let there be no contradictions. Whatever contradictions existwithin the progressive movement, those for now should not be allowedto ruin thesmooth unfolding of the struggle. Time will come when these contradictions willbe attended to and this will be after the struggle has been won. Of course, this isnot to say that those who sup with the enemy must be allowed to continueto doSO.Our lesson here was very clear. When Muzorewa and others formed the internalsettlement, they became part of the oppressor. They became agents of theoppressor and to us they were one with the oppressor and constituted, therefore,theprincipal enemy whether they are black, yellow or red, they are one with the

enemy and deserve the same treatment as the enemy. But of course, those whowork against the enemy in their own way, must

ve News Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986be regarded as allies, whatever the contradictions may be.Now, having said that, may I now refer to the intransigence of apartheid. Whenwe met in the Bahamas last year, as the Commonwealth Group, we decided atNassau that there should be sent a group of seven men - known as the Group ofEminent Persons. This Eminent Persons Group comprised two persons- fromAfrica, General Obasanjo from Nigeria and Comrade Marecherafrom Tanzania,Malcolm Fraser from Australia, a representative from Canada, Mr. Swaren Singhfrom India, Lady Barrow from the Carribbean and Lord Barbour from Britain.Then this group set to work. It went to South Africa in January. The task assignedto that group was to try and create a forum for negotiating a settlement that wouldnaturally yield a new democratic order in South Africa. There wereto have takenplace negotiations between the Botha regime and the liberation movements andother forces in South Africa. And yet, as these discussions, betweenthe EminentPersons Group and the Botha Regime were taking place, the South Africa regimedecided to demonstrate its revulsion, as it were, to the proposals regardingdemocracy that were being made by attacking Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe.They also showed, in no uncertain terms, that they were not prepared to changecourse and move towards the creation of democracy in South Africa. They arecommitted totally to apartheid.That group of eminent persons has since reported back to the Commonwealth. Ithas completed its assignment and the report that it gives is that SouthAfrica is farfrom being amenable to proposals to hold negotiations leadingto a constitutional settlement and is, in fact, bent on ensuring that apartheid works.That verdict is very dismaying. That verdict, at least, has proved the people ofSouth Africa true, namely, that they never gave a chance of success to the groupof eminent persons. However, the people of South Africa demonstrated theirwillingness to see the process begun, if it was going to be begun at all.I wishtherefore, to thank the ANC, the PAC and other democratic forces in South Africafor their having cooperated with the Group of Eminent Persons. At least we areable to say that the Commonwealth tried the exercise, the Commonwealthhasproved beyond doubt that South Africa will not retract from apartheid. The morewe urge South Africa to change the system of apartheid, the more it becomesintransigent.Hardly three days after the report was submitted to the CommonwealthSecretariat, the South Africa regime went ahead with measures meant to entrenchapartheid. It declared a State of Emergency. There is now a State of Emergencycovering the whole of South Africa under which the regime is arresting hundreds,if not thousands, of people and throwing them into jail; under which the regime,trigger happy as it is, is murdering and butchering the Africans in the townships;under which the regime is counting to torture the people of South Africainvarious ways and under which newspapers may not publish the evils of the regimebeing perpetrated in South Africa.

In those circumstances, what is the duty of the international community? What isthe duty of the Commonwealth? What is the duty of Great Britain and the UnitedStates? Does terrorism, when practised bySouth Africa, cease to be terrorism? When is terrorism not terrorism? The' answerwe give is, in the opinion of the United States and Britain, terrorism is notterrorism when practised by the United States and Britain. When the whites killblacks that is not terrorism, but when the blacks kill whites, that becomesterrorism. When the ANC shoots the enemies of the people of South Africa,SWAPO shoots the enemies of the struggle of Namibia, the PAC does thesame,does that translate itself, in the eyes of Mrs. Thatcher, in the eyes of Reagan, asthe just struggle which it is to us? When the Boers are shot dead becausethey areoppressors, to us that is a just struggle and those deaths are merited, but toThatcher and Reagan it is terrorism. Is it terrorism when the MPLA governmentof Eduardo Dos Santos is fighting to eliminate the banditry of UNITA? To theReagan Administration, the arming of UNITA, entertaining Savimbi in the WhiteHouse, dining and supping with him, is giving support to a just cause.Surely, democracy must have the same definition, whether that definition appliesto an African situation, a situation in Western Europe or in any other part of theWorld. However, we say, we the African people, working under theorganisationthat we formed in 1963, the OAU, shall not cease, shall not tire ofgiving supportto the liberation movements in Namibia and South Africa. We see the strugglethere as our struggle. We see the deaths occurring on a daily basis inSouth Africaas our own deaths. Indeed, the cause has been made more common bythe factthat South Africa has crossed its borders with us to attack us. What greaterdemonstration could there be that that struggle has become more than it was

,4 Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986 Zimbabweyesterday, our own struggle. In those circumstances, must we stand aloof? Whenour own people are being butchered everyday, must we regard that as an ordinaryoccurrence? Must we not prepare ourselves, in Africa,'to support that struggle andsupport it in a much more vigorous way than we have done before? Yes, we havepassed resolutions in AddisAbaba. Yes, we have a liberation Committee thatgives some assistance but Africa should do much more. Africa should be preparedto offer men who can go and form a solid front with the fighting masses of SouthAfrica. This is certainly the word I will take to the next session of the OAU inJuly. That time has come for Africa to go beyond mere pious resolutions, that wemust definitely form a defence force of our own and that defence force must be anoperative force. I cannot see the South African regime defeat an African force thatis wellarmed. What is required now is to arm the people of South Africa.Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen, the Group of Eminent Persons has called up onthe international community to impose economic sanctions and we recognise thatthere are countries which are solidly behind the struggle in South Africa but wealso recognise that there are others which merely pay lip-service to the struggleand still others who will not regard the struggle the African masses are waging inSouth Africa a just struggle. They will not offer to impose economic sanctionsand ,I have in mind the British government as led by the Conservative Party led

by Mrs. Thatcher. The British government says that economic sanctions will harmthe people of South Africa. What greater harm can be done to the people of SouthAfrica than the deaths which they are enduring everyday? Can the people ofSouth Africa die more than they are dying? Can sanctions really amount to greatersuffering for us in this region? In rrspect of Zimbabwe, and this is thereply that Ihave given to the British government, we have had to deploy forces inMozambique and millions and millions of dollars have been voted for the exercisein Mozambique to protect our routes. We cannot use the Maputo line atthemoment so it is more expensive for us to have to continue to send ourgoods alonglonger routes to Durban, through South Africa. If We are given a choice therefore,to bear whatever sanctions will come from sanctions and the choice to continue aswe are indefinitely, we say, we prefer sanctions because they willmake oursuffering shorter.We cannot continue to have a neighbour completely unpredictable who .willattack us any time without cause and. upset our economies. A neighbour who willtry to ruin our whole socio-economic systems through various ways, a neighbourwho will sponsor dissidents here we have had Super Zapu trained by South Africaand trained in the Transvaal; In Mozambique there is theMNR, in Angola there is UNITA. No country is safe. It doesn't matterif you havesigned a Nkomati Agreement or a Swazi-type of agreement with them. You stillremain an enemy. Even after Nkomati, the Boers have continued to supply armsand to give other logistical forms of assistance to the MNR in Mozambique. Thesituation has not been better after Nkomati - infact, it has grown worse afterNkomati! And so South Africa is completely undependable, it is totally dishonestand therefore cannot be relied upon to abide by its word. In Swaziland not longago just a week ago, we heard ANC refugees were killed at night andthe samethreat has been made to Lesotho. So none of South Africa's Neighbours are safe.In those circumstances we cannot regard South Africa as a peaceful neighbour.We say, therefore, to the British government and the Reagan Administration thatthe time has now come for them to be honest in their stance; to define terrorismobjectively and to regard South Africa's apartheid system as a terrorist system.We call uponthem to impose sanctions against Africa. We say, therefore, that the i nationalcommunity should corn forces with the people of South Af and solidly work out amachinery ins port of the struggle that they are wag for justice in that country. Butto ouro community here in Zimbabwe, I wis propose, in the same waywhich wethree or four years ago in respec Namibia, that we establish a Solid Fund forSouth Africa that i demonstrate our solidarity with thes gling masses of SouthAfrica. I, bot President of ZANU and Prime Mini will start that fundbycontributingfr my salary some $2 000. I appe, therefore, to the restof ourcommn.ty, the people of Zimbabwe each to give at least a dollar, if we can say adollarper person for the cause of justice in South Africa and the children can give50 cents or whatever they can give and those in business should certainly givemore, th n we shall have demonstrated our solidarity in a materialland substantialsense with the people of South Africa.But that is not all, I have also called forvigilance on our part, we must remain vigilant and the greatest thing we can do

for ourselves is to ensure that our forces remain vigilant on a dailybasis. Butvigilance alone is not enough, they must also be well-equippped. This exercise isgoing to be undertaken by Government to equip our forces as formidibly aspossible. We will have to divert our forces and resources to our owndefence, thatis the unfortunate decision that we have to take. We have to divert ourresourcesto the defence of our nation in the face of unprovoked acts of aggression by SouthAfrica. It also means that we must develop our forces and we are now examiningthe possibility of establishing another brigade, a six brigade. Over and above, weare going to establish not only national service but also a process of training evenordinary people worcing here in town at weekends. We would ask thatmen andwomen attend lessons and do some shooting exercises as well as some form oftraining so they can remain

Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986and be relied upon when the mocomes for them to defend their ry. This, naturally,will not be done ay which will inconvenience the maof our people. It will beworked out smoothly by the Party machine in rst place and then by theGovernmachinery in the second place. yI say to the liberation movements arerepresented here that this day istrates Zimbabwe's solidarity withyour struggle. That this day should forever be a reminder to you as well as to us,that the people of South Africa must continually receive supportfrom you. Whatit means is that the leadership of the liberation movements must constantlyevaluate the struggle. When the enemy declares a state of emergency which itrecently declared and there is a clampdown, it means that the ability of the pleopleto carry out a political strug-gle has been limited. Demonstrations will be curbed, that is what it means and inthose circusmstances which once were our circumstances here, themilitary frontmust be intensified. That should be the principal form of the struggle. The Boer isusing the gun to mow down the people of South Africa and the only language theBoer will understand will be the language of the gun. A bullet for a bullet, theywill understand that very easily. The Boers fear to die. They fear death. The moreof them you kill, the nearer you will get to your goal.So there is the lesson, it was our lesson here. We had demonstrations;we hadstrikes in the 1960s, we had people arrested and sent into jail, into detention andinto restrictions, but the struggle went on. And the military front, the militaryform of the struggle became the principal form of the struggle. Letit be so withyour struggle, Zimbabwe will give you support, Africa will give yousupport.Pamberi neChimurenga cheSouth Africa!Pamberi neKubatana neVanhu veSouth Africa!Amandla! Amandla! Amandla!Pansi IoBotha!Ndatenda.WETOLY:The)ple's'ising in

ith Africa; history is full of many heroic exy its people against imperialism. eroism of theAfrican Masses was ring the struggle of the people of bique, Guenea Bissau,Angola' ibabwe. The masses in these coun,wed great tenacity and endurancestruggled to defeat the savage :olonial regimes. y, the tradition of mass heroism gplace under our very eyes in kfrica where the brutal, barbaric id regime is facingthe wrath of ses of the people. The mood of ggling people in South Africais allycaptured in the words of leOliver Tambo When he spoke at the UN conference onsancainst South Africa. Comrade said: "Death which has become fy bread inSouth Africa has so much a part of our daily life an no longer serveas a deterrentSOWETO: The People's uprisingdiscouraging struggle. We must steel ourselves for war with all the consequencesthat it implies." Thus was the situation in South Africa recently whentlhe massesof the people head to the clarion call to stay at home and commem-morate Soweto. The presence of racist forces in every street, suburb or alley didnot stop the people's will to remember and commemmorate their dead. Though noreports could be sent out without censorship, the people's will notto stand the

6oppressive emergency announced a few days before the Soweto daycould notstop the people from demonstrating their opposition to apartheid.The words of Comrade Tambo can only be described as a "revolutionary mood!"among the people. The masses of South Africa can no longer live in the old way.On the 16th of June, South Africa was seen by all Nations to be ungovernable.This clarion call goes beyond Soweto Day. Soweto Day met with immediateresponse from the masses of South Africa. Broad mass organisations were formedsuch as the United Democratic Front, the Trade Unions were mobilisedcompletely for political struggle and many community-based organisations wereformed. A campaign of.total defiance then began two years ago and the regime'sauthority everywhere is being defied and organs of people's power are being andhave been set up in many African areas where people's leaders and courts are thereal authorities and not the regime's officials, many of whom haverun away fromthe wrath of the people and are in hiding under the protection of the regime'spolice.The response of the regime has been to deploy its entire security apparatus of thepolice and the army in the black areas of South Africa in an attempt to repress thepeople and to terrify the people into submission. Daily the police and thearmyfight running battles with the people enganged in acts of mass defiance. A recentdevelopment has been the people's initative in acts of armed retaliation againstpolice brutality shooting of people. The regime's police has found itself on manyocassions under fire from the people as well. It is said that the people are armingthemselves from arms captured from the regime's police.Describing the entire situation in relation to the response of the regime'srepressive response, Comrade Tambo said: 'It looks as if the Government hastaken the form of armed occupation'.Results of Mass Struggle and Mass Defiance

The most notable victory of the people is the state of confusion and desperationwithin the white establishment. There is a strong trend in white politics indicatinggrowing awareness of the futility of apartheid as a system. Supportfor the regimeof PW Botha has declined and is declining. There is now a multifaceted split within the ranks of a once tightly united and knit Afrikaner ruling section of thesociety. An increasing number of young whites are refusing military conscriptionwhich they are increasingly becoming aware is futile and doomed. Theyare notwilling to die for the futile cause of apartheid. The business community is alsoaware now that the future of South Africa lies with a democratic government ledby the legitimate political leadership of the ANC in alliance with other liberationorganisa-Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986tions in South Africa. In other words, inside South Africa itself, there is no longerany legitimacy accorded to the existing regime there.We therefore have a situation in which 'the ruling class is in crisis andcan nolonger rule in the old way'. This is a clear indication that the system is doomedand will soon be falling leaving the place for a democratic liberation governmentof the people of South Africa. Yes, the "people shall govern" soon!At the international level the struggle of the masses has led to a new mood amongthe world's peoples. South Africa allies such as Britain, the United States ofAmerica and West Germany are finding themselves as isolated as the Apartheidregime itself. They are refusing to impose effective sanctions against South Africato assist in the destruction of apartheid. Comrade Tambo has describedthe threewestern countries as "coconspirators in the crime" of apartheid.The rest of theinternational community is in total solidarity with the struggling masses of SouthAfrica. This favourable situation internationally will be of greathelp to hasteningthe victory of the masses in South Africa.The internal uprising of the masses has also made it possible for thearmedstruggle to take root inside South Africa itself. Units of Umkhonto weSizwe, thearmed wing fo the ANC have been increasingly and successfully hitting targetsinside South Africa. They have also been giving fire-cover to the peopleandstoppingthe regime's guns from m people. This combination ofm fiance and armedstruggle will pincer the apartheid regime ito the forces of the people.ConclusionWe are witnessing a unique siia the history of the liberation stintg specificconditions of the So struggle is that the apartheid superior conventional force inthus preventing the classic struggle seen in Mozambiquei and Angola. Theseobjectiveo in South Africa have therefoe f people of South Africato of massmobilisation and ma These tactics are then being with acts of guerrilaoperati lydesigned to further the ma The results are pleasing! And the the apartheid regimeis nigh! The is within the South African p grasp. The acts of solidarity IFrontlineStates and by the Intern Community can only hurry the prc defeat of the regime ofapartheid a onial occupation. The sooner the is destroyed the sooner the agonyheroic masses of South Africa % and the victory of the heroic peol then crownAfrica's long and g struggle against imperialism.

Aluta ContinuaSoweto Day Strike was a Gr Success - Flames Burning in South Africaby Horace Campbell, University of Dar es Salaam TanzaniaThe Flames of EmancipationThe flames of rebellion, self-organisation revolution and socialism fan each dayacross the South African society as the generation of Soweto mature in theprocess of struggle. Siyanyoya has become the cry of a generatation who knowsthat they are on the threshold of the building of a new non-racial society. The riseof street committees, peoples courts, grassroots forms of democracy, andalternative power replacing the dispersed black councillors has shifted thestruggle against apartheid to a new height where the strategic initiative is in thehands of the oppressed. While the allies of the Boers dither over sanctions, the'ideology of white racism can no longer bind all whites in the face of the massivestruggles of the blacks. The very right wing AWB physically fight theracistleadership in a desperate bid to slow the inevitablehistorical process of victory ti freedom fighters. In the midst the andconfusionamong the white class the corporate elements si distance themselvesfrom Botha bputting out studies calling for 're and seeking solutions which preserve 'privateenterprise'. But past forty years the private enterpr they are referring to did notexist ii Africa. The centralisation and cor tion of wealth in the hands monopoliessuch as Anglo-Ar mneant that over 80 per cent of th( on the Johannesburg StockEN were in the hands of four giant concentration sharpened the posstoward asocialist alternative. Thi era of Rambo state terrorism, th sals of Nkomati, theGrenada ir the destruction caused by destabi and cross border raids andestabilisation programmes. The for social justice in South Afric the hallmarks ofthe embry1 f ! i

e News Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986 7Y SV;thoej:* Atltcial system. And this is one of the prini gains of the sacrifices of the childrenSweto, ten years after.'he Soweto Uprisings976:was on June 16, 1976 that the world is rocked with the upsurge of the youthAfrica in Soweto, after the school ildren demonstrated against theuse of eAfrikaans as the medium of instruc)n in the racist school system. Soweto:Sharpeville became indelibly printed the /history of humanity after the uths andstudents took on the armed ight of the South African state. The ontaneousuprisings of 1976 came from generation which had grown up in the banconurbations which provided eap labour for South Africa's boomgindustrialdevelopment. Apartheid . changed its form froma purely racial ienomenonrequiring cheap unskilled ining and farm labour to a new social enomenon wherethe distribution of the cial product became the principal quesii. Thus while theofficial ideology oke of separate development, banstans and segregation capital

was cialising labour and producing new mmunities located close to industry.weto, the Satellite city of Johansburg, was the largest of such setments and.ageneration had grown up th the confidence and freedom of the nsciousness of theurban environment. Students and youths of this communiprotestedagainst theinferior education d their protest formed part of the wider test agaihst the socialinequalities of ' society. Spurred on by the victories Africans over colonialism inMozamlue and the military defeat of the South ficans in Angola in March 1976, inne the Students of Orlando West led ! hallenge to the system of inferior ucation.The educational systemreproduced the alienation, the deformities and racism of the society and theyouths vowed that they would rather die than live as sub-humans in the sicknessof South African racism. They wanted to develop as healthy human beings free ofthe complexes of racial inferiority or polarised ethnic identity.The revolt spread rapidly across the society for capitalism had integrated labour ina manner which facilitated mobility among the oppressed. Faced with thedetermination of the youths the police and the armed forces killedindiscriminately and by the end of the year over 284 had been killed. What wassignificant in 1976 was that there were new lessons being learnt. Beaten, banned,murdered and hanged these youths have decided that they are goingto build anew system. Hence the slogan for change in 1986 is SIYANYOVA. From 1976these youths have developed a strong alliance with the workers, went through themotions of black consciousness and are now forming alternative bases of power inthe townships which are ungovernable as the system becomes unworkable.From Soweto to the United Democratic FrontIt was jn this period of Soweto and its aftermath that the worker-student alliancebecame a central feature of the South African revolution. Slowly recognising thelimits of their own ability to take on the might of the seater, the studentsdeveloped and deepened their links with militant working class. Usingthe tacticsof the stay away as the form of collective community industrial action theemerging trends of the anti-apartheid struggle became clear as the peopleunderstood the source of their strength. For a short while the intellectual forcewhich held away among the youths was4 .4 Equal -F"P . -the concept of black consciousness. But in the process of the prolonged battlesand after the banning of the Black Consciousness Movement in 1977, and themurder of Steve Biko the youths understood that there could be noself respect ordignity except the collective dignity of labour and respect for allhuman beings.Th children of the oppressed were slowly taking the lead to liberate thewholesociety, even the oppressors. As an after thought the South African state andimperialism sought the train a section of the youth in order to groom themasfuture allies of Capital. The USA set aside millions for scholarships,but thiseffort was too late. The education of the struggle in the streets formed the basis ofa new culture of resistance and change.

Because the alienation based on race and culture was rooted in the structure ofcapital accumulation in South Africa students 'protests became a fundamentalcomponent of the mass resistance for change. Fo r the past five years there has notbeen a school term when a major boycott of schools was not in progress.Hundreds of thousands of young people intitiated protests in the schools and ledstay aways. They year 1984 was historic as the year when over half a millionstudents in over 60 townships boycotted schools. All over this land of tremendouswealth and staggering poverty the youths under the leadership of the Congress ofSouth African Students (C6SAS) formed liason committees to link theirstrugglesfor equal education to the struggles for better wages, for proper transport, betterhousing and against the exerbitant rents charged by the puppet black councilors.By the time the United Democratic Front had been formed in 1983 the workerstudent alliance was firm and initiated major consumer boycotts. TheUDF hadtaken the elad in the opposition to the psuedo reforms of the constitutionaldispensation which were meant to entrench apartheid in new forms. During 1985COSAS was banned but by that ime theworkers had welded the powerfulCongress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Ten years after Sowetothese workers demonstrated their power in the massive May Day strike when overtwo million downed tools and centralised the working class as a revolutionaryforce in the unfolding changes.

8 Vol.17 No. 7 july 1986 ZimbaZimbabwe News Correspondent speaks to a leading American expert on AfricanAffIpved by his peopleOne of American's leading expert on African Affairs, Professor Allen Isaacmanrevealed there is a grand disinformation campaign being waged inthe UnitedStates by the apartheid regime and former Portuguese colonialists, to portray theFrelimo people's government in Mozambique as being on the verge ofcollapse soas to facilitate possible US recognition of the reactionary MNR bandits.He talksto a Zimbabwe News correspondent in an interview.ZN: You said there are certian reactionary forces who wish to disinform theAmerican public on toe revolutionary and people's government in Mozambique,who exactly are these people? Professor Isaacman: There is an attempt to createthe image that Frelimo is dying and that it is likely to fall to the MNR. Theargument being that the Mozambique government, which they label communist, isbound to lose. Instead, they argue, explicit support should be given tothe MNR, which is anti-communist and winning support.But the truth of the matter is that although the situation is still difficult in someparts of the country, many MNR bases have been captured, economicprojectshave been increased and the government is positively non-aligned. This granddisinformation campaign is totally misrepresenting the true situation in thatcountry.ZN: There still emanate reports, esf ly from the Western media that thes dits arestill operational in some pa the country. What is your assessm thesituation?

Professor Isaacman: The situati, definately changed for the bettei even somesenior Western diplomat are normally sceptical, agree the been a dramaticimprovement sin end of 1984.The situation is still difficult, es ly in the north, along th borde Malawi.Intelligence reports hay firmed Malawi is assisting in the ti and operations of theMNR an President Samora Machel has oper Malawi is helping these bandits.The MNR remains active alo border, especially in the Zambezi In Luabo, a smalltown in the a instance, these bandits recently de! equipment on a major sugar proplant and a heard of cattle.A joint Zimbabwe - Mozat defence force was however wereComrade Samora Machel

WS Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986em out of nearby Marromeu, and ent Frelimo has been able to capo orthree bases,but the situation, large remains difficult. The main ms are that the border with1wi, which is supporting these baniis open, large and the roads in theae not verygood, making it difficult e state troops to keep track of theaS. "e situation has improved a lot iner areas and major developmentare now in full swing. In Cabo ado, the MNR has been reducmall units ofnosignificance. A ton and agricultural project in ero, funded. by Lonrho, is goingeas near to the Harare-to-Beira Sare now safe as a result of the of the jointZimbabwehique army. There are really many "ojects one could think of whichtaking place, such as the oil exproject being done by Esso.Iuld you be more precise on exactly tMNR and its allies misinform the t n publicand politicians on thedf its support and successes.,,or Isaaeman: These people have tablished infrastructure and conte West. To startwith, the MNR ilies, claim that they are freedom sfighting for liberation and theimperialism. This is an issue close American public and politicians athreat of the Soviets in all parts of ld was one of the key issues to ent RonaldReagan's election camand to this day, it is one of his ations for his global foreignpolicy tabilising unfriendly countries, on :pretext of fighting Russian perialism.rhese people have also been on a camgn to smear Frelimo by claiming that s notrepresentative to the masses in izambique because its ranks are ninated by Whites,Indians and loureds.Fhey have also been able to convince ne senators that Frelimo is communist I thatthey are capitalist, and therefore Serve open support from the nericans.'hey have also wished to give the imssion'that they have political credibility I awell-defined ideology, namely free erprise. But we all know this is not e.'he question to ask is: Even though the 4R has a black leader who is their ikesman,where do they get their supt? Their backers are South Africa and ex-colonialistPortuguese who dream re-colonising Mozambique. n Lisbon, the MNRspokesman is Evo nandes, and a wealthy Portuguese

-ned an office in'Durban in early June. Washington, it is the white reactionary ceswho are spokesman for the MNR. t is comon knowledge the MNR was ated bythe racist Rhodesian regime ofIan Smith and the notorious BOSS, the South African intelligence organisation.Dhlakama, the MNR leader, has no legitimacy in Mozambique, just as Muzorewahad in Zimbabwe and even worse, Savimbi has in Angola. One cannotbe fooledbyDhlakama, and there is a visible split in the MNR itself at present. Some exiledMozambicans are now questioning why major decisions are taken by Pretoria andthe former Portuguese colonialists. Fernandes for instance is regarded by mostWestern diplomats and political analysts as the real man behind the MNR.ZN: Do you think the MNR will be able to convince the Americans that it shouldcriticising the Secretary of State, Mr. George Shultz, for aiding Frelimo instead ofthe MNR bandits.The US government has recognised the UNITA bandits fighting to overthrow thegovernment of Angola, using the same arguments as those being proposed for theMNR. Savimbi was given an unprecedented red-carpet treatment, asif he was ahead of state.Savimbi is now receiving millions of dollars from the US and sophisticated armssuch as the deadly stinger antiaircraft missiles. This is a declaration of war and theReagan administration's involvement in the Angolan case represents athreat toevery independent state inMozambican and Zimbabwean friendship is bonded in sweat and blood. ComradeSamora Machel welcomed by the First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF)Comrade Robert Mugabe during the recent visit to this country by theFrelimoPresidentbe given open support, just as the UNITA bandits did early this year?ProfessorIsascman: Whether he will succeed or not is difficult to tell at the moment, butthere are indications that some right-wing elements in the US are demanding theadministration to recognise the MNR and offer open support.During President Samora Michel's visit to Washington early this year, theWashington Times, a conservative infldential paper, believed to be close to theadministraticn, ran a full page articlesouthern Africa.Professor lsaacman has been to Mozambique on several occasionssince 1976. Heis an expert on African history and politics at the, University of Minnesota, USAand was a lecturer on Mozambique history at the Eduardo Mondlane University inMaputo from 1978 to 1979. He has written numerous books on Africanhistory,including his latest, published by the Zimbabwe Publishing House calledMozambique From Colonialism to Revolution, 1900-82."The history of Zimbabwe cannot be complete without mentioning thecontribution of FRELIMO and the Republic of Mozambique's contribution to themaking of this great nation."

On the commemoration of the 10th Anniversary of the June 16 Soweto massacresand the uprising of the South African peoples against the illegal occupation of theSouthern African land by the white minority regime, the Embassy of the Palestine

Liberation Organisation in Zimbabwe feels its responsibility at this crucialmoment in time, to share with the oppressed people of Southern Africa thisAnniversary, in declaring the full support of Solidarity of the Palestinian Peopleand the Palestine Liberation Organisation, to the masses of South Africa and tothose who are fighting for their freedom and independence.The Palestinian People, who are today subjected to all kinds of torture and murderby the Zionist State of Israel and the continuing massacres committedby theagents of the Zionist State against the refugee camps of Sabra, Shatila and BurjAI-Barajneh, salute the people of South Africa and those of Soweto.The Palestine Liberation Organisation expresses its full admiration of the heroicresistance by the South African masses against the racist South African regime.The heroic resistance by the oppressed people of South Africa and the dailyconfrontations, show clearly the determination of the people of South Africa toachieve their goals and objectives.The Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine LiberationOrganisation, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, whoare waging a similar war against the Zionist State of Israel in the Middle East,fully endorses the legitimate war waged by the South African peopleto destroythe evil system of apartheid in South Africa.The killings and murders of thousands of innocent people will onlypave the wayfor a greater victory against those who think that by killing and murdering, theycan destroy the will of the people.Our fight in Palestine and South Africa is one and we in the Palestine LiberationOrganisation will continue our fight and struggle against the Zionist State of Israeland the supporters of this illegal State in Palestine.We shall continue our struggle to achieve peace, as you people of South Africawho are fighting for peace to prevail in South Africa.We shall continue together, and we shall always be together fighting side by sideuntil final victory is achieved.Down with Imperialism Down with the Pretoria/Tel Aviv AllianceLong live the Spirit of International SolidarityVICTORY IS INEVITABLE REVOLUTION UNTIL VICTORYSanctions Do and Can workW ho is saying mandatory and comprehensive economic sanctions do not work?Sanctions against Smith's colonial Rhodesia did work. They contributed to thecollapse of the Rhodesia regime. That is what some of the characters who weregoverning Rhodesia at the time think. Read the comments made by some of themQuotes from Former Rhodesian Government and Business Officials of Rhodesia:Ian Smith, prime minister of Rhodesia, to the House of Assembly, April 5, 1973:"The imposition of sanctions created many trading problems for us. We find thatwe are compelled to export at a discount and import at a premium. The result isthat we lose out on both transactions. This has the effect of reducing profitmargins internally, and at the national level, it has an adverse effect on ourbalahce of payments and foreign reserves. Because our foreignreserves aredepleted artificially, our natural development is prejudiced."

A businessman who, during UDI, was concerned with getting Rhodesian mineralsout of the country:Describing the rapid decline of the Rhodesian economy from the mid-1970s *.."Then you come to the crunch line where your major industries, whichin thiscountry remain export oriented, start to suffer in their volumes and intheir pricesor net prices and where you begin to runout of foreign currency for the necessary inputs into your new domesticindustries, and where your foreign revenue begins to fall below the level requiredfor those things for which you cannot possibly do a domestic substitution."A businessman who worked with the Associated Chamber of Commerce ofRhodesia during UDI:"Sanctions, by itself, would sooner or later have forced a political decision,because . . . (no) economy anywhere in the world can exist under a sanctions typesituation for a long period of time... A small country such as ours could neverhave hoped to make the thing stick... Sooner or later something had togive."A businessman concerned with exporting minerals:The inability'of the country to finance both the war and the economy"was in partattributable to sanctions."Without sanctions, the bloodshed would have been prolonged: "Ifwe had beenable to continue our economic strength the political side of the thing wouldhavecontinued the war longer."A businessman working with the Associated Chambers of Commerce ofRhodesia:"The state of war, the state of economic sanctions could not go on forever withouta total collapse... It was incumbent upon the business communityto try and getthe message across to the politicians that sooner or later they hadto grasp the nettle or else there would be nothing left to govern." South Africa:E.G. Cross, economist for the Rhodesian government's Agricultural MarketingAuthority, 1969-80."Sanctions have the capacity to really damage the South African economy. In asense they are more vulnerable than Rhodesia ever was because they are so muchmore sophisticated, so much more dependent on access to technology, so muchmore dependent upon exports of sophisticated products. It's difficult to hide acommodity which is made in South Africa - partly because they are sobig."A businessman who worked with the Associated Chambers of Commerce ofRhodesia:"What the South African whites seem reluctant to accept is that in the end, whatthe blacks are talking about is not some form of power-sharing, is notsome formof accommodation. They are actually looking for power and one-man, onevote.And against that you have a white community which is facing the loss of power,which in their minds is catastrophic...In the end, all these things boil down to people. They don't boil down to buildingsand machines. It boils down to people and what people are willing todo.' If aperson is willing to burn his house down rather than give it to somebodywho hethinks doesn't deserve it, and he feels strongly enough about it, that's what he will

do. But certainly, if sanctions can be applied successfully, thenthe consequencesare pretty dire."ews0 Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986 Zimbabwe NPLO Solidarity Message to South Africans

Zimbabwe News- Vol.17 No.7 July 19861Implementation of the Leadership Code discussedKutsoropodzwaKwevatungamiriVarikuzviunganidziraupfumiMusangano we piri pagore ra 1986, we Central Committee, wakaitwa muHurarenemusi weChina, June 12, 1986. Wakanga wakakokerwa kuti ukurukure panyayadzakatsaukana dzinosanganisira chisungo chemitemo inofanira kutevedzwanevatungamiri. Musangano usati watanga, pane zvaifungidzirwanenhengodzaivapo kuti zvichabuda pahurukuro idzi. Vamwe vave neupfumihwakawanda,vaida kuti chisungo ichi chigadziriswe kana kuti chiregerwe zvachesekutevedzWa. Anotevera ndiwo mashoko akataurwa ne mutungamiri we batoComrade Robert Mugabe, vachiparura musangano, ne avakazoburitsa pakuperakwawo."Kwaziwai kwamuri mose, uye tinofara kuti mauya kumusangano wedu wepiriweCentral Committee gore rino. Patakapedzisira kusangana muno muna Apriltaikurukura nedzimwe nyaya dzinokosha kwazyo dzingakwanise kuparadza bato."Asi ndinofara kuti hadzina kuzokwanisa kukanganisa mashandiro ebatonemhaka yekuti takaedza kutsvaga nzira dzinovaka dzekugadzirisa nyaya idzi.."Tichakangobatana sezvatanga takangoita kare kunyange zvazvo pfungwadzedu nedzenhengo dzebato dzanga dzichinetseka nekamwe kamuitirokekusarudzana nematunhu atinobva, kanga kave kupinda mubato."Ndinokutendai nekurambamakabatana kwamakaita panyaya dzakadai dzaida kukonzera kusawirirana."Ndinokutendai zvakare nemashandiro amakaita ekuvaka panguva yairatidziravamwe vashoma-shoma mweya wekuparadza."Ndinokutendai zvakare nekuburitsa kwamakaita pfungwa dzenyupachenapanguva yaipararira makuhwa nemamwe mabasa aiitwa muchivande. Panguvayese inoburitswa chokwadi chiehiburitswa pachena mubato, kushandira kwedupamwechete kunobva kwasimbaradzwa, uyewo kubvuma kukanganisa kwedukunoratidza kuvimbika."Kuomesera kwatinoita vanenge *vatyora mitemo yebato pamwe neyekuzvibatanayo nekuvaranga kunetenge kuri kusimbaradza bato."Kuranga kwatakaita Comrade Ushewokunze naComrade Byron Hovenekukanganisa kwavakaita, kunoratidza kuti gwara rebato redu rakanaka uyechidzidzo kunhengo dzese dzebato.Leaders Who GetRich Condemned

The Second meeting of the Central Committee in 1986, met in HarareonThursday, June 12, 1986. It was called to discuss, among other items, theLeadership Code. Before the meeting, there was speculation on the outcome ofthe deliberation on the Code. Some property owners wanted it to berevised orscopped altogether. Below is the opening statement of the First Secretary andPresident, Comrade R.G. Mugabe, and the press statement issued at the end of themeeting."Greetings and welcome to this our second Central Committee Meeting this year.When we last met here in April this year, we had on our agenda one of the mostsensitive and admittedly most damaging issues to discuss in order to avert seriousharm to the Party. I am gratified, and so will you be, that that harm has, becauseof our determination to be constructive and to find positive solutions even to themost ravaging of contradictions, been averted. We remain as solidly united asever, even though our minds and those of the rest of our membersmust have beenseriously disturbed at what we all agreed was a regionalistic trendthat appeared tobe setting in within the Party, and doing so at no other level than our own. I thankyou for your forbearance and for your commitment to unity in circumstances ofthreatening disunity. I thank you also for the constructive role you have playedand continue to play in circumstances in which others, but only a few,hadexhibited destructive tendencies. I thank you further for the openness of yourviews again in circumstances of nefarious gossip and clandestine cliquism."Whenever truth is admitted and honesty exhibited in the Party the quality of ourrelations and activities is enhanced, and to admit our mistakes is honesty, whilethe vindication of our Party principles and code of behaviour, in theevent of tfieirviolation by our imposing punishment on the guilty parties, is indeed avindicationof the Party line. We have, by imposing punishment on Cdes. H. Ushewokunzeand B. Hove for their wrongful acts, firmsly vindicated our Partyline and set anexample for the rest of the Party membership."One must, however, admit that the two cases have brought onto the surface oneof our great weaknesses as leaders -UkuchothozwaKwabakhokheliA bazibuthaniselaInothoUmhlangano wesibili weCentral Committee yebandla lenengi IeZANU (PF) ngo1986 owenziwa eHarare ngoLwesine mhla zilitshumi lambili ngoNhlangula.Waqoqwa ukuze kuhlafunwe udaba lwesisekelo sobukhokheli kugoqela lezinyeindaba zebandla. Ungakenziwa abanye abakhokheli batshengisaisifiso sokuthilesi sisekelo silungisiswe abanye njalo batshengisa isifiso sokuthi sesulwe.Umbiko olandelayo wethulwa nguNobhalafikeele ongumongameli webandlauComrade R.G. Mugabe."Ngiyalibingetela ngilemukela emhlanganweni wethu wesibili weCentralCommittee lonyaka. Ekuhlanganeni kwethu ngoMabasa lonyaka sakhulumangendaba ezazizadazulula phakathi ibandla lenengi. Ngiyathokoza ukulazisaukuthi samanyana ekuqedeni lolu daba ngendlela esuthisekayokakhulu. Khathesisimanyene kakhulu lobanje abanye bethu sadideka enqodweni ngendaba

okwakufanele zisehlukanise ngezigaba esidabuka kuzo, okwakuyintoeyayingasoze isincede ngalutho. Ngiyalibonga ngokuzinikela kwenuekulondolozeni lum 'manyano. Ngiyalibongangokuzinikela kwenu lobanje kwaba labanye bethu abazama ukulethaukwehlukana. Ngiyalibonga njalo ngoba kalivumanga ukt Meta amanga esitha.Iqiniso ngazo zonke izikhathi lenza ukuthi ibandla liqine simanyene njaloekujezisweni kwalabo abephula izimiso zebandla kwenza ibandla liqine.Ngokujezisa e~ikwenze uComrade. H. Ushewokunze IoComrade. B. Hovesitshengise sobala ukuthi ibandla lilandela umzekeliso omuhle."Lesi sehiakalo sitshengise imikhuba engalunganga yabakhokheli yokufunaukukhuthaza ukukhethana ngezigaba zelizwe. Usekelo Iwenhlangothi zombililutshengise ukuthi kusafanele sithuthuke kwezombuso wethu. Imikhuba lekufanele iphele kanye lemitsho yokuthi 'amakaranga, amazezurukumbeamanyika afuna ukwenzani' ngoba itshengisa ukuthi kasikakhulienqodweni.Kukhanya angathi ukumanyana kwethu lokuzinikela kwethu ngesikhathi sempiyenkululeko sokwaphela kweza ukwehlukana ngezigaba esidabuka kuzo.Njalo ukuzikhukhumeza ngendaba zobuhlobo kufike efigabeni sokudelainkululeko yethu lom'manyano esakuthola ngemva kokuhlupheka okukhulu. "

12"Nyaya iyi yakabva yaburitsa pachena kusasimba kwedu sevatungamirikwekurerekera panyaya yekusarudzana nematunhu atinobva. Kutsigiranwakwakaitwa maererano nematunhu panyaya mbiri idzi kunoratidzapachena kutikuzvipira kwedu pagwara remusangano kuchiri pasi zvikuru."Kunyange dai mumwe wedu ari pachokwadi kana kuti akanganisa, anofanirakutsigirwa. Mashoko akafanana nekuti, makaranga, mazezdrukana manyikaanoda kuita sei, haakodzeri nekuti anoratidza kuti tichiri shure kwazvo munyayadzematongerwo enyika, zvinenge zvichibva mupfungwa dzedu dzisati dzaveneruzivo."Zvinoratidza sekunge kuti ruzivo rwepamusoro rwegwara rematongerwo enyikarwatakawana pamazuva ehondo yerusununguko rwave kupera nekuwanakwatakaita rusununguko."Kuda kwatiri kuita kuti mumwe nemumwe azviwanire mbiri, kwadarikidzazvekuti kwave kupararira semoto wesora. Kwasvika zvino pakusarudzananezvikwata, vekumusha nevedunhu rimwe, zvose zvinoratidza kusabatana,chinove chinhu chatakashandira kwemakore akawanda./Kubatana nekuve pamwechete"Isu sevatungamiri, hatingakwanise kuva nekapfungwa kaduku-duku kekudavamwe vanhu vebato redu tichiramba vamwe pamwe ne zvizvarwa zveZimbabweyakarwirwa kwenguva yakawanda zvakadaro senyika yakabatana."Hapana angabvume kuti kana munhu asarudzwa kuve mutungamiri munyikayedu, apiwa mvumo yekusatevedza zvinangwa zvayo nekuda kwetumabasa tusinanemusoro wese twekusimudzira rudzi rwekwake kana dunhu rekwaanobva.Munhu wese anofanira kuziva kuti kusimudzira rudzi rumwe kana dunhu rimwekutodzorera siure mamwe marudzi .kana matunhu akawanda.

"Ini pfungwa yangu inenge ichiti, tiedze nepatinogona kuita hurukurodzepachokwadi pakati pematunhu akatsaukana, tichitaura pamusoro penyayaiyoyi yekusarudzana nematunhu atinobva, toedza kuumba ukamahwechokwadihwakasimba."MaComrades ndinokukumbirai mese kuti tisimudzire bato redu ratakarwa naro,nyika pamwe neruzhinji rwayo kuti muzvivhunze mumwe nemumwe agotorapfungwa yakanaka panyaya iyi nekuziva mupfungwa menyu n emumwoyo kutitakasarudzirwa kubatsira ani? Tiri vashandi vaani?"izvi zvabva zvandisvitsa paneimwe nyaya huru yemusangano uno weCentralCommittee... yemakaro ekuwunganidza hupfumi kwakaitwa nedzimwe nhengodzeCentral Committee ino, kusanganisira Makurukota eHurumende,vaTungamiriri vomusangano neveMapazi akatsawukana. Bumbiro remitemoyehutungamiri rakagadzirwa rikatambirwa nesu tiri pano. Asiparizvino ratyorwapachenaVo1.17 No. 7 July 1986 Zimoaowe Newsthe gravitation towarIs regionalism. The blind regional alliances which arose insupport of the two culprits leave one in no doubt that our level ofpolitical andideological consiousness is still dismally low. "Our man" right or wrong must besupported and such utterances as "makaranga or mazezuru or manyika anodakuiteyi," are most disconcerting as they reveal the primitive nature of our politicsderiving of course from the pimitive nature of our minds. It is as if the highpolitical and ideological consiousness that we acquired during our protractednational liberation struggle has vanished, following the attainment ofourIndependence. Our national and revolutionary outlook thus appears have givenway to regionalism-cum-individualism."Individual ambitions have gone not only completely uncurbedbut also extremelywild, and seem to derive their burning fire more and more from-cliquism, homismand regionalism, all of which are negations of our revolutionary essence, nationalunity and the national cult we strove so hard and for so long to build.Unity and Oneness"Surely, as national leaders, we cannot afford the narrowness of mind thatchooses some and rejects other members of our national Party and citizens of aZimbabwe assiduously fought for in the name of one nation to which theyequallylbelong. It can never be accepted that, by being elected on a national basisto lead our nation, we have acquired the right to negate its objectivesbynarrowing our role down to that of furthering the interests of a given tribe orregion to which we belong. Let it not be forgotten that the exclusive furtheranceof the interests of one tribe or region is the undermining of the interests of othertribes and regions. My view is clearly that we try as much as possible toholdfrank interregional discussions on the issue of regionalism and strive to build realcomradeship, unity and oneness. Comrades, I exhort you all, in the interests of ourRevolution, party, country and nation, to undertake a soul-searching exercise witha view to re-orienting your attitudes on this vital national questionand establish inyour minds and hearts who it is we were elected to serve. Whose servants are we?"This question leads me to yet another and one which constitutes the main subjectof this session of the Central Committee - the insatiable greed for wealth

demonstrated by some of our Central Committee members, ministers andleadersat other levels of our Party and society. The Leadership Code we gave ourselves,and which the Second Congress adopted; has been flagrantly and quiteintentionally defied by avid wealthseekers. I am talking here not ofthose who allalong have had property, who however must also observe the Code,but of thosewho, in 1980 when Independence began,Um'manyano Lokuzinikela"'qiniso yikuthi njengabakhokhei bebandla elibusayo kakufanelanga sivumeleinqondo zethu ekubandlululeni amanye amalunga ebandla iethu ngerava; kokubasilwele kanzima iZimbabwe ekhululekileyo. Kakusoze kwemukelwa lelinyathelolokuthi ngemva kokuba sesikhethwe ekukhokheleni ilizwe silidazulule ngendabazobuhlobo. Kufanele sibe lenqondo ezibalulekileyo ekuphatheni ngodabaIokwehlukana ngezigaba esidabuka kuzo kodwake kulenjongo yokumanyamaukuze sibe munye. MaComrades ngiyalikhuthaza lonke ngemva kwempiyenkululeko kanye lokubusa kwebandla lethu, lenkululeko yelizwe lethu ukuthilizihiolisise ukuthi simanyane niengoba sisebenzela isizwe."Lolu daba lungikhokhelela kolunye olufanele luhlafunwe yile iCentralCommittee: tokuzibuthelela inotho osekutshengiswe ngamanye amalungaaliCentral Committee, abaphathintambo labanye abakhokheli bebandla lozulu.Isisekelo sobukhokheli sabunjwa yithi semukelwa ngumhlangano wesibiliwebandlq kodwake sephulwa ntgceke. Kangitsho labo ababevele belenotho yabokodwake ngitsho labo ababengabayanga ngo 1980 ekutholeni kwethu uzibuse.Bakwenza lokhu ngenxa yokuthi bathola lezi zikhundla bathenga izitolo,amapulazi kanye lamabhizimusi athize. Laba bakhokheli batshengisa ukuthingabamanga ngoba bazenza abalandela izinqumo zokugcwaliswa kwezifisozenengi begcona igama lebandla lenengi kanye lalabo abazinikeleyo ekulandeleniisisekelo sobukhokheli. ""Abakhokheli bamanga kusobala ukuthi bazazama ukusebenzisa amaqinga wonkeukuthi bazivikele. Laba bakhokheli bavame ukuthi kufanele baphiwe ithubalokuzibuthelela inotho ngoba lemaChina lamanye amazwe anjalo aguqulakancane izinqumo zawo zombuso wokusuthiswa kwezifiso zenengi, yikho lathikufanele siphuze ukugcwalisa lesi sisekelo sobukhokheli. Bayazivikela besithinjengoba sathola leli lizwe lilandela umbuso wokuhuquluzwa kwenotho kufanelelabo bazibuthelele, inotho. A banye babo bathi njengoba labo abaIwela inkululekobengelayo inotho njengalabo abangayilwelanga, kufanele baphiwe ithubalokuyibuthetela. Lokhu kutshengisa ubudlova /obuhwaba ngoba kakula zizathoezizemukelwa zokuzibuthelela inotho."MaComrades kufanele sazi ukuthi sifandela umbuso wokusuthiswakweZifisozenengi kumbe njalo singabahuquuW benotho ngoba njengokwazi kwenusilandela amasu ombuso agxile kumfundisO kaMarx IoLennin. Umbusowobuhuquluzi benotho yiyo indlela elula yokulwi sana lombuso wokugcwahswakwezifisO zikazulu ngoba kakufanelanga sibe labakhokheli abatshumayelaumbuso wokusuthiswa kwezifiso zenengi bengabahuquluzi benotho.

Li.,tI~WU IvvWS Vol.17 No. 7 July' 1986

nevamwe vedu vanemakaro ekuzviwunganidzira pfuma. Pano handisikurevanhengo dzaiva nehupfumi tisati tawana kuzvitonga muna 1980, kwete, asi dzimwenhengo dzange dzisina hupfumi uhwu muna 1980. Nhengo idzi dzakabva dzaonakuti dzawana zvigaro zviri pamusoro, ndokuti mukana wekuzviwunganidzirapfuma wazaruka, kwakutenga mapurazi, mabhizumisi nezvimwewozvekuwunganidza pfuma nechimbi-chimbi. Vatungamiri vakadai ndivo varikuitakuti gwara regutsaruzhinji rimhurwe, pamwe nomusangano wevanhu nokuti varikuratidza kusavimbika."Kazhinji zhinji vatungamiri vakadai vabuda mugwara romusangano vanotsvagazvikonzero zvakawanda zvekuzvidzivirira. Pane dzimwe nguva vanoti gwararegutsaruzhinji rinofanirwa kupihwa nguva yakareba kuti rizadzisike apavachireva kuti vanofanira kuwana nguva refu yekuzviwunganidzira pfuma.Dzimwe nguva vanoti dzimwe nyika dzakaita seChina dzirikushandura zvishomazviteedzwa zvadzo, nokudaro, isuwo hatifaniri kutmhanyira kuzadzisa bum biroremitemo yehutungamiri, apawo vanenge vachiitira kuzviwunganidzira pfuma.Varnwewo vanoti sezvo avo Vasina kuenda kuhondo yechimurengavakazviwunganidzira pfuma, inguva yeavo vakaenda yekuita zvitnwe chete.MaComrades, makaro akadai anopesana chose negwara remusangano wevanhu.Hapana regerero ingatambirwe yekutyora bumbiro remitemo yehutungamiri."MaComrades tinofanira kuzvipira mugwara regutsaruzhinji kanakuti toratidzakuti tiri vanyengeri, vapambepfumi. Tese tinozviziva kuti gwara regutsaruzhinjirinenheyo muzvisungo zvaMarx naLenin zvinokurudzira kuzadziswakwezvidozveveruzhinji kwete vashoma. Mese munotenderana neni kuti nzirayekuparadzagwara regutsaruzhinji kutevedza gwara rehupambepfumi nehuswetasimbanehumbimbindoga. Hatimbofa takatambira vatungamiri vanofarira kuparidzagwara regutsa ruzhinji kune veruzhinji asi nechomumwoyo vari vapambepfumichaivo. Aiwa."MaComrades, nguva yasvika zvino yekuti tese tiri muno tizviwongorore,tizvinzvere kuti timire muchokwadi here kana kuti tirivanyengeri. Avovakazvipira kutevedza gwara regutsa ruzhinji kubvira nhasi ngavaratidzenemabasa avo kuti vamire muchokwadi. Apa ndichireva kuti karmavaripovamwe vedu vawunganidza pfuma, vanofanira kutosiyana nayo. Zviito zveduzvinofanira kukunda kutaura."Kutenderwva kwatakaitwa kuti sevatungamiri live nemaacre evhu makumimashanu, akawanda zvikuru kana tichienzanisa neveruzhinji mumaruwa vanemaacre gumi nemaviri munhu mumwe. Nga-' tiregei kuva mapofu ngativeivatungamiri vakasvinura."Saka maComrades ndiri kukukurudzirai mose kuti panyaya yekuwunganidzapfuma muzviwoiugorore zvakaperera, mushure mezvo motora matanhowere poor but who, because of taking selfish advantage of the positions to whichwe appointed them have become rich or property owners, with vast farms,businesses and other fertile sources of income. These dishonest and hypocriticalsocialists have not only negated the thrust of our socialism, theyhave alsotarnished the image of the Party and of those leaders who have remainedtrue tothe Leadership Code and the principles of our socialist philosophy.

"Ideological deviants will, no doubtwant to use all kinds of speciousarguments toprotect their status. They will argue that our socialism must be given time tounfold, by which they mean that they must be given an opportunity to amasswealth. They will also argue that because countries like China haverevised andslightly modified their socialist policies, we should not hasten the implementationof the Leadership Code, again as a gimmick to get us to afford them anopportunity to amass wealth. They will also argue that our society,as inherited,being basically capitalist and since those who never fought the liberation struggleare propertied, there was no reason why we who fought the struggle should bedisadvantaged. Again, this is spurious logic for self-aggrandisement. Still afurther argument is that of increased family responsibilities. And so onejustification after another is adduced in the interests of amassing wealth and goingthe capitalist way."Comrades, either we are socialist or we are bourgeois, for we cannot, in thecontext in which we are establishing socialism based on Marxist-Leninistprinciples, be seen to cultivate and promote capitalist leadership as the vanguardof our socialism. This, you will agree, is the surest way of killing socialism atbirth, for a capitalist leadership that preaches socialism can surely never commandany hearing from our critical broad masses who already are revulsed by thehypocrisy and the ideological treachery they discern in some of us."Comrades, time has come for us to sort ourselves out determinedly. Those of uswho sincerely desire socialism must now demonstrate our total commitment to itand, if some of us for one reason or another have acquired property above thelimit prescribed by the Code, they must give it up immediately, so thatthe honestof our ideology can be seen more in our practice than in our speeches. Similarly,those who have opted or wish to opt for capitalism must make their choice andstop playing the double game of running with socialist hares and hunting with thecapitalist hounds."For, any one to claim that fifty acres of land which each of us is allowed to ownis insufficient land, when the communal peasants who are some six million in thecountry are etititled to no more than 12 acres of arable land, is to show a selfishblindness to the land plight facing our population.'13"MaComrades isikhathi sesifikile sokuthi sizihlolisise ukuthi siseqinisweni na.Labo abazimisele ekulandeleni umbuso wokugcwalisa izifiso zenengi kufanelebatshengisele ngokuzinikela. Nxa kuyikuthi basebethole inotho enengi kufanelebatshiyane layo ngokuphangisa hatshi ngemilomo kodwa-ke ngezenzo. Okutshoukuthi labo abakhokheli abazimisele ekulandeleni umbuso wokugcwalisa izifisozenengi kufanele labo bazitshengisele ngokwehlukana lobuhuquluzi."Kakho phakathi kwethu ongatsho ukuthi amaacre esavunyelwa ukuba lawoomhlabathi, angamatshumi amahlanu malutshwane ngoba uzulu wemaphandlenioyizigidi eziyisithupha uthola ama acre alitshumi lamabili kuphela."Yikho ke maComrades ngiyalikhuthaza ukuthi lilandele ngokugcweleyoisisekelo sobukhokheli se LEADERSHIP CODE, lizinikele kuso."Ngaphansi kohlelo Iweminyaka emihlanu lokwakha ilizwe, kulandelwaizinqumo zombuso wokusuthiswa kwezifiso zenengi kuzasungulwa inhlanganiso

ezinengi zokusebenzelana njalo uhulumende uzakhokhelela ekuqutshwenikwemisebenzi yengqubelaphambili. Yikho kuqakathekile ukuthi abakhokelibombuso welungelo lenengi bathembeke ngoba belomsebenzi omkhuluemahlombhe abo. Yikho njalo kufanele ukuthi ibanda lenengi liqiniswe lihlalelihianzekile."Isisekelo #obukhokheli kufanele siqakathekiswe. Lumhlangano yikhouqakathekile ngoba uvuselela inkokhelo yebandla lenengi, lokuzinikelakwabakhokheli."UMongameli webandla likazulu uComrade Mugabe uphethe amazwi akhengokuthi:"Ngilethemba lokuthi sonke sizazinikela dabeni lwesisekelo sobukhokheli. Zonkeizivumelwano esizafinyelela kuzo kufanele zilandewe yithi sonke. IBANDLAIeZANU lilandela indlela nye njalo ljyala ezobuhwaba lobugovu. Kasizinikeleniendleleni nye yebandla le ZANU. .. ZANU WAY!""Umsebenzi WokuthiSigcwalisise NgemfaneloUmbuso WokusuthiswaKwezifiso ZikazuluKufuna UkubaAbakhokheli KanyeLalabo AbabalandelayoBazinikele"

14akakodzera kuti zvifambirane neBumbiro remitemo yehutungamiri."Pasi pehurongwa hwemakoremashanu hwekuvaka nekusimudzira nyika pachavambwa masangano akawanaemishandirapamwe uye hurumende ichatungamirira mumabasa eseebudiriro.Saka zvakakosha kuti vatungamiri vegwara regutsaruzhinji vave vakazvipirasezvo vaine mutoro mukuru wakadai. Sakawo zvakakosha kuti bato rigarerakacheneswa risina gwapa mugwara regutsaruzhinji."Nokudaro, bumbiro remitemo yegwara regutsaruzhinji ngarichishanda zvizere.Musangano uyu wakakosha zvikuru sezvo uchimutsiridza hutungamiri webatonekuzvipira kwevatungamiri.""Mutungamiri webato revanhuComrade. Mugabe vakapedzisira nokuti: "Ndine chokwadi chokutitesetichazvipira pakutevedza bumbiro remitemo yehutungamiri (LEADERSHIPCODE) sekuzvipira kwatakange takaita pahondo yechimurenga. Zvese zvisungozvatichagamuchira pano tichazvitevedza zvizere, nokuti musangano weZANUunotevedza gwara rimwe uchiramba huswetasimba nehupambepfumi.Ngatizvipire mugwara iri . . .re ZANU!""Rwendo RwekutiTipinde MugwaraRegutsaruzhinjiZwakazara ZvinotodavaTungamiriri Pamwe

NevanpvateveraVakazvipira MugwaraIri"Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986"So, Comrades, I wish to exhort you as you deliberate on the question ofownership of property under the Leadership Code to address the basic ideologicalprinciples of the Party in all honesty and frankness. We cannot afford toprevaricate nor can we continue to procrastinate in reaching a decision on how toproceed in respect of those who have violated the Code."Under the First Five-Year National Development Plan, a much broader socialistprogramme than that under the Three-Year Transitional National DevelopmentPlan will be embarked upon. It is thus envisaged that many more cooperatives andmany more State enterprises organised and supervised by our State Corporationswill be established. Those who lead this socialist thrust must surely be persons thepublic can trust. Hence the need for a purge that will cleanse the party and set iton a correct socialist path."We must, as the highest organ of the Party in the absence of Congress, set theleadership back on course. This meeting is, therefore, a most crucial one in terms,of the future ideological direction of the Party, the self-discipline ofits leaders,and the preservation of the trust and confidence the masses shouldrepose inthem."The First Secretary and President concluded his opening statement by statingcategorically:"I am confident that we shall handle this vital question of our Leadership Codewith as much objectivity and-revolutionary commitment as we have in the pastdealt with other issues of fundamental policy. The decision or decisions we shallcome to must have such binding effect as will compel compliance by all of us. ForZANU charts only one way and rejects the individual paths of selfish capitalistroaders. Let us, therefore, commit and re-dedicate ourselvesto this one way - theZANU WAY!""The March Towar,Socialism Requires Leaders and Cadresare Committed to Marxist-LeninistPrinciples"

News Vo1.17 No. 7 July 1986Mashonaland East ProvinceReport from Publicity and Information DepartmentIntroductionIn our last report which appeared in the January Issue of Zimbabwe News wehighlighted the overall development which is taking place in the Province. Wealso highlighted some important events whieh had taken place in the political fieldand other spheres. I am happy to say that development continues to take place ona faster pace than before and political activities are going ahead normally,although the fate of the suspended Chairman aod Treasurer of the ProvincialExecutive Council is not yet known. It is hoped that this will be sortedout very

soon since the Provincial Council has made its own recommendationsin terms ofthe requirements of the Party's Disciplinary Committee which is Chaired by theSecond Secretary and Vice President of the Party - Comrade S.V.Miizenda - theDeputy Prime Minister.Two most important events have taken place recently in one of the Province'sDistricts and Constituencies, that of Wedza. The first is the suspension ofComrade Joseph Jekanyika from the Chairmanship of Harare Province. Onemight ask why we are concerned about this since it is an internal matterconcerning Harare Province alone. There are two answers or explanations to thisquestion. Firstly, it must be remembered that for the purposethe last General Election held at thening of July 1985, Harare and onaland East were regarded as one ere allocated 18Cons'tituencies in g Wedza, which is represented by % de Jekanyika.Separatedfromfor the purposes of Party iation, Wedza is' one of the eight stration Districtsfalling within oaland East Province. Secondly,it therefore thatthere was some onwhen people in Comrade ika's, constituency learnt that he i suspended from theChairmanthe Harare Province. It became task of the Department ofInforandPublicity to go around the ency explaining that Comrade ka's suspension had notaffected m bership of Parliament. He is still ber of the House of Assembly tringWedza constituency. We did a Department because it had ' m clear tois thatsome characters Sonstituency in particular and in the ro ce in general had beguncanvass-Comrade G.M. Chinengunduing for Candidature of a "Pending byelection".Dismissal of District CouncillorsOne other very important event which occurred in the same AdministrativeDistrict constituency was the dismissal of all the twelve councillorsof the WedzaDistrict Council recently, by the Ministry of Local Government, Rural and UrbanDevelopment. This surprised people in other Districts and Provinces but did notSurprise the Wedza people at all since they felt that the action was longoverdue.Two 'major reasons contributed to fbeir dismissal in terms of the Councils Act,Chapter 231. Firstly, they were openly dining and wining with an enemy of theParty. They had become so friendly to him that he was telling them virtually whatto do in the council which led them to defy a directive from the Minister con-ly participated in encouraging acts of immorality with school children and ladyteachers. They harrassed teachers who happened to be members of the rulingparty. All this was done without consultation with officials of the Ministry ofEducation who are professionals in their field. When the Minister asked tosuspended their resolution which empowered them to transfer teachersmaliciously, they flatly refused to do that and said the Minister or his Deputymust go and explain to them. They implemented their resolution hencethey wereall fired and the teachers returned to their original places. In fact only one teacherhad gone and he is the one who was asked them to go back to his schoolwhich hedid happily.

A number of these Councillors were party district officials. Theywere summonedto the Provincial Headquarters by Provincial Party Officials and they refused tocome saying that those officials15tending that only the President would give the.6 orders. The enemyconcerned is asenior member of the Police Force based in Mutare but has a home in Wedza andhis case has been reported to his superiors. The second and most serious matterwas their resolution to transfer teachers, particularly Headmasters who challengedtheir authority to interfere in the day-to-day running of the schools.They woulddisrupt classes for their own purposes and either condoned or actual-

16must go there and see them otherwise they were not bothered. They completelyand flatly refused to do anything with Provincial matters. The Provincial Councilhad no alternative but to suspend four former councillors from their positionsas'District Party Officials. They are now under suspension pending submission ofa report to Party Head Office in Harare. The move by Government and Party tosuspend the members concerned was heartily welcomed by the people of Wedzaas a whole. It is hoped that new electionswill be held within a few weeksfor newcouncillors. This is being done in order not to disrupt the administrativemachinery at village, ward, District and Provincial level in terms of the ProvincialCouncils and Administration Act No. 12 of 1985.Another important event which occured in Mashonaland East was the opening bythe First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF), Prime Minister R.G. Mugabe atMurehwa Growth Point on the 25th January 1986, of a very beautiful andimpressive Cultural Centre. The occassion was attended by members of thePolitburo, Central Committee, Ministers,Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986Governors and several thousands of residents of Murehwa and neighbouringDistri6ts. The Centre which was constructed by the Ministry of PublicConstruction and National Housing was handed over to the Minister of Youth,Sport and Culture, Comrade Karimanzira M.P. by the Minister of PublicConstruction and National Housing. The whole complex cost about $275 000,00.It is really going to be a Tourist Attraction as this is the first in the country.Other developments in the area are many. Recently, Comrade S. Sekeramaiopened a new clinic at Chiunye, much to the delight of many people who used totravel several kilometres to the nearest clinic in Mudzi District. Thiscost about$90 000,00.Meanwhile the Governor of Mashonaland East Province, Comrade RwiziZiyenge has embarked on a programme of visiting all the Administrative Districtsin his Province. He is being accompanied by Comrade Chipitiri, the ActingProvincial Chairman and other Provincial Party Officials. The purpose of his visitis to explain to the people from the Village Development Committees right upto the Provincial Development tee how they can engage in the p 'f small scaleindustries in Points, District- Service Centres z Service Centres. It is understooidea is being well received throtI Province. Recently the Govern, visitto ZISCO

in Kwekwe whet others observed how the ( operates. Small scale industrie!making of window frames, dooi bricks, scotch carts and fenc should be easilyundertaken ii particulary where there is electThe Department of Publicit) formation wishes to acknowle, appreciation thecooperation it ing from all the organisations an tions in the Provinceand alsocouragement it receives from ti mation and Publicity Departme mainHeadquarters in Haru Manica Road.Zimbabwe News tle monthl3 journal of our party publishes information whichshould be everyone. Efforts should be ma tend its .outreach as muchas oZANU (PF) International RelationsDuring the National Liberation Struggle, our Party forged strong relations with allthe progressive forces that supported us materially and morally.The victory of ZANU (PF) at the first and second elections saw the Party, ZANU(PF) further strengthening coopration with socialist and workers parties, socialdemocratic and liberation movements from Asia, Latin America and Africa.Regular contacts have been maintained and closer cooperation in political, social,economic, cultural and scientific fields widened. Members of the Politiburo andCentral Committee were delegated to attended Congress of foreignpartriots in thesocialist camp as well as parties in the capitalist world who are still waging astruggle to change society in their own countries and parties fighting for nationalliberation. In this issue of Zimbabwe News we publish excerpts of Congresspresentations where our delegations were guests of socialist and workers, partieswith close relations with ZANU(PF).Report of the ZAJNU (PF) Delegations to the SED 11th Congress German'Democratic RepublicThe ZANU delegation was led by Comrade E.. Mnangagwa, SecretaryforSecurity and Members of the Politburo, and Minister of State (Security) in thePrimePictorial and Report: Foi Relations ZANU (PF) .Our delegation to the 27th Soviet Communist Party Congress in Mosco,ture isComrade M. Nyagumbo who was the leader of the delegation wti Secretary forAdministration, next right to standing interpretor, Comrade 0 zira, the DeputySecretary for National Security; in discussions with counterpartsMinister's Office. He was accompanied by Comrade N. Nhiwatiwa, Member ofthe Central Committee and Secretary for Administration in the ZANU (PF)Women's League.On flight to the GDR, the Zimbabwe delegation joined other delegationsto thesame Congress. All foreign delegationswere received by Members of thi Committee, the Politburo ai membersand eachforeign deleg, assigned officials who atter members during the duration of at theCongres. Our Ambassad GDR was present to receive airport.

Zimbabwe News Vol.17 Nn 7The Zimbabwe delegation was assigned the following GDR officials: the Ministerof Economic Planning and Development, the GDR Ambassador to Zimbabwe and

an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The reception and organisation ofour stay was very good and efficient.Meetings with GDR OfficialsThe Zimbabwe delegation met with the GDR Secretary for External Affairs andMember of the Politburo. Our discussions centred on the relations between ourtwo parties and countries, the Libyan attack, the world unrest in Southern Africa,Latin America, Middle East, et cetera. The question of disarmament was alsodiscussed. The possible visit of Comrade Honecker to Zimbabwe was alsodiscussed.Later, our delegation met with the Minister of Economic Planning andDevelopment. The discussion centred on technical agreements andtheimplementation of these agreements. The GDR was concerned with themanner inwhich the Zimbabwe Government was slow in responding. They wantedtobroaden the area of barter trade. The offer of 1 000 students to studyin the GDRwas also raised.Comrade Mnangagwa responded positively and pointed out that the ZimbabweGovernment was working on a five-year plan which is about to come out.Because all areas of agreements must be implemented within the framework ofthe five-year plan, some of the agreement programmes were delayed.The delegation also visited Potsdam a place where the super powers divided theGermans during the Second World War.Comrade Mnangagwa attended the opening of the Congress. After that, he had toleave to participate in our Independence Celebrations. Comrade Nhiwatiwa thenassumed the leadership assisted by our Embassy in the GDR.The CongressEvery member of the delegation, foreign or local, had an identity card which gavethem a seat, a place for lunch and any other subsequent activity thatfollowed.Without the identity card, nobody could participate. These regulations were sostrictly adhered to that losing one's card caused unknown hardships.DisciplineMembers sang before the leadership arrived. There were spontaneous andwelltimed cheers as the leaders walked in. The punctuality of the whole affair wasvery impressive. The meetings started on the minute of the schedule. Thespeeches including the Central Committee Report finished on the timeit wassupposed tofinish. All delegates were seated by the time the meeting was supposed tostart.Nobody stood up to move or talk during the meeting proceedings. Evenif onesession of the meeting took as much as three to four hours, nobody moved ortalked.There was not a single occasion when the attention of the audiencewas evercalled for. It appears that all delegates had gone through some form of trainingand rehearsal. Everything ran very smoothly.The opening of the meeting started with a commemoration of their national heroeswho were called by name. After this was over, all international heroes andnational heads who had died were mentioned. It was a very moving and touching

opening. Then the meeting proceeded with the adoption of the Agenda and theschedule.The Central Committee ReportThe Central Committee's report covered the development and progress of themandate given at the 10th SED Congress. In brief, the progress was on theprinciples of:(a) World peace;(b) Strengthening of socialism;(c) High productivity based on:(1) saving of human and materialresources;(2) maximum saving of man-labourhours and resources;(3) strict adherence to the law of theeconomy of time;(4) each according to his qualifactionand productivity.The report indicated how the above principles were translated intoprogrammes ofaction resulting into concrete changes and high productivity.Economic and Social DevelopmentThe report reflected a lot of development and progress. Every sector of theeconomy and social services seemed to have met their targets thathad been set atthe 10th Congress. The main target was housing which encouraged workers toexperience the results of their efforts. There was a lot of emphasison the use ofscience and technology as the basis for development. Both in the industrial andeducational services there was a lot of emphasis in the use of computers,automation, robots, et cetera as a means through which they were ableto achievetheir objectives.All sectoral development and achievements were reported in political terms. Thereport reflected a determination of the working-force to achieve their targets. Onegot the feeling that the workers took it upon themselves through politicalorientation to bring about high productivity and efficiency at their work places.L)We lVeWS Vol 17 No 7 Jul 1000.hdu IORI17During 1980/85, the GDR had an increase of 40 per cent in its national income.Ninety percent of this growth in national income is attributed to a rise in labourproductivity achieved by the advanced use of scientific and technologicalfindings. Between 1981 and 1985, close to a million houses were built.Productivity in the national economy rose to 191 per cent by 1985. Theagricultural sector also realised a high productivity percentage with many areas ofagriculture employing scientific and technological findings. Advances in medicalresearch and services seemed to have been realised. Modern technologies fordiagnosis and treatment in kidney and heart conditions were realised.Universities and vocational training emphasised on computer knowledge andrelevant technologies to go along with the changes in the industries and theeconomy as a whole. The universities have increased their intake ofstudents and

improved the quality of education. Emphasis is on science and technology andresearch. The science academy integrates its research with industrial realities.EmploymentThere is no unemployment. As the economic sector is automised, workers areretrained in other areas. Shift work is also used to take care of redundancy. Noyoung person trained or employed has fear of ever losing his or herjob. However,efficiency and high productivity seem to be a party and national requirement.There seems to be internal discipline and determination by the workersto ensurethat the economy of the GDR is secure.GDR 's Five- Year Development PlanThe next 5 year plan continues on the theme of sythesising the economic andsocial policies, with emphasis on science and techonologies. The idea is that ofmastering the new technologies such as:(a) micro-electronics;(b) advanced computer technologies;(c) computer-added design andmanufacturing;Closely related to these is the spread of other key technology.(a) flexible automatic manufacturingsystem;(b) new processing methods andmaterials;(c) biotechnology;(d) nuclear energy; and(e) laser technology. They represent a direct synthesis betweenscience andproduction on a new level. Together with institutions of the GDR Academy ofSciences, universities and colleges, they are conducting a battle for top standards.The projects increase in national income for the period 1986/1990 is over 1.3billion marks, with higher

1R, Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986 ZimbabweNewslabour productivity accounting for over 90 per cent of this rise.(a) over 30 per cent(b) 15,000 to 16,000(c) , 2,500 to 3,000 millionAn Excerpt from Comrade Honecker's ReportComrade Honecker says: O0 strategy aims to raise labour ty at an acceleratedpace. Ou key technologies is a major fa achieving this. Increasingpro a faster ratemeans adhering ly to the law of the economIncrease in labour produt Sector under industrial minis percentSector under Ministry of Cor to 32 percentOur economic strategy is suring productive growth wh unit input levels of raw mfuels. Productive consum percentage of total output wi down further as one wayof the growth of national incor ed manufacturing technique crucialrole ineconomizing and energy. On the other ha to organise the use of enermaterials asefficiently as po the economic cycle. Waste mn be recycled.

Annual reductions in inp unit of manufacturing outpu period 1986/90:Key rawmaterials Key fuelsCreation of stable foundat the full-scale development a use of reserves of indimaterials and the upgra available fuels and raw maur economic productivir mastery of etor towards oductivity at morestricty oftime. ctivity:tries49 to 51nstruction30aimed at en-ing place on a vast scale, rationalisation is increasingly associatedwithsophisticated technological equipment. It represents a major way of boostinglabour productivity. It is vital to move on rapidly to a higher stage of socialistrationalisation by way of the introduction .of advanced key technologies. Annualincrease in the output of microelectronics components:- active over 26percent- passive 12 percentIncrease in the output of metal processing industries involving automaticmanufacturing by 200 percent.- output of industrial robots75,000 to 80,000- number of CAD/CAM workstations to reach .85,000 to 90,000- output of biotechnical products toincreased threefold.hile reducing * Our economic strategy is geared to maxaterials and imum labourefficiency. Reduction in ption as a man-hours must be accompanied by cuts i1have to go in productive consumption in all sectors. speeding up Fixed assets,which represent a base ne. Advanc- source of national wealth, have grown s willplay a steadily, making it imperative to use them on material as efficiently aspossible. The proportion nd, it is vital of shift work will increase. 'gy and rawAnnual cuts in prime costs per 100ssible within marks' worth of output:aterial must - industry 2,2 percent- construction 2,1 percentut levels per Annual reduction in transport costs ut during the throughout theeconomy per unit of national income 3,0 to 3,5 percentOperating rate of manufacturing equip4 percent ment to go up by at least 30percent 3.3 percent Fixed stock utilization rate in industry to inns thronuhincrease by 12 percentnd effective genous raw ding of all terials.Lignite Mining1985 312 million tonnes1990 330 - 335 million tonnesElectricity generated from nuclear energy to be raised to 15 percentYield of light products from oil refining to reach 75 percentHigh-value-added products as a proportion of metallurgical products to be raisedto 90 percent.Recycled domestics and industrial waste to attain a level of35 to 36 milliontonnes.Inherent within our economic strategy is the need to match high internationalquality standards across the board.

Higher output of high quality goods:At least 60 percent of new products will haveto be on a par with the world's best.The output of goods bearing the top quality mark to rise between 150,000 to160,000 million marks.Our economic strategy lays great emphasis on socialist rationalisation. Tak-Our economic strategy makes, much greater demands on investment policy. Thebulk of investments will be earmarked for the modernization of fixedassets, withexisting sites being used to the best advantage. Only in conjunctionwith suchmeasures, will high-technological projects lead to the necessarystrengthening ofour material and technological potential.- proportion of rationalisation investment in manufacturing industryapprox. 80percent- reduction of unit construction costs in new investment projects 10percent- reduction of construction time 15 percentOur economic strategy provides for the forced development of consumer goodsproduction. More so than before, manufacturing a sufficient quantity of highquality consumer goods in line with demands must become the concern of theentire economy. To this end, each combine will haveto create and progressivelyexpand a sound manufacturing base. Product development:- consumer goods domestic and export markets 30 - 32 percent- newly developed consumer goods45 50 percentAnnual product innovation rate:- consumer goods, total30 - 40 percent- fashionable clothes for young people 70 percentOur economic strategy implies a steady and dynamic increase in performancelevels. Our social policy of improving people's living and cultural standardsrequires steep and sustained economic growth. This growth is increasinglyinfluenced by the inter-relationships existing between the economy andothersectors of society, pride of place going to the inter-penetration ofscience andproduction. The socialist education system and its future development will have agreat impact on the economy. Projected increases by 1990 comparedwith 1985:-national income 24 - 26 percent- net output (sector under industrial Ministries) 49 - 51 percent- net output (sector under Ministry of Construction) 30 - 32 percent- manufacturing output20 - 22 percent- crop yields per hectare in 19905,0 to 5,2 tonnes of grain equivalent. Oureconomic strategy is designed to promote intensive patterns of production and putthem on a lasting basis. The need to do so derives from the objective lawsgoverning the development of socialism. At the same time, the plannedsocialisteconomy of the German Democratic Republic enables advanced technology,primarily key technologies, to be harnessed for the fulfilment of thistask. Beingthe owners of all factories and research centres, our people turnthe marvels ofscience to better and better use to enhance our country's economic potential, addto society's wealth and advance social, progress.'Discussions of the Central Comittee Report

The Central Committee Report had been distributed to all sectors of the partybeforehand. The members of the Party, organisations, and otherparties hadopportunities to contribute to the discussions of the Central CommitteeReport.The participants to the Central Committee discussions represented thecomposition of the delegation to the Central Committee which was as follows:1748 workers185 co-operative farmers717 members of the. intelligensia33 members of other social strata The breakdown of the delegation according tothe age group was as follows:Up to 30 years 635 comrades31 - 40 years 335 comrades41 - 50 years 688 comrades51 - 60 years 845 comrades61 - 65 years 115 comradesOver 65 years 65 comradesThey thus represented a wide variety of

Zimbabwe News Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986the party social structure and ranks such as: The Superintendent of a hospital,banker, manager of an organisation, representative of the trade union, ashopkeeper, a teacher, a farming co-operative, university professors, researchers,army, youth, et cetera.Each one of them gave support for the report and gave examples ofhow theirparticular section performed towards the objective of the party andhow they weregoing to work towards the new objectives and mandates. All the activities weretaken within the socialist political framework. For example, the trade unionspeaker said the success of the SED 11 th Congress was very much dependent onthe perfomance of the workers. It was the workers' dedication to themandates ofthe 10th Congress which made the 1 th Congress a success. He called on allsocialist workers to increase productivity and efficiency so that they could havebetter congresses. The shop-keeper reported that attending to customers was apolitical work. Unsatisfied customers will blame the party. So she works so hardthat the customers are satisfied with her departmental services, therebystrengthening the socialist position. Themedical people, the teachers, farmers, cooperative managers, all translated theiractivities within the political framework and having political implications.There were a very good number of women and young people who participated inthe discussion, representing different departments, but there was no speakerrepresenting the issues of women. It appeared that women were all integrated inthe socio-economic sphere of the society. Ninety-two percent of all women areemployed in different sections of the economy. They are given 18 months paidmaternity leav e, child care facilities and everything they need. The governmentbudgets some 4 billion marks for this particular area. I guess there was no reasonfor them to be given special attention.An interesting point which came out in the discussions was that every departmenthead in the army and every sector of the economic and social development was a

member of the party and accountable to the party for the success or failure of theirsections. There was very active competition from every sector of the economy toreach the targets set out at the 10th Congress. Those sectors whichwere outstan-Insights into the Non-Aligned MovementrFe Movement was conceived in July 11956, on the Adriatio Island ofBrioni. At a time of great peril to world peace, President Josip Broz Tito ofYugoslavia, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India and President GamalAbdel Nasser of Egypt gathered to formulate the principles that ledfive yearslater to the first Non-Aligned Summit in Belgrade in September 1961.The Movement's appeal was to all independent nations to unite against thedivision of the world into ideological blocs; to strive to end the cold war andcreate instead a new system of international relations based on the UNCharterand on peaceful co-existence, irrespective of political and economic beliefs.The principles and aims of Non-AlignmentThe principles and aims of the movement of non-alignment determineits policyand strategy. The principles guide its action, the aims and its mission.Theyprovide a basis for evaluating the possibility that a country be admittedor not as afull member, as an observer or as a guest of the m~ovement, depending on thecircumstances.PrinciplesThese were laid down and specified at the conferences in Bandung in April 1955,in Belgrade in September 1961 and in Cairo in October 1964. They are asfollows:1. Active opposition to every imperialist, colonialist and neocolonialist policy.2. Active and peaceful coexistence asthe only way of opposing a cold warand a nuclear one.3. The right of peoples not yet free togain their freedom.4. The right of self-determination andindependence.5. The right of every state to sovereignty and territorial integrity.6. The right of every state to equalityand active participation in the resolution of international issues.7. The right of every sovereign nationto determine in a completely free manner its own way of political, economic,social and cult-uraldevelopment.8. The right of every people to benefitfrom the advantages of economic progress and to reap the fruits ofthe scientific-technological revolution.Aims.At the Conference in Lusaka in September 1970, the heads of state indicated thefollowing aims:1. Promotion of world peace and

peaceful coexistence through an increased involvement of the nonalignedcountries in the United Nations in opposing all forms of imperialist aggressionagainst the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries.2. A struggle against imperialism, colonialism and racism which denyman's equality and dignity.3. Peaceful resolution of disputes.4. An end to the arms race and generaldisarmament.5. Opposition to the big-power militaryalliances and pacts.6. Opposition to the stationing ofmilitary bases in foreign countries. 7. A struggle for economic independence andcooperation on terms of equality and reciprocalbenefit.Full list of the member states of the Non-Aligned MovementI. Democratic Republic ofAfghanistan2. Democratic People'sRepublic of Algeria3. People's Republic ofAngola4. Republic of Argentina[ ....19ding were given commendation by the Central Committee. This was an extremelyimpressive part of the Congress. The workers perceived their work area as abattle-field for peace and economic development.The Foreign RelationsThe SED has done a lot of work within this area. Their main theme of worldpeace has made it possible to keep close relations between their own people andthe international community at large. The 104 foreign delegates to thel1th SEDCongress came from all over the world. They were each given special attentionwith particular mention given to those in the liberation struggle. Nearlyall thedelegates gave a greeting and solidarity message to the SED party. Because of thelarge number of foreign delegates not all foreign delegates addressed theCongress in Berlin. Others, including Zimbabwe, delivered their speeches in theprovinces. It was interesting to note that nearly all delegates from the Westerncountries addressed the main Congress.

Vol.17 No. July 1986 Zimbabwe News205.6.7.8.9.10.

Commonwealth of the BahamasState of Bahrain People's Republic of Bangladesh BarbadosBelizePeople's Republic of BeninKingdom of Bhutan Republic of Bolivia Republic of Botswana Republic ofBurundi Republic of Cape Verde Central African Republic Republicof ChadRepublic of Colombia Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros People'sRepublic ofthe CongoRepublic of Cuba Republic of Cyprus Republic of Djibouti Republicof EcuadorArab Republic of Egypt Republic of Equatorial GuineaSocialist Ethiopia Republic of Gabon Republic of the Gambia Republicof GhanaGrenadaRepublic of Guinea Republic of Guinea-Bissau Co-operative kepublic of GuyanaRepublic of India Republic of Indonesia Islamic Republic of Iran Republic of IraqRepublic of the Ivory CoastJamaicaHashemite Kingdom of JordanDemocratic Kampuchea Republic of Kenya Democratic People's Republic ofKorea State of Kuwait Lao People's Democratic RepublicKingdom of Lesotho Republic of Lebanon Socialist People's Libyan ArabJamahiriya Democratic Republic of Madagascar Republic of Malawi MalaysiaRepublic of Maldives Republic of Mali Republic of Malta Islamic Republic ofMauritania MauritiusKingdom of Morocco People's Republic of Mozambique ,Kindgom of NepalRepublic of Nicaragua Republic of Niger63. Federal Republic ofNigeria64. Sultanate of Oman65. Islamic Republic ofPakistan66. Republic of Panama67. Palestine LiberationOrganisation68. Republic of Peru69. State of Qatar70. Republic of Rwanda,71. Saint Lucia72. Democratic Republic ofSao Tome and Principe 73. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia74. Republic of Senegal75. Republic of Seychelles76. Republic of Sierra Leone77. Republic of Singapore78. Somali DemocraticRepublic79. South West African People's Organisation

80. Democratic Republic ofthe Sudan81. Republic of Suriname82. Kingdom of Swaziland83. Syrian Arab Republic84. Republic of Togo85. Republic of Trinidad andTobago86. Republic of Tunisia87. Republic of Uganda88. United Arab Emirates89 Republic of Burkina Faso90. United Republic ofCameroon91. United Republic ofTanzania92. Republic of Vanuatu93. Socialist Republic ofVietnam94. Yemen Arab Republic95. People's DemocraticRepublic of Yemen96. Socialist Federal Republicof Yugoslavia97. Republic of Zaire98. Republic of Zambia99. Republic of ZimbabweFull List of Observers to the Non-Aligned MovementI Antigua and Barbuda2. Federative Republic of Brazil3. Republic of Costa Rica4. Commonwealth of Dominica5. Republic of El Salvador 6. United Mexican Estates7. Papua New Guinea8. Republic of the Philippines9. Oriental Republic of Uruguay 10. Republic of the Venezuela I1. AfricanNational Congress 12. Afro-Asian People's SolidarityOrganisation13. League of Arab States 14. Organisation of the IslamicConference15. Organisation of African Unity 16. Pan Africanist Congress ofAzania 17.Socialist Party of Puerto Rico 18. United Nations OrganisationThird World Non-Members of NAMBruneiBermudaBurma

ChileDominican Republic HaitiNauruKiribati (to be proposed by Cuba for membership, 1986)FijiGuatemalaHondurasWestern SamoaThailandSolomon IslandsParaguaySouth KoreaSaint Christopher and Nevis NAM has enabled all these countries to takeanactive part in world affairs, to jointly strive for the democratization ofinternational relations and to link that with their own progress and nationalsecurity. NAM countries have displayed greater readiness to pool efforts in theUnited Nations and all other international organizations and drives. This has alsobeen reflected in fundamental changes in relations within the United Nations, andin the very role played by the world Organization which, today, reflects morefaithfully the actual world and its needs.NAM has already provided the basic concept of a new system of internationalpolitical and economic relations and opened a process of political struggle for itsrealization. As a world concept it has been embraced not only by state andpolitical structures of NAM member countries but also by their peoples. Therefiy,NAM is gaining new vital force and is becoming even more effective. Themovement has also become more assertive and more conscious of itsmembers'potential power as suppliers of vital raw materials to developing countries. It hasprovided a hard to replace forum for countries seeking broader support onparticular regional problems. This renders even more necessary acomprehensiveelaboration of the policy of NAM and of its role as a force inspiring countries andpeoples for peace, independence and economic development.NAM's Past SummitsBelgrade Conference - (Chair: Josip B. Tito - 1961)- 1st Summit The birth ofNAM. The Conference devoted special attention to the problem of decolonisationand the struggle against colonialism, the system of apartheid and racialdiscrimination. The 25 founder, countries established an inseparable link betweenthe affirmation of NAM and the necessity to eradicate, once and forall,colonialism and racism from the books of history of mankind.I

Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986erence - (Chair: Gamel A. 964) - 2nd Summit mber countries noted the firstixation of cold war tensions I their attention on peaceful* They came out with inproposals to United Nations decolonization, developmentament issues.

nference - (Chair: K. Kaun- 3rd Summit iember couhitries highlighted iccomponent to the political f the Movement. Members ho substantive stability inthe ssible without the solution to g economic problems apd acing the existinginequalities. a Conference devoted even ntion to the United Nations role andactivities of Nonovement in it.ference - (Chair: H. Boume973) - 4th Summit sember countries reflected anaturity of the movement and olitical platform of the strugNew InternationalEconomic'onference - (Chair: S. Ban- 1976) - 5th Summit ember countries elaborated a Iconcept of Detente in the assesement that bloc Detente ensure a lastingprocess ofof tensions, since Detente :me universal, just as world livisible.onference - (Chair: Fedel 1979) - 6th Summit tmber countries, representing nequivalent to two-thirds of pmprensively defined the funirinciples andgoals ofnon-onflicts between NAM counhave become a reality of preriternationalrelations were The economic part of the of Havana Conference phasized theconcept of selfI necessity of launching global s as a beginning in the-nt of the new International Order.Conference - (Chair: Indira 1983) 7th Summit rember countries devotedextention, to the economic crisis compassed the world and paro the dangerous gapthat he developed countries from ting ones and which is con,ning. Itwas notedthat while spending exceeds the il figure of 500 billion dollars he amount of thedebts of ,ountries is now rapidly aphe same critical figure. New ference proposedthat the ountries and the developing iould endeavour to improve c¢onomy andlaunch global i conducive to the establishNew International Economicfocalpoints of the crisis werealso treated within a more complex framework as an expression of policies ofspheres of interests, intervention, interferences, pressures and other forms of useof force, whose main victims are the NAM member countries. HarareConference- (Chair: Robert G. Mugabe - 1986) - 8th Summit The coming NAM conferenceis not being convened in Harare by accident. The Harare Conferenceis seen as agesture of support' for the struggle in Southern Africa. Now the Non-Alignednations have finally decided to use all available ,strength, all means, in all formsto deploy action aimed at the final resolution of the crisis in Southern Africa.Both history and geographical location place Zimbabwe at the very centre of thedevelopments in Southern Africa. The problem in Southern Africa is no doubtparamount and is one of.the major factors behind the decision toelect Zim-21babwe as chairman of the 8th Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement. Oureconomic and political stability and our ability so far to maintain a non-alignedstance inspite of very trying and difficult conditions prevailing in Southern Africapositively contributed to the unanimous choice of our Prime MinisterComradeMugabe as Chairman for the next three years. The problems of decolonizingAfrica and uprooting apartheid in South Africa are expected to featureprominently during the Chairmanship of Zimbabwe. The Prime Minister,Comrade Mugabe's statesmanship and the independent course taken by Zimbabwewill not only guarantee that Mugabe's chairmanship will be delicately balanced

between East and West - against both right and left-wing politicaland ideologicalcurrents in the world but rather will endorse the authentic principles ofNon-Aligned Movement and the interests of world peace and security.Book Review: DestructiveEngagement: Southern Africaat Warby David Martin and Phyllis JohnsonIntroductionDestructive Engagement is a well researched book by eleven exprienced writerson Southern Africa. South Africa's destabilisation programme has beenhiglhlighted and some shocking revelations on how far South Africa can go to doany acts of sabotage have been brought to the open.The writers leave the reader with the impressions that sanctions are the onlyanswer in the dismantling of this evil apartheid system. The incursions intheFrontline States will continue andthe struggle for independence in Namibia andSouth Africa must be intensified.Leaders of the Frontline States and liberation movements representatives arrivingin Lusaka por one of their regular summit meetings

Vol.17 No. 7 July 1986Mozambique: To Nkomati and BeyondThe book dwells on how the tormer Rhodesian Government had initiated amovement to destabilise Mozambique when it was clear that Zanla guerrillas weregaining ground in its war for independence.The gaining of independence in Zimbabwe was a big setback for the Rhodesiansand MNR because they never imagined that Zanu,under the leadership of R.G.Mugabe, would win the elections. When Zanu won Rhodesians had to moveMNR to South Africa where its numbers began to swell and its impact onMozambique began to be strongly felt.The book brings in the Malawi link and says that that country has beensupportingMNR. Workers in the Tete province of- Malawi point out that even in 1985 theycould hear planes passing over head nearly every night and resupplying the MNR.The book points out at the circumstances that led to the Nkomati Accord wherebySouth Africa has to stop supporting MNR and Mozambique in turn had tostopANC insurgents to infiltrate South Africa using Mozambique.It was later proved that the Nkomati Accord had not ended South African support.Despite Samora Machel's protests to South Africa, that country continued tosupport MNR. By this time the ZNA which had been guarding the pipelineswelled the numbers of its soldiers.When Gorongosa was over-run important documents which showedSouthAfrica's active support of MNR were discovered.If South Africa and Malawi were to cease their support of MNR then gradually,probably over two years or more the fighting would decrease. If they do not, thewar will continue unabated with the ever growing possibility of furtherinternationalization. the booknotes.Zimbabwe: Apartheids Dilemma

The writers narrate how ZANU won the 1980 elections and how whites reacted toMugabe's leadership. They say about 5 000 whites left for South Africa soon afterthe results were announced as they had never dreamt that Mugabe'sParty couldwin.The writers write on the events that followed after independence. The killing ofComrade Joe Gqabi, an ANC representative by South African elements. A seriesof massive explosions which ripped through the armoury at Inkomo Barracksdestroying $36 million worth of armaments by South Africa. The bomb thatexploded on the roof of ZANU Party Headquarters at 88 Manica Roadwhere sixshoppers were killed and 100 injured. Explosive devices which were placed inthe fuel tanks of about 30 tank transports, tanks and armoured cars. But the fusesbecame saturated by diesel fuel and the 2 or 3 which detonated caused relativelyminor damage.The kidnap of six foreign tourists. The air force planes which weresabotaged atthe Thornhill base near Gweru. The killing of three white South African soldierswho had crossed into Zimbabwe to perform acts of aggression.The writers also write about the Entumbane clashes. The caching of arms by Zapuand the sacking of Comrade Nkomo and 3 other Zapu men from the cabinet. Theyalso highlight the activities of the dissidents.South African campaign of misinformation and disinformation through RadioTruth is covered by the writer.Angola: The Struggle Continueswhere it had not previously, a further strain on Angola's social services,alreadyhard massive loss of life and da by the regular South AfricaTsouth.Namibia: Preparatic DestabilisationThe book describes hair rai! techniques which South Afr SWAPO members.It stresses South Africa's UN resolutions and the opin ternational Court of JusticThe writer writes on the sc African sponsored election! organised the MuzorewastThe*book shows how Stried to lure Swapo away f tion 435. This showed Soui mained as determined asev Swapo from taking power.The President of SWAPO Cde. S. Nujoma briefing the Press on Namiblanstruggle during one of his visits to Zimbabwe for cc Zimbabwean GovernmentThis chapter revolves on the events that took place before and afterindependence.The writer describes Angola's independence as a special case of South Africa'sdestabilization programme. He describes how a full scale war sinceindependencehas been waged by South Africa.The book shows how American Governments have been steadfast in sup-, portingUNITA especially the Reagan Administration who during his election campaignconfessed that he would provide UNITA with weapons.When Savimbi went to Washington he was given a red carpet welcome bytheReagan Administration. It says increased terrorist activity by UNITA, particularlyin areas further to the northalso had the open support o through its insistence Namibia's independence to ofCuban troops in Angol

The writer says South allies are finding it harder defend the regime. This becomeparticularly appare of the US inspite of vigorou Pretoria by the Reagan adm latteris now coming under u domestic pressure to applyHe notes that the British is isolated within the comi its refusal to applysane SouthAfrica and cannot iE strong opinions in favour 01 ing expressed by the Non-Ament and the OAU."77

7 No. 7July 1RR _Miys people of Lesotho have e threat of siege from South vrote about the economicch eventually led to Chief than's fall through a coup-red by South Africa. Chief d fallen out of Botha's ise of the links hehad ithMozambique plus his n a Nkomati Accord styleich is economically heavily n South Africa has had its th Africa's destabilisationays the Book. South Africa rsistently trying to make n a military pact on the linesAccord but Botswana hasthat the late King L security agreement rnbique signed the says the whole affairMilitary e Region atrs for more than 300 years omination South Africans itting up brave challengesoers. The book outlines the nd Langa massacres. ,a's military build-up clearly entof militarization that has since 1960. During the ricial year R44 million was itsmilitary budget. By amount had risen to an R4 274 million which is a on thatSouth Africa can afrm any military adventures boquring states. ncreasing annualbudgets ited.to the development of al armaments manufacturs part of an overallplan to Jfrica 'self sufficient' for all equirements. In fact South tyet self sufficientin, its s.African authorities are not petuating this impression eated, At timeswith even-ration, by various Western rations. This is done not onthe enormouscost of aninternal armaments in-dustry but to discredit the international arms embargo and to give the impressionthat the SADF is adequately equipped with modern arms.South Africa's Nuclear CapabilityThe Apartheid BombThe writer says that there is no longer any doubt about South Africa's nuclearweapon capability. What is not yet know is the number of devices it has in stockand the precise nature of the weapons.Under the 'Atoms or Peace' programme the United States and South Africa signeda 50-year agreement for nuclear co-operation in 1957.South Africa is also known to have substantial uranium resources in South Africaand Namibia and there are also substantial quantities of uranium resources whichhave not been tapped so far. Multinational enterprises based inthe United States,Canada, Japan and Western Europe are directly involved in South African andNamibian uranium production and sale. Some of them have a long record ofcollaboration with the apartheid regime. Thus with all these forces around, SouthAfrica is now in the process of building many nuclear plants.The Rising Cost of Apartheid: The Economic Crisis

The book dwells on the system of cheap labour which stands at the heart of theapartheid economy. Today the African worker and the black population are littlemore than objects of labour. They earn an income barely sufficient toreproducetheir labour and to subsist.The regime does not collate statistics on black unemployment nor ofunemployment in the skilled sectors of the economy. Unemployment among thewhite working population has remained-insignificant at no more than two percent despite falling output anddecliningmarkets.JIt says the black trade union movement has made notable strides since 1979.Today nearly 1.5 million workers of all races or 150 of the workingpopulationare unionized. The black unions have become a potent force in securing changesin the wage-profit relationship and in providing a substantial workers' base to thegeneral liberation struele.Political Econimies in Conflict: SADCC, South Africa and SantionsThe writer points out that both SADCC and South Africa perceive transport asvital to their economies. For SADCC countries, transport is the key to liberation;to South Africa it is a tool for continued domination. South Africa has usedsustained violence, as well as direct economic means to ensure that thetransportlinks to Lobito Bay, Maputo, Beira and Nacal have been intermittentlyavailable,limited in capacity or closed entirely. The war on the Beira - Zimbabwe transportlinks, for example, is a war about economies as well as politics.Polical dominance in the region is South Africa's aim. South Africa does not wantthe other countries in the region to pursue economic liberation or to mobiliseinternational pressures on Pretoria, or provide effective external support to theSouth African liberation struggle. The book says the relationshipbetweenpolitics and economic presumably underlies South Africa's vehement, and oftenviolent antipathy to SADCC and passive lttitude toward the PTA SADCC isovertly political and has an explicit political project of economic disengagementfor which it mobiliges external and domestic resources. The PTA is much moretechnically economic, more market and less state interventionist.The writer says the bottom line in blocking the implementation of SADCCtransport liberation has always been sabotaged. If SADCC is able tocarry out itsprogrammes, especially in transport, it represents a potentially mortal threat toSouth Africa's political econonic predominance in the region.7 No. 7 Julv 19R6

V01.17 No 7 JUlY 1986 ZiM e fe24Poetry * Poetry * Poetry * Poetry * PoetiKumulka kweMapfupa Ambuya Nehanda Kufakwedora rinoslya bvukuche,,Haana kuita bete rawiramumukakaZvaakaenda nyika isinga dzokwe Mbuya Nehanda. Zvaakaenda akasiya akandashoko Kuvasvetasimba, 'Angu Mapfupa Achamuka.' Zvlnaani akalsa muninga

yemwoyo, Neyerudyi zvakapinda neyemanzere zvlkabuda Zvakapfidigirwa muneyevatema chete ninga.Akabva atarnbarara zvake ndokurasa muswe Zvaakaona kuti akunda mugoreraII896, Seumhutu akatanga kusveta simba rezvIzvarwa Seuchl hwadeukamuguchu kwakatanga kuyeredzwahuchibudakunze kwenyika upfuml hweZimbabwe. Hapana akakwanisa kuvakira ruzhowaSezvo vaingunobva mukukundwa vana veZimbabwe.Chirega uone zvavakange voitwa vana veZmbabwe vobatwa samakudo zvino,Mune dziya nzvimbo dzaiva neupfuml vakata:ndaniswa. Vakandonzi kumagokoronjo-o. Kudorima tunjera, kudoti tumhunga, kudoti tugwere, hapanachakabudamo.Valgolta sei vana veZimbabwe iri ivhu rich! gova gokoro,jecha zvaro.Risina nemufudze wese unombonzwira. Yakabva yatumbuka zvayonzaraZvayakaona pekupfunya chisero.Vakasara vakagarika vapambevhu muhupfumi Vakazadza matumbu zvimwevakaendesa kunze Upenyu hwavo hwakave muchechetere semvurayeguvi Ukuvana veZimbabwe vachingunodzikuya nyembanemusana.Valzlvelko vapambevhu kuti uku kwaive kufema mweya una mago. Pamusoropezvo vakabva vashevedzera mutero. Izvi zVakapa mwanawevhurangariroyemazwi , Ambuya Nehanda, "Angu mapfupa achamuka".Yakange yachitl tinya-tinya kudzika muvhu midziyavapambevhu muZimbabwe muna 1963,Zvikatl zvapa mwana weZimbabwe chirungurira, alkatizvachirl chitenda regal ndidureSezvo mwana asingacherni achifira mumbereko. Vakavharidzira nzevenezvipungu vapambevhu.Mwanawevhu hazvina kumutorera nguva kufunga Nzira dzekupazanadzombambo dzemupambevhu. Akaona richibuda nekumabvazuva, Akazlvakutlmangwana rinenge robuda Nerusununguko. Izvozvi masango aingunoshinyiranemupambevhu. Uyo ainguno hwandira magwanza, Aienda mabvazuva.Kusema chivi huona mauya vakadaro vakuru, kurambayechidembo hunge uine yetsuro vakadarozve, Haana kuzeza mufambomwanawevhu, Haana kuzeza kusiya hama mwanawevhu, Haana kutya nzarayaizo mun'en'ena munzira,Chake chaaida igidi rekubvisa usvetasimba. Haana kuda kuenda rakachekanyikamwanawevhu, sezvoalkange anyumwa mupambevhu.Akaito ushamwari nerima mwanawevhu. Akapfuura naimo mumaguturudzinamagwenanguruve Akawiramo, mumapani asi akamuka achiendachete, Dzalveshungu mwanawevhu,Kungot! muMozambique pfacha-a, akabva anzi mbunde nababa Samora,Akapuhwa unyanzvi mukurwa nababa Samora. Akapuhwa gidi rekutakanurambambo dzemuvengi Kungozviti papfudzi zvombo dzva-a, Akabva anangakwazvakarehwa

Kundosunungura baba naamai Kubva mujoko reusvetasimba, Akasvikoshereketamwanawevhu, akakotamisamupambevhu akabata pasL Aona zvashata akabvaatsvaga rubatsiro mupambevhu, nekuda mad zvimbwasungata zvakatl dzawiramutswanda.Zvakamira mazenze zvazvakanzi zvaizotamba nemotokarmabhlza nezvlkopokopo.Zvakaita manyawi pazvakaratidzwa masaga emad. Zvakabva zvasungamushandirapamwe nevapambevhu. Mwanawevhu haana kudzoka shure,Akaisimbaradza hondo yeChimurenga. Akautambisa nhambernutambemushandirapamwe uyu,.akadoedza kushandisa dzepasi pemvura mupambe*asi akawana pakasungwa neutare.Kuti muna 1979 pindikiti mWana weZimbabwealkashewedzera kuti rasvika zvino regukurahundi gore Akaplsa mupembe kusvikawobuda dikita, Michenje mumiti yakapuruka, mbarnbo dzemuveng!ndokutanga kundengendeka.Akange ataridza umhare pakushandisa gidi Akarwa semvumba paid goremwanawevhu.Pakava nekurwisana kwakazunza makomo, Palkava nekurakashwa kwevasinamhaka. Pair! gore rakanwa ropa rikatendeswa ivhu. Magora akadya akanetawoakasiirawo mapere, Mapere nokuruta ndiwo akazongoslya ave madehenya chete.Hapana kunge pachaonekwa nguva yekufushira chitunha sezvo yakangeyatsviriridza nyika yose. Yakaramba yakaomarara hondo yeChimurengaKuomarara kwayo ndolkwaive kushinyira kwemapfupa arnbuyaNehanda,Akati oti mugore na1980 pindikiti mwanawevhu Akazongonzwa njo-o.Akange alkanda mapfurno pasi musvetasimba. Akange azviona kutl uku kwalvekupedza misi kurwanechinokudra.Mwanawevhu akaigamuchira nemaoko mavid Akange azadzisa mazwi ambuyaNehanda "Angu mapfupa achamuka." Kana naiye muparnbevhu akazviona kutikana mapfupa amuzvinanylka apfuka anenge ashata chose.Yakandengendeka Zimbabwe nemufaro dzakarohwa ngoma dzikatsemuka,dzikakakwa dzlmwe Vemagurokuro makobvu vakahushapira, Vakasiya zvopisa.zvimedzo. Dzakarandabvurwa nyama nevemeno. Vernavende valkanyikawo avomatadza mumito, Hapana asina kufara pairi gore.Pakava nekufara kubva paharahwa kusvika parusvava Kubva kunaZambezikusvika kunaLimpopo, yakabva nekure Zimbabwe,Yakamborohwa hondo yakanetsa chose. Yaltuta an! naani zvakekubvakuharahwa ichipota nemumajaha nernhandara yondopedzisira kurusvava.Musaone tava mumalekechera emufaro kudaizvi akambodya akanuna magoranamapere. Akambozara kuti shutuak r nga nemadeheny evana veZimbabwe.00 u u Y M haAkazolk k rwa na a a7hlz vur Rakambonwa ropa rl va narnatoro lvhu.Yakauyamushure m kudikitira nekudeuka, kweropa mukati Zimbabwe. Ko nhal vana

veZimbabwe chilko chasara zvayakauya nyll a yedu kudaizvi? Zviri pachena,rume rimwe harikombi churu ZvIno iwe neni ngatibatane pamwe cheteTivenemushandirapamwe kuti nyika yedu yeZimbabwe ive nerudadiso.

At the request of our readers, we publish below the names of the Nationalleadership of our party, consisting of the Central Committee and its relatedCommitees and Sub-Committees:THE ZANU CENTRAL COMMITTEEThe PolitburoFirst Secretary and PresidentComrade R.G. MugabeSecond Secretary and Vice-PresidentComrade S.V. MuzendaSecretary for AdministrationComrade T.M. NyagumboSecretary for FinanceComrade E.M. NkalaSecretary for Commisariat and CultureComrade T.M. Nyagumbo (Acting)Secretary for Foreign AffairsComrade D.N.E. MutasaSecretary for National SecurityComrade E.D. MnangagwaSecretary for Information and PublicityComrade N.M. ShamuyariraSecretary for Transport and WelfareComrade S.T. SekeramayiSecretary for Production and ConstructionComrade D.B. MutumbukaSecretary for Women's AffairsComrade T.R. NhongoSecretary for YouthComrade E.R. KadungureCommittee MemberComrade R. NhongoCommittee MemberComrade J. TungamiraiCommittee MemberComrade M. UrimboDeputiesDeputy Secretary for AdministrationComrade F.M.M. ShavaDeputy Secretary for FinanceComrade D. MuvutiDeputy Secretary for CommisariatComrade N.T. Mawema

Deputy Secretary for Foreign AffairsComrade W.M. MangwendeDeputy Secretary for National SecurityComrade D.l.G. KarimanziraDeputy Secretary for Transport and WelfareComrade A.B.M. MidziDeputy Secretary for Information and PublicityComrade SS. MumbengegwiDeputy Secretary for ProductionComrade M.E. MahachiDeputy Secretary for Women's AffairsComrade S. MugabeDeputy Secretary for YouthComrade C. NdlovuMembersComrade J. Chauke Comrade B.T.G. Chidzero Comrade E.C. ChikoworeComrade E. Chikuvanyanga Comrade S. Chinamaropa Comrade G.M.Chinengundu Comrade M. Chivende Comrade C.N. Dauramanzi Comrade J.N.Dhube (Bishop) Comrade M. Dube Comrade S. Gava Comrade E. GwanzuraComrade R.C. Hove Comrade J. Hunda Comrade J.M. Jekanyika Comrade A.Kabasa Comrade K.M. Kangai Comrade J.N. Kaparadza Comrade R.B.S.Katsande Comrade L. Makanda Comrade N. Makombe Comrade M.D.P.Malianga Comrade V.K. Manyonda Comrade R.M. Marere Comrade S.Marwodzi Comrade J.M. Masilela Comrade H. Matanga Comrade D.C. MavhaireComrade M. Mkwananzi Comrade S.V. Mubako Comrade W. NdanganaComrade S. Ndebele Comrade A. Ndlovu Comrade C.D. Ndlovu Comrade S.Ndlovu Comrade H.H. Pote Comrade E.M. Pswarayi Comrade G.P.C.RutanhireComrade E.Z. Tekere Comrade H.S.M. Ushewokunze Comrade A. WenyimoComrade S. Zinyemba Comrade R. Ziyenge Comrade E.J.M. ZvobgoComradeP.I. ZvorwadzaWomen's LeagueComrade G. Jadagu Comrade S. Mahofa Comrade E. Motsi Comrade SabinaMugabe Comrade R. Musungo Comrade K. Hungwe Comrade E. NdlovuComrade N.P. Nhiwatiwa Comrade J.T ZvobgoYouth LeagueComrade F. Chigwedere Comrade K. Bute Comrade C. Chingwaru Comrade C.Njanji Comrade R. Kutsirai Comrade J. Madzinga Comrade Z. Masunda ComradeG. Mudukuti Comrade J. NgongoniSTANDING COMMITTEESPolitical and Policy CommitteeChairman - Comrade S.V. Muzenda Comrades - W. MangwendeN. ShamuyariraF. Shava E. TekereH. UshewokunzeE. ChikoworeR. Musungo T.G. Jadagu

J. Zvobgo C. Ndlovu R. KutsiraiJ. MadzingaR. MarereLegal and Constitutional CommitteeChairman - Comrade M.T. Nyagumbo Comrades - T.R. NhongoE. Zvobgo S. MubakoS. MumbengegwiJ. ChinengunduJ.N. Dube R. ZiyengeN. NhiwatiwaH. MatangaM. DubeG. MudukutiA. KabasaEconomic CommitteeChairman - Comrade E. Nkala Comrades - R. HoveD. MuvutiB. Chidzero M. Chivende M. Mahachi N. MawemaS. MugabeH. MasundaF. ChigwedereM. MaliangaC. Ndlovu K. Kangai M. MotsiA. WenyimoDefence and Security CommitteeChairman - Comrade E. Mnangagwa Comrades - E. KadungureR. NhongoJ. Tungamirai W. NdanganaD. KarimanziraS. GavaC. DauramanziC. Chingwaru M. MkwananziMai Ndlovu R. KatsandeSocial and Welfare CommitteeChairman - Comrade D. Mutumbuka Comrades - D. MutasaS. SekeramayiMai S. MugabeT. MutambanengweD. Mavhaire S. Ngongoni J. KaparadzaS. ChinamaropaS. MahofaE. PswarayiA. Midzi J. HundaOther CommitteesStaffing CommitteeChairman - Comrade S.V. Muzenda Comrades - E.M. Nkala

T.R. NhongoE.R. KadungureE.D. MnangagwaN. Nhiwatiwa'J. Madzinga T.G. JadaguK. ButeF.M.M. ShavaScholarship CommitteeChairman - Comrade D. Mutumbuka Comrades - T.R. NhongoE.R. KadungureF.M.M. Shava W. Mangwende B.T.G. Chidzero

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