THE TÜRKS

2 MIDDLE AGES

EDITORS

HASAN CELÄL GÜZEL C. CEM OGUZ OSMAN KARATAY

Y E N i T 0 R K I Y E P U B U C A T I O N S

I I ( IINIC \ ( OORPINAHON

M U R A T O C A K

t

ART DIREKTORS

I ) . H A M Z A G Ü R F . R / § A F A K T A V K U L

•

VISUAI DESIGN

VISUAL DIRFCTOR

A S S I . P R O F . D R . T U F A N G O N D O Z

Assr. VISUAI DIRFCTOR

H A S A N T A H S I N

1>K. M ü l l AM MET CiÖRÜR / I ATMA D O G A N C I / U C U R A L T U Ö

Y I KSI I §AHlN / A H M E T S A I T C A N D A N / H Ü S F Y I N K Ö K S A L / H A Y A T A R A S

•

Sau—wo T U R G A Y S Ü S L Ü / ÜMlT B A I I A D I R

•

TYPE SETTING

M E H M E T K F S K I N / F A T M A Ö Z G Ü R § A H ! N / A H M E T D O Z G O N

U M U T A R A S / T l l K G A Y Sus i ü / Ü M I T B A I I A D I R / V U R A L D Ü N M E Z

Z Ü L F I K Ä R M I RT / C A N A Y V A S I K / L A L E A Z I M Z A D E / S E R H A N B A L K A N A L

V U R A L D Ö N M E Z

I'ROOI READING

E L N U R A C A Y E V

Z E H R A l i i . i z B U I R / E M I N I Ö Z D E M I R / BÜSRA B O L A Y

•

CiKSPUK DESIGN

D . M A M Z A C I Ü R E R

*

PRINTF.D AT

S l M l l I ( ) l sl l

f

BoUNDING HOUSF.

B A L K A N C I L T E V I

9 7 5 - 6 7 8 2 - 5 5 - 2 I S B N ( T K N O )

9 7 5 - 6 7 8 2 - 5 7 - 9 I S B N ( V O L . 2 )

A N K A R A 2 0 0 2

INNI K ( OVFR D I SIGN: TIN SI I H M W I \<.11

CONTENTS

Volume

2 MIDDLE AGES

PARI F O U R T E E N Tbe Türks' Auep tarne of Islam

THE TÜRKS' AGCEPTANCE OF ISLAM / Prof. Dr. AhJiilkerim Özaydm I 5

CONQUEST OF CENTRAL ASIA I Prof. Dr. Zekeriya Kitapci 40

THE STRENCiTH A N D BUDGET EXPENSESOI TURKISH GUARDS UNDER THE ABHASIDS I N V l l l - X CENTURIES / Dr. I arda Assadov. 48

A COMPARJSONOF THE 7*CENTURY ARAB A N D 1 1 * CENTURY T U R K I S H CONQUESTS OF THB MIDDLE EAST / Ruth A Miller 54

ISLAM I N THE VOLGA (ITH.) BULGAR K H A N A T E / Prof. Dr. Neümi Yaztct 61

PARI' F I F T E E N Early Muslim Turkisb States

A. Karakhanids TUE K A R A K I I A N I D S \ P r o f . D r . J ü r g e n P a u l 71

W H K H IS T H E O R I G I N OF THE K A R A K H A N I D S . UIGHURSOR KARLUKS? / Prof. Dr. JultnOda 79

B. Ghaznavids T I I E G H A Z N A V l D S / Prof. Dr. F.rdofan Merctl 84

C. Khorczmshahs KHOREZMSHAH STATE / Prof. Dr. Akdülkerm iixaydm 114

1). Oguz-Turkomans THE ( IGUZ ( T U R K O M A N ) T R I B E M ( ) V I N ( i I ROM

SYR DARYA (JAYHUN) REGION TO ANATOI.IA / Prof. Dr. Sa/im Koca 129

P A R I S I X T E E N The Great Seljuk Empire

HISTORY OF T H E GREAT SELJUK EMPIRE / Prof. Dr. Erdoga» Mercil 147

POLrnCAL CRISIS A N D MUSLIM BUREAUCRATS I N THE HEYDAY OF THE SELJUK& THE GENESIS OF SULTAN MAI . IK SHAII S POWER / Dr. Lik Anfm Mamurnoor 171

PARI S E V E N T E E N Early Muslim lurkisb States in Egypt

A. Tolunids THE TOLL'NID STATE / Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nadir öxktrytmm 187

B. Ikhshids THE IKHSI I I I >S / Amt. Prof Dr. NaJtr OzkuyumcM 197

C. Eyyubids THE EYYI fBIDS / Prof. Hr. R M M Seien 204

I). Mainluks THE M AMLUK STA l'E (1250-1517)/ Prof. Dr. Kazm Yafar Kopraman 221

PART E I G H T E E N Political Organization, Society and Economy among

tbe Early Muslim Turkisb States A. Political Organisation l'( MJ'ITCAL O R G A N I Z A T I O N I N THE EAR1.Y MUSLIM TURKISH STATES / Prof. Dr. Salm Koca 247

I ROM OUÜS (SHARINf i) SYSTEM TO THE CENTRAL STATE: F O R M A H O N O l THE SELJUK STATE CONCEPT / Dr. Oman özgüJenli 260

B. Society SOCIETY A N O ECONt >MY AMONG THE EARLY MUSLIM TURKISI1 STATES / Prof. Dr. Ktmal C/,r* 269

W O M A N I N M A M L U K SOCIETY / ASM. Prof. Dr. Samira Korianlamer 281

C. Economy 00BMS OF TUR KISII STATES / Prof. Dr. üg/iz Ttkm 289

BAHR-1 M A M L U K VENETIAN COMMERCIAI. AGREEMENTS / Amt Prof. Dr. Maria Pia Peäani 298

PART N I N E T E E N Pbilosopby and Science among tbe Early Muslim Turkisb States

A. Philosoph) PHILOSOI I IY AM( ING I H E EARLY MUSLIM 1 URKISII STATES / Prof. Dr. Hanifi Ozean 309

B. Science THE CON I RILU'TK )N I )F TÜRKS 111 11 II SCIEN I I I K WORKS I N THE MEDIEVAL

ISLAMK W( >RLD ' Prof. Dr. F.sin Kabya-Asst. Prof. Dr. Hüteyin Gazi Topdmir 328

PART T W E N T Y Laugnage, Literature, Culture and Arts among

tbe Early Muslim Turkisb States A. Language and l.iterature LANGUAGE A N D LlTERATURE IN THE EARLY MUSLIM TURKISH STATES / Prof. Dr. Ahmet B. Emlasun 347

13. Culture and Arts CULTURE A N D AR IS A M O N G THE EARLY MUSLIM STATES I Prof. Dr. Oktay Aslanapa 373

EFFECTS OF PRE-ISLAMIC PERIOD TURKISI I ART O N THE ISLAMIC P E R I O D / P r » / Dr. Hasm Karpuz 394

P A R I T W E N T Y O N E Tbe Conquest and Turkification of Anatolia

THE CONQUEST A N D TURKIFICATION OF ANATOLIA / Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kafalt 401

THE O G U Z T Ü R K S IN A N ATI >LIA / Prof. Dr. Ilhan Sahtn 418

PART T W E N T Y T W O Anatolian Selj'uk State

THE A N A T O L I A N SELJUKS / Prof. Dr ErJogan Mereil 433

EHE CRUSADES A N D TUE TÜRKS / Prof. Dr lsm Demirkent 458

PAKT T W E N T Y T H R E E Turkisb States of Rastern Ana toiia and Anatolian Turkisb Beyliks

A. Turkish States of Eastern Anatolia EASTERN ANATt M.IA TURKISI I STATES / Assoc. Prof. Dr. Uhan En/um 477

B. Anatolian Turkish Beyliks A N A T O L I A N TURKISH ÜEYLIKS / Prof. Dr. Salm Koca 507

PART T W E N T Y F O U R Türks in tbe Middle Last After tbe Seljuk Era:

Kara-Koyunlus, Ak-Koyunlus and Safavids THE TÜRKS I N THE MIDDLE EAST AFTER THE SELJUK AGE / Prof. Dr. Ismail Alu 557

DIPLOMATIC RELAI IONS BETWEEN SAFAVID PERSIA A N D THE REPUBLIC OF VENICE: A N OVERVIEW I Dr Giorgio Rola 580

P A R T T W E N T Y F I V E Political Organization, Society and Economy among

tbe Anatolian Seljuks and Beyliks A. Political Organization POLITICAL ORGANIZATION A M O N G THE A N A T O L I A N SELJUKS A N D BEYLIKS / Prof. Dr. Rtfik Turan 591

B. Society and Economy SOCIETY A N D EC (>N< >MY A M O N G THE A N A T O L I A N SELJUKS A N D BEYLIKS / Prof. Dr. Tunctr Baykara 610

PARI T W E N T Y S I X Philosopby and Science among tbe Anatolian Seljuks and Beyliks

A. Philosoph) PHILOSOPHY I N THE SELJUK A N D BEYLIK PERIODS / Prof. Dr. Ahmt Yasar Ocak 633

NASREDDlN HODJA / Dr. Niikhtt Tor. 643

B. Science SCIENTIFIC WORKS AMONG SELJUK TÜRKS / Prof. Dr. Esin Kahya 649

P A R I T W E N T Y S E V E N Langnage, Literature, Culture and Arts among

tbe Anatolian Seljuks and Beyliks A. Language and Literature LANGUAGE A N D LITERATURE IN THE PERIOD OF SELJUKS A N D BEYLIKS I Prof. Dr. Mustafa Ozkan 671

B. Cultures and Arts CULTURE A N D ARTS I N THE PERIOD OF SELJUKS A N D BEYLIKS / Prof. Dr. Oktay Aslanapa 689

ART OF A N A T O L I A N SELJUKS / Prof. Dr. Gbnül Onty 708

A N A T O L I A N SFLJUK ARCIUTEC 11 IRE \ Dr. Ära Altun 721

FROM BRICK TO STONE: CONTINt ' JTY A N D CHANGE I N A N A T O L I A N SELJUK AR( I I I ! E O U R E / Prof. Dr. Ömür Bakirtr. 729

NOTES O N ARf H U EC TURF. A N D PATRONAGB I N BEYLIK ANATOLIA ( I 300-1450) / Prof. Dr Howard Crant 737

THE GRAVESTONES OF A I ILAT / Prof. Dr Bryhan Karamagrali 745

HISTORICAL l EMI TERIES A N D T( )MBSTONES I N VAN LAKE BASIN / Prof. Dr AMüisrlam U/utam 756

PART T W E N T Y E I G H T Cbinggis Khan, Mongols and tbeir Turkisb Successors

A. Mongols C H I N ( . ( i l S K H A N A N D T H E M O N G O L S / Pnf. Dr. /JMMH '%. /« 767

W E S T E R N VIEWS O N STRANGERS FROM T H E FAST LATIN EUROPF. A N D

ITSCONTACTS W I T H NOMADIC PEOPLF I N TUE MIDDLE AC.ES Dr Matthias Htuluk 786

W E S T E R N IMA<»BS (>F c E N T R A L ASIA, C 1200-1800 / Dr. Gmff Wmm 795

B. Chagatay Khanute THE C HAGATAY K H A N A T E / Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kafah 805

PART T W E N T Y N I N E Golden Horde and tbe Other Turkisb Khanates in tbe Kipcbak Steppes

A. Golden Horde Khanate THE GOLDEN HC)RDE / Prof. Dr. Uli Sihamiloglu 819

A B O U T THE PEC UI.ARI'I II S < >l I I I i : EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF T l II I T H N I C IIISTORY OF THE JUCH1D ULUS / Prof. Dr. Mtrkasm A. Usmastot 835

B. Turkish Khanates in the Kipchak Steppes RUI.ING C LASS STRl'C I URBS OF THE K A / . A N KHANATE / Dr. DouM(ht>»u 841

THE K H A N A T E OF A S T R A K I I A N / Dr. lllia V. Zaitsrt. 848

T I I E K H A N A T E OF KASIM / Dr. Uta V. Zaitstv. 854 THE KHANATE OF SIHIR I Dr Iii* V Zaitsn 860

THE K H A N A T E OF CRIMLA / Assi. Prof. Dr. Yütcliteliirk 867

PART T H I R T Y Tiwurids and Khanates of'Turkestan

A. Timurids • T H E T I M U R I D S / Prof. Dr. isnuiil Aka 883

H. Khanates of Turkestan TUE KHANATES OF I URKESTAN / Prof. Dr. Mtbmtt \l[>arRu 899

PARI T H I R T Y O N E Turkisb States in India and Hahur Empire

A. Turkish States in India TURKISH STATES I N I N D I A / Prof. Dr. Sa/im Cohn 925

13. Babur Empire B A B U R I D & T I M U R I D S IN I N D I A / Prof. Dr. F.mtr Komiken 942

THE O T T O M A N S A N D THE hABURIDS / Assoc. Prof. Dr. Azmt Ozean 957

PART T H I R T Y T W O iMUgnage, Literature, Culture and Arts Among tbe Turkisb States and

Khanates in Eurasia along the Middle Ages A. Language and Literature CHAGATAY I.ANGUAGE A N D LITERATURE / Prof. Dr. Mustafa Canpolat 963

T l IRKK: IN HAHUR EMPIRE / Prof. Dr. Pät BOMMM 970

B. Culture and Arts RII .A1 IONS BETWEEN A N A T O L I A N A N D MIDDLE ASIAN

C U L T U R A L C I R C L E S T H R O U G H O U T H I S T O R Y / Pnf. Dr. Cmal Kumaz 977

C O N T R I B U T I O N OF TIMURIDS T O T H E MIDDLE ASIAN ARC HITECTURE / Prof. Dr Klaus Pandtr. 987

T U R K I S H ISLAMIC ARC IMTFC TÜRE A N D THE ART OF PAINTING I N I N D I A / Prof. Dr. Imi Maatst 998

ARCHI IEC.IURF A N D A R T S O F T H E I N D I A N TIMIIRIDS / Pro). U*ra ParoJi 1008

W E S T E R N V I E W S O N STRANGERS F R O M T H E E A S T . L A T I N E U R O P E A N D ITS C O N T A C T S W I T H

N O M A D I C P E O P L E IN T H E M L D D L E A G E S

MATTHIAS HEIDUK UNIVERSTY OF FREIBURG, INSTITUTE FOR MEOIEVAL HISTORY / GERMANY

ven today stereotypes, biases, and mispercep-tions often determine the views on other nations and civilizations, although nevv forms

of travel offer many possibilities for exchange and per­sonal contacts, and the new media provide addit ional sources of Information. Different languages, ways of life, beliefs, and philosophies are st i l l obstructing the view of strangers. What is different is seen through the lens of what is familiär. In the Middle Ages it was even more dil t icult to picture foreign civilizations in distant coun-tries. Wri t ten sources of informat ion were of use only to those few that had access to manuscripts and knew how to read. Much information was passed on by word of mouth , so historians know very l i t t le about i t . The only travelers were merchants, envoys, missionaries, and adventurers. Apart from travel, war was the only possibility of "getting to know" another country. These were not exactly the most favorable conditions for inter-cultural exchange, but those medieval sources usually refer to them. This applies in part icular to the con-frontations w i t h the horsemen from the Asian steppes that invaded Europe from time to t ime and represcnt-ed not only a mili tary challenge. It was hard to imagine a clash o f civil izations more alien to each other than those of occidental town and village life and the non-sedentary life of the nomads or semi-nomads.

This study-a cont r ibu t ion to the history of perception and knowl-edge '-wil l highlight one perspec-tive only: that of central and west-ern Europe in the Middle Ages, a region defined by its aff i l ia t ion to the Roman Catholic Church and the use of Lat in as the language of scholars and li turgy. A representa-tive cross-section is offered on expe-

Golden basin with animal figure. from the Treasury of Attila. Era of European Huns (N. Migo$)

riences w i t h and perceptions of the Asian steppe peo-ple: Huns, Avars, Bulgars, Magyars, and Mongols. The "Mongol experience" deserves Special attention, since there are a large variety of sources available that were inaccessible or unknown in times before. In conclusion there w i l l be a few words on the confrontation wi th the Ottomans.

The Middle Ages cannot be precisely defined in chronological terms-the Hun invasion was "the" event of the "Vö lke rwande rungsze i t " and marks the end of Roman Ant iqui ty , whereas the rise o f the Ottoman Empire coincides wi th the period generally seen as the end of the Middle Ages. A short study about such a long period of time can concentrate on no more than a few typical examples, an approach hardly justified in view of the diversity and abundance of sources. Not even half of them can be taken into consideration. Nevertheless the author hopes to be able to present some particular-ly informative examples o f Western views on the strangers from the East, and to show where those views concur and where they differ.

This paper is not an ethnological study, its a im is not to f ind out how much of what the sources say is

actually truely based on what we know today. The authors quoted w i l l speak for them-

selves and give their own views. This study w i l l provide the historical back-

ground, look at how events affected the public and public opinion, and find out why people wrote down their experiences or the Statements of others.

Düring the Mongol assembly in 1235 the decision was made to start a campaign against the West. For this Operation the Mongols mus-

IIII T l RK.s «H> MIDDLE AGES

mm

tered about a th i rd of their forces. Batu was made com-mander-in-chief, supported by Sübote i , an experienced general. A key to the campaign's success was its thor-ough preparation w i t h the help of scouts and through interrogation of prisoners. Data about routes for inva-sion and the State of roads, about fortifications, size and morale of enemy forces as well as intemal rivalries were collected. 2 Well informed envoys, fluent in European languages appeared before Western rulers such as the Russian princes, King Bela IV of Hungary and Emperor Frederic I I wi th demands of unconditional surrender. 3

In the winter of 1236 the actual Operation started w i t h the campaign against the Volga Bulgars and the Cumans who were eventually subjected. The first warning reached the West in form of a letter by Friar Jul ian, a Magyar missionary who lived i n Suzdal' in the Volga region and witnessed in 1237 how "... the Tartars were discussing day and night how to conquer and occupy the Christian Kingdom of Hungary." 4

The warning died away unheard. An advance to the south to Crimea secured the lines of communication for the Russian campaign of the Mongols from 1238 to 1240. The steppe horsemen knew how to turn the lack of una-n imi ty among the Russian princes to their advantage. Refugees had given ample warning , but the princes would not agree on any Joint action. Internal rivalries con-t inued. 5 Towards the end of the cam­paign the Mongols captured and destroyed Kiev. Only then did the events in Eastern Europe attract the attention of the West as we know from a letter bv Frederic I I to King Henry I I I of England. 6

Despite heavy losses the Mongols were planning further attacks. In February 1241 the Hungarian cam­paign started. The main forces under Batu advanced directly across the Carpathian Mountains while two divi-sions secured the flanks. The north-ern division led by Orda invaded Poland to prevent a relief attack for King Bela. Krakov, Ratibor and Breslau were destroyed and on the 9 t h of Apr i l the forces of Heinr ich I I , Duke o f Silesia, were defeated in Wahlstatt near Liegnitz. The duke was killed in the battle, which gave rise to many heroic legends. 7

Then the columns of the Mongol army joined i n the Pannonian piain where the main forces had already defeated King Bela's army near Mohi .

The Mongols continued the conquest, breaking and wearing out resistance by tactical warfare. Towns feil quickly, because only very few of them had sufficient fortifications. Terror was used as an element of warfare. Panic spread when the Mongols started using prisoners as a human shield and had them ki l led bv their own people. I f a place offered strong resistance, its inhabi-tants would die a horrible death. They were chased out on the fields, put together in groups of a hundred and massacred. Only priests, craftsmen, and young women

Bronze Medusa mask. Scythian, Elizavetinska/a Kurgan (Herrnrtage Museum)

were spared, because the Mongols had use for them as slaves. Düring their campaigns the Mongols depopulat-ed whole regions. 8 The news of these atrocities had the desired effect, as Rogerius of Torre Maggiore noted. He saw defenders so paralyzed wi th fear that they could no longer handle their weapons even before they met the enemy face to face.9

In January 1242 the Mongols crossed the frozen Danube and tried to capture King Bela in order to break the resistance of the Magyar nobles. But then Batu learnt that Great Khan Ögödei had died. As losses were great and he wanted to have a say in the election of the suc-cessor, Jochi's son decided to stop the campaign and retreated with his hordes into the Asian steppe as unex-pectedly as he had appeared. The invasion of Hungary was more than just a foray. The division o f the con-quered territoiA into assessment areas and Heidorns for involved princes, the min t ing of coins and the main-taining of legal security prove his intention of integrat-ing Hungary into the Mongolian Empi re . 1 0

"That very year (...) and because of our sins s t ränge people came. Nobody knows who they are and where they are from, what language they speak, what tribe they

are or what their religion is. (...) God alone knows who they are and where they come from." These words by the chronicler of Novgorod about the battle at the Kal 'ka in 1223 reflect absolute incomprehension.

These s t r änge people d id not fit into the world-view. The authors of the Lat in texts on the Mongol inva­sion of Hungary in 1241 experienced the same difficulties. Voices warning of the oncoming storm such as that of Friar Julian were ignored or "thought to be a joke or some insignif-icant dream image". 1 2 The efficiency and destructive power of the Mongolian forces were underestimat-ed, and, according to Johannes Fried,

their goal to conquer the wor ld seemed too bold and presumptuous an undertaking for the West to compre-hend. 1 3

All the more cruel were the series o f catastrophic defeats. This t ime the cries for help reached even the remotest regions of Europe, the whole Christendom seemed under threat . 1 4 In the chronicles and annals o f those days witness reports, letters, and the vict ims ' lamentations evoke gloomy scenes of horror. The news was collected by Vincent of Beauvais, Alberich of Trols-Fontaines and most of all Matthew Paris from the Monastery of Saint Albans, who was among the first to wri te down all informat ion available on the Tatars i n his Chronica maiora.^ The shock caused by the feroci-ty of Mongol warfare did not allow for any distinctions in the image o f the strangers. They became the incar-nation of non-Christians and barbarians cruel beyond imagination. They neither spared sacred places, digni-

THE TÜRKS ^ B » MIDDLE AGES

taries, nor children, women, and old people. 1 6 Evcrybody was ki l led, even those who had tried to find shelter in churches. Women and girls were raped before they were slaughtered. Even the Mongol women, who were fight-ing fully armed and spreading destruetion side by side with the men, weresaid toenjoy taking part in the killinjis and tor ture . 1 8 To make things worse, the motive of can-nibalism keeps appearing in the writings, not based on the authors' own observations, but as a topos attributed to the steppe horsemen to underline their brutality. They were not seen as who they were, but as real monsters. 1 9

Their excessive cruelty was aggravated by deeeit and cunning-the only plausible e.vplanation for the defeat of the proud Christian knights.

Characteristically, these descriptions represent long lists of atrocilies commit ted by an anonymous mass without faces, there are no individuals, just stereotypes and vague generalizations. The most obvious expla­nation for their existence was found in the Biblc. in the Apocalypse and the prophecies about the end of the wor ld . The Mongols had to be the peo­ple locked into the mountains that would break loose from the corners of the world to destrov the lai thful in the name of the Antichrist. The very sound of Mongol names seemed to confirm these suspicions. Thus the Tatars turned into the Tartars from out of the depths of the Tartarus, the nether w o r l d , 2 1 the word Mongol was associated w i t h Gog and Magog. The Jewish tribes locked in by Alexander had broken free to bring about the end of the world . True, they were not famil­iär w i t h the laws of Moses nor d id they talk any Hebrew, but then-they were deceitful and may have pretended to be someone eise. Where exactly the Horsemen of the Apocalypse came from was a matter of speculation. Ivo of Narbonne lists a whole catalog of wi ld rumors as to s t ränge barbarians' intentions. Supposedly they were planning to take back the relics of the Three Magi into their country, punish the Romans for their presumption, subject the people of the North, check the Furor Theutomcus, study warfare in France, conquer enough fertile land to feed their people, or go on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. 2 3

The unexpected retreat of the Mongols after Great Khan Ögödei ' s death brought some respite, now there was time to verif\e knowledge accumulated about the s t r ä n g e people. Many questions were sti l l unan-swered, and many of the stories told d id not sound con-vincing to all contemporaries, such as the annalist of St. Pantaleon in Cologne, who wrote in 1241 : "Incredible things we hear about the origin, behaviour, and eating habits of this barbarian people, completely inhuman things. But since we do not yet understand, we w i l l not write anvthing as long as the light o l t ruth does not shine

«24 on us.

The Mongol raids were not the first confrontation of the West w i t h people from the Asian steppes. 800

Golden belt buckle, era of European Huns. Hungary

years earlier the invasion of the Huns led to major dis-placements among Gcrmanic tribes even across the bor­ders of the Roman Empire. The first Hun raids in what is today Southern Russia were only noted in passing. The defeat of first the Alani and then the Ostrogoths around 375 seemed to be no more than a rumor . The foremost task was to safeguard the borders, at first there were no attempts being made of finding out more about the Huns, they were considered just another horde of barbarians. Father of the church Ambrosius asks in his tract about faith: "Have we not heard the hair-raising mix of the blasphemous voices of Arians and incoming Barbarians all along the border of Thrakia through Dacia, Mesia and the whole Valeria of the Pannonian provinces?"2-'1 So he compares the strangers to sectari-ans and pagans, a recurring motive wi th church authors. A few years later Emperor Gratian had to do something about the incoming hordes including the Huns and inte-

grated them into the Roman Empire by making them settle in the province of Pannonia. A time of direct

confrontations wi th the steppe people had start­ed. Roman and Greek writers consulted Herodot for explanations-these people had to be Scythians. By their appearance, way of life, and tactics the Huns reminded them ol the barbarians, which the historian described as

l iving nor th of the Danube. Thus the name Scythians was frequently used as a synonym

for Huns. Priscus on the other hand called all nomadie people Scythians and differentiat-ed them from the Huns . 2 6 Little was known about their origin. Orosius, a Christian, was

among the first to assume they were the tribes locked into the mountains that were about to bring death and destruetion. 2 7

As a rule the inhabitants of the Imper ium did not much care about which horde of barbar­ians the raiders pouring across the border belonged to. There was devastation, many Citizens were taken

slaves, the pax romana seemed over. Hieronymus, another Father of the Church, talks of horrors and atrocilies in one of his

letters: the Imper ium was crumbling under the assault of Goths, Sarmatians, Huns and others, women feil vic-t im to their lust, clergymen were slaughtered, churches desecrated and destroyed. 2 8 Many writers came to the conclusion that the difference between Romans and bar­barians was the same as between man and beast. Salvianus even lists a whole catalog of their evil ways and habits, aecording to h im the Huns were particular-ly shameless. 2 9 Others believed that the Huns sacrificed their old people and ate them, proof enough of their barbaric ways. 3 0

Even in those cases when the Huns were idealized to draw attention to internal problems of the Imperium, this ideal is not based on personal experience, it is sim-ply used as a symbol in disputes. Missionaries demand-ed to br ing Christ ianity to the strangers, hoping this would have a c iv i l iz ing effect on them. The historical aecounts o f Paulus Orosius for instance represent an apologia. He wrote that the first conversions had led to

T H I T I ' R K S « * > M I D D I . E AGF.S

mildncss and humanity among the enemies ol Rome. 3 1

Soon the first missionaries were sent to the Huns. Theotimus is said to have been treated bv them with the utmost respect. 3 2 Despite first reports about successfu) missions there were no mass conversions. It seems that the Huns and, above all , their ni ler Attila, "the Scourge of God", had to play the part of the antagonist in the vitae o f Christian saints to make them appear all the more saint ly. 3 3

But not all contacts between Romans and Huns were violent in nature. Sometimes the steppe horsemen would become members of the Roman society. It seems that a number of Huns living in exile were even bapti/.ed. Their mili tary qualities were highly valued and the Imperium tried to use them to its own advantage. Magister m i l i -tum Sti l icho had a Hun lifeguard. Hun units fought repeatedly as allies of Rome. The Roman emperors tried to integrate the Huns into their federate system as they had done w i t h Germanic peoples. 3 4 The assimilation power of the Imper ium was strong enough: Atti la tried to consolidate his rule by establishing a system mod-elled on the Roman one, w i t h a new nobi l i ty comparable to the Roman magnates and a tendency towards a settled way of l i f e . 3 5 The sources, how-ever, remain silent on another type of peaccful contact-there is almost no mention of trade. The acquisition of resources was of vital importance to the Huns. Looting and plundering, the imposi t ion of tributes and the demand for presents have to be seen i this context. But the Huns probably bought arms, fabrics, and grain also in "legal" transactions. Otberwise there would be no expla-nation for a passage of the treaty between Attila and the Romans concluded in 435, which expressiv stipulates that the Huns be granted access to the markets.

The most prominent figure among the Huns i n European historical accounts is Atti la. But the sources teil us l i t t le about his personalitv. Piiscus is the onlv author of his t ime who ever caught a glimpse of h i m when he came to his court as member of a legation. Unlike many church writers he does not portray the King of the Huns as a monster. But even so, Att i la remains impenetrable, complex, unpredictable, and dub ious . 3 7 I n spite of the short dura t ion of the Hun Empire in Europe, At t i la became a mythical figure in many different legends. 3 8 He appears in the legends and on coins of I tal ian cities dur ing the Renaissance-here the Hun is usually shown with the devil's attributes-as well as in the Allies' Propaganda during both world wars: here the image of the bloodthirsty Hun was used to char-acteri/e German soldiers. In Hungarian Humanism Attila is mystified as the founder of the Danubian State or of ruling dynasties. Nikolaus Olahus portrays h im as the ideal Renaissance prince. Attila is he hero of operas and movies. His constant popularity as "the Barbarian" or the noble savage can be traced back to the Germanic realm of myths, where he appears in the sagas of the

Hungaran ceramics

Nibelungs and Dietrich of Bern, also mythical historic Personalities. But in these descriptions he remains more of a stage property, he hardly ever intervenes in the course of events. The same is true for the Atl i songs o l the Edda, the Walthari or the Hildebrand songs. Here the King ol the Huns holds a magnificcnt court w i t h noble vassals. adventurers and i l lustrious guests, but other actors play the leading role.

In the Coming centuries the destiny of the Byzantine Empire continued to be l inked to the nomadic people. Up to the beginning of the 9 , h Century the Avars repre-sented a permanent challenge in the Carpathian region, the Bulgarian Empire in its various forms shaped the political landscape on the Balkans before the Ottoman Empire expanded into that region. This is why these people are a recurring theme in Greek sources, but not in those ol the Latin West: here few mentions are made of the Avars, Bulgars, or other nomadic people such as the Cumans or the Pechenegs. Some chronicles. i.e. by John Biclarensis or Isidor of Sevi l la , 4 0 contain only l i t ­tle informat ion, the Fredegar-Chronicles or those of

Paulus Diaconus offer more details. They teil us about border conflicts between the

Bavarians and Langobards on the one side and the Avars on the other.

Among many other Slavic peo­ples Beda also included the Huns in his list of those pagans recommend-ed as subjects for Anglo-Saxon

Christ ianizat ion at the beginning ol the 8 l h Century. I f up to then the term

"Scythians" was used for all steppe peo­ple, it was now the term "Huns". Beda uses it synonymously for Avars. 4 1 Wi th

the Integration of Bavaria into the Franconian Empire of Charlemagne in 788 the Avars became not only the empire's direct neighbors in the southeast, but, due to an old coal i t ion w i t h Duke Tassilo, also hostile ones. Negotiations about spheres of influence did not lead to any results, so the Franconian King decided to go to war in 791. This and other campaigns in the following years eventually led to the breakdown of the Avar Khaganate in the Carpathian basin. 4

The Franconian forces were subject to massive Prop­aganda which declared the Avar Khaganate to be the center of antichristian heathenism „contra Deum, deinde contra regem et christianos", as the annals of the Lorsch monastery put i t . 4 3 So the shining victory was seen as a t r iumph of good over evil, and Charlemagne, his sons, and his generals were celebrated as defenders of the true faith. "No war that had been waged against the Franconians from t ime immemoria l had ever brought them so much wealth and power." 4 4

The precious booty from the Avar Ring was appraised w i t h astonishment: " In all those battles so many precious things were captured that it seemed prop­er to believe that the Franconians had righteously taken from the Huns [Avars] what those had illegally taken from others before." 4 5 W i t h the victory over the Avars it seemed that the Hun threat had been warded off for

I I I I I I K k v M I D I » I A ( . l s

good and the last reminiscence of barbarianism from the "Völkerwanderungszei t" had disappeared. As cham-pion of Christ ianity and vanquisher of the Avars, Charlemagne had proven a wor thy successor of the Roman Emperors. Right after the Franconian warriors, missionahes came to the Danube basin and started mass baptisms; a contemporary author comments that the former savages now accepted the faith in all h u m i l i t y . 4 6

However, the Avars may have thought that baptisms were no more than some r i tua l o f Submission, some-thing to be revoked when the fortune of war would be on their side again.

Continuous revolts, riots and rising numbers of Slavs pouring into Pannonia made it impossible for the Franconians to keep the region under permanent polit­ical control and complctely christianize i t . 4 7

As a consequence of the wars against the Avars the Franconians came into contact wi th the Bulgars. In the 9 , h Century the power vacuum in the Carpathian basin required both sides to define and redefine their spheres of interest quite often, and Bulgar legations frequently came to Franconian cour t s . 4 8 However, the sources do not teil us anything about mutual understanding and how the strangers were per-ceived. The Bulgarian Empire was probably regarded as no more than a power situated between the Franconian and Byzantine Empires, which had become part of the European system after its rulers had converted to Christianity. Li t t le was known in the Latin West about the inhabitants of the Bulgarian Empire and their way of life. In its descrip-t ion of the wor ld the Alfred the Great's "Orosius" (end of the 9 , h Century) mentions no more than the approximate geographic location of the Bulgar count ry . 4 9 Both sides soon lost interest in each other. Dur ing the Middle Ages Bulgaria attracted the popes' atten-tion from time to time, because the Bulgarian Tsar was seen as a mediator in their attempts to establish the Church Union w i t h Byzant ium. bucki«. But when the Bulgars finally turned to the Greek Huns Church, they became schismatics in the eyes of Rome and from then on they were mentioned in the same breath as the Greeks. 5 0

From the end of the 9 , h Century on the Magyars took over the part of the "terror of the Christendom". Starting in 890 they waged wars against the successor states of Charlemagne's Empire, but unlike the Avars they were not dr iving east towards Byzant ium, which explains why Latin texts mention them more frequently. Western authors categorize the Magyar hordes as another scourge in the t radi t ion of the Huns and Avars, which is what they call them quite often. Sometimes, influenced by Greek writers, they even call them Scythians or T ü r k s . 5 2

In early scholarly wri t ings about the Magyars we find all the stereotypes that were used to describe other nomadic people before. The texts talk about the nomads as hunters and pastoralists, archers w i t h compound bows, who used the typical tactics of light, mobile forces

in their attacks, just as the other steppe warriors before t h e m . 5 3 In all cases the mil i tary discipline and physical endurance o f the "Barbarians" are much admired, as proven by a remark in Regino of P r ü m s Chronicon as early as 889. 5 4

On the other hand we find all the clich£s about the dir ty and bloodthirsty enemies of the Christians, start­ing w i t h their eating habits: allegedly they ate the raw meat of cats and horses and, even worse, they were can-nibals. Some authors see this anthropophagia as part of a rite, others w i l l not even make this concession. 5 5

The Magyars were reported to look utterly repulsive wi th their shaved heads and ugly faces, their crude language a fit t ing expression of their barbar i ty . 5 6 They would cut the faces o f infants to familiarize them w i t h p a i n . 5 7

Reports about forays contain the usual atrocities: set-tlements and monasteries were plundered and burnt down, the inhabitants butchered irrelevant of age and gender, clergymen were murdered, sacred buildings des-ecrated. In their greed the mounted warriors would grab anything they could, oblivious of any danger for their

own lives. 58

Those passages that do not coincide w i t h the usual description of an anonymous horde of "beasts" are more informative. In his Vita Saticti Uodalrici Gerhard of Augsburg talks about a Magyar of outstanding courage. There is respect for the leadership qualities and achieve-ments of this man feit in the words of the

au thor . 5 9 I n a report by Ekkehard IV about an assault on the Saint Gallen monastery there are even humorous notes. While the fathers and brothers managed to get out of harm's way and take their treasures w i t h them, one mentally retarded brotherdid not want

to leave. But the horsemen from the steppe treated h i m kindly, he was allowed to j o i n

the warriors' feast and even enjoyed himself . 6 0

Some authors report about the Magyar incursions in an astonishing matter-of-factness, regardine them as no more than God's just punishment. Others see the appearance of nomadic horse­

men as another unpleasant phenomenon, which, how­ever, pales in comparison wi th the Norman and Saracen ra ids . 6 2 Liudprand of Cremona even thought that the source of all evil was Emperor Arnulf of Carinthia, who had formed an alliance wi th the Magyars. 6 3

Especially the more colorful versions of the Magyar raids are clearly not reports of contemporaries, but mem-ories passed down and recorded at a much later date. There is another purpose to these texts: they are sup-posed to inform people about the feats of the real heroes. The raids very often just provide the background for the good deeds of saintly and pious men, who offered resist­ance to the invaders or died the death of martyrs . 6 4 For some rulers a victory over the Magyars was a way of consolidating their own power . 6 5 The measures taken by the German King Henry I against the Magyars were seen as proof of his foresight. He was rewarded for it in the Battle on the Unstrut in 933. Otto I's victorv on the

THE TÜRKS MIDDLE AGES

Lechleld near Augsburg in 955 is of particular signifi-cance, because it put an end to the Magyar raids. Consequently Otto was glorified as a fighter for Christ against the godless pagans. After his victory the German King could concentrate on his interests in Italy, under-l in ing his c la im to the t i t le of Emperor of Rome. For German historians the year 955 is of epochal signifi-cance. 6 6 The victory on the Lechfeld marked the begin­ning of a fundamental change in the relations w i t h Hungary. No further military actions were taken, instead diplomatic contacts and Chr is t ian i /a t ion attempts by the Roman Catholic Church intensified. Wi th the bap-tism and coronation of King Steven I , the Hungarian monarchs joined the ranks of Western kings and princes. The transformation of the country into a polit ical enti-ty wi th a sedentary population was carried out success-lu lK. This is reflected in historic texts: now the Magyars appear in the positive light of those converted to Christianity. One examplc for this new attitude is found in the writ ings of Thietmar of Merseburg, who shows a strong l ik ing for young King Steven. 6 7 The horrors o f the old days were not forgotten in Latin historiography, but a clear difference was made between the barbarians and the friendly neighbors of the new era. 6 8

After the retreat of the Mongols in 1242 there was a lot of uncertainty about whether the scourge of God would reappear and attack the Christians again. The more prudent rulers ol the West wanted to be better prepared for future attacks. Pope Innocent IV took the ini t iat ive. He had all the knowledge available about the Mongols collected and a catalog of questions for fact-finding missions drawn up. At the Council of Lyon in 1245 the "Tartar qucstion" was part of the agenda. The cardinals agreed to carry out the Pope's mis-sion and send scouts abroad to col-lect information on the nine items mentioned in the cat­alog: the or ig in of the strangers, their faith, religious belicls and rites, wa\l l i le , strength and numbers, intentions, readiness to comply w i t h treaties as well as reception and treatment of envoys. 6 9 The Curia would not be satisfied w i t h quotations from old sources, it wanted to get to the bot tom of things. In the spiri t of scholastic empiricism in the 13 , h Century, the cardinals started the largest enemy observation mission o f the Middle Ages. 7 0 One result of this fact-finding mission is the book of travels by the Franciscan John of Piano Carpini . After a period of speculations and legends the time had come for contacts and exchange which offered the travelers glimpses into worlds until then unknown. Intensive studies of reports about encounters wi th peo­ple and countries in the Far East led to a great s töre ol knowledge in Europe, which would eventually change the view of the world lore\cr.

In 1245 John of Piano Carpini's journey took h im from Lyon to the Mongol assembly in Qaraqorum, where he u iinessed the elevation of Güyük to the rank ol Greal

Khan. In 1247 he retumed to Europe. His travel report to the Pope is the first wri t ten source about a European's journey to Central As ia . 7 1 Another usefül source of knowledge is the Itimrarium wr i t t en by W i l l i a m of Rubruk who, on his own initiative, went to the Mongols as a missionary from 1253 to 1255 and stayed for quite a long time as a guest at the court of Great Khan Möngke in Qaraqorum. 7 ' The first Western scouts were still under the impression of the terrible invasions when the\ entered the enemy's territory and started collecting valu-able informat ion on the strangers in the steppes. Two ol their assumptions were confirmed: there were man\ wondrous things to discover in Asia, but one had to beware of the horsemen.

There was a wave of relief when it became clear that the nomad warr iors were not the people of the Apocalypse. John learnt that the nomadic groups called themselves Mongal, but he continued to refer to them as Tartars as they were called in Europe. When he dis-covered that their correct name was Tattari, the associ-ation wi th hell lost its magic effect. He even believed that Gog and Magog were enemies ol the Mongols, since Alexander's seal was broken, but the people locked in had not come forth ye t . 7 4 He states that, unfortunately, the Mongol rulers wanted indeed to be worshipped as Gods and planned to conquer the world. But there was reason to hope that they would soon come to aeeept the

true faith, since they tolerated the presence o f many Christians and supported them whenever they could. Rumors about the conver-sion of Mongols seemed to confirm such assumptions.

The oriental Christians d id their best to spread such news, because they wanted the West to act in their interest and iniei\ene against the Mus l ims . 7 5 From what

Möngke told him when he took leave, Wil l iam ol Rubruk understood that the Great Khan and his leaders never considered being bapti/.ed, they had merely acted out o f pragmatic tolerance. 7 6 During his stay at the court Wi l l i am of Rubruk even partieipated in one of the reli­gious disputes that took place quite of ten . 7 7

The huge quanti ty of informat ion which both col­lected cannot be considered in this study. Researchers agree that the quali ty of ethnographic observations is outstanding, field studies today would arrive at exactly the same conclusions. The Historia Mongalorum is one of the most important sources of in format ion on the early steppe culture ol the Mongols before they convert­ed to Buddhism. 7 8 In Wil l iam of Rubruk's report curios-ity, a keen eye, open-mindedness, and erudi t ion form the incredibly fruitful symbiosis which makes his work so amazinglv realistic. His sincere sympathy deeply moves even the modern reader. 7 9

These first journeys were only the prelude to numer-ous other expeditions to the Far East. As long as the

I I I I I I K k v « £ » M I D I II I A L I s

Mongols were the dominant power in Asia, travelers enjoyed the protection ol the Great Khan. So it was rel-atively safe for foreigners to stay in the region. Up to the end of Yüan dynasty in China around 1350, mis-sionaries and merchants made ample use of this Iree-dom of movement. Merchants went on risky and long journeys, often bv ship, because there was a lot of prof-it to be made in the trade of fabrics, spices, and luxury items from India and China that made high investments worthwhile. But they haruly ever wrote anything about their journeys, since they did not want to give any use-lul information about itineraries and markets to com-petitors. This is whv we know about them only indirect-l y . 8 0 The most famous travel report of the 13 l h Century, Marco Polos Divisament dou monde is-contrarv to com-monlv held views-not the work of a merchant. 8 1

Those missionaries that came to the Mongols from the end of the 13 l h Century on also gained the impres-sion that the region offered good chances for ( In IM i.im/.ii 1011. Odorico of Pordenone's Relalio is the most important among the documents wr i t t en by them. 8 2 He writes that the Great Khan did not interlere in their work, he supported their structural efforts and held the cross in highest respect. The Great Khan was also reported to act upon those basic virtues proper to Christians, such as justice and mildness and sympathy for the poor and suffering. So his incredible wealth and immense power had to be God-given as wel l . There was no more talk of any threat to the Christendom. The fantastic description ol the "Lord of Lords" comes mainly from Marco Po lo . 8 3 The Great Khans court, he wrote, surpassed anything eise, his power was unequalled. And, since he was a Illustration of i Mongolen

wise and competent ruler, he deserved this wealth and power. The image of the Mongols had changed significantly in European wr i t -ing, the "deceitful instigators of all kinds of crimes" had turned into ideals.

Differences in perception between earlier and later travel reports were due to different circumstances. John ol Piano Carpini and Wi l l i am ol Rubruk were advanc-ing into enemy terr i tory and therefore wary of the strangers. Their stays at the rulers' courts were of rather short durat ion, so they could gain only l imited insight into this unknown world . They often had to rely on what their informants told them. Language barriers some-times proved to be an insurmountable obstacle, the cer-emonies and personality cult of the ruler showed how extremely different the Mongol wor ld view was. The Mongols' frugal lifestyle in the desolate steppe did not quite match their ambi t ion to conquer the wor ld , an undertaking then based on nothing but arrogance. Marco Polo and the missionaries to China, however, met the Khans when those had already established their rule over China. The splendor of the court in Khan-baliq dis-played the immense wealth of a huge power, so wor-shipping the ruler seemed the right thing to do. Those

travelers who reached Asia at this later stage used to stay for many years and therefore had the opportunity to learn a lot more from the strangers, such as foreign languages. For them, the Great Khan was not the enemy of the Christendom, and many of them even hoped he would agree to be bapti/ed soon.

From the rieh sources of information provided bv travelers to Asia the European public would pick what was of best use for them. The rather objective observa-tions ol authors like John ol Piano Carpini or Wi l l i am of Rubruk weiv lai k-ss p o p u l ä r w i t h readers and lis-teners than the fantastic tales of Marco Polo and Odorich of Pordenone. 8 4 The spectacular exotic splendor ol the Great Khan's court attracted attention, not without rea-son did John Mandeville in his report about a fictitious journey concentrate on such descr ip t ions . 8 5 In papal politics the Khans were seen as potential allies in the fight against the Muslims. But each time before any clos-er alliance was established. the Curia demanded con-version to Christ ianity, a demand which then seemed quite realistic on the basis of what the travel reports said. The Popes, however, could no longer summon the rulers of Europe to go on a large-scale Crusade, so the negotiations w i t h the Ilkhans were l imi ted to the exchange of diplomat ic notes . 8 6 The rulers of the

Occident were most interested in the Mongol reeipe for success, they want­

ed to know how the Mongol rulers had managed to become so pow-erful and amass such incredible wealth. Thus the Great Khan's court became a m i r r o r of their own achievements as we know from the Boucicaut Masterscycle of manuscript il luminations in a de luxe edition of several travel reports for John the Fearless,

Duke of Burgundy. 8 7 Pierre Dubois' plan to re-conquer the Holy Land is based on Strategie considerations, he recommends the Great Khan as the ideal strategist to the King of France. 8 8

In certain respects the Ottoman Empire took over the legaey of the nomadic people towards the end of the Middle Ages, at least f rom the European perspective. True, the militarv confrontation was no longer the same as at the times of the hordes, but an image of the enemy was created, which came close to that of the Hun or Magyar barbarian stronghold and helped Europe to find its identity as res publica Christiana. Like no other power before them the Türks were seen as the incarnation of Islam and therefore a challenge to the Chr is tendom. 8 9

To meet this challenge was the idea behind one of the last great Crusades of the Middle Ages. It started in 1396 under the leadership of Sigismund. King of Hungary, and ended in a disastrous defeat near Nikopolis . 9 0 There were other plans for Crusades being contemplated throughout the 15 , h Century, the first contacts between the Latin West and the Ottomans took place under the sign of Mars. After the fall of Constantinople the Turkish rulers were compared to the Antichrist . The image of

cook (Halian gravure)

I I II M K k s ^ » M I D D l l A i . l s

the cruel Türk , the pagan, attacker, and enemy of the Christian Church, was enhanced by biased reports about the fate of Christian slaves in the Ottoman Empire. In paintings depicting the Türks biblical motives such as the Massacre of the Innocents were used, Albrecht Dürer portrays Pilate as a Turkish su l tan . 9 1 The print media help success lü l ly spread ant i-Turkish Propaganda among the masses. From the 16 Century on abusive songs about Türks were published in newspapers and gazettes, inc i t ing people to fight the Mus l im threat. Another p o p u l ä r i tem were the so-called "Turk-booklets", com-pletcly uncritical editions of authentic or ficti t ious reports of fights and travels. They had such a strong impact on pub­lic opinion that the Dutch councilors of Emperor Maximi l i an I had to comment on "the different lies and fabrications" which the French "have the habit of spreading through letters and notes, to fi l l the common man's eyes with their lies and unfound-ed allegations". 9 2

The Italian merchant cities, above all Venice, held a much more differentiated view. They intended to con-tinue to profit from the Levante trade and were inter-ested in everything that was Tu rk i sh . 9 3 I n Germany, the

Chinggis Khan's siege of a fortress

Türk motive was somelimes used to point out own inad-equacies. Merchants who wanted to avoid monopolies in their own country placed their hopes on the Ottoman Empire. Mercenaries and peasants were running away from their oppressors expecting to be granted more free-dom under the Sultan. Mar t in Luther complained that

people "yn deudschen landen, so des Türcken zukunfft und seines regimentes begeren, als die lieber unter dem Türcken denn unter dem Keiser odder fürsten sein wollen" 9 4 From the mid-16th Century on there was a stronger interest in a more positive view of the Türks as conveved by travel reports o f scholars such as Spandugino, Menavino or Busbecq. 9 5 The French ambassador to the Sublime Porte, d 'Aramon, appointed a team ol researchers who critically compared the Ottoman Empire w i t h European State ins! initions and did away with many prej-udices. The achievements of the Ottoman

State and its religious tolerance were much admired . 9 6

Eventually the rulers ol the West, whose military Poten­tial had been inferior to that of the Türks for a long time, had to aeeept the Ottoman Empire as a major political player in Europe . 9 ' From then on the Tü rks were no longer simply regarded as pagans, but as human beings.

N O T E S

1 See H. W. Goetz: Vorstellungsgeschichte. Menschliche Vorstellungen 12 und Meinungen als Dimension der Vergangenheit. Bemerkungen zu 13 einem jüngeren Arbeitsfeld der Geschichtswissenschaft als Beitrag zu einer Methodik der Quellenauswertung. In: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 61. 1979. pp. 253-271 and O. G . Oexle: , 4

Deutungsschemata der sozialen Wirklichkeit im frühen und hohen Mittelalter-Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Wissens. In: Vortrage und Forschungen 35. 1987. pp. 65-117. '6

2 See H. Göckenjan: Der Westfeldzug (1236-1241) aus mongolischer Sicht. In: U. Schmilewski (Ed . ) . Wahlstatt 1241. Beiträge zur 1 7

Mongolenschlacht bei Liegnitz und zu ihren Nachwirkungen. 1991, 18 p. 43. 19

3 Ibid.: p. 39. 20

4 In: H. Dörrle (Ed. ) : Drei Texte zur Geschichte der Ungarn und 21 Mongolen. 1956. p. I77f.

5 See J . Gießauf: Die Mongolengeschichte des Johannes von Piano Carplne. 1995. p. 11f.

6 "...expugnata et capta ejusdem regnl Cleva civitatum maxima. totum illud nobile regnum. caesls devastatum. ..." In: Matthew Paris. Chronica Maiora. E d . Richard Luard. Rolls Series 57. Vol. 4.. 1877. 24 p. 113.

7 The battle of Wahlstatt counts as a national symbol in German and 2 5

Polish Historv. Both sides manipulated the facts for a long time in 26 their own interest. See M. Weber: Die Schlacht von Wahlstatt und 27 ihre Bewertung im Wandel der Zeit. In: U. Schmilewski (see note 2 8 D.pp . 129-147. 2 9

8 See G . A. Bezzola: Die Mongolen in abend länd i scher Sicht [1220-1270]. Ein Beitrag zur Völkerbegegnung. 1974, pp. 83-88.

9 In: Miserabile carmen super destruetione regni Hungariae per tar-tarosfacta. MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica(MGH)SSXXIX, 1925, p. 562.1. 43-48. 3 2

10 H. Göckenjan (see note 1). p. 55f. 3 3

11 In: Die Erste Novgoroder Chronik. E d . Joachim Dietze. 1971. p. 94. I. 191.

In: MGH SS X X I X (see note 9). p. 585,1. 29. J . Fried: Auf der Suche nach der Wirklichkeit. Die Mongolen und die europäischen Erfahrungswissenschaften Im 13. Jahrhundert In: Historische Zeitschrift 243. 1986. p. 292f. See G. A. Bezzola (see note 8). p. 67. See J . Gießauf (see note 5). p. 45f. In: Matthew Paris (see note 6), Rolls Series 57. Vol. 6. 1882. pp 81 and 79. Ibid.. Vol. 6. p. 84. Ibid.. Vol. 4. p. 273. Ibid.. p. 77. Ibid., p. 83. According to Matthew Paris Louis IX of France said: "Vel nos ipsos, quos vocamus Tartaros, ad suas Tartareas sedes unde exlerunt. retrudemus. vel ipsi nos omnes ad caelum subvehent. " In: ibid.. Vol. 4. p. I I I .

See J . Fried (see note 13). p. 295. In: Matthew Paris (see note 6). Rolls Series 57. Vol. 4. 1877. p. 276. In: Annales Sancti Pantaleonis Coloniensis. MGH SS X X I I . 1872. p. 535f. Ambrosius: De fidel 2. 16. 140. See E . A. Thompson: The Huns. 19962. pp. 13-15. Orosius: Historiae adversus paganos. 7. 33. 10.

Hieronymus: Epistulae 60. 16. 2-3. Salvianus: De gubernatione Dei, 4, 64-70. Claudianus: In Rufinum, 2. 36-40. Paulus Orosius: Historiae adversus paganos. Ed. C. Zangenmeister. Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum Academiae Vindobonensis 5. 1882. See E . A. Thompson (see note 26). p. 43.

See L. Löfstedt: Attila, the Saintmaker in Medieval French Vemacular. In: F . Bäuml /M. Birnbaum (Ed. ) . Attila-The Man and his Image, 1993. pp. 65-74.

U l i I I KKv « £ » M I D D I I A l . l v

34 See K . Dieiz: Schriftquellen zur Völkcrwandcrungszelt Im pannon-is< I.< i. Raum (von 378-584 n. Chr . ) . In: Germanen. Hunnen und Awaren-Schätze der Völkerwanderungszeit . 1988. pp. 27-67.

35 See G. Wirth: Attlla-Das Hunnenreich und Europa, 1999. p. 138.

36 E . A. Thompson (see note 26), p. 195.

37 See G. Wlrth (see note 35). p. I36f.

38 See F. Bäuml/M. Birnbaum (see note 33).

39 See E . Cordt: Attila-Flagellum Del, Etzel. Atll. Zur Darstellung des Hunnenkönigs In Sage und Chronistik. 1984.

40 See. W. Pohl: Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk In Mitteleuropa 567-822 n. Chr. 1988. p. 9f. and D. A. T l r r The Attitüde of the West lowards the Avars. In: Acta Archaeologlca Academiae Scieniiarum Hungaricac 28. 1976. pp. 111-121.

41 W. H. Fritze: Slaven und Avaren Im angclsachsichen Missionsprogramm I I I . In: Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie 33. 1967, pp. 358-372.

42 See W. Pohl: Die Awarenkrlege Karls des Großen 788-803. Militärhistorische Schriftenreihe 61. 1988.

43 Annales Regni Francorum anno 792/93. MGH S S VI . 1895. p. 35.

44 Einhard: Vita Karoll Magni. M G H S S rer. Germ, in us. schol. 6. 1911. p. 16.

45 Ibid.

46 Theodulfus: Ad Carolum Regem. In: MGH Poetae 1. 1881. p. 484.

47 SeeW. Pohl (see note 42). pp. 25-31.

48 See P. Schreiner: Das Bulgarenbild im europäischen Mittelalter. In: Etudes Balkaniques 18/2.1982. pp. 58-68 and V. Gjuzclev: Bulgarisch-fränkische Beziehungen in der ersten Hälfte des IX. Jhs. In: Byzanlinobulgarica II . 1966. pp. 15-39.

49 See V. Gjuzelev: Bulgarien und die Balkanhalbinsel In den geo­graphischen Vorstellungen des ange lsächs i schen Königs Alfred des Großen (871-901). In: Byzantinobulgarica IV. 1973, pp. 91-104.

50 See P. Schreiner (see note 48). p. 80f. and V. Gjuzelev: Das Papsttum und Bulgarien im Mittelalter (9. -14. Jh.) . In: Bulgarian Historical Review V/1. 1977. pp. 34-58.

51 An overvlew over the hungerian raids is given bv S. de Vajay: Der Eintritt des ungarischen S t ä m m e b u n d e s in die e u r o p ä i s c h e Geschichte (862-933). 1968 and P. Sugar (Ed.): A Hlstorv of Hungarv. 1990.

52 See M. G. Kellner: Die Ungarneinfälle im Bild der Ouellen bis 1150. Von der Gens detestanda zur Gens ad fidem Christi conversa'. 1997. pp. 63-75.

53 See D. Sinor: The Inner Asian Warriors. In: Journal of the American Oriental Society 101/2. 1981. pp. 133-144.

54 Regino of Prüm: Chronlcon. Ad anno 889. MGH S S rer. Germ In us. schol. 50. 1890. p. 13lfT.

55 Ibid.: p. 133 and Adam Bremensis: Gesta Hammaburgensls ecclesi-ae pontificum. MGH S S rer. Germ, in us. schol. 2. 1917. p. 80.

56 Otto of Freising: Gesta Friderici imperatoris. MGH S S rer. Germ, in us. schol. 46. 31912. p. 50.

57 Regino of Prüm (see note 54). p. 133.

58 See M. G. Kellner (see note 52). pp. 16-61.

59 Gerhard of Augsburg: Vita Sanctl Uodalrici. E d . W Berschln. 1993. p. 194.

60 Ekkehard IV: Casus Sancti Galll. E d . G. Mever von Könau. 1877. p. 199ff.

61 Flodardus: Hlstoria Remensis ecclesiae. MGH SS X I I I . 1881, p. 451 and Thielmar of Merseburg: Chronlcon. M G H S S rer. Germ, nova series IX. 1935. p.46.

62 Ravdonus: Vita de saneto Pardo episcopo. Acta Sanctorum 6. 1688. p. 372.

63 Liudprand of Cremona: Antapodosis. MGH S S rer. Germ, in us. schol. 41. 1915. p. 15.

64 See M. G . Kellner (see note 52). p. 56ff.

65 See G. Althoff/H. Keller Heinrich I. und Otto der Große. Neubeginn auf karollnglschem Erbe. 1985.

66 See M. Springer: 955 als Zeitenwende-Otto I. und die Lechfeldschlacht. In: Otto der Größe-Magdeburg und Europa. 2001, pp. 199-208.

67 Thietmar of Merseburg (see note 61). p. 496.

68 See M. G. Kellner (see note 52). pp. 175-181.

69 H. Dörrte (see note 4). p. 188.

70 See J . Fried (see note 13). p. 303f.

71 John of Piano Carpini: Ystoria Mongalorum. E d . A. Wyngaert. Sinica franciscana I. 1929. pp. 27-130.

72 William of Rubruk: Itlnerarlum. E d . A. Wyngaert. Sinica francis­cana I. 1929. pp. 164-332.

73 Salimbene of Parma: Chronlca. MGH SS X X X I I . 1905/13. p. 207.

74 A. Wyngaert (see note 71), p. 61 f.

75 See J . Richard: La papaule et les mlsslons d'Orient au Mosen Agc. 1977. p. 85f.

76 A. Wyngaert (see note 72). p. 298.

77 Ibid.: pp. 289-297.

78 See B. Spuler: Die Mongolen Im Iran. Politik. Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit 1220-1350. 19854 and M. Weiers: Westliche Boten und Reisende zu den Mongolen. In: A. Eggebrecht (Ed . ) , Die Mongolen und Ihr Weltreich. 1989. pp. 186-188.

79 See G. A. Bezzola (see note 8). pp. 170-179 and F. Reichert: Begegnungen mit China. Die Entdeckung Ostasiens im Mittelalter, 1992. p. 90.

80 See F . Reichert: Erfahrung der Welt. Reisen und Kulturbegegnung im späten Mittelalter. 2001. pp. 188-193.

81 See F. Reichert (see note 79). p. 114 and L. Olschki: L Asia die Marco Polo, 1957. pp. 95-98.

82 Odorico da Pordenone: Relatio [Liber de mirabilibus mundi]. E d . A. Wyngaert. Sinica franciscana I. . 1929. pp. 413-495.

83 Marco Polo: Milione-Le Dlvlsament dou monde. E d . Gabriella Ronchi. 1982.

84 See F. Schmieder Europa und die Fremden. Die Mongolen im Urteil des Abendlandes vom 13. bis zum 15. Jahrhundert, 1994. pp. 44-48 and M. Münkler: Erfahrung des Fremden. Die Beschreibung Ostasiens in den Augenzeugenbertchten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts, 2000.

85 John Mandeville/Jean de Mandeville: Mandeville's Travels. E d . Malcolm Letts. 2 Vol.. 1953.

86 See. K . - E . Lupprian: Die Beziehungen der Päpste zu islamischen und mongolischen Herrschern Im 13. Jahrhundert anhand Ihres Briefwechsels. 1981.

87 M. -T. Gousset: E i n ikonographisches Programm des Johann Ohnefurcht? In: Comment to BNP M F 2810. 1996. pp. 87-99.

88 Pierre Dubois: De recuperallone de Terre Sancte. E d . A. Diotti. 1977. p. 218.

89 See B. Lewis: Istanbul and the Civilisation of the Ottoman Empire. 1963 and D. Hay: Europe. The Emergence of an Idea. 1957.

90 See N. Housley: The Later Crusades 1274-1580. 1992. p. 76ff.

91 C. Göllner: Die Türkenfrage In der öffent l ichen Meinung Europas im 16. Jahrhundert. 1978. p. 23.

92 Ibid.: p. 21.

93 See H. Inalcik/D. Quataert (Ed.): An Economlc and Social History of the Ottoman Empire 1300-1914. 1994, pp. 188-217.

94 Martin Luther Werke. Weimar E d . Vol. 30/2. 1909. p. 137.

95 S. Faraoqhi: Approaching Ottoman History. An Introductlon to the Sources. 1999. pp. 110-143 and F. Reichert (see note 80), pp. 130-136.

96 See M. Grothaus: Zum Türkenbild In der Adels-und Volkskultur der Habsburgermonarchie von 1650 bis 1800. In: G . Helss/G. Klingenstein (Ed . ) , Das Osmanische Reich und Europa 1683 bis 1789. 1983. pp. 63-88.

97 B. Spuler: Die europäische Diplomatie in Konstantinopel bis zum Frieden von Belgrad (1739). In: Jahrbücher für Kultur und Geschichte der Slaven N. F. 11.1935. pp. 53-115/171 -222/313-366 and Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas I. 1936. pp. 229-262/383-440.

Uli I I K K s «£Z> " >I.E AGES