Why 4 Gospels?
Transcript of Why 4 Gospels?
GORDON-CONWELL THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
FROM MORE THAN ONE TO FOUR-IN-ONE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE
FOURFOLD GOSPEL
A RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED TO DR. FAIRBAIRN
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE COMPLETION OF CH 501 CHURCH HISTORY TO THE
REFORMATION
BY
JONATHAN S. JONES
From more than one to four-in-one: The Development of the
Fourfold Gospel
Why does the Bible include four Gospels? Few questions sound so
simple yet can be as elusive as this one. Any new Christian
upon their first reading of the Scriptures promptly comes
face to face with this question, or some variation of it—if
these are all about the same person, Jesus of Nazareth, then why the different
accounts? It makes more sense to the modern mind that if the
purpose is relaying the life and deeds of one man, then one
account should be sufficient. But, that is not the Bible as
we have it today.
On the one hand, the question encompasses not just the
origin of the Gospels but the origin of the New Testament
itself with its decades of sifting by the early church. The
Gospel canon is a product of an historical process involving
scores of early church thinkers with their opinions about
what each Gospel means, how they relate to one another, and
what the church should do with them. On the other hand,
based on the practice of the early church, they are the
authoritative accounts of God on earth; therefore, their
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origins transcend their historical process. The question
must include both how the early church arrived at such a
collection of Gospels as well as why it fought to defend its
collection despite ensuing attempts to change it.
To answer the question why four Gospels? this paper will
address two aspects. The first section will give an
overview of the early church’s consistent witness to
multiple Gospels up to the second century. Secondly, a
sample of arguments, again up to the second century, will be
surveyed from the early church’s internal consciousness and
struggle with retaining the four accounts of Matthew, Mark,
Luke, and John.1
The Historical Witness and Development
The earliest development of writings to be collected
and stamped as ‘authoritative’ by the church is mysterious.2
A general sketch is possible, however, in spite of our lack 1 There is significant overlap between this topic and the commonly discussed ‘synoptic problem.’ However, it has been my hope to avoid getting caught in this spiraling discussion in order to focus primarily on what the early church had to say about her own sacred writings.2 Hengel refers to the first century as “this most obscure period in church history” in Four Gospels and the One Gospel of Jesus Christ: An Investigation of the Collection and Origin of the Canonical Gospels (London: SCM, 2000), 61.
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of knowledge,. This section will show that multiple Gospel
accounts were always present since the first century, but
specifically Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John were quickly
recognized as authoritative. Also, through the rise of the
codex, the (eventually) canonical3 Gospels were joined
together to create the fourfold Gospel.4
From the New Testament there is evidence of various
Jesus accounts having been in existence. In the Gospel of
John one reads “Jesus performed many other signs in the
presence of His disciples that are not written in this book.
But these are written so that you may believe Jesus is the
Messiah, the Son of God, and by believing you may have life
in His name.”5 Goswell notes that the “self-reference to
“this book” can be taken as an implicit acknowledgment of
other books, namely the three preceding Gospels.”6
3 In this paper, “canonical” will be used to refer to those gospels which were formally adopted into the New Testament canon (i.e., Matthew,Mark, Luke, and John), while “synoptic gospels” will refer to only Matthew, Mark, and Luke.4 I am indebted for the overall shape of this section to Graham N. Stanton, "The Fourfold Gospel" in New Testament Studies 43, no. 3 (July 1, 1997): 317-346.5 Jn 20.30-31, HCSB, emphasis mine.6 Greg Goswell, “Order of the Books of the NT,” in Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society (Jun 1, 2010), 228. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed December 2, 2013).
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The epistle of 1 Clement, another first century
document, is an early witness pointing specifically to
Matthew, Mark, and Luke as authoritative. Traditionally
dated between 95-97AD, Holmes extends this range to be
anywhere between 80 and 100 AD making its authorship
possibly much earlier.7 Commenting on 1 Clem. 46.7-88,
Hengel believes that “Clement has reshaped two sayings of
Jesus from different contexts in relation to the situation
in Corinth. There could be a knowledge of all three
Synoptics at precisely this point.”9 If Holmes is correct
in moving the date for 1 Clement forward to the 80s, and
Hengel is correct in seeing a connection to all three
Gospels in 1 Clem. 46.7-8, then this would set a very early
precedent for the use and authority of the synoptic Gospels.
7 Michael Holmes, “First Clement: Introduction” in The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts with English Translations. 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2007), 36.8 “Why do we tear and rip apart the members of Christ, and rebel againstour own body, and reach such a level of insanity that we forget that we are members of one another? Remember the words of Jesus our Lord, for he said: “Woe to that person! Rather than cause one of my elect to sin, it would have been good for that one not to have been born. It would have been better for that person to have been tied to a millstone and case into the sea, rather than pervert one of my elect.” In The Apostolic Fathers, 107-109.9 Darrell D. Hannah, “The four-gospel ‘canon’ in the Epistula Apostolorum” inJournal of Theological Studies 59, no.2 (October 1, 2008), 129. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed December 2, 2013).
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The Epistula Apostolorum, or The Epistle of the Apostles,
also acknowledges the existence and authority of the
canonical Gospels. The Epistula is a second century
apocryphal writing supposedly with recorded conversations
between the eleven apostles and the risen Christ.10 Hannah
has shown that the text dates back to the first half of the
second century, probably the 140s.11 All four canonical
Gospels, and most likely only these, are referenced as
authoritative in the document, signifying “the Epistula’s
author made use of a Gospel canon which functionally was
identical to our own…”12
In spite of lack of information from this early period,
we know that a variety of Gospel accounts was known among
the earliest of the Christian writers, going all the way
back to the Apostle John himself. The Gospels eventually to
be adopted had risen quickly to the top, and by the year 140
AD, the estimated date of the Epistula, all four of the
canonical Gospels were being seen as authoritative at the
10 “Testament of Our Lord in Galilee,” in Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church(Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997), 1592.11 Hannah, 628-632.12 Ibid., 633.
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exclusion of other alternatives. Thus, one can agree with
Hengel when he writes “the decisive years for the
composition, the dissemination and the establishment of the
four Gospels lie between 70 and around 140, a period in
which we have little information about the church and from
which not many writings have been preserved either.”13
The joining together of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John
as the church’s one Gospel grew out of their use in
Christian worship and coincided with the introduction of the
codex as a viable substitute for the Jewish scroll. Codices
were first used during Christian worship between 84 and 86
AD, and the new form quickly caught on.14 Using the codex
instead of the scroll became popular for two reasons: 1) the
codex provided a means for easily distinguishing Christian
worship from Jewish synagogue worship; and 2) itinerant
teachers and preachers could handle a codex much easier than
a scroll as they traveled.15 It was also possible to bind
together larger documents, or more of them, while
13 Hengel, 135.14 Stanton, 340; cf. Hengel, 118.15 Hengel, The Four Gospels, 120.
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maintaining its portability. With the joint use of all four
Gospels in many Christian circles, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and
John were quickly joined together into one massive codex,
and by 150AD the four-gospel codex had become standard
practice.16
Finally, the Muratorian Fragment demonstrates the
culmination of the Church’s first two centuries of choosing
her authoritative documents.17 Stanton states “[t]he
Fragment confirms that the fourfold Gospel was well
established towards the end of the second century.”18 By the
year 200 AD, the majority of the process for forming the
Gospel canon was complete.
The Early Church’s Struggle and Defense
If the previous section can be described as viewing the
Gospel canon’s formation from the outside, then this section
will examine its development within. The Church was aware
of the tension caused by retaining multiple accounts, but
refused to reduce them into one. Writers from the first
16 Stanton, 338-339.17 J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines (New York: HarperOne, 1978), 60.18 Stanton, 325.
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two centuries will be noted who defended the fourfold canon.
Early attempts at resolving the tension went in two
directions, either choosing one Gospel over the others
(Marcion), or by recasting the collection altogether into
one unit as a ‘harmony’ (Tatian). These alternatives will
provide the context for examining more closely arguments of
the apologists Tertullian and Irenaues.
Marcion was an early leader expelled from Rome in 144
AD. He taught that the God of the Old Testament was a
different God from the one revealed by Jesus Christ, and
tried to rid all Jewish characteristics from the scriptures.
His treatment of the Gospels “was not that of synthesis but
of rigorous reduction: he wanted to purge the Gospel of Luke
of all Old Testament Jewish leaven, claiming this refined
version as the only true one, which according to Gal. 1.12
Paul had received personally through a revelation of Jesus
Christ…”19 Marcion represents an alternative to accepting
the fourfold Gospel by choosing one particular Gospel to the
exclusion of the rest.
19 Hengel, 31-329
Tertullian, writing from the second half of the second
century, responded to Marcion’s erroneous views. In his
work Against Marcion, he wrote:
We lay it down as our first position, that the evangelical Testament has apostles for its authors, to whom was assigned by the Lord Himself this office of publishing the gospel…Of the apostles, therefore, John and Matthew first instil faith into us; whilst of apostolic men, Luke and Mark renew it afterwards. These all start with the same principles of the faith, so far as relates to the one only God the Creator and His Christ, how that He was born of the Virgin, and came to fulfil the law and the prophets. Never mind if there does occur some variation in the order of their narratives, provided that there be agreement in the essential matter of the faith…Then, at last, having conferredwith the (primitive) authors, and having agreed with them touching the rule of faith, they joined their hands in fellowship, and divided their labours thenceforth in the office of preaching the gospel, so that they were to go to the Jews, and St. Paul to the Jews and the Gentiles. (Book 4 ch.2)20
Tertullian’s response builds on two arguments: apostolic
origin, and inherent unity based on the apostolic faith.
Tertullian grounds his approach to the scriptures in placing
a high value on their apostolic origin and, therefore, does
not have the right to change them. His response to the 20 Tertullian, Against Marcion, ed. Alexander Roberts, James Donadlson, andA. Cleveland Coxe, trans. Peter Holmes. Ante-Nicene Fathers 3 (Peabody,MA: Hendrickson, 2012), 347-348. Emphasis mine. Hereafter, Against Marcion and Against Heresies will be documented ‘AM’ and ‘AH’ with book.chapter.paragraph.
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tension is to adjust his own approach rather than the
scriptures. This response based on apostolic origin and
trust in the inherent unity of the faith provided the church
with her first major response to the threat of logical
reductionism.
If Marcion’s approach of picking one Gospel was
rejected, then a second alternative was to combine them into
one account, to harmonize them. Nearly 25 years after
Marcion was expelled from Rome, Tatian produced his
Diatessaron, a harmony of the four Gospels pieced together
“like a mosaic into the framework of John with scrupulous
accuracy, beginning with the prologue and ending with
chapter 21.”21 Neither was this alternative to be accepted.
Irenaeus, the second century bishop from Gaul, gave his
defense of the fourfold Gospel in Against Heresies. 22 Irenaeus
defends the Gospels in a much broader manner than Tertullian
and builds on arguments that he received from his 21 Hengel, 24-2522 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, ed. Alexander Roberts, James Donadlson, and A. Cleveland Coxe, trans. Peter Holmes. Ante-Nicene Fathers 1 (Peabody,MA: Hendrickson, 2012), 428-429. The principal passage (book 3 ch.11 par.7-9) is too extensive to quote in full here, so only selections willbe given. Hereafter, Against Marcion and Against Heresies will be cited ‘AM’ and ‘AH’ respectively with bk.ch. par.
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predecessors. Not only did he view the four Gospels as
worth preserving in their own right, but Irenaeus also saw
the number four as necessary for its cosmic significance.
He wrote:
“It is not possible that the Gospels can be either more or fewer in number than they are. For, since there are four zones of the world in which we live, and four principal winds, while the Church is scattered throughout all the world,and the “pillar and ground” of the Church is the Gospeland the spirit of life; it is fitting that she should have four pillars, breathing out immortality on every side, and vivifying men afresh…He who was manifested to men, has given us the Gospel under four aspects, but bound together by one Spirit.”23
Irenaeus draws an analogy from creation justifying the
plurality of the Gospels while demonstrating their internal
unity. Just as wind carries breath to the four “zones” of
the earth, the fourfold Gospel carries with it the breath of
immortality to the four corners of the world. Because he
considers each Gospel account to be various aspects rather
than separate, individual accounts, Irenaeus provides the
23AH 3.11.8, emphasis mine; cf. 1 Tim. 3.15.12
church with a consistent argument for the Gospels being one,
fourfold (or “quadriform”24) Gospel.
In the same passage, Irenaeus continues his defense by
linking the Gospels with the four ‘living creatures’
mentioned in Revelation 4.6-7.25 First, he interprets each
‘creature’ as revealing something about the Incarnate Son:
For the cherubim, too, were four-faced, and their faceswere images of the dispensation of the Son of God. For, [as the Scripture] says, “The first living creature was like a lion,” symbolizing His effectual working, His leadership, and royal power; the second [living creature] was like a calf, signifying [His] sacrificial and sacerdotal order; but “the third had, as it were, the face as of a man,”—an evident description of His advent as a human being; “the fourthwas like a flying eagle,” pointing out the gift of the Spirit hovering with His wings over the Church.26
Furthermore, Irenaeus attaches to each Gospel one of the
living creatures. These then serve as interpretive keys for
24 “For the living creatures are quadriform, and the Gospel is quadriform…” AH 3.11.8.25 “Something like a sea of glass, similar to crystal, was also before the throne. Four living creatures covered with eyes in front and back were in the middle and around the throne. The first living creature waslike a lion; the second living creature was like a calf; the third living creature had a face like a man; and the fourth living creature was like a flying eagle.”26 AH 3.11.8
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understanding each Gospel’s unique portrait of the person of
Jesus. Irenaeus explains this connection:
And therefore the Gospels are in accord with these things, among which Christ Jesus is seated. For that according to John relates His original, effectual, and glorious generation from the Father, thus declaring, “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” Also, “all things were made by Him, and without Him was nothing made.” For this reason, too, is that Gospel full of all confidence, for such is His person. But that accordingto Luke, taking up [His] priestly character, commenced with Zacharias the priest offering sacrifice to God. For now was made ready the fatted calf, about to be immolated for the finding again of the younger son. Matthew, again, relates His generation as a man, saying, “The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham;” and also, “The birth of Jesus Christ was on the wise.” This, then, isthe Gospel of His humanity; for which reason it is, too, that [the character of] a humble and meek man is kept up through the whole Gospel. Mark, on the other hand, commences with [a reference to] the prophetical spirit coming down from on high to men, saying , “The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, as it is written in Esaias the prophet,”—pointing to the winged aspect of the Gospel and on this account he made a compendious and cursory narrative, for such is the prophetical character.27
As Skeat has shown, this connection between the Gospels and
the four living creatures is one that precedes Irenaeus.28
27 Ibid., emphasis mine.28 Skeat determines that these arguments predate 170AD. T.C. Skeat, “Irenaeus and the Four-Gospel Canon” in Novum Testamentum 34, no.2 (April
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Irenaeus affirms the same arguments as Tertullian29 in
defense of the plural nature of the Gospels, but he goes
much further in his defense by incorporating broader
arguments used throughout the church.
To summarize, the early church’s arguments for
defending the fourfold Gospel are four. First, they are
apostolic in their origin and have been handed down in their
particular form which should not be altered. Second, they
contain an internal unity that surpasses any discrepancies.
Third, they are analogous in their life-giving message for
God’s people to the wind carrying breath for all mankind to
the four corners of the world. Finally, each Gospel reveals
a particular aspect of Jesus that is not as clearly revealed
in the others. As Stanton states, “the [Muratorian]
Fragment and Irenaeus make similar points concerning the
fourfold Gospel: in spite of what critics may say about the
different beginnings of the gospels, there is one Gospel in
fourfold form, held together by one Spirit.”30
1, 1992), 198.29 Cf. AH 3.11.7 for Irenaeus arguing based on their agreed unity in the faith.30 Stanton, 325.
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Conclusion
I suspect that if one surveyed the rest of church
history up to today, one would find that the question why
four Gospels? has never left. How can ancient responses to
current questions help us to today? The core to Tertullian
and Irenaeus’ arguments is the centrality of Christ, and is
the key to today’s answer. Keeping the Gospels connected
with the One whom they portray and the community that
gathers around Him is imperative. Christ is whom the
Gospels portray, around Christ the church is formed, and
handed down from the church come the Scriptures. This
Christo-centric approach is the consistent response linking
today’s answers to this perpetual question.
In the preface to his book Jesus of Nazareth, Joseph
Ratzinger31 outlines his approach to the Gospels with which
I believe many evangelicals would heartily agree. He
acknowledges his debt to historical criticism, but not as 31 Currently known as Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI. It is worthy of noting that the book is published under Ratzinger’s birth name (and not “Pope Benedict XVI” despite the cover’s printing) demonstrating that thebook is a personal statement, rather than an authoritative work of the Roman Catholic Church’s magisterium; cf. Joseph Ratzinger, Jesus of Nazareth: From the Baptism in the Jordan to the Transfiguration (New York City, NY: Doubleday, 2007), xxiii-xxiv.
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the definitive mode of interpretation. Rather, historical
exegesis serves the greater purpose of God’s self-revelation
through Jesus Christ which is observed and continually re-
discovered in the worship of His church through the use of
the Scriptures. He writes
Modern exegesis has brought to light the process of constant rereading that forged the words transmitted inthe Bible into Scripture: Older texts are reappropriated, reinterpreted, and read with new eyes in new contexts. They become Scripture by being read anew, evolving in continuity with their original sense,tacitly corrected and given added depth and breadth of meaning. This is a process in which the word gradually unfolds its inner potentialities, already somehow present like seeds, but needing the challenge of new situations, new experiences and new sufferings, in order to open up.32
The Scriptures must be interpreted in view of their
composition and development within the church’s worship. It
is this foundation which allows differences among plurality
without sacrificing unity. Because all Scripture,
especially the Gospels, is interpreted through Christ,
correct interpretation assumes a believing interpreter who
32 Ibid., xviii-xix.17
discerns the unity of the whole Bible relative to Christ.
Ratzinger continues:
This Christological hermeneutic, which sees Jesus Christ as the key to the whole and learns from him how to understand the Bible as a unity, presupposes a prioract of faith. It cannot be the conclusion of a purely historical method. But this act of faith is based uponreason—historical reason—and so makes it possible to see the internal unity of Scripture.33
Far from making short shrift of historical exegesis, this
approach gives historical exegesis its direction and
meaning.34 The centrality of Christ and his work on the
cross has been the passion of my life thanks to my
evangelical heritage. In this approach outlined by
Ratzinger, I find a hermeneutic which is consistent with
that of the early church and compatible with contemporary
evangelicalism, making all fields of exegetical research
fertile soil for the believing interpretation of the Church.
At a personal level, maintaining the fourfold Gospel
implies that we read each one with the others in view. As
Goswell has said, we need to read the Gospels “side by
33 Ibid., xix.34 Ibid.
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side”: “The Four Gospels have been placed side by side in
the canon, inviting comparison, but not harmonization, given
the retention of the fourfold form.”35 Reading ‘side by
side’ allows for the different temperaments of Jesus to come
through each Gospel, as Burridge has wonderfully
demonstrated in his book Four Gospels, One Jesus?36
At a congregational level, one way to incorporate a
balanced emphasis on reading each Gospel with its unique
insight is to implement the 3-year cycle of Lectionary
readings for Sunday worship. Using the Revised Common
Lectionary, each Sunday a Gospel passage is read aloud with
each year focusing on a specific Gospel (Year A—Matthew;
Year B—Mark; Year C—Luke, with John being read during Easter
season). This can be a great way to allow a congregation
time to meditate on aspects of Jesus’ teaching and ministry
uniquely emphasized in each Gospel.
It is of great benefit that early leaders fought for a
plurality of Gospels, and we should not be alarmed at their
35 Goswell, 230-231.36 Richard Burridge. Four Gospels, One Jesus? (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), 178.
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differences. Instead, we need to be thankful for the wisdom
of the early church in accepting variation of the Gospels
while affirming their internal unity. I agree completely
with Jonathan Pennington when he states
there is a richness in the four that one Gospel alone could not provide…If it is indeed true that Jesus was God’s Son incarnate, the Creator of the universe, and the consummation of all knowledge and wisdom, then it stands to reason that no one account—or a million—couldbegin to describe and plumb the depths of his person, teaching, and actions.37
37 Jonathan Pennington, Reading the Gospels Wisely (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2012), 70.
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