uNIVERSITY OF HAWAI1i.tBRAAV

LENDING THEIR STRENGTH: THE SURVIVAL OF PROFESSIONAL LAKHON

PHUT SAMAI MAl IN BANGKOK THROUGH STRONG FEMALE CHARACTERS

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DMSION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAW AI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN

THEATRE

MAY 2008

By Kulthida Maneerat

Dissertation Committee:

Kirstin Pauka, Chairperson E~izabeth Wichmann-Walczak

W. Dennis Carroll Lurana O'Malley Ruth P. Dawson

We certi fy that we have read this dissertation and that, in our opinion, it is satisfactory in

scope and quality as a di ssertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Theatre.

DISSERTATION COMMlTIEE

&~~ Chairperson

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II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The support of many people enabled me to complete this dissertation. In Thailand,

I want to give my sincere thanks to Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre for

allowing me to observe their work methods and for sharing with me their vast knowledge

of Thai theatre. I am grateful for the support of the Department of Dramatic Arts at

Chulalongkom University and for my colleagues who carried an extra load of work

during the leave of absence which enabled me to focus on writing this dissertation. In

Hawai'i, I want to express my gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Kirstin Pauka, for her valuable

input, patience, and guidance. My appreciation extends to all committee members for

their instruction and kind words of encouragement. I wish to thank my fellow graduate

students-Josh Leukhardt, M.A. Richard, and Sammie Choy-who have spent their

precious time editing my work and have given me good suggestions. Finally, I would like

to thank my family. I am indebted to my mother whose wisdom and perseverance has

inspired me. And I want to thank my husband, Subrat Misra who, during the final phase

of my writing, lifted up my spirit with his sense of humor. His love has made the

completion of this dissertation possible.

iii

ABSTRACT

Bangkok's DlISs Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre are the epitome of

professionallakhon phut sarnai mai, or modem spoken dm.ma, in Thailand. These two

pioneering professional troupes have survived for more than fifteen years where other

theatres have failed after a few short years of operation. In this dissertation, I examine

how the survival of these two professional troupes may be attributed to their primaty

focus on the depiction of phuylng kraeng, or strong female characters. The term phuying

kraeng is used in this study to refer to mentally strong and independent women who are

the embodiment of samai mai, or modernity, within the Thai dramatic context.

Chapter two provides a brief historical overview of lakhon phut sarnai mai and

the emergence of professional troupes, focusing on the social and economic factors that

shaped the operations of Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre. For the> purposes of

this study, I delineate three chronological periods based primarily on the historical

narratives of these two companies in order to demonstrate the evolution of professional

lakhon phut sarnai maio The three periods are the Formative Period (1990-1993), the

Popular Period (1994-1997), and the Recessive Period (1998-2002).

Chapters three through five examine the characterization of individual phuying

kraeng in representative plays from the three periods. The core of the examination is the

way in which eachphuying kraengtestifies to women's pursuit of modern identity and

how this increased the popularity of these two professional troupes output, thereby

ensuring their survival. The analytical examination of individual phuying kraeng is based

iv

on well-established theoretical approaches to the study of phuying kraeng's depiction in

mass media as developed by Thai scholars and integrates playwriting theory developed

by Western scholars. I frame the analysis with four crucial playwriting elements: the

phuying kraeng's goal, obstacle, action and outcome. For each period, I discuss the

phuying kraengfunction as criticism of women's position in modem society. The

depiction of phuying kraeng in the selected plays serves to both expose unjust social

expectations and restraints imposed on women and to advocate for women's equal rights.

The concluding chapter swnmarizes the functions of phuying kraeng and the basis

for phuying kraeng's popularity with their middle-class audience. I conclude with the

productions' contributions to the expansion of the troupes' audience base and a

discussion of professional/akhon phut samai mai as both an alternative to mainstream

entertainment and as a symbol of Bangkok's modern culture.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................... iii

ABSTRACT .......................................................................................... iv

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 1

1.1 Purpose and Scope ...................................................................... 1 1.2 Justification ............................................................................. .4 1.3 Previous Research ...................................................................... .5 1.4 Research Methodology ................................................................. 9 1.5 Theoretical Framework ............................................................... 12

Analytical Approach to Phuying Kraeng ............................ ........... 14 Definition and Usage of Phuying Kraeng in Fictional Works ...... .14 Phuying Kraeng and Modernity .................. ...................... 16 Phuying Kraeng in Professional Lakhon Pool Sarnai Mai ............ 21

Playwriting Terminology and Definition ....................................... 22 Goal ......................................................................... 22 Obstacle .................................................................... 23 Action ...................................................................... 25 Outcome ......................................................................................... 26

CHAPTER 2: mSTORlCAL OVERVIEW OF PROFESSIONAL LAKHON PHUT

SAMAlMAI.. ...................................................................................................................... 28

2.1 The Development of Lakhon Phut Sarnai Mai.. .............................................. 29 1870s-1950s: Spoken Drama: The Foundation of Lakhon Phut Samai Mai ............................................................................................................. 29 1960s and 1970s: The Dominance of University Theatres ........................ 33 1980-1995: The Offshoots of University Theatre: the Period of Expansion .................................................................................................. .3 8 1996 to 2004: the Popularization of Lakhon Phut Samai Mai .................. .41

Critical Factors That Energized the Practice of Lakhon Phut Sarnai Mai ..................................................................................... .45

2.2 The Development of Professional Lakhon Phut Sarna; Mai ............................ 47 The Commercialization of Lakhon Pool Sama; Mal in the 1980s: an Antecedent to the Professional Company .................................................. 48

Montientong Theatre ..................................................................... .49 Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre in the 1980s ............... 52

Mejudhon and the Genesis ofPatravadi Theatre .............. .52 The Alliance of the Three Women ofDass Entertainment .................................................................... 54

The Formative Period (1990-1993) .......................................................... .55

vi

The Registration of Professional Theatre Companies .................. .55 The Construction of Playhouses .................................................... 56 Management Style and Financial Operations ................................ 58 A Brief Survey of Plays ................................................................. 60

The Popular Period (1994-1997} ............................................................... 62 The Arrival of Other Theatre Companies ...................................... 63 The Flourishing ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre ..... 65 New Marketing Strategies .............................................................. 68 Journalistic and Academic Recognition ......................................... 70 A Brief Survey of Plays ................................................................. 71

The Recessive Period (1998-2002) ............................................................ 74 The Decline of Recently Formed Professional Troupes ................ 74 Coping Strategies ........................................................................... 76 Additional Theatre Activities ......................................................... 80 A Brief Survey of plays ................................................................. 85

Professional Theatre After 2002 ................................................................ 86

CHAPTER 3 : FORMATIVE PERIOD (1990-1993) ........................................................ 87

3.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 87 3.2 Analysis of The End o/the Rainbow ................................................................ 90

Play Introduction ........................................................................................ 90 Characters' Goal ........................................................................................ 91 Characters' Obstacle .................................................................................. 93 Characters' Action ..................................................................................... 95 Outcomes ................................................................................................... 97 Summary .................................................................................................... 99

3.3 Analysis of Juree in Concert ......................................................................... 1 02 Play Introduction. ..................................................................................... 102 Character's Goal ...................................................................................... 1 03 Character's Obstacle ................................................................................ 1 05 Character's Action ................................................................................... 1 06 Outcome ................................................................................................... 1 08 Summary .................................................................................................. 109

CHAPTER 4: POPULAR PERIOD (1994-1997} ........................................................... 114

4.1 Introduction. ................................................................................................... 114 4.2 Analysis of Ngo Pa ........................................................................................ 119

Play Introduction ...................................................................................... 119 Character's Goal ...................................................................................... 123 Character's Obstacle ................................................................................ 124 Character's Action. .................................................................................. 126 Outcome ................................................................................................... 127 Summary .................................................................................................. 129

vii

4.3 Analysis of Three Bad Mad Gals .................................................................. .132 Introduction .............................................................................................. 132 Characters' Goal ...................................................................................... 134 Characters' Obstacle ................................................................................ 137 Characters' Action. .................................................................................. 140 Outcomes ................................................................................................. 142 Summary .................................................................................................. 145

CHAPTER 5: RECESSIVE PERIOD (1998-2002) ....................................................... .149

5.1 Introduction .................................................................................................... 149 5.2 Analysis of Blood Red Rose .......................................................................... .153

Introduction .............................................................................................. 153 Characters' Goal ...................................................................................... 155 Characters' Obstacle ................................................................................ 156 Characters' Action. .................................................................................. 158 Outcomes ................................................................................................. 161 Summary .................................................................................................. 163

5.3 Analysis of Buddhist Bible 2 .......................................................................... 166 Introduction .............................................................................................. 166 Characters' Goal ...................................................................................... 171 Characters' Obstacle ................................................................................ 174 Characters' Action ................................................................................... 176 Outcomes ................................................................................................. 178 Summary .................................................................................................. 183

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION ........................................................................................ 188

6.1 The Function of Phuying Kraeng ................................................................. .188 6.2 Approaches to the Popularization of Phuying Kraeng .................................. .l90 6.3 The Contribution of Phuying Kraeng to the Survival of Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre .......................... , ............................................................... 197

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 201

viii

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Pumose and Scope

In Bangkok, Thailand, two professional theatre companies, Dass Entertainment

and Patravadi Theatre, have survived over fifteen years of operation, a period

significantly longer than other theatre companies, due to their primary focus in the use of

phuying kraeng. The term phuying kraeng refers to mentally strong and independent

female characters who actively pursue their goals, though their behavior may contradict

social norms and expectations. They are the embodiment of modern identity within the

dramatic context. Dass Entertainment, the first professional theatre company in Bangkok,

was founded and operated under a collaborative team of three women leaders. Another

prominent professional theatre is the eponymous Patravadi Theatre, founded by Patravadi

Mejudhon, a renowned movie and television star. Both companies produce works of

lakhon phut sarnai mai, which is a modem spoken drama genre based oil Western style

theatre or a staging of Western drama scripts. They enjoyed unprecedented success with

urban audiences during economic prosperity and continued their operations during

economic downturns. Professionallakhon phut sarna; mai is significant for it is the only

live theatre that Bangkok's general urban popu1ation attends on a regular basis. The

objective of this study is to identify, describe, and examine the portrayal of individual

phuying kraeng in representative plays of Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre in

order to define the depiction of phuying kraeng within the historical context of Thai

professional theatre. The major task of this dissertation is to discover the extent to which

1

the strong female characters provide a unified symbol of modern identity within the

dramatic context, and how this contributed to the survival of these two professional

troupes.

The dissertation will first provide a historical overview of professional lakhon

phut sarna; mai in Bangkok from its origin in 1990 to 2002. For the purpose of this study,

I have divided the development of professional lakhon phut sarna; ma; into three periods.

The division is made on the basis of the economic and theatrical events ofDass

Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre that differentiate each period.

The first period, from 1990 to 1993, is the Formative Period. The Formative

Period is marked by two acts of inception. Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre

both registered as professional theatres and constructed playhouses. The second period of

professional lakhon phut samai rnai development is the Popular Period, from 1993 to

1997. The Popular Period is characterized by prosperity and increased theatrical

production. Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre presented a greater number of

works, expanded their playhouses, hired full-time artists, and initiated touring projects

outside of Bangkok. The third period is the Recession Period, from 1998 to 2002. Within

this period, the theatre in general suffered greatly from the nation's failing economy.

Coping strategies employed by Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre exemplified

the operation of this period's professional theatre. The two companies reduced the

number of productions, replaced large-scale productions with small-scale pieces,

emphasized touring projects, and restaged previous works.

In the examination of individual phuying kraeng, I select plays written by the two

companies' chief playwrights for my targeted analysis. These playwrights are Patravadi

2

Mejudhon ofPatravadi Theatre and Daraka Wongsiri ofDass Entertainment. Each play is

selected primarily because it features at least one outstanding phuying kraeng who

demonstrates a sense of a modern lifestyle. Each example shows relevant changes that

contributed to the survival of professionallakhon phut samai maio In addition, I

purposely select plays that became popular with audiences. I examine the productions'

staging history as a measure of their popularity. These six selected plays either had a long

successful run, the performance was extended, the productions were put on tour outside

Bangkok, or they were later restaged. I argue that their popularity indicates a favorable

reception from the audience, which is crucial to the survival of professional theatre

companies that rely mainly on box office profit.

For analysis of the Formative Period, I have chosen The End of the Rainbow (Sut

Sai Plai Rung) by Wongsiri and Juree in Concert by Mejudhon. Three Bad Mad Gals

(Sam Sao Sam Sam) by Wongsiri and Ngo Pa by Mejudhon are my examples from the

Popular Period. The two selected plays from the Recession Period are Wongsiri's Blood

Red Rose (Kulap Si Lueat) and Mejudhon's Buddhist Bible 2 (Rai Phra Tri Pidok 2-

Paticca Samuppado).

In each play, I analyze phuying kraeng based on the principles of mass media

criticism developed by Thai scholars specifically for the study of female figures in the

Thai media. I will utilize the definition of phuying kraeng and the description of her

qualities-physical traits and inner qualities- to construct a foundation from which to

identitY and describe phuying kraeng figures in Thai theatre. In the analysis of each play,

I will draw upon a Western theory of playwriting and frame each analysis with four

playwriting elements that are important to the study of phuying kraeng's characterization.

3

The four main issues are the phuying kraeng's goal, obstacle, action, and outcome.

Through this systematic analysis, I will establish a detailed picture and understanding of

individual phuying kraeng relevant to the development of these two professional theatres.

In the last step of my analysis, I will document and analyze changes in the

characterization of phuying kraeng throughout these three periods. I will identify the

components of phuying kraeng that have contributed to the popularity of these two

companies. The analysis will focus on the functions and contributions of phuying kraeng

to the survival of professional lakhon phut sarna; mai.

1.2 Justification

One of the most neglected elements in the study of modem spoken drama in

Thailand is the subject of the professional theatre troupe. The commercial nature of

professional lakhon phut sarnai mai has been the main reason for the neglect. The works

by professional troupes are overlooked because they are viewed as aesthetically and

artistically inferior to those of university theatre, grassroots theatre, and independent

theatre. Nevertheless, the works of professional theatre troupes deserve a thorough

investigation because they give voice to the sensibilities and interests of a mass urban

audience. This new type of theatre is the most vital theatre in Bangkok and the only

theatre that participates in the construction of Bangkok's modem culture. Built upon the

needs and concerns of the modem middle-class population, professional lakhon phut

samai mai remains as the only type of theatre that functions as a popular live

4

entertainment because it is attuned to audience interests, validates the experiences of the

majority, and maintains public playhouses that an audience can access on a day-to-day

basis.

The phuying kraeng characters deserve further study because they are prominent

figures in the work of these two surviving professional companies, making an appearance

in nearly all of the productions ofPatravadi Theatre and Dass Entertainment The

popularity of phuying kraeng, as evidenced by the number of phuying kraeng plays

produced and the long runs of these productions, has helped to establish the reputation of

these two professional companies as theatres that are dedicated to producing plays for a

broad urban population. The phuying kraeng plays have enabled the survival of the two

professional theatre companies that create and employ this type of character while other

companies have failed.

1.3 Previous Research

Though the matter of character in professionallakhon phut sarnai mai,

particularly the discussion of phuying kraeng, is important, there is not a single article

written to date. As a matter of fact, very little has been written about professional Thai

theatre itself. At the time of my research, there was no published academic book on

professionallakhon phut sarnai maio The data on professionallakhon phut sarnai mal

troupes were gathered mainly from: 1) unpublished theses and individual study reports;

2) academic research reports; 3) wide-ranging academic articles; and 4) book-length

5

general history studies of Thai theatre. These materials serve only as background

information regarding the development of professionallakhon phut samai maio

In the first category, I discovered three theses and two individual study reports

that deal with professionallakhon phut sarnai maio Three of the five works are dedicated

to the discussion ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre while the other two

address a general history of professionallakhon phut samai mal.

"Commercial Theatre Management, Case Study: The Bangkok Playhouse" is the

only in-depth study ofDass Entertainment. It was written in English by Wipavee

Patoompong as her individual study for her master's degree requirement. It deals with the

management the Bangkok Playhouse by Dass Entertainment. Two masters' theses that

focus on various aspects ofPatravadi Theatre are: Yutachai Utayanin's "Patravadi

Theatre: Community of Contemporary Performing Artists" and Kamphon

Phuphawatnakit's "Designing Advertising Internet Banner for the Publicity ofPatravadi

Theatre." The first is a study of the troupe's actor training method and the latter examines

the Internet banner ofPatravadi Theatre's advertising. I read these three works with

caution due to their lack of comprehensive or objective analysis. For example, the

historical overview sections in these studies that could have been helpful to my research

merely duplicate, almost word for word, information provided on these companies'

websites. However, what I drew from these studies were informative interviews with

theatre artists and personnel.

The other two works do not focus exclusively on Dass Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre, but they provide accurate information on several aspects of

professional modern spoken drama. The first piece is a thesis titled "Imaginary Concept

6

in Performing Arts Communication of Modern Thai Theatre" written by Sirinpom Srisai.

Its historical chapter gives a concise summary of the historical background of lakhon

phut sarnai maio The interviews with artists incorporated in this study not only outline the

distinguishing characteristics of their work but also highlight the problems they

encountered in the work process. The second work is Theerapom Viru1rak's independent

study report written in English titled "Management of Theatre in Hotel, Case Study:

Montientong at Montien Hotel Bangkok." I discovered what I consider to be a piece of

lakhon phut sarnai rnai's lost history: the dinner theatre. The practice of dinner theatre in

the mid 1980s acted as a bridge between the operation of lakhon phut sarnai mai by

intellectuals and the inception of professional theatre. Nonetheless, it is hardly mentioned

in any study, and the records of these theatrical activities have been discarded. The data

gathered from this study fills in the missing information regarding the dinner theatre in

the historical overview chapter.

The second source of information consists mainly of two Thai academic research

reports which offer detailed insight into the practice of professional Thai theatre. The first

academic research report paper is "The Presentation of Thai Literature in the Hybrid

Performance ofPatravadi Theatre" written by Suwanna Udomphon. Its main concem is

the comparison ofPatravadi Theatre's adaptation of works from the originaIliterature.

The report is written from a literary standpoint, and it does not address the issue of

character development. The second academic research report is Pomrat Damrhung's

research report called "Trends in Thai Contemporary Theatre." This report is a valuable

survey, in particular, a section containing a description of professional theatre troupes. I

7

draw upon the discussion of social and political aspects of modern spoken drama to

support my argument in the historical overview chapter.

Third, a substantial number of academic articles dealing with a broad range of

lakhon phut samai mai activities are available. Three unpublished English-language

articles by Danuhung written specifically on professionallakhon phut samai mai troupes

are particularly helpful. They are: "The Trials of Professional Theatre: PBS Productions

and Dass Entertainment," "Path to Tomorrow's Professional Thai Theatre," and "The

Changing Taste of the Thai." They provide excellent information on the functions of

professionallakhon phut samai mai, the companies' management, and the relationship

between the professional theatres and their audiences.

Two articles written by Parichat Jungwiwattanapom in Language and Literature

provide an overview of lakhon phut sama; mat and identify the reason for the shortage of

Thai original modem plays. Nevertheless, they do not take on the issue of character

development. An anthology of articles in Drama Criticism, published by the Thailand

Research Fund, has been helpful to this study. Though these critiques do not examine any

particular production by a professionallakhon phut samai mal troupe, they serve as a

documentation of theatre productions produced by various types of lakhon phut sarna;

mai troupes.

In addition to the above mentioned sources, I collected data on lakhon phut samai

rna; from a larger pool of books discussing the general history of Thai theatre. A few of

these books incorporate a brief examination of professionallakhon phut samal maio A

chapter from Kopkun Ingkhuthanon's Modern Drama: from the Beginning to the Reign

of King Rama IX that contains the chronicle of professionallakhon phut sama; mal

8

troupes serves as the foundation of my historical overview chapter. A brief snmmary of

theatre playhouses in Sura pone Virulrak's Performing Arts in the Reign of King Rama IX

provides an introduction to the founding of playhouses in the various types of theatre

troupes including the professionallakhon phut sarnai maio The most important English

source on Thai theatre is Dance. Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: Process of

Development and Motkrnization written by Mattani Mojdara Rutnin. The text focuses on

the development of Thai classical drama Though the development of professionallakhon

phut sarnai mai is omitted, the section on the practice of Western theatre in the Thai court

and universities became very useful for my discussion of the early history of lakhon phut

samaimai.

1.4 Research Methodology

Due to the dearth of academic materials on professionallakhon phut samal mai,

the information on phuying kraeng and the operation ofDass Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre was gathered mainly from primary and secondary materials collected

during my field research. The field research for this study was conducted in Bangkok

between June 2003 and December 2004. The primary materials include: I) a collection of

scripts and video recordings of past productions, play programs, and other records of past

productions; 2) audio recordings and transcriptions of interviews with playwrights; and 3)

data gathered from personal observation of rehearsals and live performances.

None of the scripts produced by professionallakhon phut samai mai have, to date,

been published in Thai or translated into other languages. The plays selected for this

9

study were available to me either in the form of unpublished scripts or recordings of live

performances. I acquired more than sixty play scripts and twenty videos of past

productions. Abundant documentation on productions was also gathered. I was fortunate

to receive complete support and collaboration from both Dass Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre. I was granted full access to their libraries, where I found most of the

play scripts, video recordings, programs, press releases, director's notes, financial

records, and other important documentation on various productions.

I conducted personal interviews with the chief playwrights of these two

companies. From these interviews, I ascertained the process the playwrights used to

create phuying kraeng and their personal interpretations of phuying kraeng. I examined

the differences in the writing process and the characterization techniques of phuying

kraeng in the three periods of lakhon phut sarnai rnai development.

Both Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre allowed me generous entry as

observer and participant to many rehearsals, production meetings, and live performances,

significant access that no researcher had previously been granted. I volunteered to work

with both companies during my time of research in exchange for that privilege. I was able

to observe every rehearsal and performance ofPatravadi Theatre's Buddhist Bible 4 as I

worked as a translator facilitating communication between the foreign director and the

Thai actors and staff. I also worked as an assistant director in two special theatrical events

produced by Dass Entertainment. I was allowed to observe every aspect ofDass

Entertainment's 2004 main production of nI-Omened Lovers. Through my participation

and observation, I had the opportunity to scrutinize their writing, directing, and producing

processes. I did not use Buddhist Bible 4 and nI-Omened Lovers as subjects of my study

10

because these two plays were staged after the timeline of my study. Nevertheless, I

observed the working methods and roles of the writer during the rehearsals of phuying

kraeng plays. The writer was always present at the meetings and rehearsals. Adjustments

of the script took place during the rehearsal process. I was able to identitY the

playwrights' visualization of the phuying kraeng by observing the collaboration between

the directors and playwrights.

Secondary materials consist of theatrical reviews, published interviews with

playwrights, and articles that appeared in newspapers and popular magazines. Two

English newspapers, Banglwk Post and The Nation, as well as Thai newspapers such as

Krungthep Thurakit. Matichon, Ban Mueang, and Sayamrat served as valuable sources of

information. They consistently covered professional lakhon phut sama; mal activities

since the Formative Period. Popular periodicals, such as Phraeo and Phlol Kam Phel

often featured articles concerning professional lakhon phut sama; mal productions. I

relied on these secondary sources to establish accurate production dates and to gain

perspective on the phuying kraeng from the standpoint of the audiences and critics.

This study is the first compilation of information on professional lakhon phut

samal mai, particularly the analysis of phuying kraeng as featured in the works of

Bangkok's two most important theatre companies. I endeavor to present an accurate and

objective study of this subject that will also provide a starting point for additional studies

of issues surrounding professional modern spoken drama troupes in Thailand.

11

1.5 Theoretical Framework

Due to the lack of relevant theoretical work within the local context, this

dissertation proposes a new analytical framework for the study of phuying kraeng in

lakhon phut samai maio The new model incorporates the theoretical and critical

approaches to the study's female character in mass media developed by Thai scholars and

integrates a playwriting theory developed by Western scholars. Within this framework, I

will construct a new analytical model specifically to investigate the phenomenon of

phuying kraeng in Thai theatre.

The representation of strong female characters in the mass media has been a

mainstream research subject among Thai scholars in the field of literature studies,

women's studies, and communication studies since the late 1980s. They developed a

theoretical grid to explore the depiction of these phuying kraeng figures. Nevertheless,

those approaches have never been applied to the study of female characters in modem

spoken theatre. I believe that the origin of lakhon phut samai mai as an activity for Thai

intellectuals might be a reason that it was never considered a subject of mass media

studies. Moreover, when the flood of studies on fictional women in mass media poured

out in the 19805, lakhon phut sama; mal was in its infancy seeking to negotiate its

identity and situate its place in the context of Thai society's popular entertainment As

professionallakhon phut sarnai mal companies have become more established and strong

female characters have become prominent features of these companies' work, the critical

theory used to study phuying kraeng in fictional works is undeniably relevant to the study

of female characters in theatre.

12

Therefore, I choose this analytical approach based on the premise that a local

theory is most applicable to the interpretation of characters in Thai theatre. The theory

developed by the insiders provides insight into writing by the local writer because the

scholars, the writers, and the subjects of the study are products of the same culture. I

therefore adopt the literary definition and the description of phuy;ng kraeng for the

interpretation of phuying kraeng in theatre.

Nevertheless, theatre is a unique medium distinct from other types of media. Mass

media theory does not completely support the critical analysis of dramatic texts.

Moreover, Thai mass media theory tends to be primarily descriptive. It devotes much of

the analysis to discussious of phuying kraeng's occupations, sexual activities, marital

status, and appearances. I elect to apply playwriting theory to supplement the lack of

concrete framework and organization in Thai mass media theory. I select playwriting

theory because playwriting elements are what give life to phuying kraeng and because

Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre consider playwriting as a cornerstone of the

creation of phuying kraeng.

Due to the lack of substantial local playwriting theory, I adopt the playwriting

theory developed by Western scholars. I elect to frame the argument of phuying kraeng

with four crucial playwriting elements: the phuying kraeng's goal, obstacle, action and

outcome. I must clarify that I do not attempt to analyze the playwright's process of

creating a character. Rather I use the four elements to deconstruct these plays in order to

differentiate amongst the elements that increase the popularity of these two professional

troupes output, and thereby enabling survival of the operation of professional troupes.

The new analytical model provides the most systematic tools to describe and examine the

13

needs, the problems, the struggles, and the strategies of phuying kraeng that construct

them as the symbol of modem identity.

Analytical Approach to Phuying Kraeng

In this section, I will outline the definition and usage of the term phuying kraeng,

phuying kraeng's association with modernity, and an overview of phuying kraeng's scope

and definition in the works of professionallakhon phut samai maio

Definition and Usage of Phuying Kraeng in Fictional Works

Phuying kraeng literarily means strong woman, and it serves as an umbrella term

to describe a new type of non-traditional main female character that began to surface in

the 1970s in Thai fictional works. I Dr. Kanchana Kaeothep, a renowned Thai scholar of

media studies and women's studies, coined the term and first described it in her 1989

article titled "Studying Trends: Issues of Women and Mass Media." She referred to

phuying kraeng as fictional women who "face a dilemma to choose between personal

relationships and professional success" (32). Within the next decade, Kaeothep refined

the usage of this term to include this definition: "women who are physically and mentally

strong. They are confronted with both familial and professional problems. Other

characteristics of these women are self-confidence, independence, and liberality"

("Mother and Wife" 155). In the article "EastlWest in Thai Television Dramas and

Films," Kaeothep added more dimensions to the term by describingphuying kraeng's

I I group the writing of novels, television dramas, and films under a single category of fictional works to

distinguish them from the non-fictional works which include the writing of news, documentary, and miscellaneous articles and columns that appear in newspapers, television, and popular magazines.

14

personal values: "Certain characteristics of phuying kraeng are the recognition of their

own needs. They know what they want in life, though these needs might be in conflict

with the dominant social values. Nevertheless, they decide to lead their lives according to

their own standards" (179).

Certain distinguishing features of phuying kraeng in fictional works are

significant and applicable to this dissertation. First, the scope of phuying kraeng struggle

is expanded beyond romance and family crisis to include problems in the workplace and

community. Phuying kraengofthe middle and upper classes wrestle with old values in

pursuit of personal liberation and women's rights while phuying kraeng of the working

class blend their personal struggles with the struggle to protect or to preserve their

communities.

Second, their newfound autonomy enables these fictional women to better their

methods in order to fulfill their needs. The female characters become more aware of their

options due to their higher level of education and increasing economic independence. The

works of fiction show female characters walking out of their marriages, acquiring an

education, using their sexuality, and seeking help from the legal system to resolve their

problems. Therefore, their methods of fulfilling their desires become increasingly varied.

Third, strong women characters can either choose to participate in or to denounce

the traditional gender roles, and may voice criticism of social injustices that create

difficulties in women's lives. Mostphuying kraeng express their discontent with the

traditional concept of filial obligation that curtails women's achievement of personal

freedom. Other issues that rise to prominence in the lives of phuying kraeng are feminine

15

chastity, arranged marriage, discrimination in the workplace, and a subordinated social

role.

By the early 1990s, the term phuying kraeng and its definition were widely used

in the analysis of female characters to describe the strong women who emerged in fiction,

television dramas, and films, and to a lesser extent, in popular songs, comics, and

advertising. Over the last twenty years, Thai scholars, critics, and researchers have

presented some variation in terminology and interpretation with regard to the term

phuying kraeng but have continued to use Kaeothep's academic works as a foundation of

th . studi 2 err es.

Phuying Kraeng and ModernilV

In this dissertation, I opt to use the terms "modern" and "modernity" as the direct

translation of the Thai term samai maio The literal meanings of samai mai are ''modern,''

''up-to-date,'' and ''new time." The terms modern and modernity are used in the study of

phuying kraeng to describe the essences of strong female characters and their practices of

ideas, consciousnesses, and lifestyles that reflect the modern and up-to-date mode of

living as a result of the modernization of Thailand (Kaeothep, "East" 181-183).

In the Thai historical context, the term modernity was ascribed by scholars to the

social transformation that has taken shape since the 1960s. The arrival of industrial

capitalism, advanced technologies, new urban institutions, mass consumption, and a

2 Other terms to describe strong women character include phuying kaona or "progressive womeo," phuying

keng "competent womeo, " (pachakun 8- I 6), and phuying yule mai or "new women" (Charoenpon 196-197). These terms are used to describe fictional female characters whose qualities include economic independence, competence, Iiberal-mindedness, and in some cases, sexual experience.

16

middle class population catalyzed Thai society in its entirety, instigating intellectual and

cultural movements that required society to adjust to new living conditions. The quest for

social equality, individualism, and liberalism represented advancement and a break from

the traditional and outdated past, exemplifying the process of modernization. (Chong 7-

12; Mills, Thai 12-15; Mills, "auditioning" 31-34; Wilson 160-163). Modernity is related

directly to the emergence of phuying kraeng. A study of phuying kraeng in fictional

works reveals that its arrival was a reaction to the repetitive, unrealistic, and predictable

characterization of traditional female characters in popular fiction before the emergence

of phuying kraeng in the 1970s.

The emblematic heroine of fictional works before the 1970s was nang ek. Nang ek

is a general term referring to the main female character. The term, however, has certain

negative connotations including passiveness, obedience, domesticity, and dependence.

Nang ek's typical narrative progression and their common traits are worth

mentioning. Virginity is prescribed as the most precious virtue of most nang ek. Chastity

is a manifestation of their inward virtues-purity, high morality, and self-control­

which attract both the hero and the villain. Their destiny, either to be rewarded or

punished. depends on their choice to preserve or to give up their virginity. The story

typically recounts how nang ek lose their virginity. Kaeothep explains how powerfully

nang ek's virginity dictates the linearity of the narrative:

The stories [of the novels that have been adapted to television drama

series] progress chronologically to the occasion that a nang ek decides

to lose her virginity. That is, she will preserve her virginity until the

end of the series. Almost at the end, she will give up her virginity to

17

the hero. When the viewers witness the scene in which a nang ek is close

to engaging in a sexual relationship with him, they prepare themselves

for the end of the series. ("Mother and Wife" I S7)

Marriage is presented as the only venue that will "bring sanctnary, security, and safety"

("Studying Trends" 46) to the heroine. I interpret nang ek's need to be married as the

result of their dependence and vulnerability because nang ek are characterized as women

who "belong to a gender that cannot exist alone in the world or survive on their own two

feet." ("Watching Drama" 289). The significance of nang ek's marriage is the transfer of

their guardianship from a father to a husband.

The new political climate of the 1960s and 1970s brought about changes in Thai

fictional works. Thai scholars denoted student political activism of the decades as the

turning point for the depiction of women in mass media (Kaeothep, "East" 178;

Thaviloetnithi 81-84; Sawettam 174). These two decades were a period of intellectnaI

revolt for young university students. The nation witnessed a rapid increase in the number

of men and women attending college both in Thailand and in the West. Young people

were exposed to foreign ideas in political, economic, and philosophical disciplines and

became acquainted with Western as well as Chinese and Japanese Iiteratnre. The students

looked at the condition of their own nation, found conditions unsatisfactory, and

organized a series of protests and demonstrations.

In the beginning, the aggression was directed toward school administrations and

demands were for educational reforms. The state of student unrest was further

complicated by the termination of the constitution and the proclamation of martial law by

Field Marshall Thanom Kittikhachon in 1971. The intense student activism was

18

redirected toward government and militant leaders. The women's movement, in

particular, was launched as a part of the democratic movement (Van Esterik 49-51).

Women actively took part in the nation's transformation: women students' clubs were

organized, and newsletters dealing specifically with women's issues in the time of

political and social change were distributed. Though student uprisings against the military

dictatorships helped topple the military regimes, they ended in the nation's two most

gruesome mass massacres on October 14, 1973 and on October 6, 1976 as thousands of

students were reportedly killed (Bartak 1-2; Baker and Phongpaichit 188-199). These two

historical incidents, also known as the October Fourteenth Event and the October Sixth

Event, represented milestones in the country's march toward modernity.

Modernity reshaped the content and style of Thai fictional works as well as the

representation of female characters. The representation of nang ek was viewed as

irrelevant for it was removed from the current reality of women in society. Instead, strong

and independent female characters increased in appearance in fictional works. These

phuying kraeng were portrayed to negotiate their modern identities. In the study of

phuying kraeng, modern identity describes the characters' fundamental awareness of their

functions in the family and in the community and their search for freedom and autonomy.

Sawettam argues that this emerging new type of main female character was a

phenomenon that could not be dismissed: "Increasingly, these characters [strong women

characters] grew in quantity and intensity. The severity, frequency, variety, clarity in their

appearances differentiated them from the traditional female characters" (184). The

phuying kraeng characters claimed their space in fictional work.

19

Sirirat Thaviloetnithi, a Thai literature scholar, dates changes in the representation

of fictional women in Thai literature to the conclusion of the first student uprising of

October 14, 1973. According to Thaviloetnithi, physical attractiveness continued to play

an important role in the characterization of the main female characters, but they became

more independent, expressed liberal viewpoints, and questioned traditional roles of

women (231-232). Bongkod Sawettam dated the first appearance of phuying kraeng in

the movie The Angel of Bar Twenty-One (Thepthida Ba Yisip-et, 1978): "they deviated

from typical nang ek. They did not give value to their virginity. They might be a

prostitute or mistress. They had strong and aggressive personalities. Because of their self-

confidence, they no longer needed validation from male characters" (176)? Kaeothep

observed the emergence of a new type of female character who "could not simply be

categorized as protagonists nor antagonists" ("East" 178) in television drama series of

approximately the same period: "some struggled with economic and political

problems ... some struggled to preserve cultural identity" ("East" 178).

These female figures signify the embrace of modernity and a rejection of the

traditional roles of women. They broke into new territory in which women actively

participate in public activities rather than being confined to domestic life. They are

express new ideas concerning themselves, institution, and way of life. Their pursuit of

personal freedom, individual identity, and intellectua1liberation became a symbol of the

nation's quest for modernity. The representation of phuying kraeng became a mark of

modernity in the history of Thai fictional writing.

3 The Angel of Bar Twenty-One is a story of a prostitute and entertainer in a bar called Twenty-One. The

story was inspired by the musical Cabaret. 20

Phyyjng Kraeng in Professional Lakhon POOt Sarnai Mai

The analytical approach to the examination of phuying kraeng in this dissertation,

therefore, is predicated on a more developed theoretical and critical framework used in

literature and media studies and is applied to investigate the portrayal of women in

lakhon pOOt sarnai mal that emerged in a similar fashion. I use the term phuying kraeng

to identify a group of main female characters who demonstrate strength, independence,

and liberal tendencies in their forming of modem identity. They actively pursue their

goals, though those goals might be in conflict with the dominant social norms. These

fictional women are positioned as the subject of the narrative rather than the object of the

male characters' desire.

The keyword in describing phuying kraeng in theatre is diversity. The phuying

kraeng in lakhon pool sarnai mai come from all demographic and social backgrounds,

covering the broad spectrum of women in Thailand. An individual phuying kraeng can be

single or married, rich or poor, formally educated or self-taught, of working class or

privileged descent, and virginal or sexually experienced. Though they are represented as

embracing modernity, they can be characters who live in contemporary society or women

from the past whose behavior can be read as modem. There is an increase in the depiction

of underrepresented women as main characters. Characters such as prostitutes, scam

artists, and mistresses are now given a new life, and the result is the arrival of a variety of

new voices of fictional women who were previously categorized as antagonists or

supporting characters.

21

Playwriting Terminology and Definition

In this section, I define and describe the four main dramatic elements-a

character's goal, obstacle, action, and outcome-which form a framework for the

analysis of individual phuying kraeng. I draw the definitions and usages of these terms

from theoretical literature and manuals relating to the playwriting process as indicated

below.

The goal of a character is also referred to as "objective," "super-objective,"

"super-intention," "volition," "plan," and "intention." Mirian Gallaway's description of

the term in Constructing a Play fits the analysis of phuying kraeng: "volition is

synonymous with 'desire,' a goal-oriented conscious experience in which the individual

is energized to initiate, sustain, or change behavior" (47). I agree with Shelly Frome's

statement in Playwriting: A Complete Guide to Creating Theatre which relates a

character's goal to action: "a desire that the character can only satisfY through action"

(50). In The Dramatist's Toolkit: The Crqft of the Working Playwright, Jeffrey Sweet

Iists possible dramatic goals: "inanimate objects, people, space, time, light, ideas, and

other factors" (27). A goal can be a factor that a character believes will re-establish the

balance or "a special situation in which a set of relationships is in relative equilibrium"

(Smiley, Playwriting Revised Edition 105). Therefore, the goal becomes the most

essential matter at the moment. A character must be willing to exhaust any means to

attain her goal. Because phuying kraeng's plays are character-centered, Sweet's

argument regarding the importance of goal is applicable: "it is especiaIly important for

22

the central character of a character-structured piece to have a strong objective and to take

risks for it. The most memorable characters are those who are willing to indulge in the

most extreme behavior in the pursuit of their goals" (30).

To summarize, a character's goal is what a character needs. This can be an object,

a person, a space, a psychological factor, an abstract idea, or a reaction from other

characters. A character's goal can be something that a character can get from herself,

from other characters, or from society. A character might attain the goal herself or she

might need other characters to fulfill that goal. Nevertheless, a goal must motivate a

character to take action to bring a state of equilibrium to her situation. A character's goal

must be dynamic and urgent to become a convincing driving force for the character's

action.

Obstacle

The meaning of the term obstacle in relation to the characterization is defined by

William Packard in The Art of Playwright: Creating the Magic of Theatre as "any [my

emphasis] impediment, obstruction, hindrance, opposition or stone wall barrier that

stands in the way ofsomeone's getting something that he wants" (43). In the 1971 edition

of Playwriting: The Structure of Action Sam Smiley refers to obstacle as "any [my

emphasis] factor in a story that opposes or impedes the progress of the protagonist as he

attempts to restore balance by carrying out his plan" (56). Similarly, Roger A. Hall offers

his explanation of the term in Writing Your First Play: "someone or something [my

emphasis] prevents or hinders the immediate attainment of that goal" (Hall 13). The

definition above is helpful. However, the words "any," "someone," and "something"

23

make the definition quite broad. It might be useful to further examine how the term

obstacle is categorized in order to understand the use of the obstacle in relation to the

characterization of phuying kraeng.

Playwriting scholars use different methods to categorize obstacles. Most divide

them according to their origins (Hall 13; Hull 15; Smiley, Playwriting 56; Sweet 55-56).

However, the most useful classification comes from Packard. He simply divides the

obstacle into external and internal forces:

In dramatic writing, obstacles can be located either outside a character,

or inside a character. Obstacles that are located outside a character can

be anything that one comes up against outside oneself, that gets in the

way of a major action ... The second kind of obstacles are located

inside a character, and they can be any inner reasons why a character

should not keep on pursuing his major action. (45-47)

Packard's explanation is more valid to the analysis ofphuying kraeng because he relates

an obstacle to the characterization rather than the plot structure. He classifies the obstacle

according to its location in relation to the main character. Moreover, each category covers

a wider range of obstacles. According to Packard, an external obstacle may take the form

of "a person, a place, or a thing" (43) which can include an antagonist, society, idea,

circumstance, and fate. In the meantime, an internal obstacle stems from the problems

within the character herself. It can be "psychological," ''psychiatric,'' or a ''tragic flaw"

(47). Finally, lakhon phut sarnai rnai dramas often contain more than one type of

obstacle, and often "a combination of both inner and outer obstacles" (49). Consequently,

a broader range of classification is more appropriate to my analysis.

24

In summary, an obstacle can simply be any factor or factors, external or internal

that "prevent[s] a character from getting what he wants" (packard 162). It functions as an

impediment that a character has to overcome in order to achieve her goal. The phuying

kraeng's struggle with an obstacle will increase in intensity until either she succeeds or is

overcome.

Action

Playwriting scholars mark action as the essence of a character. A character is

defined by what she does, an action. It is "each character's entire reason for being up

there on stage," and "character is action" (packard 57). Frome's explanation establishes

the clearest and simplest definition: "what a character does to try to achieve his aims are

referred to as his actions" (49).

Action refers to a variety of tactics, strategies, or devices that a character uses to

reach her goal. It is expectation-oriented and involves planning, A character has a

specific anticipation for a result which will bring change to her situation. A character acts

"to seek a means of regaining harmony. The action proper is the effort of the protagonist

to attain the means by which he hopes to regain harmony" (Gallaway 69).

Physical movement and speech are the two most recognired external

manifestations of action. (Lawson 170; Grebanier 69). But the emphasis should not be

placed solely on what a character does or says, since action should be "interpersonal; one

character does or says something to another" (Smiley, Playwriting 100) and ''is directed

toward repairing the breach and restoring the baiance"(Ga1laway 24).

25

The snmmary of action that best applies to the analysis of phuying kraeng is

found in John Howard Lawson's Theory and Technique o/Playwriting:

Dramatic action is activity combining physical movement and speech;

it includes the expectation, preparation and accomplishment of a

change of equilibrium which is part of a series of such changes. The

movement toward a change of equilibrium may be gradual, but the

process of change must actually take place ... Action may be complex

or simple, but all its parts must be objective, progressive, meaningful.

(173)

In sum, an action is a combination of physical movement and speech that a character

carries forward to attain her goal. A character has a clear vision of what will happen

when her goal is accomplished because of the expectation-oriented nature of the action.

Outcome

Other terminologies that are used alternatively with outcome are ''resolution,''

"denouement," "conversion," "conclusion," and "ending." Those terminologies often

refer to a specific point in a plot structure that serves as the conclusion of the story.

Therefore, they are associated with the construction of a plot. In this study I choose the

term outcome to refer to the "outcome of the action" because it is associated with the

analysis of the characterization rather than that of the play structure. 1 agree with Hall's

selection of the term: "1 have chosen the word 'outcome' to indicate that a conflict of

intentions may be ended or continued" (14).

26

The term outcome indicates the result of the character's effort to obtain her goal

through the use of action. There are only two major types of outcome: "the main

character either succeeds or fails. A character overcomes the opposing force or is

overcome by if' (Hall 13). To the analysis ofphuying kraeng, an outcome simply reveals

whether a phuying kraeng achieves her goal. Thus, the outcome does not necessarily

occur at the end of the play. Nevertheless, as Gallaway points out, "as soon as the

objective has been achieved, the play is over;" (86) therefore, we often see an outcome

toward the end of the play.

I proceed with the analysis of the outcome in three fashions. First, I will document

the result of the battle between the obstacle and the action that will reveal what happens

to the character's goal. Second, the analysis of the outcome projects the future of the

strong female characters. I agree with Smiley that an outcome hints at a new equilibrium:

''Because the protagonist wins or loses, gets or misses the stake, reaches or does not reach

his goal, all the other characters are affected. During the resolution, the world of the play

settles into some relative state of balance, or perhaps permanent imbalance" (Playwriting

59). The new state of affairs depicted at the outcomes of the plays will be analyzed.

Third, the analysis of the outcome will reveal the meaning of the play. Gallaway argues,

"the right ending is the one which most clearly expresses the playwright's attitude toward

the material" (101). Her statement is applicable to the analysis of phuying kraeng in the

sense that the outcome of the phuying kraeng's action shows the playwright's view of the

character's struggle. The playwright's decision, either to award or punishphuying

kraeng, conveys a particular message that establishes the meaning of the play.

27

CHAPTER 2

mSTORICAL OVERVIEW OF PROFESSIONAL LAKHON PHUT SAMAI MAl

This chapter will offer a briefhistorica1 background of Thai drama and focus on

the formation of lakhon phut samai mai, the development of lakhon phut samai mai, and

the emergence of professionallakhon phut samai rna; companies. Lakhon phut sarna; mai

literally means "modem spoken theatre." It is the adaptation of Western style theatre in

theories and practices. The term lakhon phut sama; mai has been used since the late

I 960s to distinguish this new type of drama from indigenous Thai traditional dance-

drama, such as khon or lakhon, that emphasizes singing and stylized movements

(Mahasarinand, Encyclopedia 372-373). During the course of the development of Thai

theatre, various forms of traditional Thai dance-drarna adopted Western theatre

conventions, mainly spoken prose and dramatic structure. Thai theatre scholars defined

this movement as the Westernization of traditional Thai dance drama This development

also gave birth to a variety of new theatre forms which will be referred to as hybrid

drama. Hybrid drama included several new theatre genres which originated at the tum of

twentieth century and combined performance elements of traditional Thai theatre with

Western theatre conventions.4 However, since the focus of this dissertation is on the

practice of Western-style drama in Thailand, the analysis of the modem transformation of

Thai classical drama and hybrid drama is outside the scope of this study.

4 Among the best-known hybrid dramas were lakhon phanthang, lakhon duekdumban, and lakhon rong. Each fonn retained specific and unique perfonnance conventions. Nevertheless, they shared certain characteristics. For inS1lmce, in most forms of hybrid drama, the perfonners sang the verse as well as spoke the prose; dance movements were simplified or minimized; and acts and scenes were divided according to Western drama convention.

28

2.1 The Development of Lakhon Phut Samai Mal

18705-19505: Spoken Drama: The Foundation of Lakhon Phut SamaJ Mal

Royal entertainment records first mention the perfonnance of Western-style

theatre during the reign of King Chulalongkorn or King Rama V (1868-1910). Royal

family members and aristocrats performed this new type of entertainment at private

parties celebrating the New Year. Most of the perfonnances were adaptations of stories

from the Thai classical dance drama but with spoken prose replacing the singing and the

stylized movement (Rutnin 151). This type of drama was known as lakhon phut or

"spoken drama" which indicated the emphasis on the Western theatre technique used,

namely spoken dialogue.s

The last perfonnance of lakhon phut during the reign of King Rama V was

credited to an amateur production of The Sleeper Awakened (Nithra Chakhrit) in 1879,

performed for the New Year by royal courtiers and high ranking officials. King Rama V

adapted this play from an episode of "The Tale of the Sleeper Awakened" taken from an

English version of the Arabian Nights (Rutnin 109-114). This play marked the first Thai

theatrical adaptation of an English text. This Western-style perfonnance of The Sleeper

Awakened featured spoken dialogue and a minimal amount of sung verse (Rutnin 109-

114).

The experiment with Western-style drama was discontinued until the return of

Crown Prince Vajiravudh from England where he was educated. The Crown Prince

S The literal meaning Of lakhon phut is "spoken drama." The perfonnance of lakhon phut, however, may include a smaIl number of songs, minimal dancing, and also verse recitation. Nevertheless, the stoJy unfolded through spoken dialogue, which was the reason lakhon phut gained the name "straight play" (Rutnin 152).

29

brought with him an interest in European Drama and revived the activities of laklum put

especially after he was crowned King Rama VI (1910-1925). His first lakhon phut was

the production of Like Father Like Son (80m Pha 80m Luk), staged on March 30, 1904. It

was produced at the clubhouse of the Increasing Wisdom Society (Thawi Panya Samoson)

which the Crown Prince founded with the Western educated elites and the royal families

(Rutnin 151-152). The Increasing Wisdom Society built an enclosed 1 OO-seat Westem­

style proscenium theatre on its premises. It became the first theatre built to perform

lakhon phut. The productions of the society, though amateur in organization, aimed at

selling tickets to its members and their families.

From the time of his return to Thailand to the end ofhis reign in 1925, King

Vajiravudh continued writing and staging lakhonphut. Of the 150 plays credited to him,

fifty were lakhon phut that contained only spoken dialogue. He wrote twenty-four

original plays, and translated and adapted sixteen English plays and ten French plays.

King Vl\iiravudh's adaptations were fairly liberal in that they were designed to suit the

taste ofhis audience. He "edited, improved, and merged scenes to simplify and tighten

the plot" (Duangphattra 76) so that the play would be understood by his Thai viewers.

His play scripts were divided into acts and scenes in the fashion of the Western dramatic

structure, and contained introductions which described the play's setting and cultural

background, characters, and stage properties.

His plays were not merely entertainment for his elite audiences but also served

political and social purposes. During his reign, high officials aggressively plotted to

replace the absolute monarchy with a republic. The king used lakhon phut to teach the

values of duty and loyalty toward the monarch to his audiences who were high ranking

30

military and civil officials. The patriotic themes of certain plays demonstrated the desired

behaviors and national obligations as well as topics that would "educate, inform, and

prepare his people for the modern world" (Rutnin 158). For example, A Warrior's Heart

(Huachai Nakrop) was a propaganda drama written to promote the importance of the

Wild Tiger Corps. The corps was the king's personal organization founded to train

civilians and civil servants in military tactics and administration. When the play was

written, the Wild Tiger Corps was under attack by high officials who viewed the

organization as the king's attempt to counteract the military. The play defended the

organization's integrity by demonstrating that the corps aimed at stimulating a sense of

nationalism rather than cultivating the king's political support.

In addition to importing Western dramatic texts, King Vajiravudh introduced

modern Western theatte techniques and ideas to the Thai audience. In terms of theatre

techniques, he introduced a more "modern realistic theatre" (Rutnin 159). The emphasis

on realistic acting allowed female performers to portray female characters, replacing the

traditional convention of all-male casts. His involvement in lakhon pOOt included the

incorporation of the Western theatte concepts of directing and theatte design. His wide­

ranging contributions to lakhon phut, thus creating a more modern Western-style drama

in Thailand, earns King Vajiravudh the title of "father of modem Thai theatre" (Rutnin

159; Ingkhuthanon 40).

The popularity of lakhon pOOt during the reign of King Rama VI was restricted to

the royal court and some elite clubs. Due to spoken theatre's foreign form, it did not catch

on among commoners. The modem lakhon pOOt and its unfamiliar subject matter may

31

have been too far removed from traditional Thai entertainment for the taste of the general

public of the time.

The 1932 Revolution overthrew the absolute monarchy, and funding for royal

entertainment was reduced to bare essentials by the new government. Court artists were

forced to find employment outside the royal court; as a result of this dispersion,

entertainment for commoners flourished. The hybrid drama, also initiated by members of

the royal family, had expanded into the commercial territory and became very popular

among the audiences outside the court.

At the same time, feature film, first imported by a Japanese film company in 1902,

rose in popularity in the I 930s to early 1940s. The film industry was in competition with

theatre partly because it represented the new and exciting Western culture. During World

War II, film declined due to a ban on foreign films, and the Thai movie industry also shut

down operations because of the lack of imported film stock from abroad. The film

industry's decline, however, gave birth to a renaissance of live theatre. Theatre troupes

competed for consumers by creating more novel hybrid dramas and extravagant

productions. Twenty to thirty private troupes staged mostly hybrid dramas with romantic

and nationalistic themes, though none was devoted to lakhon phut. The demand for

hybrid dramas lasted until the end of the 1950s when the film industry was revived

(Rutnin 201-202; Ingkhuthanon 57-65).

Lakhon phut was significant to the inception of lakhon phut sarnai rnai in that it

introduced Western theatre dramatic texts and techniques to Thailand. It represented a

significant step toward conceptualizing theatre as "serious activity" (Rutnin 167) with a

social purpose beyond ritualistic practice and entertainment. Theatre was used as a tool to

32

educate, provoke actions, and deliver certain political and social ideas, and it laid the

foundation for the practice of the modem Western spoken drama in Thailand.

19608 and 19708: The Dominance of University Theatres

Although certain elements of Western theatre were introduced through the

adaptation of Western plays in lakhon phut, the actual practice of modem spoken drama

did not begin until the 1960s. The political and cultural climate of the 1960s and 1970s

contributed to the creation of the new modern spoken drama. As described in the

previous chapter, student protest and political activism characterized this period, but it

was also a time of intellectual awakening among university students. The students' quest

for liberalism, democracy, and social equality aroused their thirst for knowledge from

foreign countries, especially from the West. This included a keen interest in Western

drama - particularly socialist, existentialist, and absurd theatre - among the

increasingly politicized university students. Theatre suitable for the nation's modernized

state needed to serve as a forum that posed questions, stimulated intellects, and responded

to social changes. Lakhon phut sarnai mal fulfilled those functions and came to symbolize

Thai modernity in the theatrical context. The two forces that launched lakhon phut samai

mal into a full-fledged practice were the introduction of Western theatre curricula in

universities and the practice of political theatre by student activists.

First, lakhon phu! samal mal arrived in the university setting in the middle of the

1960s with the arrival of recent Thai graduates from American and European universities

who, for the first time, were trained specifically in Westem theatre. In the Thai

universities, initially theatre courses were interposed as a part of the literature curriculum

33

and as extra-curricular activities of English language departments. Thai theatre scholars

credit Sodsai Pantoomkomol with the establishment of the first theatre department in

Thailand in 1970 at Chulalongkom University. Within the next ten years, other major

public universities followed in her footsteps. At least three universities - Chula1ongkom

University, Thammasat University, and Silpakom University respectively - offered the

Bachelor's degree in theatre by the end of 1970s (Rutnin 199; Van Erven 208).

For the most part, theatre curricula in these universities replicated those developed

by theatre departments at Western universities. They focused attention on training Thai

students to ''truly and profoundly understand the art of drama as it was practiced in the

West. The drama schools offered courses in Western theatre history, theory and criticism,

playwriting, directing, and other basic courses in Western theatre" (Ingkhuthanon 75).

The emphasis was placed on developing the students' technical and inteUectua1 skills in

theatre with an eye to future employment in lakhon phut sarnai rnai or related fields after

graduation.

These departments taught and staged dramatic masterpieces of the past and

present. The works of world-renowned playwrights such as Sophocles, Henrik Ibsen,

BertoIt Brecht, Eugene O'Neill, Arthur Miller, and Tennessee Williams were extremely

popular. Besides the study of dramatic texts, acting training was offered with an emphasis

on the Stanislavski method of training. In addition to this realistic acting style, other

theatrical forms were also explored.

University productions by both teachers and students were performed in

classrooms, university auditoriums, and outdoor spaces on university premises. The first

lakhon phut sarnai rnai play to be offered in such a setting was Sidney Howard's Silver

34

Cord under the direction ofPantoomkomol in 1967. It Was adapted to a Thai setting, but

the play's message and performance style followed the original staging in the West

(Young Sodsai 114).

University lakhon phut sarnai mai tickets were available to the general public at a

low price and sought after mostly by students and intellectuals. For these audiences,

lakhon phut sarnai rnai was considered a new and exciting experience, and the message­

centered dramas were intellectually challenging. However, lakhon phut samai rnai

popularity did not extend beyond this limited audience. Pornrat Damrhung, a prominent

Thai theatre scholar and artist, concluded that the Thais primarily preferred escapist,

entertaining theatre over serious theatre because the latter did not suit the "fun-loving"

nature of the Thais and, as a new genre, was unfamiliar to the general andience

(Damrhung, "Thai Contemporary Theatre" 30).

Nevertheless, theatre departments in the universities contributed to the growth of

lakhon phut sarnai mai in three crucial areas. First, they introduced a theatre which

"stimulated intellectuaI thinking, focused on the play's message, led to criticism of

human existence and social structure, brought about knowledge, and stirred the need for

social changes according to the tradition of modern drama in Europe and America"

(Damrhung, "Thai Contemporary Theatre" 31). Second, the productions offered by

theatre departments familiarized their audiences with Western dramatic masterpieces.

Last, theatre departments produced lakhon phut sarnai rnai practitioners who would later

became the guiding lights of Thai professional theatre.

The second element that launched the development of lakhon phut sarnai mai was

the practice ofpoliticaI theatre by university students. During the late 1960s, particularly

35

after the military coup' d'etat of Marshall Thanom Kittikhachon, fears of communist

subversion resulted in strict censorship of literature and media, and print, radio and

television outlets were controlled by the military government. The restriction on freedom

of expression forced eager university activists to seek other means of demonstrating their

anti-estabIishment ideas. They found that theatre productions were less frequently

harassed by the authorities due to the mobility of street theatre.

The new spoken drama was performed as street theatre with the intention of

urging the crowds to join the protests. Within the next ten years, various amateur

university theatre groups were formed, and the political theatre movement in Thailand

took shape. Lakhon phut sarna; mal was the best form available to these amateur groups

with no formal theatre training for three main reasons. First, lakhon phut sarnal mai

contained mainly spoken dialogue, and performers did not need years of training in

classical Thai dance drama to execute a play. Second, lakhon phut sarnai maio with its

spoken text, could deliver an unambiguous anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist ideological

message to the crowds. Last, this form ofWestem-style theatre allowed the university

troupes to explicitly articulate the socialist messages of the plays, for besides stirring

democratic debates, these political plays aimed at increasing awareness of human rights

and social equality (Damrhung, "Thai Contemporary Theatre" 32-33; Ingkhuthanon 82-

85).

The group that pioneered using lakhon phut sarna; mal as a political medium was

the Crescent Moon Theatre (Prachan Siaw Kan Lakhon). It was founded in 1969 by a

group of university students who shared similar interests in literature. The troupe was

also credited with the first originallakhon phut sarnal mai play: Seventh Floor (Chan Thi

36

Chet) by Suchart Sawasdisri in 1971. The success of the Crescent Moon Theatre inspired

many political theatre groups. In 1975, Kamron Gunatilaka, one of the founders, was

invited to conduct a political theatre workshop for student literature clubs and newly

founded political theatre groups (Van Erven 210).

After the October Fourteenth Event, many political theatre groups took their

troupes to perform in rural areas of Thailand. Gunatilaka was the first to "set up an

experimental school in a tribal community" (Van Erven 209). The plays addressed the

local communities' problems of oppression. Lakhon phut samai mai became a

mechanism for criticizing injustices of the social system, corrupt local authorities, and the

dangers of capitalism. The intended audiences were peasants, laborers, and factory

workers. These performances employed improvisation techniques, and "they often used

realistic reenactments of things that had happened in factories or political events taken

from the news" (Van Erven 210). These theatre groups were able to use lakhon phut

sarnal mal to convey to the rural people important social and political messages that had

been banned by radio and television.

Political theatre contributed to the progression of lakhon phut sarna; mal in two

major areas. First, it changed the way in which Thais viewed lakhon phut samai mai by

positing theatre as an effective means of raising political and social awareness among a

mass audience. Second, these political theatre groups were able to familiarize

marginalized groups of people with lakhon phut samai mal, thus expanding the audience

from the small circle of intellectual elites to include peasants and laborers.

37

1980-1995: The Offshoots of University Theatre: the Period of Expansion

After the political upheaval of the previous decade, the more subdued 1980s saw

lakhon phut samal mal venture out of the university into society at large and gain

popularity among the urban population. The burgeoning of the middle class, the process

towards a democratic system, the reforms in education, and the 1980s economic

revolution in Southeast Asia, corresponded with the growth of lakhon phut samai mal.

The members of the new middle class were independent entrepreneurs, white-collar

employees of large business corporations, traders, bureaucrats, and middle-ranking

military personnel. This middle-class population began to include leisure activities in

their lives to display their new wealth, spending on consumer goods, recreation, and

entertainment (Askew 11; Funetsu and Kagoya 245-250; Shiraishi 249-251). This

particular sector of the population became the primary patrons of lakhon phut samal mai

and fostered its growth into the first half of the 1990s.

Lakhon phut samal mai was brought to communities outside the university by

college graduates who were either trained in Western theatre or had participated in the

political theatre movement. From 1980-1995, lakhon phut samal mal developed roughly

into three main categories demarcated by their distinctive purposes, venues, and

characteristics: grassroots theatre, semi-professional theatre, and professional companies.

The grassroots theatre movement emerged from the political theatre of the 1970s

and was pioneered by the student activists who were members of political theatre groups.

The two well-established groups still extant are Makhampom Theatre Group (Klum

Lakhon Makbampom) and Maya Art and Culturallnstitute for Development (Sathaban

Sinlapa Wa«anatham Phuea Kan Phatana Maya); both were established in 1981. These

38

non-profit theatre organizations were created "with the objective of providing alternative,

local media to marginalized communities" ("Our Organization"). In order to reach its

audience, the grassroots theatre performed in rura1 villages and UTban, poverty-stricken

areas. The main concern was to involve local people in identifying problems occUTring in

their community and in seeking solutions in order to improve their standard of living.

At the beginning, Makhampom Theatre Group and Maya Art targeted

underprivileged children as they addressed the issues of hea1thcare, literacy, and

children's rights. The performances often incorporated folktales from the local region,

puppets, game playing, and pantomime. By the mid 1980s, some projects by these groups

were commissioned by the state and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to educate

and promote social-economic transformation with regard to human rights, the

environment, and healthcare. Their programs then expanded to include adults. Grassroots

theatre contributed to the growth of lakhon phut sarnai mal for it introduced theatre as a

development tool. The success of grassroots theatre demonstrated that lakhon phut samai

mai was an effective tool with which to educate and to develop communication among

members of margina1ized communities.

The second type of lakhon phut samai mal to come out of university theatre was

semi-professional theatre. Semi-professional theatre in Thailand refers to non-profit

theatre groups. Their operations were comparable to those of community theatres in the

United States, and their operating principles drew from both professional and amateUT

theatre. First, these semi-professional groups generally wanted to earn enough to cover

their production expenses. Any profit was then allocated for an upcoming production.

Second, most cast and crew members of these theatre groups were unpaid. Some had

39

received theatre training in universities, but all were employed in other professions,

mostly in universities, the television and movie industry, and advertising firms. Third,

they tended to work on ad hoc basis, presenting a production, drawn mostly from the

Western dramatic canon, at least once a year. Fourth, the targeted audience consisted of

university graduates and the new middle-class population. Last, rather than investing in

building their own playhouses, these theatre troupes rented large auditoriums and

sophisticated production equipment.

The emblematic group of semi-professional theatre was Group '28. The group's

name was derived from the year 2528 of the Buddhist calendar, which referred to 1985

A.D. The group was founded by fifteen university graduates led by Ratsami

Pholueangthong (Van Erven 212).1n an interview, Pholueangthong explamed the

purpose of Group '28: "we wanted to make a theatre that was thought-provoking and

socially committed but not overtly political" (Van Erven 212). The most notable

production was the 1987 musical Su Khwan An Ying Ya;, the Thai translation of Don

Quixote: Man of La Mancha by Dale Wasserman. This production sold out its sixteen

performances at the National Theatre.

Group '28's modem staging practices set a standard for high-quality theatrical

productions. Parlchat Jungwiwattanapom highlights this contribution of Group '28 to

lakhon phu! samai mai: "Group '28 distributed a larger amount of their budget to stage,

lighting, music, and costume than any other theatre group had ever dared. The impressive

but appropriate theatrical elements in their productions changed how audiences viewed

theatre. It helped the audiences differentiate the experience of watching theatre from that

of watching television and film" ("Thai Tale" 17). Most of their productions were box

40

office successes and increased the acceptance of lakhon pOOt samal mai among the public.

The group continued staging the Western dramatic masterpieces of Shakespeare, Bertolt

Brecht, Friedrich Dilrrenmatt and Samuel Beckett until it was disbanded in 1995.

The semi-professional theatre paved the way for the organization of professional

lakhon phut samai mai in the next decade. The productions of semi-professional troupes

reached a fair cross section of the educated middle-class Bangkok population and

introduced to these particular audiences the praxis of lakhon phut sarna; maio

The professional theatre, which also has its origin in 1980, will be discussed in

detail later in this chapter.

To summarize, the years 1980 to 1995 served as a period of exploration for

lakhon phut samai maio There was bold experimentation with various types of theatre

organization. The lakhon phut sama; mai market was brand new, and every pioneering

production was a financial risk. Though the plays that were produced were mostly

Western dramas, cultural differences meant that the success of those plays in the West

could not guarantee the acceptance of the plays in Thailand. Without a track record of

critical and popular success or failure, lakhon phut samai mal artists were not able to

predict reactions to their work.

1996 to 2004: the Popularization of Lakhon Phut Sanud Mal

This was the period during which lakhon phut sarna; mai flourished as a premiere

entertainment genre. Evolving into an entity very different from Thai theatrical

precedents, its association with the educated middle-class audience established lakhon

pOOt sarnai mai's status as a symbol of modern Bangkok culture. While the 1997

41

economic crisis had an impact on the production of lakhon pOOl sarna; rna; (some theatres

closed their doors as a result), the crisis actually forced most theatre troupes to become

more resourceful, leading to significant innovations in theatre operations and productions.

The three categories of theatre from the early 1990s -grassroots theatre, semi­

professional theatre, and professional theatre -continued after 1996 with varying degrees

of success.

The grassroots groups continued to mature. New troupes were formed, and more

plays were produced. Besides Makhampom Theatre Group and Maya, other grassroots

theatre troupes emerged. For instance, The Matches Group (Klum Lakhon Maikhitfai)

was founded in 1995. The group focuses on the issues of women and youth. The

Wandering Moon Performing Group and Endless Journey (phrachan Phanechon) has

experimented with shadow theatre aimed at youth audiences since 1998.

The semi-professional theatre groups slowly lost their appeal and withdrew from

the theatre scene after Group '28 disbanded in 1995. The expensive productions, which

were their trademark, exacerbated the troupe's financial problems. Moreover, the

members of semi-professional theatre troupes were advancing in their full-time jobs and

refocused their attention on their careers, no longer able to devote time to theatre

volunteerism.

The professionallakhon POOl sama; rna; reached its peak as a consequence of the

accelerated growth of the Thai economy in the first half of the 1990s, and its major crisis

occurred during the period of economic downturn in 1997. The detailed analysis will be

included in the next section.

42

A significant theatre movement emerged in this period and had a great impact on

the lakhon phut samai mal landscape. The advent of the independent theatre after 1996

changed the dynamic of lakhon phut samai maio Independent theatre came into existence

right after the semi-professional theatre went into decline. The new movement was

composed of small theatre groups wishing to offer alternative, noncommercial theatre

experiences to urban audiences (Damrhung, "Thai Contemporary Theatre" 45;

Phakdicharoen). Their works were considered "avant-garde" because they represented a

radical experiment in form and content The theatre troupes pushed the boundaries of

theatre and broke traditional dramatic rules, thereby tending to attract a younger audience.

Because of the independent theatre's low-budgets, it was the only type of /akhon phut

samai mai that consistently grew throughout the economic crisis.

Some of the troupes that contributed to the progress of independent theatre during

the second half of 1990s were the Tall Pole Theatre (Klum Lakhon Saosung, 1997 to

present); the 8 x 8 Theatre Group (Khana Lakhon Paed Kun Paed, 1998 to present); and

the B-Floor Theatre (Klum Lakhon Bi-Flo, 1999 to present). The success of these troupes

encouraged other theatre practitioners to present their works in a similar fashion. The

exact number of troupes in active operation is impossible to specify due to the irregularity

of their production history. However, I estimate that there were at least fifty troupes

working in Bangkok based on the number of independent theatre troupes participating in

the Bangkok Theatre Festival from 2002 to 2004 (Bangkok Theatre Festival 2004 57-73).

These independent theatre groups shared some distinguishing characteristics. First,

they preferred to stage their works in intimate spaces. The ideal performance space

accommodated fewer than 100 audience members, drawing viewers closer to the

43

performance. In many cases, the audience was a part of the performance. None of these

theatre groups owned a playhouse. Rather, the troupes chose to perform in found space

such as art studios, cafes, restaurants, museums, and on the street. The preference for

found space is partial evidence of the artists' revolt against conventional theatre.

Additionally, the use of found space eliminated the expense of renting a playhouse and

theatre equipment.

Second, the theatre groups focused on developing original plays and were more

likely to present serious subject matter. The issues often aimed to capture the interest of

their young audiences without eliminating the entertainment aspect of theatre. Besides

their diverse interests in subject matter, independent theatre groups experimented with

various acting techniques and theatrical styles, including the performance traditions of

classical Thai theatre, installation art, and multimedia features. For example, B-Floor

Theatre produced Well, Hitler Stole ~ Pink Piggy Doll (Muea Hitloe Khamoi Lulanu

Sichomphu Khrong Nu Pai, 2001). The play used pantomime and physical theatre

techniques to narrate 300 years of civilization.

Third, the operation of the independent theatre troupes was similar to that of the

semi-professional companies. The difference was that the core members of independent

troupes belonged to the generation that grew up watching laklwn phut sarnai maio

Generally, a troupe was composed of three to five core members with formal and

informal training in theatre. Most held a part-time job in the entertainment business.

Similar to the members of semi-professional theatre, independent theatre troupes

gathered to do theatre in their free time. As a result, the schedule of their productions was

irregular.

44

The independent theatre was crucial to the development of lakhon phut samai maio

It offered an alternative theatre to the audience at an affordable price, especially when

other types of theatre were in decline. DIning the economic crisis, it remained one of the

theatres that kept the activities of lakhon phut sarnai mai alive, and its innovative and

entertaining approaches to serious issues highlighted a new aspect of lakhon phut sarna;

maio In addition, its pioneering use of found space as performance arenas altered the

Thai's perception of theatre space, increasing the potential use of unconventional spaces

for performance.

Critical Factors That Energized the Practice of Lakhon Phut Sarnai Mai

From 1996 on, the lakhon phut samai mai scene in Bangkok became more active due

to support from the government and NGOs, the emergence of theatre festivals, collaboration

between theatre artists, and the growth of black box theatre.

First, theatre was increasingly commissioned by government offices, cultural

foundations, and NGOs such as the Ministry of Thai Health, the Thai Health Promotion

Foundation, the Japan Foundation, and the Friends of Women Foundation. Financial support

from these organizations partly funded theatre projects that were related to the respective

organization's mission and annual plan. Though such patronage declined between 1998-2002

(due to the Asian financial crisis), support resumed thereafter.

Second, theatre festivals enhanced the popularity of lakhon phut sarnai maio The most

prominent festival was the Bangkok Theatre Festival ("Color of Bangkok"). BlF was

established in 2002 by the Bangkok Theatre Network, an organization composed of the

leaders of independent theatre and grassroots theatre groups. BlF took place every

45

November in Banglumphu, an old town district popular among young people. Lined with

bars, cafes, restaurants, historical buildings, and museums, the district was ideal for staging

independent and grassroots theatre. In its first year of operation, thirty-five theatre groups

joined the festival, and the number of participating theatres grew to more than fifty in 2004

("Color of Bangkok"). BTF nurtured the practices of lakhon phut samai mai because it

provided spaces and minima! funding SO theatre groups could concentrate on their creative

efforts. The gathering of a myriad of theatre troupes stirred the interest and involvement of

the general public, some of whom had never attended such performances. BTF provided a

venue for theatre artists to introduce their works and possibly expanded their troupe's

audience base.

Third, networking among the theatre artists from different types of lakhon phut samai

mal greatly benefited the practice. Within this period, there were collaborations between

theatre troupes, and it was common to find a production that integrated artists from different

lakhon phut sama; mal fields. The grassroots theatre troupes might co-create a project with

an independent theatre group, and professional theatre companies often acquired the services

of independent theatre artists. For instance, Nikom Saetang of the 8 x 8 Theatre Group was

hired to write and direct Baby From Hell (Tharok Chokapret) for Dass Entertainment's main

stage in 2000. Moreover, there were collaborations between traditional theatre artists and

lakhon phut sama; mal as well. For instance, the Department of Dramatic Arts at

Chulalongkom University invited Pichet Klunchuen, a Thai classical dancer, to join the 1997

Non Took Project, a modernized version of the Thai Ramayana.

The collaboration between theatre artists gave a boost to Bangkok's theatrical

landscape. In general, each theatre troupe worked toward constructing its identity by

46

experimenting with different styles, techniques, and artistic objectives. Collaboration

generated ideas and opened the channels of communication among theatre artists. Each

troupe reflected upon other troupes' achievements and failures and investigated their own

work in comparison with that of their peers.

Fourth, the emergence ofb1ack box theatre created new performance spaces for

lakhon phut sarna; maio From 1996-1998, at least four black box theatres opened their

doors to the public. Maya Box (1996), Studio 1(1996), Tadu Contemporary Art (1996),

and Moradok Mai Theatre (1998). These performance spaces housed a number of small

to medium sized performances and accommodated 100 to 200 andience members. The

black box theatre became an alternative performance space to such high-cost playhouses

as Thailand Culture Centre, The National Theatre, and Bangkok Playhouse. The low-cost

rental of these black box theatres reduced production costs, enabling companies to keep

ticket prices low, thereby attracting more viewers.

2.2 The Development of Professional Lakhon Phut Samai Mai

The historical account of professionallakhon phut sarnai mai is mirrored by the

development of Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre becanse the two companies

have become the epitome of professionallakhon phut sarnal maio They pioneered the

formation of professional theatre troupes and employed full-time staff. They consistently

presented three to eight plays per theatrical season. They depended primarily on the

income from the box office, and their long-running operations reflected efficient

management and organization. Finally, they both survived for more than fifteen years

47

while the attempts by other theatre practitioners failed after two to three years of

operation.

In this study, the development of professionallakhon phut somai rnai is organized

chronologically and based mainly on the historical narrative of these two companies. For

the purpose of this study, I establish three general periods to demonstrate the progress of

professionallakhon phut somai maio The three periods are the Formative Period (1990-

1993), the Popular Period (1994-1997), and the Recessive Period (1998-2002). The

division was made on the basis of the two companies' specific economic situations,

distinctive management operations, and the major theatrical events which differentiated

each period. In the next sections, I will describe the theatrical activities in the 1980s that

led to the formation of professional theatre troupes and each of the three periods of

professional theatre.

The Commercialization of Lakhon Phut Samtli Mal in the 1980s: an Antecedent to

the Professional Company

The theatre activities of the 1980s changed the way in which urban Bangkok

viewed and consumed theatre. The semi-professional theatre took the theatre out of the

university and catered specifically to an educated middle-class audience. Their high­

quality productions captivated the audiences, even those who had never attended a

Western theatre production before. However, the commercialization of lakhon phut somai

mai was not pioneered by theatre practitioners but by investors who took advantage of the

theatre boom. Rutnin explains, "As the commercial entertainment companies begin to

recognize the profit-earning potentials of modem theatre, they are now more confident

48

about investing their money in promoting productions by young directors" (199). The

hotel industry was the business sector that first attempted to gain profit from lakhon phut

sarna; mai, and the most important step towards professionalizJ!tion of Thai modern

spoken drama was the hotel dinner theatre.

Montientong Theatre

The first successful dinner theatre in Bangkok was founded by Thawon Sopi­

amon, the director of Graphis, an in-house advertising agency of the Montien Hotel

Bangkok. In 1984, Sopi-amon turned a cocktail lounge in the Montien Hotel Bangkok

into a 1 OO-seat performance hall called the Montientong Theatre to provide entertainment

that would stand out from the live music that was featured in other high-end hotels. In her

Master's degree's independent study report, Theerapom Virulrak, who worked for Sopi­

amon, explained the purpose of the theatre: "to provide another kind of cultural

performance for Thai customers to enjoy" (16).

The theatre project received an overwhelmingly positive reception after a

production of I Am a Man (Chan Phuchai Na Ya, 1986), and the management team made

adjustments in response to public demand, renovating the hotel nightclub, Casablanca,

into a 200-seat space (T. Virulrak 16-17). In addition, the theatre extended the production

schedule from weekends only to six nights a week. The tickets cost between 300 to 500

Baht, a fee which included a cocktail. The high price of admission suggests that the

audience members were from the middle and upper middle class. Toward the end of the

19808, Montientong Theatre transformed into a late night trendy spot for people of those

49

classes to see the show and to be seen. The atmosphere was festive; the audiences drank,

smoked, and socialized during the performances.

Though Montientong Theatre managed to capitalize on the success of its many

productions, it never attempted to form a professional theatre company. Theerapom

Virulrak explained the operation: "The Montientong Theatre was considered an outlet of

the Hotel under the operation of Food & Beverage Department Its costs & revenue were

calculated like those of a cocktail lounge or a restaurant for tax function [sic]" (18). Each

production was produced by a group of theatre artists who proposed a project to the

management team. When a project was approved, the artists were responsible for

producing, directing, and designing the production.

Within its nine years of operation, Montientong Theatre produced fifty-five

projects. Most of the plays were adaptations of Western dramas. The plays that received

broad approval were mostly lighthearted comedies or social satires with witty dialogue

and fast-paced plotlines. The plays, adaptations and originals, reflected the social and

cultural concerns of the middle class. Examples of popular plays include Troubled

Moster and Servant (Nai Bao Chao Panha), a Thai adaptation of Neil Simon's The Odd

Couple. and Lady Amarapa (Khunying Amarapa, 1986) an original play written by

Pairote Saleerat (virulrak, "Theatre in Thailand" 101; Damrhung, "Changing Taste" 3).

One strategy for financial success was the employment of famous television and

film stars. However, depending on these stars to capture public attention soon become

problematic. Sura pone Virulrak, a renowned theatre scholar, raised this topic at a round

table discussion on "Thai Dramatic Literature" organized by P.E.N. International. He

50

suggested that the failure of Monti en tong Theatre was the result of the stars' lack of

professional discipline:

The actors destroyed the flow of Montientong Theatre. The stars who

participated in these productions were mostly television actors. They came

to theatre to prove their talents. But when they got stuck at the television

or movie set, they missed the performances ... When the stars did not show

up, their understudies took over. The audience members complained to

the manager and the hotel. They could not take that kind of pressure. ("From

Literature to Stage" 99)

The star system that contributed to the success of Monti en tong Theatre also caused its

demise, and the theatre was forced to close down in 1993 (though at the time it was still

profitable).

Because of the success of the Montientong Theatre, efforts to commercialize modem

spoken drama expanded. The Oriental Hotel and Khun Luang Restaurant, for example, each

operated a dinner theatre but those projects were short-lived. In 1986, Nite Spot, a music and

television promotion company, took on a theatre project, renting Bharasri Arts Center, one of

the best equipped mid-size playhouses at the time. The company hired different artists and

theatre groups to fill the rental space. It launched the project with a successful production of

King Phralo the Great (Lodilokrat, 1986) created by Patravadi Mejudhon (Ingkhuthanon 91).

Montientong Theatre was significant in that it provided a stage and budget for theatre

school graduates and artists to practice their skills and prepared them for lives as theatre

professionals. The success of this theatre prompted other investors to consider lakhon phut

51

sarnai mai as a high profit-potential business. More importantly, it established the role of

lakhon phut sarnai rna; as popular entertainment.

Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre in the 1980s

In the 1980s, both Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre began their operations

by staging charity productions on an ad hoc basis. The next two sections will discuss a brief

history of the company's chief artists and their theatrical activities in the 1980s that led to the

establishment of professional companies.

Mejudhon and the Genesis ofPatravadi Theatre

Patravadi Theatre was single-handedly launched by one woman: Patravadi Mejudhon.

In 1983. she was commissioned by the Business Women Society under the Queen's

patronage to produce One Evening with Patravadi (Khuen Nueng Kap Patravadi). This

successful production marked the first stage project by Mejudhon, and it would lead to the

forming ofPatravadi Theatre in the 1990s.

At the time, Mejudhon was known as Patravadi Sritrairatana: an established actress,

director, and writer for television drama series and movies. Trained at the Pasadena

Playhouse in Los Angeles from 1966 to 1968, Mejudhon had experienced Westem theatre

first-hand. After returning to her homeland, Mejudhon became an overnight sensation when

she refused to use a prompter and memorized dialogue for her television performances.

Without the use of a prompter, her performance appeared to be more natural, won acclaim

from her viewers, and changed the conventions for acting in Thai television dramas. By the

52

end of 1970s, the use of a prompter had disappeared from all television series. Mejudhon

gained a reputation as a director and scriptwriter for the television drama series in which

"she forced her actors to recite the scripts carefully and rehearse thoroughly before shooting"

(Danutra). Mejudhon excelled in film as well as in television. She won many awards for her

groundbreak:ing performances and direction for television drama series and movies,

including Tukkata Thong, a prestigious Film award, as best actress for her role in No Heaven

for You (Mal MI Sawan Samrup Khun) in 1974 (Danutra).

During the 1980s, she followed her Canadian diplomat husband abroad. While living

in New York, she took an interest in musical theatre and trained in jazz and tap dancing. She

occasionally returned to Thailand to produce stage performances during this decade.

Broadway musicals influenced and distinguished her work during the 1980s. She

imported not only American musical theatre concepts but also casts and crews directly from

Broadway. One Night with Patravadi is an example of her work during this particular period.

This musical variety show featured Mejudhon and actors from Broadway, showcasing her

talents in tap dance, jazz dance, acting, and singing. It was quite a rare opportunity for the

Thai audience to experience a Western-style show performed predominantly by theatre

artists from the West.

By the time that Mejudhon permanently returned to Thailand in 1988, she had

written, directed, and performed in five theatrical productions. They were charity

productions and professional projects. One of these productions was Before I Become a

Chorus Glrlfor a Musical (Kwa Cha Dai Pen Hang Krueang Mueang Farang). This

semi-autobiographical comedy was performed at Montientong Theatre in 1985

(Amattayakun 9). The play detailed the life of a Thai housewife living in the United

53

States whose ambition was to become a chorus girl in an American musical. The play

received a warm reception from critics and audiences alike.

Mejudhon's desire to establish a company that was devoted exclusively to theatre

performance led to the establishment of two organizations. The first was Boonpatra

Business and Theatre Company which opened in 1986. Its main business was the

operation of a dance and acting school. Classes were taught by Mejudhon and her staff.

The second organization was founded in 1989 under the name of PBS Entertainment

This company offered various kinds of stage performances at social functions such as

product launchings, festivals, and parties (Fifty Executive 86). The creation of these two

companies later led to the founding ofPatravadi Theatre.

The Alliance of the Three Women ofDass Entertainment

Dass Entertainment originated from three women's aspiration to produce a charity

theatrical production. The three founders are Daraka Wongsiri, Sang-arun Kanchanarat,

and Suwandi Chakraworawut. Wongsiri, the main founder, was working full-time at the

Centre for Educational Technology in Bangkok when she was approached by her superior

with a request to write and produce a fund-raising production for the Unfortunate Student

Foundation. The project evolved into a children's musical called The Happy Farm (Rai

Sansuk, 1986). Writing a children's play was not new to Wongsiri who was the writer

and producer of a children's drama program for the center's radio station. Wongsiri

approached Sang-arun Kanchanarat to direct the play. Both were trained in Western

Theatre at the Department of Dramatic Arts at Chulalongkom University under Associate

Professor Sodsai Pantoomkomol. Wongsiri also recruited Suwandi Chakrawomwut, a

54

recent graduate from the Deparbnent of Theatre at Thammasart University, to act in the

play.

The Happy Farm sold out all five performances at the Chulalongkom University

auditorium. The production was restaged the following year at the Thai Cultural Center

and was an instant success. In 1988, the three founders co-produced another musical for

children: The Miracle of the Twin Witches (Aph;nihan Maemod Fad). The success of

these two productions established a working relationship between the three women which

led to the establishing ofDass Entertainment in 1990.

In conclusion, though business investors had capitalized on theatre since the 1980s,

they did not go on to form professional companies. It was not until the 1990s that theatre

artists organized professional companies devoted to the practice of lakhon phut samai rnai.

The Formative Period (1990-1993)

The Formative Period was characterized by two acts of inception: the registration of

professional theatre companies and the construction of playhouses. In this section, I will

describe these two acts of inception as well as the troupes' management styles and provide a

brief survey of plays produced in the Formative Period.

The Registration of Professional Theatre Companies

The Formative Period began in 1990 when Dass Entertainment registered as a self­

funded professional theatre company. It became the first lakhan phut sarna; rna; theatre

group to register as a professional troupe. The name of the company was derived from the

initials of the three core founders: Daraka Wongsiri, Sang-arun Kanchanarat, and Suwandi

55

Chakraworawut. Their aspiration was clear from the beginning: the three founders aimed "to

create positions in theatre for theatre practitioners" and "to create an interest in and

appreciation of theatre among the audience. We are determined to offer harmless

entertaimnent to the general public" (Tootsie Program).

Patravadi Theatre was the second to register as a professional theatre company. In

1992, Mejudhon combined two existing companies, Boonpatra Business and Theatre

Company, and The PBS Entertainment, into a single company entitled Patravadi Theatre

and Dance Company. The name was later shortened to Patravadi Theatre. The new

theatre company had two major goals: "to create an entirely new type of contemporary

Thai theatre" (Patravadi Theatre and So Much More, 1999, 2) and "Patravadi Theatre

also provides training for new generations of Thai performers" (Patravadi Theatre and

So Much More, 1999,3). The statement above indicated that Patravadi Theatre placed an

emphasis on training actors as much as on creating theatre productions.

The Construction of Playhouses

Another type of activity that characterized the Formative Period was the

construction of performance venues. During the 1980s, lakhon phut samai mal took place

in the university auditoriums, the National Theatre, and at various cultural centers. In the

Formative Period, the professional theatre companies invested a large portion of their

resources in the construction of playhouses. It was an important step in professional

theatre because it demonstrated the theatre artists' confidence in lakhon phut samai mai's

potential for profit.

56

In 1992, Mejudhon built the first public playhouse especially for lakhon phut samai

mal performances. This 200-seat Patravadi Theatre was situated in the historical district

across the river from the Grand Palace. Adjacent to the new open-air theatre was the majestic

Chao Phya River and a Buddhist temple. Mejudhon ascribed her choice of an outdoor venue

to her limited budget:

My dream to build a theatre does not have to wait until I have millions and

millions of Baht. Even if I had that much money, spending it on building a

theatre would be a horrible investment In the future, it might be a good

business. But for now, the money should be spent on creating actors and

staging productions. Let them perform on an outdoor stage in a temple fair

surrounded by the nature similar to the theatre of the ancients. The audience

can munch during the performance. (Sonsuwan 140)

The first stage was temporary, and audience seats were removed after a weekend of

performances. However, it was a modem stage equipped with lighting and sound equipment

After the first year of operation, a more permanent stage was built, and the theatre could now

accommodate 300 audience members. By 1993, this main stage was renovated and equipped

with two hydraulic revolving platforms. The luscious outdoor setting was highlighted by a

covered swimming pool underneath the stage that could be incorporated in a performance.

This open-air theatre became Patravadi Theatre's trademark.

By 1993, Dass Entertainment had collaborated with a few investors and completed its

theatre building: the Bangkok Playhouse.6 The Bangkok Playhouse was situated in the

6 Bangkok Playhouse was opened as a center for perfonning art, an entity separate from Dass Entertainment Nevertheless, Dass Entertainment took over the management of the playhouse. The

57

modem section of Bangkok. It was considered the first indoor theatre designed specifically

to perform lakhon phut samai maio This 700-seat proscenium playhouse was equipped with

modem facilities.

Running a private theatre venue allowed these two companies to assert control over

their season planning. First, they were able to determine their schedules without regard as to

the availability of a rental theatre. They were able to choose the type of plays produced for

their own theatre spaces. Last, they were able to control the quality of the technical aspects

of each production with their newly equipped facilities. This new autonomy enabled the

companies to present works more regularly, thus allowing them to cultivate a membership

structure similar to a subscription system, with members receiving theatre newsletters and

discounted tickets. Dass Entertainment claimed that they had 3000 members by 1991, and

Patravadi Theatre claimed about 3000 members by 1993.

Management Stvle and Financial Operations

In this section, I will describe the two companies' financial management to

support my argument that a systematic financial management style was one of the

reasons that these two theatre companies survived.

The theatre companies paid for productions by two means: funding from

sponsorship and box office earnings. During the Formative Period, sponsorship played an

important role in supporting a production. It came in two forms. Firstly, the theatres used

the sponsors' products in their productions, including makeup, costumes, and set pieces.

Bangkok Playhouse became synonymous with Ow Entertainment until the company lost its lease to operate the venue and the theatre closed its door in 2004.

58

Secondly, they gained monetary support from the sponsors which was spent strictly on

publicity, the most expensive individual line item.

Box office earnings, however, paid for most of the production costs. Dass

Entertainment's budget was calculated based on ticket sales. The production budget was

estimated as fony percent of their 720 seats multiplied by the number of the shows

performed (patoompong 46). Similarly, Patravadi Theatre calculated a production budget

by estimating the amount of money gained from fifty percent of their 300-486 seats

multiplied by the amount of shows performed (Utayanin 43). An estimate of the box

office earnings determined the amount of money to be spent in hiring artists and creating

a production. When more than forty to fifty percent of the house was sold, the companies

made a profit.

Clear budgetary categories allowed the companies to set up a precise production

budget. Moreover, this budget system was very strategic in the sense that it prevented the

producer from overspending on a production. Strict budget management was new to Thai

theatre artists who had previously had a reputation for poor financial management skills

and who had mostly depended solely on sponsor funding. I believe that the new budget

system was first used by these two companies.

Besides the earnings from season productions, the two companies secured their

financial situation with other types of performance activities, thereby supplementing their

income. Each company earned extra income from working in television and producing

"presentation" events. Both companies produced several television shows and drama

series between 1990 to 1993. Dass Entertainment was involved with children's television

programs, while Patravadi Theatre was involved with several comedy shows.

S9

The second source of supplementary income came from the theatrical activity that

the Thais commonly call "presentation." It refers to a one-time performance at a special

event organized by business enterprises. A presentation can be performed at various

venues: a pageant contest, a fashion show, a convention, and a product-launching event

Patravadi Theatre actually grew out of this type of performance. In fact, the income from

the PBS Company, which produced presentation works, partially funded the founding of

Patravadi Theatre. Similarly, Dass Entertainment participated in countless events which

earned the company extra income to sustain the company and its staff.

Besides television shows and presentations, Patravadi Theatre earned additional

income from its performing art school, which continued to operate under the Boon Patra

Business and Theatre Company. The program offered dance and acting classes, which

were very popular among children and adolescents. With financial support from these

additional activities, the theatres did not have to rely solely on box office earnings.

A Brief Survey of Plays

Most of the plays produced by these two companies in this Formative Period were

original scripts. Out of sixteen productions, Dass Entertainment produced ten original scripts,

all written by Daraka Wongsiri. Eight of these had original plots while two others were new

scripts based on fairy tales, Cinderella and Hans Christian Andersen's The Snow Queen.

Patravadi Theatre put on five plays in this era, four of which were newly written plays. One

original script was Tales from the Temple: Singha Kraipop (Nithan Khang Wat: Singha

Kraipop, 1992). It was based on the Thai verse tale Singha Kaipop by the well-known court

poet, Sunthon Phu. Tales from the Temple enjoyed an almost instant success. It was

60

subsequently restaged and toured for a total of seventy-nine performances, the highest

number of lakhon phut samai mal perfonnances of an individual production for this

particular historical period.

Adaptations of Western drama played a lesser role in professiouallakhon phut

samai maio Dass Entertainment produced only two translated plays: Kapdak, a translated

version of Agatha Christie's The Mousetrap (1990); and Ho"ible Relatives (Rai Luea

Khruea Yat, 1990), a translation of Noel Coward's Relative Values. The rest were

adaptations from American movies. Dial M For Murder was Dass Entertainment's first

adaptation of a movie into a Thai drama, called Love Signal, Blood Signal (Sanyan Rak

Sanyan Lueat, 1991). Patravadi produced Sweet Voiced Bald Mama (Mae Siang Wan

Kaban Neng, 1993), a Thai version of Eugene Ionesco's The Bald Soprano. This was the

only Western drama script ever produced by Patravadi Theatre, and it was the first

Western play to be adapted into a Thai setting by a professional troupe.

The plays of this period aimed at specific groups: adults, adolescents, and children.

Plays that targeted adult audiences combined drama and comedy. For example, Mother­

In-Law Never Interferes (Maeyai Mai Khoei Yung, 1993) was a comedy that dealt with

serious issues of adultery and conflict between a mother-in-law and her son-in-law. Plays

such as Beauty and the Frog (Talit Tiffi, 1992) by Patravadi Theatre and Scary Age (Wai

A.fret, 1992) by Dass Entertainment were aimed at an adolescent audience. Both plays

dealt with the lives of a group of teenagers. The children's plays offered tales of

adventure and fantasy to the young audiences while delivering moral lessons. Examples

of those plays are Cinderella (1991) and Roaming the Doll City (Talui Mueang

Thukkatha, 1992.)

61

The wide range of genre and subject matter in these plays showed that these

companies were in search of direction and identity. Each play was written and produced

to test their audience appeal. Consequently, the number of the performances given within

this era was limited. Dass Entertainment offered an average of twelve performances per

production. The works by Patravadi Theatre could be divided into two types by length of

run and production cost. The large-scale productions ran approximately forty

performances, and small-scale productions averaged ten performances each. Conflicting

information due to poor record keeping at Patravadi Theatre makes it hard to determine

the exact number of performances. The shows were often extended upon the request of

audiences at the last minute. Moreover, the nature of the outdoor theatre, which depended

on good weather, made the number of the performances unpredictable as shows were

often cancelled at short notice because of rain.

The year 1993 concluded the Formative Period, for it brought changes that

marked the ending of this stage of development. Two major theatrical events - Dass

Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre's establishment as theatre companies and the

opening of their playhouses - marked the conclusion of this primary stage. The year

also brought another change. When Montientong Theatre closed its doors after nine and

half years of production, the dominance of investors in professional theatre ended. For

the first time in the history of lakhon phut samai mai, theatre artists managed their own

theatre companies. With the advent ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre, control

of the business of lakhon phut sarnai rnai was transferred from the investors to the theatre

artists.

62

The Popular Period (1994-1997)

The Popular Period of professionallakhon phut sarnai rnai in Bangkok was

characterized by the theatre's prosperity and was directly linked to Thailand's economic

growth. During this phase of the business boom, Thailand was one of the countries with

the highest economic growth rate in the world. It was praised as an "Asian Miracle," and

the country's economic policy was used as an example to other developing countries.

(Kaosa-ard 3) Like other Thai industries, theatre enjoyed this seemingly financial boom.

The next section will focus on the flourishing theatrical activities of Dass Entertainment

and Patravadi Theatre, with some discussion of the creation of other theatre companies. It

will include analysis of new management strategies and journalistic and academic

recognition, the two factors that increased the two main troupes' popularity.

The Arrival of Other Theatre Companies

Besides the two main professional theatre companies that continued to flourish, a

number of small theatre groups formed professional companies. However, only two

survived the first few years of operation. The two significant companies were the New

Heritage Troupe (Khana Lakhon Moradokmai) and the Crescent Moon Theatre.

The New Heritage Troupe started operations in 1995 under the leadership of

veteran dramatist and former theatre lecturer, Janaprakal Chandrung. Chandrung gathered

five former students together to establish a theatre company. During 1994-1997. it staged

four to five plays a season in different major rental theatre auditoriums ("Our Profiles").

The group also concentrated on creating skilled actors who had mastered various acting

methods and styles. The troupe hoped that versatility in acting would allow these actors

63

to earn a living as professional performers. Chandrung staged plays of various genres.

The array of plays produced served as different acting lessons to refine the troupe

members' acting skills. He used each production as a theatre laboratory, experimenting

with acting methods and styles appropriate to the particular play. Consequently, their

works represented a wide range: original plays, adaptations of Western plays, and

modernized Thai folk tales and novels.

The next group that attempted to operate as a professional troupe was the

Crescent Moon Theatre. Initially. this troupe had been founded at the end of 1960s for

political purposes, but it was disbanded due to the political exile of the original leaders.

Its revival came nineteen years later when, in 1995, Kamron Gunatiloka, one of the

founders, staged his new play, The 1932 Revolution (Kue Phu Aphiwat), on the occasion

of the opening of the Pridi Banomyong Institute (Gunatilaka).7 This production gave

Gunati1aka an opportunity to collaborate with the new generation of the Crescent Moon

Theatre members. With the financial support of Sang Arun Cultural Center, the troupe

took on "a project to establish a permanent theatre troupe" ("History"). Under

Gunati1aka's leadership, the Crescent Moon Theatre put on three to five plays annually

between 1995 and 1997. They were original plays, adaptations of We stem plays, and

stage adaptations of Thai novels. The group hired seven full-time members who received

a monthly salary of 7,000 Baht each.

These two companies exemplify the new professional theatre companies that

enjoyed relative success during this time. Their endeavors came to an abrupt end during

7 Pridi Banomyong was the leader of The People's Party that paved the way for constitutional democracy in Thailand in 1932. The institute was opened to honor his political and humanistic contributions to the country.

64

the Thai financial failure of 1997, the circumstances of which will be discussed with

regard to the Recessive Period.

The Flourishing ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre

During the Popular Period, Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre enjoyed

economic stability and the unprecedented popularity of lakhon phut samai mai, resulting

in an increase in the number of productions, expansion of the theatre spaces, and an

increased number of employees.

First, the growing volume of productions produced by Dass Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre was a testimony to prosperity in theatre. Dass Entertainment produced

five to eight plays per year. Patravadi Theatre also increased the number of productions;

at the height of its popularity in 1996, the company produced three productions.

Besides the increased number of plays, the two companies extended the number

of performances. The average run of a Dass Entertainment's play in this period was

fifteen performances, compared to twelve performances in the Formative Period. The

longest run was twenty-three performances of The Last Night of a Bachelor (K.huen SUI

Thai Khong Coo; Sot, 1995). The estimated number of performances ofPatravadi Theatre

productions increased from forty performances in the previous era to average more than

fifty performances. Ngo Pa extended its run to fifty-eight performances from November

18 of 1995 to March 31,1996.

Second, prosperity was also marked by the expansion of the playhouses. In 1996,

Patravadi Theatre built a new theatre called Studio 1 when an old rehearsal studio was

transformed by a group of students who wanted to surprise Mejudhon upon her return

6S

from abroad. Six students staged an experimental work called D-Tel. Three sold-out

public performances of this production impressed Mejudhon. Afterward, she renovated

the space into a full-fledged, 100-seat black box theatre. This space is known as a space

for experimental works to this day.

Studio I became the first indoor theatre of the company, and it yielded many

benefits to Patravadi Theatre, whose main stage remained an open-air playhouse. In the

monsoon season, Patravadi Theatre hosted many performances in the Studio I as an

alternative to its outdoor stage. The space was suitable for smaller theatrical activities

such as student showcases, small-scale productions by guest artists, and theatre

workshops.

Besides building Studio I, Mejudhon expanded the main theatre to house larger

audiences. Mejudhon voiced her reason for renovating her open-air theatre: "This year

we expand our main theatre to fit 400 viewers because we have tremendous increase in

advance bookings. We expand the size of the stage as well" ("Third Year").

Dass Entertainment did not build a new playhouse, but it added a new

performance venue. In 1995, the company received a commission to administer the

Chalermkrung Royal Theatre. When King Rama VII built Chalermkrung Royal Theatre

in 1933, it emerged as the most modern cinema house in Asia and shortly became the

entertainment center of Bangkok. By the I 980s, however, it had been overshadowed by

air-conditioned cinema complexes in the shopping malls. When Chalermkrung Royal

Theatre was renovated and reopened its doors in 1993, the management team staged

classical dance dramas aimed at the tourist market. After two years of operation, the

management was running at a loss. Dass Entertainment took over and formed a new

66

division, Dass Creative Production, specifically to manage the theatre. The new division

followed the Chalennkrung Royal Theatre's policy of preserving traditional theatre and

produced plays that specifically suited its location of old town Bangkok. Traditional

dance dramas, hybrid dramas, dance reviews, and concerts were staged. The intention

was to bring back the types of performance that were popular on this stage during the

1950s. In addition, Dass Entertainment used Chalermkrung Royal Theatre as a second

house to stage its main productions. From 1996 to 1998, almost all the productions by

Dass Entertainment were offered at Bangkok Playhouse as well as at Chalermkrung

Royal Theatre. The cooperation between the two theatre houses came to a conclusion in

February of 1998 as a direct result of the economic decline. Nevertheless, the two years

of cooperation enabled Dass Entertainment to build its reputation as a capable theatre

management team as well as expand the company's audience base, and introduce the

modern theatre to audiences of the old town community.

Third, the prosperity in theatre was reflected in the employment opportunities

offered by the two companies. With more productions and second theatre venues to fill,

these two theatre companies created more employment opportunities in lakhon phut

samai maio The positions offered by these theatres were expanded beyond those in

administration and technical theatre. Within this period, a number of designers, directors,

and actors were hired as full-time employees. For example, Patravadi Theatre, which had

firmly insisted on the importance of creating professional performers from its inception,

hired full-time performers. In an interview, Mejudhon reconfirmed the purpose of her

theatre: "I hope that this [theatre] business will create a profession for stage performers.

Theatre has the capacity to expand into an industry that can patronize its artists without

67

depending on other performance business. The performers will become prestigious artists,

not poor actors like they used to be" (Sonsuwan). To make the actors respect their

profession, Mejudhon did what had never been done in lakhon phut sarna; rna;: she paid

the actors rehearsa1 stipends: "Even my students are paid for rehearsa1s because I want

them to feel a sense of professionalism" (Wongchirachai). The hiring of theatre artists

legitimized the practice of lakhon phut sarna; rnai. It provided employment opportunities

for those who trained specifically in the form. This marked the first job market for lakhon

phut sarnai rnai practitioners.

New Marketing Strategies

In this phase, both companies witnessed a high demand not only for theatre tickets,

but also for theatre-related merchandise. Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre each

recognized the need for an effective marketing strategy, and both companies hired mass

media marketing specialist companies to operate their marketing departments, run

publicity campaigns, and develop sales and distribution strategies. Dass Entertainment

hired Solid Stone Company to operate its marketing plan in 1993. This marked the first

collaboration between a theatre troupe and a professional marketing company. Besides

creating a pUblicity plan, Solid Stone Company also handled sales of company

memorabilia: posters, t-shirts, and soundtracks of a play.

Patravadi Theatre received attention from the Media of Medias, a veteran, eleven­

year-old television and music marketing company, which invested in the theatre. As a

pilot project, Media Of Medias invested fifty percent in the production Ngo Pa in 1995

and lent their marketing and pUblicity experience to aid in the production's publicity

68

(phataranawik "Power Play"). The investment covered the production of theatre

merchandise such as t-shirts, notebooks, music, and videos of previous productions.

Moreover, Media of Medias took advantage of its thirty-one television programs to

publicize the production. Though the collaboration lasted for only one production, it

marked the first professional cooperation between a theatre company and a giant media

marketing corporation. After Ngo Pa, Patravadi Theatre hired other companies such as

the Sonix Youth and the A Plus Connection to handle publicity.

After the initial successful forays into theatrical marketing, business entities

recognized the potential of a great return from advertising in theatre, and sponsorship was

relatively easy to obtain. Lakhon phut sarnai rnai established itself as a product of modern

urban culture. Its audiences were mostly middle-class, working young adults, a group

with a strong demographic appeal. The products that were advertised in theatre were

luxury goods, such as hair dye, modern restaurants, and carbonated beverages. all

products suitable for a modern urban lifestyle. Thus, the sponsors wanted to attach their

products to a lakhon phut sarnai rna; production in order to reach this specific target

group.

This collaboration with professional marketing companies became an important

step in transforming theatre from a leisure of the elites into a mass entertainment industry.

The marketing was aimed at a mass audience, and theatre news reached a broader range

of potential consumers via advertisements on television and radio. The new marketing

strategy was to promote theatre activities continuously throughout the year, making

theatre no longer an activity that would be patronized only sporadically. Professional

lakhon phut sarnai rnai companies changed the way in which Bangkok viewed theatre.

69

Attending modern spoken drama became an alternative to going to the movies and lakhon

phut sarnal mal, which had belonged to university intellectuals a decade previous, was

transformed into a form of mainstream mass entertainment that could be accessed by

urban audiences on a regular basis. Lakhon phut sarnai mal had become a vital purveyor

of culture and art in Bangkok.

Journalistic and Academic Recognition

Professional companies enjoyed the benefit of the theatre reportage which

increasingly appeared in various newspapers and magazines. The summary report of the

research project "Criticism as an Intellectual Force in Contemporary Society" under the

support of the Thailand Research Fund estimated that the number of theatre columns in

newspapers and popular magazines increased between 1993 and 2001.

(Jungwiwattanapom 55-56). These regular columns, featuring dramatic criticism and

production reviews, increased the publicity for plays. Besides exposure in print media,

entertainment and talk show programs on television and radio stations drew attention to

professional theatre productions, due to the participation of movie stars and the elaborate

productions.

Another factor that ushered professionallakhon phut sarnai mal into Thai

mainstream culture was the gaining of academic recognition. In the beginning, scholarly

articles were written about university lakhon phut sarnai maio Those literary articles,

appearing in the play programs and in academic periodicals, focused on the criticism of

the play and its Western playwright. Academic analysis was written as literary criticism

because the pioneers of scholarly writing were literature professors. The scholars who

70

most contributed to the study of theatre were Chetana Nagavajara and Pornsan

Watananguhn.

However, academic recognition of professionallakhon phut samal mai did not

surface until this period. Besides the two scholars above, other scholars who wrote about

professional theatre were Pornrat Damrhung, Pawit Mahasarinand, Sura pone Viru1rak,

and Pattara Danutra. The new generation of scholars wrote about theatre from a unique

perspective, since they both practiced theatre and taught it in universities. Therefore, their

writing was inclined to be from the theatre practitioner's standpoint. Though limited in

number, these academic articles in scholarly periodicals, art and culture magazines, as

well as the special report columns in the newspapers, validated the status of professional

lakhon phut samai maio Academic recognition established the work of the professional

lakhon phut samal mai, once considered mere trivial entertainment, as legitimate work

belonging in an art movement.

A Brief Survey of Plays

During this Popular Period, Dass Entertainment put on twenty-two plays, and

Patravadi Theatre produced seven plays. As in the Formative Period, most of these plays

were original scripts. The majority of plays written in this period followed the general

artistic direction developed in the Formative Period. Dass Entertainment continued to

produce its trademark light-hearted comedies and intense domestic dramas. Patravadi

Theatre further explored the rewriting of well-known Thai literature and folktales to fit

the modern audience. Nevertheless, experimental works were encouraged, and these

works revolutionized the form of plays written in this period.

71

The experimentation in dramatic texts was partly a result of the hiring of rising

young playwrights of this decade. The young playwrights brought diverse subject matter

and innovative theatrical styles of work to the companies. Nevertheless, the most

significant experimental plays were written by the troupes' chief playwrights. One of the

benefits of hiring playwrights was that their works occupied the theatre season timeslots

and freed Wongsiri and Mejudhon to experiment with their own work.

In my opinion, the most innovative two plays by Dass Entertainment were

written by Wongsiri. The first was a one-person drama, The Will of a Deranged Woman

(Phinaikam Khong Ying Wikoncharlt, 1994). Wongsiri employed the stream of

consciousness technique, narrating the story from the main female character's perspective

using the conventions of expressionistic drama. The second was Three Bad Mad Gals

(Sam Sao Sam Sam, 1996) in which the audience participated in writing the play's ending.

In 1996, Mejudhon wrote, directed, and performed a solo performance, The Buddhist

Bible (Rat Phra Trl Pidok) which utilized Butoh acting technique while narrating the

Buddhist Bible.

These experiments in form and content offered an exciting alternative to the

typical plays of these theatre companies. Moreover, the companies benefited from the

experimental works for they stirred up public interest. In some cases, the controversy

surrounding these productions increased attendance. The prime example was the

production ofPatravadi Theatre's Buddhist Bible. Using a Japanese acting technique to

stage the religious text was controversial. On the opening night, the Department of

Religious Affairs booked the two front rows of the theatre to inspect this production, and

the incident was publicized in the newspapers. In the end, the experimental staging of

72

Buddhist Bible and the new and innovative plays brought a positive response. Mejudhon

received approval and support from the Department of Religious Affairs, and Buddhist

Bible was extended to an eight-week run.

The year 1997 brought an abrupt end to the Popular Period due to the severe

economic crisis that plagued many Asian countries. In Thailand, the financial crisis

halved the rapid economic growth dating from the 1980s. The sharp decline is believed to

have been caused by financial mismanagement of the Thai Central Bank, the country's

low gross domestic product (GDP), the increase of foreign debt, and the devaluation of

the Thai currency. The 1997 financial collapse was cited as Thailand's worst since the

Second World War, and the effect was felt by Thais from all backgrounds. By August of

1997, the Thai government received major financial aid from the International Monetary

Fund (IMF). This period, informally called the "IMF" era, was characterized by a major

reconstruction of government expenditures, decreased domestic and international

investment, downsizing and bankruptcy, and, most importantly, unemployment

(Bhaopichitr 1-3; "Economic Trends" 1-3; Kaosa-ard 1-5).

Professionallakhon phut samal mai, which depended on corporate sponsorship

and box office earnings, suffered greatly after May of 1997. Many former sponsors went

bankrupt and no longer advertised their products with lakhon phut sarnai maio Similarly,

individual patrons became more cautious about spending their money on such luxurious

activities as attending theatre. Without these two main types of support, the prosperity of

professional/akhon phut samai mai came to an end, thus concluding the Popular Period.

73

The Recessive Period (1998-2002)

During the IMF era, financial concerns affected the operation ofDass

Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre, but the companies still remained major forces in the

theatre industry.8 Other companies that had been formed in the previous period, however,

faced major financial setbacks. The analysis of the Recessive Period will be divided into

two major parts. The first part includes a brief discussion of the decline of small

professional theatre companies, and the second part will discuss Dass Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre's reactions to the financial crisis.

The Decline of Recently Formed Professional Troupes

In this period, no new, significant professional theatre companies were formed,

and the troupes that were formed in the Popular Period either disbanded or changed their

artistic direction. The operation of the New Heritage Troupe and the Crescent Moon

Theatre exemplifies how major financial setbacks troubled the running of theatre troupes.

In 1998, the New Heritage Troupe took advantage of the decreased value ofrea1

estate and constructed its own theatre venue. The black box space named New Heritage

Theatre was located in the Elephant Tower in the middle of Bangkok. The troupe's

membership increased, but the productions at the new playhouse failed to produce

sufficient regular income to sustain the thirty staff members' jobs. Chandrung, the

troupe's artistic director, collaborated on a performance project with the Thai Tourism

8 In this period, there was a major reorganization of Dass Entertainment occasioned by the departure of one of the main founders, Sang-arun Kanchanarat. Dass Entertainment changed its name to Dream Box. The two remaining founders retained the rights to the previous productions and continued their work in the same fashion. Because Thai people continued to call this troupe Dass Entertainment, this dissertation will reference this troupe using its old name to avoid confusion.

74

Authority called The Local Charms, which was meant to tour seventy-six provinces of

Thailand to promote regional tourism. Chandrung hoped that the project would bring

income to the members, but the project was cut short due to economic difficulties. The

troupe's financial situation worsened, and a number of the members deserted the

company. As a result, the troupe shifted the company's goal, producing mostly original

plays by younger members in the fashion of independent theatre.

The Crescent Moon Theatre also struggled, especially after Sang Arun Cultural

Center revoked its patronage in 1997. The company's leadership was handed over to the

third generation of members, and the troupe now called itself the New Crescent Moon

Theatre. The new troupe received an offer from the Pridi Banomyong Institute to stage its

plays at the institute's auditorium and to handle the institute's exhibition and performance

activities in 1998. The group also concentrated on street theatre and theatre workshops in

rural areas. This shift can be considered a return to its early stage of working in the

political and grassroots theatre tradition.

Although their operation as professional theatres did not last long, these two

troupes had a lasting impact on the lakhon phut sarnai mai landscape. They trained many

theatre practitioners, and the disciples of these two troupes later formed independent

theatre groups after 1997. Chandrung's students and followers at the New Heritage

Troupe formed theatre groups such as Naked Masks Network and Dream Masks Group.

Similarly, the former members of the Crescent Moon Theatre created their works in new

groups formed after they separated, including Manta Theatre and B-Floor Theatre.

75

Coping Strategies

How did Patravadi Theatre and Dass Entertainment survive the economic crisis?

Both made several adjustments to their production and business operation. Changes made

to the nature of the productions served as the key strategy for coping with financial

problems. The theatres reduced the number of productions, replaced large-scale

productions with smaller-scale ones, expanded touring projects, and restaged earlier

productions.

In the first strategy, they reduced the number of new plays produced per year. For

professionallakhon phut samai mai, each new production meant a large investment. By

reducing the numbers of new productions, the company reduced the risk of financial loss.

Between 1998 and 2002, Dass Entertainment put on eleven new shows compared to

twenty-two in the Popular Period. Patravadi Theatre produced seven plays a year, the

same amount as during the Popular Period. However, four of those seven plays were

small-scale productions.

Second, large-scale productions that required an immense budget were replaced

by smaller-scale productions. A large-scale production generally meant that the

companies had to hire a large group of performers including multiple movie stars to

attract audiences. Elaborate sets, costumes, and lighting raised production expenses. The

number of the stage crew also increased to cope with a complex production design. Dass

Entertainiment's The White Snake (Ngu Khao, 2000), for example, was a musical which

required a live band performing along with a chorus. A large-scale production was also

considered a big risk because it required a greater number of performances to cover

production costs. With limited audiences during the Recessive Period, the theatre could

76

not guarantee forty to fifty percent sale of the seats, especially for a production that

needed a greater number of perfonnances to cover expenses. Dass Entertainment

produced only two big-scale productions during the economic crisis. Besides The White

Snake, the other large-scale production was Chaos at Saithong Mansion (Onlaman Ban

Saithong, 2000). Patravadi Theatre staged Buddhist Bible 2 (Rai Phra Trai Pidok 2-

Paticca Samuppado, 2002) as the only high-budget production in this period.

A small-scale production in this period was characterized by a small cast, small

stage crew, and simple production design, which resulted in a lower budget. A few of

Patravadi Theatre's small-scale projects were Helen o/the Millennium (Heleniurn, 2000)

and Princess Horse Face (Kaeo Na Ma, 2000). Dass Entertainment staged At (Art, 2000)

and Dog or Wife (Cha Cha Ma Rue Mia, 2001). All of those plays were performed for

only ten performances each. This new strategy was an adjustment to a financial reality -

only a certain number of people could afford tickets - and meant that the theatres did

not have to raise ticket prices, a move which could potentially cause further decline in

theatre attendance.

Third, the companies survived economic downfall by bringing their work to

audiences outside Bangkok. Sporadic touring projects had been initiated in the Popular

Period, but now. the two companies regarded these touring projects seriously because

their survival depended on them. Dass Entertainment resumed ties with Kad Theatre in

Chiang Mai province, a relationship which had been initiated in 1995 for a short period.

Between 1998 and 2001, seven productions were brought to this prominent theatre in

Chiang Mai. Dass Entertainment also received an invitation from the local entertainment

agencies ofKhon Kan province in the northeast region to tour their productions.

77

Patravadi Theatre received a commission from the Thai Health Promotion Foundation to

tour Buddhist Bible 2 in twenty provinces all over the country. In a sense, these touring

projects were also an attempt to satisfy the demand for lakhon phut samai mai in other

big provinces. For the first time, people who lived outside Bangkok could experience

lakhon phut samai ma; without traveling to the city. The demand for modern spoken

drama outside Bangkok reflected the success of professionallakhon phut sarnai maio

With touring, these two companies acquired national reputations, and their work became

the Thai symbol of urban entertainment culture.

Besides the touring productions within the country, Patravadi Theatre took her

troupe to the international stage. Sahatsadecha (Khon Sahatsadecha), a modernized

version of an episode of the Thai Ramayana, was selected to perform at the 9th Bienna1e

de 1a Danse at Lyon, France in 2000. It was the very first production by professional

lakhon phut sarnai mai to perform outside Thailand. The three sold-out performances of

Sahatsadecha opened a gateway to the international stage, and to various international

theatre festivals and conferences for many performances. All about Basic, directed and

performed by Manop Michamrat, who was Mejudhon's main disciple, represented Thai

artists at the Faust Festival in Hong Kong and at the Midwinter's Night Drama Festival in

Estonia in 2002. The touring projects not only earned supplementary income but brought

international recognition to Patravadi Theatre, doing much to establish the work of

professionallakhon phut samai mai as a legitimate art form.

Fourth, the revival of earlier productions sustained income growth. Dass

Entertainment employed this strategy more than Patravadi Theatre, as it restaged five

previous productions. Dass Entertainment restaged the two large-scale productions that

78

were produced in this era: Chaos at Saithong Mansion and The White Snake. At the

Bangkok Playhouse alone, Chaos at Saithong Mansion was revived three times for a total

of fifty-one performances in 1999 and 2000. More often, however, small-scale

productions from the previous period tended to be revived, choices more in line with the

current economic state.

Patravadi Theatre, which had rarely restaged a show, also employed this method

to withstand the poor economic situation. An Interview with the Queen Dowager

Sisudachan (Inthewio Kap Thao Sisudachan) was an excellent example. The play caught

Mejudhon's attention when the playwright, Adinun Phromphanchai, collaborated with

Som Troupe to stage this play at the First Bangkok Fringe Festival in 1999.ln the same

year, Mejudhon restaged this play at the Millennium Thai Exhibition. This production

was reinterpreted and directed by Mejudhon. She recast herself in the leading role of

Queen Dowager to draw audiences. The new-cast version was also produced at the

Bangkok Fringe Festival of2000.

Restaging served as an effective strategy to cope with the failing economy. It

lowered the investment costs since the production had already been produced. Set pieces,

costumes, and the music of the original version could be recycled. Moreover, there was

less risk of failing at the box office because the companies selected only the plays that

had proven to be popular. Mounting revivals, however, required fresh tactics to attract the

audience. The two main means of updating the productions were recasting the play and

revising the script. First, the companies replaced the previous cast with a new cast of

upcoming movie stars. Second, the revival of plays included an update of the script. The

important example of this tactic was the restaging of The Bad Mad Gals. When it was

79

revived in 2002, the playwright rewrote the play to employ the format of The Weakest

Link. a controversial game show, to capture public interest. Recasting and rewriting

brought freshness to an old production which caught the attention of new audiences as

well as those who had seen the original productions.

Additional Theatre Activities

Besides the adjustments discussed above, the companies reshaped company and

playhouse operations to earn additional income. They offered their services to charity

projects (for a fee), organized theatre festivals, and rented out their theatres. First, the

companies offered their service to leading entertainment organization companies. When

the sponsorship by private companies and presentation work was scarce, the companies

turned to the type of performance that nevertheless prospered: charity projects, mostly

operated under royal patronage. Getting involved with high profile projects not only

enhanced the reputation of these professional theatre companies but brought sustained

income for their staffs.

For example, Patravadi Theatre was assigned to conduct a charity production of

Rainbow cifter the Rain (Rung Lang Fon) in 2000. This musical paid tribute to the King

and Queen on the occasion of their Golden Jubilee Wedding Anniversary. The event was

organized by Lady Sasima Srivikorn, under the supervision of the Statesman General

Prem Tinsulanonda. The story incorporated a speech of the King's concerning

underprivileged children. Because the proceeds were to be donated to the King's personal

fund, the production received a great reception from the general public. Patravadi Theatre

80

received performance fees in return. With the success of the first project, Patravadi

Theatre co1Iabomted with Lady Srivikom on additional charitable projects.

Dass Entertainment was commissioned to stage a royal project under the

supervision of H.R.H. Princess Ubon Ratana. Part of the proceeds was donated to charity

organizations of the Princess's choice. Offered to Dass Entertainment through an

entertainment organi7JItion company, CM Organizer Company, the commission was to

stage a grand outdoor musical, The River of Kings 3: The Great Conquerors (Mae Nam

Khong Phaendin: Makara! Chom Rachan), in 2002. The River of Kings series was by far

the largest and the most spectacular lakhon phut samai ma; production in Thailand,

involving two to four hundred performers. The stage was located on the bank of

Ratchawomdit Royal Landing with the Grand Palace as its backdrop. Seating for 2,000

was situated on three floating arenas in the Chao Phaya River. Dass Entertainment took

part in this annual project from 2002 until it was discontinued in 2005.

The second method that these companies employed to survive this em was the

organization of theatre festivals. When the companies' regular seasons became irregular,

the theatre houses were unoccupied for a period of time, incurring financial loss since the

companies covered all opemting expenses, including the full-time staff. To keep the

theatre active, theatre festivals were initiated. Patravadi Theatre organized two theatre

festivals between December 1997 and April 1998. They were Creative Works in the

Courtyard (Lan Sangsan Ngang Sin) and the Creative Art Festival (Ruedukan San Sin).

The festivals produced the work of established Thai theatre troupes and gave an

opportunity to young amateur groups to present their work at a mainstream venue. They

also were the first gatherings of artists from various types of theatre groups: grassroots

81

theatres, semi-professional troupes, and independent theatre groups. ("Vibrant Theatre";

"Entertainment Club") The audience could view different genres of theatre in one venue.

Admission to the festivals was free, but a donation was suggested. Earnings were then

divided between Patravadi Theatre and the theatre groups.

The success of these two special theatre events gave birth to the theatre festival

that was synonymous with Patravadi Theatre: the Bangkok Fringe Festival. At the first

Fringe Festival in 1999, the tickets were sold at the low price of 120 Baht, which drew in

young audiences. In 200 I, the aim of the festival shifted to presenting the works of

international theatre and dance troupes as well as those of local artists. The ticket prices

increased to cover travel expenses paid to international troupes. Over the years,

international artists came to overshadow Thai artists at the Bangkok Fringe Festival.

Patravadi Theatre still supported the works of Thai theatre troupes, but the screening

process became more rigorous. The company's disciples received priority.

Dass Entertainment organized the Sodsai Award in 1994. The Sodsai Award

became the first and the only university student-level theatre competition. The award was

created in honor of Associate Professor Sodsai Pantoomkomol who founded the first

theatre department in Thailand. Each year, four to six short-listed original plays were

selected to participate in the event The productions were directed and performed by

university students. The award categories included best production, best play, best

direction, and best performance. (Sodsai Award 2002 1) This event offered a rare

opportunity for college students to present their work on a professional stage, and it

sparked theatre careers for many theatre practitioners. Some award-winning plays were

later selected to perform at different theatre venues.

82

Besides the Sodsai Award, Dass Entertainment opened its space to young theatre

practitioners in 1998. The company organized the New Chance Project which gave an

opportunity to three young theatre troupes to present their works at the Bangkok

Playhouse. The project required these troupes to stage plays by renowned Western

playwrights. The productions included Sam Shepard's Curse o/the Starving Class and

Arthur Kopit's Oh Dad, Poor Dad, Mamma's Hung You in the Closet and I'mfeelin' So

Sad The playhouse lobby was transformed into a black box theatre which fitted 150

audience members. However, the project received a mediocre reception and was

discontinued after one year.

The theatre events and festivals represented some of the contributions of

professional troupes to the further development of la/chon phut sarnai maio In return, these

festivals and events assisted the operation of the professional troupes. The productions in

these projects were small-scale and required very low budgets. Each play had to perform

only three to five times to bring a profit, so small investments brought proportionately

greater gain. Part of the earnings went to the theatre companies who organized the event,

but more important than financial gain, theatre festivals and events helped the companies

to remain active during a time when their regular seasons were reduced. Inexpensive

theatrical activities occupied space which otherwise would have been empty.

Last, the companies rented out their playhouses to host a variety of social

functions. The tranquil atmosphere within the luscious garden of the Patravadi Theatre

attracted private parties and performances alike. Every section of the theatre was

available for rent: the main stage, Studio 1, the courtyard, and the restaurant Even

Mejudhon's private residence, located across from the theatre, was offered for exclusive

83

parties. The restaurant, which was ready to cater a cocktail and dinner party, and a wide

variety of entertainments were offered along with the space. The theatre was often used

for a perfonning school's student showcase, concerts, filming, product-launchings, and

weddings. The fee was 40,000 Baht for the main stage and 15,000 for the Studio 1, each

for a period of eight hours (Patravadi Theatre and So Much More, 2002, 18-20).

The Bangkok Playhouse also gained money from rental fees. Because the well­

maintained facility conveniently had a full-time staff, it became a popular venue for

theatre, concerts, and performances by music companies, radio stations, and television

programs. The performance schools and theatre departments often used the services of

Dass Entertainment and the Bangkok Playhouse to stage their annual performances.

Similar to Patravadi Theatre, the Bangkok Playhouse rented out the lobby as well as its

nO-seat auditorium. The rental fee ranged from 10,000 to 50,000 Baht a day

(patoompong 48). Moreover, Dass Entertainment also gained some extra income from

renting their in-stock costumes for stage performances and fancy parties for a rental cost

of 500 to 1,000 Baht a day.

The rental fee for both theatres was reasonable comparing to that of other leading

venues in Bangkok. The Thai Cultural Center cost 10,000 Baht just to reserve the theatre

(Srisai 68). Therefore, the companies' spaces were very popular. The reasonable price

and friendly atmosphere enabled these companies to supplement their income by renting

out their space.

84

A Brief Survey of plays

Patravadi Theatre produced seven new plays originally written for its main stage.

Six of those seven had original plots while one was based on a reinterpretation of a Thai

classical tale. Dass Entertainment put on total of eleven new plays. Seven were newly

written plays, one was a translation of a French play, and three were Thai adaptations of

Western plays.

Two clear-cut categories of plays dominated theatre during this period:

sentimental drama and high-energy comedy. The subject matter of the dramas was often

associated with economic hardship, and a gloomy tone predominated. The dramas

examined personal values and presented morality themes related to Buddhist teachings of

good and bad deeds. Examples include Patravadi Theatre's Rainbow qfter the Rain and

Dass Entertainment's Blood Red Rose (Kulap Si LWaf, 1998). On the other hand, the

comedies aimed at escapism. and they were extremely popular. For instance, two

productions staged by Patravadi Theatre, Princess Horse Face and Angeldevi(l)

(Photchoman, 2000), were set in fantasy lands and featured noble characters, princesses,

kings, and queens. Magic, supernatural power, and adventure filled the narratives.

Comedies by Dass Entertainment such as Chaos at Saithong Mansion and Ambiguous

Will (Phinaikam Kamkuam, 2000) were set in the contemporary world, but the stories

were filled with romance and action. The dialogue was full of quick exchanges, one­

liners, and puns. A fast-paced and highly-energetic performance style characterized these

comedies. Nevertheless, the issues presented in these comedies were not nonsensical by

any means. Similar to the dramas, the comedies reinforced morality-related themes. They

dealt with serious problems regarding family values, monetary needs, and moral behavior.

85

Professional Theatre After 2002

After the year 2002, the professional theatre was resuscitated. The year 2002

marked the end of the Recessive Period, and Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre

concluded their small budget projects and contemplated their 2003 seasons. More big

projects were created between 2002 and 2004. In 2003, Dass Entertainment staged a

mega-budget musical called lll-Ornened Lovers (Khu Karn). Similarly, Patravadi Theatre

proceeded with its Buddhist Bible series and produced Buddhist Bible 3 to Buddhist Bible

5. The activities of these two companies between 2002 and 2004 suggest that professional

lakhon phut sarnai rnai is no longer ailing financially. The observation of two years of the

professional theatre operation (2002 - 2004) was too brief, however, to identify

characteristics, changes, and directions of the professional theatre in this new era, and is

outside the scope of this dissertation.

86

CHAPTER 3

FORMATIVE PERIOD (1990-1993)

3.1 Introduction

Within the Formative Period, the experiences of phuying kraeng are given center

stage in a total of seven plays. In these plays, the dramatists explore themes that concern

women's negotiation of modernity as dramatized through their struggles to find success

in both their professions and their personal relationships. The phuying kraeng are not

portrayed as completely independent-they are women in a transitional stage struggling

to achieve independence while preserving traditional roles. Their attempt to gain access

to the work force is a substantial step toward autonomy, reinforcing modern identity, and

their personal relationships represent their struggle to preserve the traditional roles of

women.

The portrayal of phuying kraeng in search of independence represents a break

from typical nang ek in two fashions. First, the phuying kraeng place great importance on

their careers. The dramas show female characters of middle and lower classes searching

for their places in the professional world. They represent modern women because they

construct their own identities in association with their career aspirations. Second, these

phuying kraeng are given access to a wide variety of life choices because they gain

autonomy through their work.

Nevertheless, phuying kraeng of the Formative Period primarily choose to

perform traditional roles as lovers, wives, and mothers, in some cases even after they

87

achieve success in their professions. Dass Entertainment's The End of the Rainbow (Sut

Sai Plai rung, 1991) concludes with one of the phuying kraeng choosing to give up her

prolific career in order to mother her child. Certain plays such as Patravadi Theatre's

Juree in Concert (1993) and Dass Entertainment's Angel Chaos (Onlaweng Phleng Nang

Fa, 1991) include a final scene in which phuying kraeng and their male counterparts are

united after these phuying kraeng have proven themselves in their professions. A limited

number of plays show female characters receiving the support of other women when they

accept traditional family roles. The plays Sprinters (Thunthuk, 1993) and The End of the

Rainbow promote the idea that a female community can nurture women's growth and

strengthen the ties women have with their families.

The pursuit of professional and personal fidfiUment as treated in these dramas

demonstrates the dramatists' views on the position of women in society. The

representation of phuying kraeng, who find success in their careers yet embody

traditional virtues and embrace social expectations, is evidence that the writers support

women's traditional behaviors. These plays propose that women's connection with their

families plays an important role in sustaining stability and happiness in their lives. The

conclusions of the plays indicate how the playwrights promote the notion that women

should seek freedom only within respectable social norms.

In sum, the portrayal of phuying kraeng tends to be fairly conservative. Most

characters fight within the system to reach their goals without violating any social taboos.

Their actions are assertive and decisive, but by no means aggressive or subversive.

Although their struggles might involve some unethical conduct, the plays always reveal

that phuying kraeng are the embodiment of virtue, morality, and modesty. The depiction

88

of phuying kraeng who achieve independence while still embracing traditional roles

represents a tentative beginning in the evolution of the independent-minded phuying

kraeng. These characters were very popular because they were similar to the submissive

heroine with which Thai audiences were already acquainted. Yet, they broke away from

the typical representation of passive women for they actively pursued personal freedom

through work. The gradual transformation toward more progressive and independent

female characters advanced the acceptance of phuying kraeng.

In this chapter, I select three phuying kraeng from The End of the Rainbow and

Juree in Concert as the subjects of an in-depth analysis because they are the most

relevant to phuying kraeng development of the Formative Period. These two plays

provide clear examples of phuying kraeng who negotiate their modem identity through

the exploration of professional and personal success. These two plays are chosen to

reveal the different positions taken in similar narratives. While The End of the Rainbow

best represents plays that draw more attention to the phuying kraeng's romances and

personal lives while showing fewer details of their careers, in Juree in Concert, on the

other hand, aphuying kraeng's professional aspirations is portrayed with less regard to

her personal life.

In examining The End of the Rainbow, I discuss how the playwright uses two

phuying kraeng to exemplifY the women's evolution. The investigation focuses on the

narrative's depiction of the transformation ofphuying kraeng from victim to strong

woman. I explore the play's common motif.-innocent countryside women fighting

against a big city's temptations-to determine how these characters are fighting the

dangers that lurk in the modem city.

89

In the second play, I examine the career path of Juree from Juree in Concert and

argue that the representation of Juree as an ultimately ethical and career-oriented phuying

kraeng sets a standard for women to follow. The play offers an image of an ideal woman

who succeeds professionally but at the same time is aware of women's obligatory family

roles. I further investigate how the greater emphasis laid on Juree's career

accomplishments over her personal life's events symbolizes a celebration of woman's

success.

3.2 Analysis of The End of the Rainbow

Play Introduction

Sut Sai Plai Rung or The End of the Rainbow, was written by Daraka Wongsiri in

1991. The play was staged at A.U.A. auditorium from March 22 to 24 and March 29 to

31 of the same year. The End of the Rainbow is the first phuying kraeng play of

professional lakhon phut sarnai mai, and it is also the first to address the trouble women

encounter living in modem society. The play's content breaks away from Wongsiri's

previous work, which was typified by light comedies of mistaken identity and family

feuds, and romantic comedies with a "boy gets girl" plot formula. The serious topics of

premarital sex, unwed pregnancy, and abortion are the major issues explored in this new

play.

The play dramatizes these social problems through a classic plot of innocent

countrywomen traveling to a big city in order to enter the urban workforce where they are

compromised by big city predators. The play documents the paraIleljourneys of two

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childhood friends who have migrated to Bangkok. The narrative starts at two different

points of their lives. Namon, one of the phuying kraeng, has moved to Bangkok three

years before the start of the play. Currently, she is at the peak of her fashion-modeling

career. The play traces the beginning of another phuying kraeng 's jomney, Phrae, who

has just arrived at the capital to find work. Phrae is seduced by Namon's fiance, Dom.

The two phuying kraeng face a dilemma when Phrae becomes pregnant with Dom's child.

The pregnancy not only complicates the friendship between the two females, but also

jeopardizes their careers as a result. Chet, the compassionate neighbor, tries to help the

two female characters to no avail.

The modernity implied in the play's scenic design deserves close attention. This

production became the first play in which a specific location of Bangkok was intricately

recreated on stage in realistic detail. It was recognizable by the audience as SHom Street,

a business district of Bangkok. The drama took place in a high-rise apartment

overlooking office buildings; the set also included a glass elevator, and a shopping mall.

The glass elevator set piece moved up and down, and the building lights were brightened

and dimmed according to the time of day. The large-scale, yet detailed and functional set

gave a realistic visual impression and made the story of these phuying kraeng more

convincing. In addition, the play's setting impressed the audience with scenery that

simulated the technologically advanced lifestyle of 1991 and set the tone for how

modernity could affect women's moral judgment.

Characters' Goal

These two phuying kraeng embody the typical double burden of the phuying

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kraeng of the Formative Period: they want to succeed in their professions as well as in

their personal lives. Their pursuit of professional fulfillment leads to trouble in their

private lives. However, the play offers the details of two female characters mending their

chaotic personal relationships while their quest for career achievement is de-emphasized

and recounted only through dialogue. This representation may seem very similar to that

of nang ek. the typical dependent heroine. Nonetheless, the representation ofNamon and

Phrae in this manner prepares the audience for the characters' transformations that take

place toward the end of the play.

The narrative focuses on the two characters' attempts to regain their virtue by

marrying Dom. Each wants to be married in order to rectify their mistakes. The play

reveals the negative effects that an urban lifestyle has on naive country girls like Namon

and Phrae. Their virtue is destroyed as a result of peer pressure to participate in

premarital sexual relationships with Dom. These two phuying kraeng face disastrous

consequences: an abortion and an out-of-wedlock pregnancy. Namon discards the idea of

love as the main purpose of getting married: "I know you love me but that is not all 1

want. 1 want a guarantee" (Rainbow 5). Namon regards marriage as the consequence of

her loss of virginity to Dom. Phrae's desire to be married comes from the necessity to

deal with her out-of-wedlock pregnancy. As a result, marriage becomes these women's

means of upholding their virtue.

Both Namon and Phrae believe that marrying Dom will clear their reputations.

Reputation proves very important in a profession that depends on personal popularity.

Gossip and scandal about their sexual activities might leak to the public and destroy their

careers. Dom persuades Namon to get an abortion by alluding to the correlation between

92

a tarnished reputation and a ruined career in fashion modeling. The two female characters

believe that marriage to Dom would lessen public condemnation; thus, they would

continue to thrive in their careers in addition to gaining personal fulfillment

Characters' Obstacle

Though the two phuying kraeng compete to marry the same man, no single scene

dramatizes a clash between the two phuying kraeng. Instead, their obstacles are the

extema! obstacle-the villain-and the intema! obstacle.

The external obstacle, as personified by the male character Dom, is the danger

that the urban modern society poses to women's lives. Dom uses his charms to seduce

innocent women. His image is described as follows: "Dom wears stylish clothes and

leather boots. His hair is long. He wears one earring which is fashionable" (Rainbow 3).

His glamorous and flamboyant appearance and good conversation skills define

cosmopolitan sophistication and prestige. His presence evokes the standards of modernity,

which is alluring to these women. Phrae grows excited as she learns of his privileged

background:

PHRAE. When you were young, your parents must have indulged

you. Did they buy you a lot of toys?

DOM. Yeah. I had robots, trains, and dump trucks. A house full of

those things.

PHRAE. I am very jealous. Your house must be filled with your toys.

DOM. Not really. I often got bored and my mother gave them away.

(Rainbow 10)

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Dom represents the perils waiting to exploit women in urban society. He chases after

these phuying kraeng and successfully seduces them into sexual relationships. Dom's

character does not encourage much sympathy nor does it make him more than a one­

dimensional villain.

The phuying kraeng '8 negative self-perception is portrayed as their internal

obstacle. Their perception of inferiority derives from their sense of material and cultural

backwardness when compared to the sophisticated urban dwellers. Their small town

values and conduct are often ridiculed by Dom. He considers the beliefs of these two

phuying kraeng unfit for an urban, sophisticated lifestyle. These phuying kraeng

transform themselves in order to adapt to the urban setting. Besides the update to their

appearance-their stylish hair styles, fashionable clothing, and make uJr-the phuying

kraeng are pressured by Dom to participate in sexual activity. In this play, pre-marital

sexual activity is depicted as secretly, yet commonly, practiced by the younger generation

of metropolitans. Though considered culturally and morally inappropriate, it is perceived

by the characters to be a form of sexual autonomy appropriate for modem life. More

importantly, these two phuying kraeng live in the big city without a guardian. Namon's

father is paralyzed from a heart attack, while Phrae's parents have passed away. The

separation from family is equated with a lack of protection, especially protection by a

male relative. The absence of an older male guardian makes them vulnerable to

exploitative elements in the urban setting.

The analysis of the obstacles to these phuying kraeng'8 goals reveals a clash of

values, and the differences between the principles of a small town and those of the city.

Small town values are characterized in this play as superior morality, loyalty, and

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sincerity. The urban modem lifestyle is regarded as a model of progress, wealth, and

adventure, yet morally decayed. It presents a great danger to women like Pbrae and

Namon who are drawn to the urban city by materialistic concerns and who attempt to

adapt to the capital's lifestyle.

Characters' Action

The phuying kraeng's attempts to marry Dom are circuitous over the first three

quarters of the play. Their actions are subtle and indirect, if not completely feeble.

Namon's actions are composed of varieties of threats. She threatens to leave Dom and to

expose his womanizing behaviors. Pbrae's actions seem more passive. She takes no direct

action toward Dom. Her action is to wait Even after she finds out that she is pregnant,

she waits for Dom to ask for her hand. Though she could use her pregnancy to negotiate a

marriage, she discards this tactic.

My analysis of the phuying kraeng's passivity for most of the play indicates how

the playwright employs the characteristics of nang ek in the construction of phuying

kraeng. These phuying kraeng are modeled after the familiar heroine who often endures

great difficulty until time, other characters, or fate resolve the situation. Therefore,

Namon and Pbrae hardly take any action. Their inactivity in this phase is part of the

playwright's strategy to highlight the greater difference in these two women when they

transform into phuying kraeng in the latter part of the play.

In the last quarter of the play, Namon and Pbrae realize that Dom is the root cause

of their problems. Dom's true character is revealed through a typical device of

melodrama: a character overhears a conversation. Pbrae overhears the reconciliation

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between Namon and Dom. Namon receives her information from Chet, who accidentally

hears Dom propose to Phrae. The discoveries bring the realization that they will fail at

their goals because Dom has no intention to marry either of them. Upon acquiring their

new knowledge, their actions become more aggressive and are taken directly toward the

antagonist. The most aggressive action of this play is carried out by Phrae when she

announces her decision to keep her child on her own and breaks off the relationship with

Dom. Her announcement is a shock wave that stuns the other characters and causes

changes in bothphuying kraeng. Wongsiri states her intention in the program: "I look at

the situation from women's perspective. They are often victims of the opposite sex, of

society, and of themselves. 1 give women the opportunity to rise up and become the

'doers' and the 'decision makers'" (The End o/the Rainbow Program). The playwright's

purpose is clear when she designates the weakest character to perform the strongest

action of the play. When Phrae, who is described as "sensitive, fragile, and naive"

(''Drama That Reflects "), announces her decision to bear the child on her own, the

playwright makes Phrae an exemplar of the ultimate transformation of a woman: from

victim to victor.

The phuying kraeng's assertive actions strongly contrast with their inactivity in

the first three quarters of the play. I argue that the shift in the later scenes denotes the

narrative of women's awakening. The characters learn from their mistakes, realize their

potential, and turn errors into power. Toward the end of the narrative, they discard self­

negativity and recognize the possibility ofleading their lives based on selfhood.

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Outcomes

The outcome, however, reveals that the phuylng kraeng are the embodiment of

traditional roles of women. At the end of the play, the two phuying kraeng abandon their

original goals of marrying Dom. Namon starts a new love affair with Chet, her caring

neighbor, and Phrae finds true love with her baby. In regard to their professional

aspirations, Namon learns that her personal reputation did not destroy her career and

continues to work in the fashion industry, but Phrae, on the other hand, gives up her

fashion modeling profession to care for her child.

In addition, the audience sees the "villain" being punished. The final scene of the

play dramatizes an event several months after the last confrontation between both

phuying kraeng and Dom. Dom comes back begging to see his child. Phrae challenges

him:

At the moment my child seems like one of your new toys. A kind of

toy that you have never had. It is tempting. In protest, you would want

more. I won't stop you. You can go see the baby. But before you do,

you must ask yourself, 'how long can this new toy sustain your

interest?' One year, two years, or just one month? (Rainbow 27)

Dom leaves in defeat while the two phuying kraeng soar with pride.

At the end, the two phuying kraeng re-establish their nurturing relationship in a

scene in which they share their pain, grieve, and make amends.

PHRAE. I know it is pointless to keep repeating myself. But I am sorry, I

am really sorry for the pain I caused you.

NAMON. (Sobs.) Phrae, are you really leaving me?

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(phrae stops and thinks. She then lays her head on Namon's shoulders.

They both cry.) (Rainbow 26)

The ending of this scene exemplifies the connection between women. Forgiveness is

offered as an answer to the relationship among women. I interpret their forgiveness to

signify how women take part in forming a supportive community in which they can

depend on each other to achieve independence. At the end of the play, Namon and Phrae

experience a greater joy helping each other in caring for Phrae's newborn baby.

The ending suggests that the phuying kraeng are rewarded with happiness not

because they have continuously lived lives of high virtue but because they rectify their

mistakes despite having been corrupted. The playwright ca1ls attention to the characters'

acts of forgiving those who repent and rectify their situations, and urges the audience to

forgive the characters in the same way.

Through the characterization ofNamon, the play glorifies the triumph of women

who can find success both in their career and personal relationships. She is rewarded with

career achievement as well as a new, satisfying romantic relationship. Phrae, on the other

hand, is an example of women who fail at handling the demands of both worlds and who

give up their careers in pursuit of personal fidfiUment. The play does not negatively

portray a woman like Phrae who fails at her profession as long as she chooses the

domestic role. I interpret the ending to mean that the play encourages women to establish

their modem identities through their professions as long as they continue to uphold their

roles in the family. This representation reveals the playwright's view of the importance of

family in women's existence and emphasizes the significant function of women in the

success of the family.

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Summary

The End of the Rainbow received positive responses from audiences for two

reasons. First, the play offers a sense offamiliarity to the audience. Wongsiri

acknowledges that she applied certain recognizable melodramatic elements to the play:

the discovery device, a love triangle, and a pure villain. Wongsiri and Chakrawomwut

explain why the melodmma genre is utilized: "it is a type of play that is easily accessible

to everyone ... melodmma is not comical, but the story is as entertaining as that of dmmas

the audience watches on television. The plot of this play is not far removed from those

dmmas" (Starpics). The End of the Rainbow was intended to use the familiar conventions

of melodmma to drew the audience to the theatre.

Second, the representation of phuying kraeng appealed to the audiences. It was

the first professional play that dramatized the transformation of female chamcters from

typical submissive heroines to phuying kraeng. In the beginning of the play, the extreme

passiveness of these female characters misdirects the audience to believe that the

chamcters will remain defeated. Their transformations at the end come unexpectedly, but

the vast shift in their chamcterization is inspirational for the audience to witness. I agree

with Walt Ruediger, a theatre reporter, that the play celebmtes women's triumph: "this is

where the women can soar above the man, taking moral high ground to proclaim, loftily

and with head held high, that she will not undergo an abortion, nor will she destroy

herself and her unborn children in shame and helplessness" (C: I).

The play is labeled melodmma; nevertheless, The End of the Rainbow offers a

serious social message. It warns of the dangers that modem urban society poses to

women's lives, dangers that are the result of Bangkok's mpid modernization. The play

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depicts Bangkok as materialistically progressive yet morally regressive. Women are

presented as the target of urban exploitation. The play presents two social problems that

plague women in the modem urban society: abortion and single parenthood. The main

concern of this play is how an unmarried woman handles a pregnancy.

The play's outcome suggests two options for an out-of-wedlock pregnancy.

Abortion is suggested as one possible solution. Though abortion is illegal in Thailand, the

play indicates that it is available to women. In my view, the playwright projects her

personal negative view of the abortion when it is described by Namon as "degrading,"

"filthy," and "undignified" (Rainbow 23). Chet reveals a similar attitude when he refers

to abortion as "destruction" (Rainbow 19). Moreover, the play suggests Namon

continuing to suffer emotionally years after her abortion. The playwright obviously

considers abortion as an inappropriate answer, claiming that it is not only considered

culturally and morally wrong, but that it is a source of emotional suffering for women.

The second option for an unwed pregnancy offered in this play is single

parenthood. Single parenting was a very progressive concept when the play was written.

Earlier on, the play discloses some characters' disapproval of this choice. Namon and

Dom both believe that a father's absence will create emotional and behavioral problems

in a child. Namon is later convinced otherwise by Chet:

So you will not give that child a chance to live. Do you have to jump to

the conclusion that he will grow up unhappy? Will become a burden to

society? Why can't you see that the child has a chance to grow up to be a

smart and sensible person, and he can make others happy? Will every

child from a broken home grow up to be a burden to society? (Rainbow 20)

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Three out of four characters in the play were raised without a prominent father figure but

grew up to be responsible adults in society. Dom, the ''villain,'' however, has actually

grown up with two parents in a perfect family. More importantly, the playwright creates

Chet as a positive model of a child of an unwed mother. Raised without a father, the play

demonstrates that Chet has grown up to be a sensitive and diligent medical student With

the creation of Chet as a positive model of an illegitimate child, the play uses single

parenthood as the proper solution to an unwed pregnancy.

In several interviews, the playwright and director stated that the intention of this

play was to entertain. The director maintained that ''the strength of this play lies in its

entenainment value. The message is only a by-product, though necessary. However, it is

subtly implemented within the entenainment" (Weekend Phraeo). This view was

repeated by Wongsiri: "We do not expect this play to be more than what it is intended to

be, a piece of entenainment" (The End o/The Rainbow Program). Though their intention

was non-didactic, both director and the playwright expressed their expectation that this

drama, to a certain extent, should reflect the reality of modern Thai society, and that its

message would be conveyed to the audience. The director argued,

Actually, this play reflects our present society. It is a contemporary play

that shows how the members of the younger generation design their own

lifestyles. They are very independent. The play automatically gets that

point across. I have no intention to preach, but what the audiences get

from this play depends upon their own perception. (Starpics)

The function of this play is to explore the interactions of young women in society while

providing entenainment to the audience, presenting a realistic portrait of the lives of

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young women in the capital. The End of the Rainbow was a unique play for its time,

being the first Thai play, original or adapted, that offered alternative solutions to female

characters' problems. The female characters take responsibility for resolving the main

conflict of the play instead ofletting male characters determine the outcome.

3.3 Analysis of Juree in Concert

Play Introduction

Even before Juree in Concert premiered on Patravadi Theatre's newly renovated

stage on November 6 of 1993, the production stirred up anticipation from critics and

viewers alike. Besides the interest in the budget, reported as a record high of three million

Baht, the main attraction of this original play was the topic: the dramatization of the life

of Juree Osiri, a living legend in the entertainment business. In addition, the fact that then

65-year-old Osiri, who in 1998 was honored with the distinction ofNationai Artist of

Thailand in recognition of her achievement in the performing arts, would play the leading

role further intensified curiosity.9 Throughout its thirty-two performances, the play

achieved both commercial success and critical acclaim.

Juree in Concert is the first woman's biographical play of lakhon phut samai mai,

and the first play that articulates a relationship between women and their careers. The

account of Osiri' s professionaiHfe is portrayed in musical form, dramatizing selected

episodes from Osiri's fifty-year career, which paralleled changes in the development of

popular entertainment.

9 In this disserlation, I refer to the character as Juree and the actual woman by her surname, Osiri.

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The plot is divided into four parts, each involving the rise to popularity of various

types of performance in which Juree participated. The first part deals with Juree's

emergence as a Thai classical dancer while attending the School of Dramatic Arts. The

second section follows her stage career in lakhon choi ching ying thoe, a hybrid drama

that follows certain performance conventions of the operetta. The play shows her acting

in leadings role as well as performing her entr'acte singing for which she gains fame. The

third part traces her achievements as a soprano singer of the infamous SlUltraphon Big

Band during World War n. The last part shows her career transition from a movie star to

a movie voice-over artist, a profession she expertly performed for forty years.

Character's Goal

The narrative offers the IUlprecedented image of a ''working woman" who devotes

her life to fulfilling her goal of becoming an actress. The play recOlUlts Juree's career

which started in the 1940s, thus representing Juree as a woman ahead of her time. She

embodies the essence of modem women who focus their effort and determination on

gaining recognition in their professions. In the opening narration of this biographical

drama, Juree reminisces about her childhood desire: "I love to perform. 1 was born to

entertain people. It has been a draining experience, but 1 still love to bring happiness to

people" (Juree 2). However, this drama does not represent Juree's passion to become a

performer as a childlike fantasy. Instead, the character refers to her goal as "destiny"

(Juree 2). The opening song, whose lyrics were composed by Osiri, also suggest this:

JUREE AND CHORUS. A day that 1 refrain from singing,

that day becomes IUlbearably melancholy.

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A day that I hum a note,

that day brings great joy to my heart.

A day that misery strikes my spirit,

that day music awakes me to happiness.

A day that the blue sky brings the lights to earth,

that day even a little bird serenades. (Juree 1)

Her goal is a matter to be taken seriously. Moreover, she identifies herself in relation to

her work and what she offers to the world as a performer.

Juree is portrayed as a young girl who is advanced for her time with regard to the

clarity with which she comprehends women's position in show business. The character

understands that her ca1Iing goes against social expectations for a daughter of that period.

She knows that society regards a profession in entertainment as "dancing for a meal"

(Juree 2), which illustrates the disreputable nature of this occupation and demonstrates

the strong public disapproval of a female performer putting her body on display in

exchange for food. Juree is not a rebellious woman. When she realizes her ambition, she

asks her father for permission: "I was lucky. My father did not exercise his judgment on

this profession. My father supported my decision [to attend the school of Dramatic Arts]

because he recognized my hidden talent" (Juree 2). Juree identifies her father as her first

supporter.

Juree's goal is never presented as an aspiration to reach stardom. The character

never expresses her need to gain fame. Her ambition is downplayed without any evidence

of arrogance or self-indulgence. Rather, the treatment of the character reflects Juree's

desire to become a genuine and respected entertainer.

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Character's Obstacle

The obstacle in this play is presented in a non-conventional fashion. Unlike the

treatment in other plays of this period, the obstacles to Juree's goal are presented as

minor and do not cause serious setbacks. The only circwnstance in which Juree interacts

with an antagonist takes place in the School Scene. Juree is challenged by her fellow

student dancers for the front row position: a spot chosen for the best dancer. When all

else fails, one student switches her broken headdress with Juree's. On stage, another

dancer gives Juree a little nudge to push her off balance.

The second kind of obstacle has to do with the daunting living conditions during

World War II that pose some threat to Juree's ambition as a performer. The hardship of

the war is represented in the song Cold Wind (Nao Lom), in which Juree laments the

harsh separation among people during the war. Next, the song The Great Kingdom of

Thailand (Maha Anachakthal) incorporates a combat sequence between Thai and

Japanese soldiers during the brief Japanese occupation.

Nonetheless, the playwright chooses to trivia1ize these obstacles. The only scene

that displays any conflict between Juree and other characters is dramatized in a comic

manner when child-like competition is caused by petty jealousy rather than a sense of

serious stage rivalry. Similar to the competition in the entertainment industry, the social

and cultural conditions of the war which could have become harmfu1 to the character's

goal do not devastate Juree's career. In the narrative, the World War II combat sequence,

which is accentuated by loud bombing and siren sound effects, is followed by a nightclub

scene featuring upbeat tango music and a dance sequence. The war and the nightclub

scenes are alternated several times to capture the contrast between the lively nightclub

105

atmosphere and the turbulence of the war. The portrayal of war in this manner implies

that the war does not defeat the spirit of the Thais, who find a way to surmount it.

I interpret the lack of a serious obstacle as the playwright's attempt to

demonstrate how women from previous gencmrtions pioneered in finding success in their

careers. The depiction of Juree' s relatively easy career path offers encouragement to

contemporary women who expect an easy transition from home to workplace.

Character's Action

The play de-emphasizes the gravity of the problems Juree encounters in order to

highlight a series of her career accomplishments. The narrative focuses on the character's

attributes that have brought longevity to her career. The play gives examples of strategies

that women can utilize to succeed in the workplace.

First, a strong work ethic and an adaptive nature contribute to her success. Juree

constantly trains and acquires various performing skills, and her well-rounded skills

enable her to adapt to changes in entertainment. The plot demonstrates how those

changes induced by the modernization of popular entertainment affect Juree's career

choices. The interest in Thai classical dance drama, pre-World War n, is portrayed to be

in decline as the new and exciting world of cinema is introduced to Thai audiences.

During the Japanese occupation, however, Thai film comes to a complete halt due to the

confiscation of negative film stock imported from the West. The demand for a diversion

from the war turns to the available stage performances, namely the hybrid dramas and big

band performances. After the war, filming activity resumes and gains more popularity.

Juree embraces these changes, shifts her career focus, and joins the type of performance

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that is in demand. As new popular entertainment emerges, she draws upon her talent

reserves and is able to reinvent herself. Her novel image appeals to her fans and to new

audiences alike.

Second, Juree ascribes her prolonged success to her looks. Juree describes herself

as "a girl with a plain face and small eyes" (Juree 9). Similarly, another character

describes her appearance in the Gossip song: "Juree has small and slanted eyes. Her dull

face reminds me of that of a tuna fish. Her face is so dull and her nose is so flat" (Juree

15). Juree's appearance projects a non-threatening and friendly impression. Her plain

look represents a blank canvas that can be painted to fit each of the many roles she

performs over the course of her career. Juree gives an example of how her plain face

landed her a leading role in a movie: "Kru Naramit was about to direct Gentlemanfrom

Hell. He extensively searched for the heroine for this movie to no avail. As soon as he

saw me, he was struck by my plain face" (Juree 9). She turns her ordinary looks into her

source of power.

Last, humility is a quality that the play ascribes as a major ingredient of Juree's

recipe for a successful career. Though the play emphasizes Juree's tremendous skills, she

is presented as a woman who constantly displays her modesty. She rarely takes credit for

her own achievements. Instead, she attributes her success to luck, destiny, and other

people. She explains that her father's support comes to her because: "I was lucky" (Juree

2). Correspondingly, she also credits her success in the dubbing career to destiny and luck.

Juree explains that: "I dubbed the first movie with Sane Komarachun who was my first

dubbing partner and teacher. We worked so well together that the movie became an

overnight sensation. It was destiny that led me to uncover my other talent" (Juree 10).

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Juree's figure is presented as a desirable model of a ''working woman" because

the character's flexibility nature and strong work ethic allow her to have a long and

successful career that has endured into the 1990s. I reason that the representation of Juree

as an ordinary-looking woman challenges the stereotype of women who use their sexual

attractiveness to advance in their careers. J uree' s success demonstrates to the audience

that, while outward appearance plays a role in women's careers, the degree of physical

attractiveness is not as important as how women market their image. Juree thinks of her

"plain" looks as lack of feminine attractiveness, but she proves that it can benefit her

career in the entertainment industry. The representation of Juree suggests that women's

accomplishments in the workforce require an exhibition of feminine qualities along with

their skills. I interpret a display of humility as a desired quality, as the playwright

suggests, to ease women's transition from home to workplace. Therefore, the play subtly

teaches the audience the value of humbleness.

Outcome

The conclusion of the play honors Juree's extraordinari1y successful fifty-year

career as the character triumphs in the entertainment business. At the end of the

performance, a series of fireworks light up the sky. The fireworks not only imply the

celebration of Juree's prolific career, but also symbolize her rise to stardom.

The conclusion of Juree's prosperous career could have been the ending of this

play, but the narrative continues on to include Juree's personal life. The Gossip scene is

the only sequence that describes Juree's private life. In this scene, Five Youngsters

recount Juree's romantic relationship with her current husband, referred to in the playas

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Uncle Pui. This Gossip song captures the playful and uplifting relationship that represents

a triumph in Juree's private life. This scene is positioned prior to the play's finale, and its

content has no connection to preceding scenes dealing with Juree's professional life. I

interpret the function of this scene as the playwright's means of illustrating the

importance of the connection Juree forms with her family. The attention given to Juree's

strong family values strengthens her image as a reputable actress and contests the

misconception regarding women in show business profession that paints them as

promiscuous and lacking in morality. Moreover, the representation of a career-oriented

woman who chooses to accept the role of a wife even after she finds autonomy in her

career shows the playwright's support of traditional values which require women to fulfill

their domestic roles.

Summary

In this play, the portrayal of Juree offers a glimpse of a pioneering modem

woman. Her struggle to find independence through work, pursued since the beginning of

her career in the early 1940s, is the manifestation of a woman ahead of her time. Her

success in a male-dominated business characterizes her as a woman whose behavior is

the embodiment of modernity. More importantly, the inclusion of Juree's private life

constructs Juree as a prime representative of a phuying kraeng of the Formative Period

who embodies modernity by striving for success in her career, yet embracing her role in

the family.

The narrative chooses to concentrate on her achievements and ignore her

shortcomings. Without indulging in speculation regarding her private life, it is crucial to

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insert an analysis of the degree to which the representation of Juree deviates from Osiri's

real life experience, especially as it relates to the construction of the phuying kraeng

character.

The exclusion of certain factual anecdotes drawn from Osiri's life regarding her

disastrous relatiouships, mishaps, and devastating events is designed to highlight Juree's

ethical professional integrity, not to distort reality. Certainly, what the writer has chosen

to include or omit shapes the image of Juree as the writer desires her to be perceived.

While, in actuality, Osiri is loved by her audiences for her talents and her generosity in

helping retired performers, the writer has excluded certain events that shaped the real-life

person. I will relate two crucial events from Osiri' s life which are omitted from the plays.

The play excludes mention of a notorious feud among female singers competing

to get a recording song with the Suntraphon Big Band. This band, that has become a

cultural icon of the late I 940s, was known for inspiring competitiveness among the best

singers. The play chooses not to address this issue and focuses on Juree's

accomplishments with the band. Second, it is important to note that the narrative leaves

out the episode ofOsiri's disastrous marriage to Sane Komarachun, her movie voice-over

mentor. Komarachun's extramarital affairs with multiple leading actresses were the

object of public scrutiny. Their turbulent marriage was constantly in gossip news

columns, and Osiri later divorced him.

The outcome of this sanitized version of the actress's life successfully strengthens

Juree's image as an ethical career woman, and refrains from portraying other cultural

icons in a negative light. The selective exhibition of certain characteristics, specifically

Juree's non-threatening look, her modesty, her versatility, and her professionalism makes

110

this phuying kraeng admirable and likable. More importantly, the representation of Juree

as a woman who understands the importance of family renders her a role model both on

and off stage. Osiri' s self-portrayal on stage authenticates this representation, thereby

making the story more convincing to the audience.

This biographical script acts as a type of historical record of popular

entertainment. The play captures the rise and fall of several forms of popular

entertainment, as well as the transition from one genre to another as a result of the

modernization of popular culture. Besides the show business events, the political and

cultural events that modernized the nation are documented. The play honors a female

entertainer, not a male entertainer, to narrate this history. It is told from a woman's

standpoint, giving a fresh perspective on these historical events. The narrative describes

how a woman participated in those changes both in show business and in society. Juree is

presented as an example of a woman who successfully adapts to modernity.

The function of Juree in Concert is to pay tribute to a woman who pioneered in

popular entertainment. Kittisak Suwanphokin, one of the most prominent entertainment

critics, offers a reason for why Orisi is chosen as a subject of this play:

I am not certain why Mejudhon chooses to dramatize the life ofOsiri

rather than that of many other veteran actresses. If I need to guess, it is

because ofOsiri's versatility. She has done many things in this industry.

She was a singer, an actress, and a movie dubber. She even was a fashion

model. (318)

Mejudhon's view supports Suwanphokin's argument when she states the aim of the play:

"Juree Osiri is one of the few truly well-rounded artists still living. I have great respect

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and admiration for her both as a person and as a perfonner ... I would like everyone to

recognize "Pa Jooh" [Osiri] for the talented veteran of Thai show biz that she is"

(Chaicharas 2).

In an interview, Osiri shows her appreciation:

I have never thought that in Thailand an artist of a bygone em would ever

get such an opportunity-but it arose and I happened to be chosen. It's a

feeling beyond words. It's a great honor. It's more like those wishful

fantasies that one knows is [sic] practically impossible and I almost can't

believe that it is actually turning into reality for me. (Chaicharas 3)

Osiri's comment corresponds with the play's message. Juree in Concert not only aims at

celebmting women's breakthrough in the workforce but also urges the audience to show

appreciation for the contribution of female perfonners to entertainment.

This biogmphical play pioneered in portmying the lives of real women on stage.

Before Juree in Concert, only biogmphies of men had been dramatized; the lives of

actual women had not been treated as the subject matter of any lakhon phut sarnai rnai

play. I speculate that the lack of interest in a biogmphical plot is due to Thai cultuml

timidity that reasons-however falsely- that a woman's life is not worthy of an

audience's attention. A theatre critic credits the phenomenon of this playas "a new

chapter in Thai entertainment history in which a 65-year-old perfonner is given an

opportunity to stage her life in an enriched and dignified production" (panyi). The play's

commercial success opened a pathway for more women's biogmphical plays. Examples

of this type of dmma produced at Patravadi Theatre include An Interview with Queen

Dowager Sisudachan (Inthewio Kap Thao Sisudachan, 1999) and Helen of the

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Millennium (Helenium, 2000). Juree in Concert has inspired other playwrights to draw

upon the experiences of both living and historical women as the subjects of their dramas.

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CHAPTER 4

POPULAR PERIOD (1994-1997)

4.1 Introduction

Of twenty-two original dramas written during this period, twelve center on the

experiences of phuying kraeng. The majority of these phuying kraeng plays are

commentaries on the social expectations and restraints imposed on women. The social

restraints are represented as belonging to a traditional order that is no longer relevant for

women in modem society. In a number of these plays, the challenge to the old order is

dramatized through a daughter's rebellion and depicted in her resistance to traditional

family values, personified by her parents. Phuying kraeng's struggle to delineate a

modem identity, especially in My Name Is Am (Aem, 1997), Ngo Pa (1995), and Three

Bad Mad Gals (Sam Sao Sam Sam, 1997), reveals the problematic conflict between the

two generations. The portrayal of rebellious daughters illustrates the characters'

denouncement of the out-of-date ideas and practices that suppress women's personal

freedom.

The plays of the Popular Period show three major concerns that pose difficulties

to phuying kraeng's attempts to establish a modem Thai identity. First, many narratives

critique the social pressure placed on women of a certain age to be married by presenting:

1) unmarried female characters who are coerced into a marriage, and 2) married female

characters who suffer from marital distress. Examples of the first category are Ngo Pa

and One Fluke Night, I Love You (Thing Chang Ma Ruk Kan Thoe, 1997), in which the

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main female characters are persuaded by parents or their peers to get married. In the plays

featuring married women, Nervous Breakdown Women (Sao Sali Sia, 1994) and Doctor.

This is Not What I Want (Khun Mo Kha Tae Wa Man Mai Chai, 1995), argue the effect of

an unsatisfactory marriage on women's lives. The negative representation of romantic

relationships and marriages finther reinforces the playwrights' notion that relationships

with men are not the solution to the problems of women living in modern times.

Restraint of women's sexual desires is the second critical subject scrutinized by

the playwrights. Many plays written during this period question the modern relevance of

the sexual double standard in which women are expected to suppress sexual desire while

male sexual adventure is encouraged. Plays such as Three Bad Mad Gals and

Hallucinated-Hysterical (Phoe-Khlang, 1996) defy this double standard by highlighting

the behavior of phuying kraeng who actively explore female sexuality and break down

social taboos. Moreover, certain plays resist a general assumption that most women are

heterosexual. Nervous Breakdown Women and My Name Is Am censure homophobic

reactions toward a woman's disclosure of, or even a suspicion of, lesbianism.

The last critical issue regardingphuying kraeng and modernity concerns

unrealistic expectations of women's perfonnance of domestic roles in the family. As I

have mentioned, many plays argue from a daughter's perspective. In several of them,

daughter characters are forced to take caretaker roles, and their obedience and loyalty are

obligatory exhibitions offilial piety. The plays point out that excessive responsibility,

sibling rivalry, and parental control sidetrack the female characters' construction of their

modern identity. For instance, the two sisters in Mischievous Maidens (Bussaha Kakan,

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1994) carry the burden of daughters whose family pressures them to succeed in their

singing careers. At the same time, their family requires their undivided affection and care.

Though the plays openly criticize social expectations and restraints that are

incompatible with a modem mode of life, the playwrights' views on resistance are

ambiguous. Some plays indicate a playwright's negative attitude toward the female

characters' rebellious behavior. For instance, the lead female characters of plays such as

Ngo Pa, The Will of a Deranged Woman (Phinaikam Khong Ying Wikoncharit, 1994),

and Hallucinated-Hysterical are sentenced to death and/or madness. I construe the

conclusions of these plays to suggest that some phuying kraeng, especially those who

resist with violence, are dangerous to society, and that the character's negotiation of

modernity is to be viewed as a threat to social stability. These plays, then, appear to

reason that maintaining a certain level of normalcy is necessary to ensure the continuity

of society.

Nevertheless, the majority of plays written in the Popular Period implement a

variety of alternative and positive resolutions for rebellious female characters. Some

plays reinforce an outcome developed in the Formative Period by showing female

characters forming a community of support in which the rivahy is replaced by a sense of

empathy, including Nervous Breakdown Women and Hello Pig, Goodbye Rat (Sawatdi Pi

Mu Nu Lut £oeo, 1995). The difference lies in the emphasis. Women's nurturing

friendships in the Formative Period are always established as the answer to women's

problems simultaneously with women's acceptance of traditional domestic roles. The

plays in the Popular Period show female characters' demand for a society that excludes

men, at least temporarily, so they can freely articulate their modem ideology in the safety

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of a female community. Most phuying kraeng in this period, however, successfully

negotiate their relationships and their roles within the families and are able to pursue

individual liberty which is seen as the manifestation of modem identity (MjI Name Is Am

and Mischievous Maidens). A few phuying kraeng renounce marriage opportunities with

corrupted men in exchange for peace and self-love (One Fluke Night, I Love You, and

Nervous Breakdown Women). A limited nwnber of plays, Buddhist Bible (Rai Phra Tri

PlOOk, 1996) and Three Bad Mad Gals, implement an inconclusive ending, rejecting a

specific, predefined, single resolution in support of a more flexible and thought­

provoking ending of the women's narrative ofmodemity.

Due to the large quantity of phuying kraeng plays of this period, many dramas

could have been chosen for a detailed discussion. For example, My Name Is Am and

Nervous Breakdown Women bear witness to the theme of rebellious women. Other plays

such as The Will of a Deranged Woman and Hallucinated-Hysterical dramatize the story

of phuying kraeng in an unusual dramatic style. Nevertheless, Ngo Pa and Three Bad

Mad Gals are chosen for close examination because they demonstrate a combination of

relevant subject matter and experimental style. Both narratives highlight the daughters'

rebellion against parental authority and demonstrate the daughters' response to the issues

of traditional restraints that curtail modem living. Moreover, both plays are note-worthy

representatives since women's experiences are placed outside of a realistic dramatic

structure, one of the characteristics of the dramas of this period.

Ngo Pa is chosen because its main female character best represents Patravadi

Theatre's frequent dramatization offemale characters from Thai classical literature to

demonstrate to contemporary audiences how fictional women from classical and

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traditional literature may be interpreted as emblematic of modem identity, though in their

cultural and social context This play, more so than other plays of the same period, shows

an innovative style in which a phuying kraeng narrative is framed by non-rea1istic

dramatic devices such as the use of a narrator, soliloquy, and flashbacks.

Three Bad Mad Gals is clearly representative because it is the only play of this

period that covers virtually the entire spectrum of modern phuying kraeng issues. The

dramatization of three phuying kraeng waiting for their sentences in what seems to be a

purgatory brings out women's issues of sexuality, addiction, excessive domestic duty,

filial obligation, and sibling rivalry, among others. In addition, Three Bad Mad Gals

experiments with style by using first-person narrative and an open ending.

In the first play, I examine how this adaptation presents the experience of a well­

known fictional woman in a new and positive light. I examine the outcome of Ngo Pa as

the most representative of a less popular denouement in which a phuying kraeng's

endeavor to exercise personal freedom ends with her suicide. The examination of Three

Bad Mad Gals focuses on the way in which the rebellious behavior of the female

characters is depicted as the result of familial failure to provide phuying kraeng with a

model of how to live in the modem world. In addition, I argue that the play's audience­

determined ending introduces the possibility of alternative outcomes to phuying kraeng's

actions.

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4.2 AnalYSis of Ngo Pa

Play Introduction

The title of the play, Ngo Pa, refers to the people of a Sakai tribe who maintain a

hunter-gatherer lifestyle living in small groups in the forest of the Malay Peninsula and

who belong to the Negrito ethnic group of Southeast Asia. Ngo Pa literally means ''forest

rambutan" and is commonly used by the Thais to describe the Sakai people. The origin of

the name derives from the comparison of the Sakai's outward appearance to that of a

rambutan. The Sakais' curly hair and red loincloths resemble the skin of the red tropical

fruit lO

in this analysis I will continue to refer to this play in its original, albeit

derogatory, name for clarity of identification.

Ngo Pa's plot revolves around a tragic love triangle. It features Lumhap, a young

maiden who is in love with Somphla, a capable hunter. Lumhap's mother, Hoi-ngo,

arranges her daughter's marriage to Hanao, the son of a well-established family. Lumhap

elopes with Somphla on the night of the wedding ceremony. Hanao chases after the pair,

and the pursuit ends in a battIe in which Somphla is killed by Hanao's brother. Lumhap

takes a dagger to her heart and expires by Somphla's side. Hanao feels remorse and kills

himself.

Patravadi Mejudhon, who also served as the director of this play, adapted Ngo Pa

from a classical Thai drama of the same title written by King Chulalongkom. Composed

10 According to Chit Phumisak, "Sakai" is an old Malay word meaning "slave." PhiblDl Duangchan argues that it deviates from the tenn "Sakae" or "savage" in Yawi, a local dialect used by the Thai Muslims in Southern Thailand. UnforllD1ately, both "Ngo Pa" and "Saka.t~ are arguably derogative because they are given to the tribe by the outsiders and both suggest the inferiority of the tribal members. The tenn "Saka.t~ is more widely accepted, however, and it will be used in this dissertation due to the lack of a better tenn.

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in 1903, the original text is praised as one of the most precious of Thai Iitenu:y works,

and its dramatic verses are assigned as reading material from primary school to college

level literature courses. Ngo Pa has been performed continuously in Thai traditional

theatre dance dramas. In addition, it has been adapted into movies, television dramas, and

comic books. Mejudhon's Ngo Pa is the first adaptation of this text into modern spoken

drama.

Ngo Pa is Mejudhon's fourth theatrical adaptation of Thai classical literature. I I

By the time that Ngo Pa was produced in 1995, Patravadi Theatre had earned a solid

reputation for its popular modernized adaptations ofliterature to suit the contempormy

urban audience. Jennifer Gambell, a theatre critic, described the success ofPatravadi

Theatre's adaptation works: "Patravadi's great gift is her ability to interpret these [Thai

classical dance dramas] into a modern context" (12). In the same article, Mejudhon gave

her opinion on the modernized adaptation of the Thai classical literature: "1 believe that

all things should be approached through the eyes of the present so they can be useful to

us" (Gambell 12).

In this version of Ngo Pa, the modernized adaptation eschews the dating of this

love triangle in the present epoch; mther, the play is set in the traditional tribal setting as

presented in the original. This is evidenced by the way in which Mujudhon retains the

references to the original story. Examples include the allusion to the incident in which

Kanang, one of the young boys of the tribe, is given to King Chulalongkom as a pageboy,

It The three previous plays are: Talesfrom the Temple: Singha Kraipop (Nithan Khang Wot: Singha

Kraipop, 1992) which is an adaptation from a weD-known verse fable written by a famous Thai court poet, Sutonphu; Chant (Ral, 1993) which is an adaptation of Prince Apalmanl. a verse novel by the same author; and Prince lnao-Prlnce Joraka (lnao-Joraka. 1994) which is an adaptation of lnao by King Rama II.

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and reference to Hanao's father receiving an identification card, which is an actual

historical event that took place during the reign of King Chulalongkom. Mujudhon's

modem adaptation of Ngo Pa, however, constitutes a reinterpretation of the original text

from a present-day perspective. This, plus the application of Western stylistic techniques,

was designed to attract a contempormy audience. Mejudhon applied her unique

modernized adaptation principles, a hallmark of this company, in the rewriting of Ngo

Pa.

The first significant characteristic of Mejudhon' s adaptation is the focus on

characterization. Though spectacle continues to dominate Mejudhon's work, she pays

equal attention to the construction of the characters-their motivations, actions, and

relationships with other characters. Second, Mejudhon often reinterprets the original

work, and the stories are often told from the perspective of a character less prominent in

the original. One example is Mejudhon's Prince /nao-Prince Joraka (/nao-Joraka, 1994)

which gives the focus to Prince Joraka, the villain, and his legitimate reasons for taking

away Prince Inao's lover. Third, Mejudhon's adaptations use the stories from literature to

mask her commentary on contempormy society. The well-known stories are

reinterpreted, and certain motifs that are relevant to current events receive more attention.

The main aim is to deliver certain ideologies and comment to the contempormy audience

on current social events. A clear example is the play Tales From the Temple: Singha­

Kraipop in which material taken from a Thai folktale is intended to criticize the

malevolence of those who abused power in the 1992 coup d'etat.

Mejudhon employs these three main techniques in the adaptation of Ngo Pa. It is

a character-centered piece which pays attention to a less prominent character, Lumhap,

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and the story is a commentary on contemporary society. Nevertheless, the feature that

distinguishes Ngo Pa from two previous adaptations lies in the shift of the viewpoint

from a male-character-oriented plot to a women-centered narrative. Mejudhon's Ngo Pa

marks the first lakhon phut sarnai mai reinterpretation of classical Thai literature that is

written from a female character's perspective. In this play, Mejudhon uses the well­

known character ofLumhap to criticize the state of women in contemporary society. The

main consideration is the issue of women roles in the family restricting women's personal

freedom.

With regard to the play's stylistic interest, the music composition and dance

choreography are good examples ofMejudhon's method of modernized adaptation in

terms of presentation. The original Thai traditional scores of Ngo Pa were modernized

with the use of a synthesizer. In an interview, Jeff Comess, a Canadian composer,

explained: "They [synthesizers] are a great way to 'modernize' and freshen up the Thai

melodies and the mix of classical Thai instruments and voice with a more contemporary

sound" (phataranawik, "Blend of East"). To harmonize Western and Thai music, the

original scores were computerized by Thai music teacher Sudchit Duriyapranit. The

synthesized music was designed to blend Western music elements with the songs'

original melodies and Thai singing style.

Correspondingly, the choreography of this work indicates an attempt to

contemporize the movements and dances. Instead of using Thai classical dance as

instructed in the original script, Chick Snipper, a Canadian choreographer, combined

Western dance with movements that imitate the natural behavior of the Sakai. Snipper

elaborated on the process: "Generally in post-modem dance the expressiveness is more in

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the physicality of the body; the face is not neutral but it is not used nearly as much as it is

here [in Thailand]. The body, mind, and emotion connection is more abstract ... We work

a lot more off images-a lot more with technical images as well" (phataranawik "Blend

ofEast"). The images that were transcribed into dance, though not naturalistic in style,

resemble the gestures of the Sakai's mundane activities, such as, foraging, plowing, and

worshiping their deity. The synthesized music in combination with contemporized

movement unified the style of this modernized adaptation.

Character's goal

Lumhap wants to fulfill her passion for Somphla. This version of Ngo Pa,

however, interprets Lumhap's attraction to him as deriving from logical consideration,

and only later leading to a great passion. At their first meeting, Lumhap's agreement to

marry Somphla is a rational choice. After Lumhap regains consciousness from the faint

she suffers as a result of snake attack, she realizes that Somphla has touched her body

while attempting to resuscitate her. Still in shock, she responds, "What fate leads me to

you? You touch my body. How shameful. When a man caresses a woman, he is

considered her husband. To repay my debt, I will marry you. I ought to love you till I

die" (Ngo Pa). She points out that her decision to marry him comes from her sense of

obligation.

Nevertheless, Lumhap's personal feeling plays a major role in this relationship.

This view is elaborated upon by the playwright:

At the beginning, Lumhap does not love anyone. She feels gratitude

toward Somphla. He is a young man and he is the first man that Lumhap

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has encountered. The fact is, she feels a sense of thankfulness;

additionally, he is so brilliant. So she lets it slip that she will go with him.

Then she has to keep her promise ... After she gets to know him, her love

grows. It is so natural that she will eventually fall in love with him.

("Various Flavors")

In regard to Lumhap's feeling toward Somphla, she is captivated by his physicality.

Somphla is characterized as a strong, energetic, and brawny man. She is flattered when

Somphla showers her with gifts: flowers, a snake protection leaf, and a tiger's claw.

Her passion toward Somphla is demonstrated in the duet dance number when Lumhap is

left alone with him in the forest. Their duet imitates animal movements, representing

passionate and primal emotions between the two characters.

Character's Obstacle

The obstacle that comes between Lumhap and Somphla is Hoi-ngo, Lumhap's

mother. Though Hoi-ngo is depicted as a loving and well-intentioned mother, she is also

depicted as the source of the daughter's anguish. When Hoi-ngo arranges the marriage

between Lumhap and Hanao, she fails to ask her daughter's consent Pressuring her

daughter, who has reached an age to be married, shows a lack of caring and consideration

for her daughter's feelings and needs.

Wealth is presented as the crucial factor in Hoi-ngo's decision to give Lumhap to

Hanao. Somphla recounts how Hoi-ngo rejected his marriage proposal to Lumhap: "I am

too ordinary, unlike the grand Hanao. I asked your parents for your hand, but they

refused" (Ngo Pa). The mother's greed is emphasized in a later scene when Hoi-ngo

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delightedly receives a dowry from Hanao's father which includes a fine piece of cloth for

her own personal use. Hoi-ngo's actions indicate that the mother regards her daughter as

a commodity to be exchanged for materiaI wealth.

Hoi-ngo is depicted as overly concerned with the reputation she has established in

the tribe. Hoi-ngo urges Lumhap to consummate her marriage to Hanao, claiming that the

community will discredit her: ''People are here to bless you. They will disrespect us if we

do not honor our arrangement. If you love your parents, don't display your stubbornness"

(Ngo Pa). Her wealth and reputation seem to outweigh her daughter's personal happiness.

She exploits her daughter's youth and beauty for personal gain.

The mother figure's most visible flaw in this play is her failure to offer proper

guidance to her daughter. Lumhap seeks advice from Hoi-ngo on matters of the heart,

especially during the wedding. Hoi-ngo notices her daughter's distress but fails to offer

any useful counseling:

LUMHAP. You cannot give me away. How can you force me to live

with a man I do not know?

HOI-NGO. After the wedding, you will eventually feel love for him. If

you still feel the same way, your father and I will take you back. (Ngo Pa)

Hoi-ngo's counsel leaves out the desired advice and the possibility of an alternative

solution. The mother can only assure the daughter that the parents' help is available after

the marriage has gone wrong. Communication between the mother and daughter is one­

way: the daughter is obliged to follow the mother's instruction. In this reinterpretation of

Ngo Pa from the modem-day perspective, the mother's absolute authority over her

daughter, which might be presented in another version as a common practice among the

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tribal people, is portrayed in a negative light. Bad advice offered by the mother is

presented to mean the collapse offamilial support. The parents have failed to perform

their duty, although they require the daughter to uphold her filial responsibility and

respect parental authority.

Charader's Action

Lumhap's most significant act of resistance is her elopement. Unlike any literary

version of this stol)'. LumhaP in this Ngo Pa takes a more active role in her escape. She

orchestrates the elopement and relays the plan to Somphla through her brother. Her

message to Somphla includes an instruction to pick her up before the wedding.

The elopement is obstructed by Hoi-ngo who is keeping a close watch on her

daughter. Hoi-ngo might have sensed Lumhap's escape scheme when she scolds her

daughter, "Lumhap, it is dark. Come upstairs. When the sun rises, you will wake up early

to prepare for your wedding. You are getting a husband in two days" (Ngo Pa). I interpret

Lumhap's elopement to be a deliberate act of resistance to the family restraint, an action

which is presented as the only means by which a woman can realize personal choices.

Her action symbolizes the rejection of her duty and responsibility as a daughter. Her

defiance incorporates an escape from tyrannous elders, a challenge to traditional

propriety, and a quest for individual freedom.

Another important action is Lumhap's suicide that takes place at the end of the

play. When Lumhap finds Somphla dying from a poisoned arrow launched by Hanao's

brother, her actions are fueled by a myriad of emotions: anger, sorrow, fear, and hatred.

She promptly attacks Hanao intending to take revenge on him. Yet, Somphla's final plea

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stops her: "1 am parting from you with love, it is beyond my grief. When I expire, retwn

your love to Hanao. His love for you runs deep, and his resentment will lessen. Stop

lamenting. I beg to die without a worry, and I will close my eyes and bid final farewell

forever" (Ngo Pa). Lumhap takes his plea as a test of her love toward him. She collects

herself, and her actions shift from those of a distraught lover to those of a mature woman.

She deliberately and calmly answers his plea:

Oh my dear Somphla, why reprimand me with such words? You have

misread your wife thinking that her nature is that of a regular woman. That

she fears death and seeks only happiness. That she retreats in the time of

trouble. That kind of women is common, but my heart is unique. (Ngo

Pa)

She takes the dagger from Somphla's hand, and "firmly grips the dagger and plunges it at

her throat" (Ngo Pa). The depiction of her death is additionally highlighted by the

sequence of action. She decides to kill herself before Somphla takes his last breath, and

the suicide is committed in front of two men. It is Lumhap's means of demonstrating her

love and firm loyalty to Somphla. The method of her suicide requires a sense of courage.

It establishes Lumhap's strength, rather than depicting her action as a weak or rash

decision, and underscores her determination to stand by her choice to follow her heart.

Outcome

Lumhap and Somphla are not the only casualties. Hanao blames his pursuit for

causing Lumhap's death: "If I had had the knowledge [ of their love], I would have

restrained my heart. I would not have rushed to compete for your hand ... The thought of

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living does not delight me. My mind is twisted. The suffering is too much to bear" (Ngo

Pa). Feeling defeated by Lumhap's suicide, Hanao chooses a similar suicide. He takes a

dagger to his heart, and the love triangle ends in three deaths.

The three deaths, especially Lumhap's suicide, have a great effect on familial and

community levels. This rare incident not only frustrates the families of the victims but

creates a disturbance among the tribe members who have just woken up after the all-night

joyful celebration of the wedding. The three deaths create enmity among the three

families, and the conflict could become aggravated into warfare that would threaten the

harmony of the tribe. The deaths are so alarming that a meeting is called. The aftermath is

summarized, "The elders of the tribe impartially analyze this troubling situation. They

conclude that the tragic incident is caused by inappropriate love matching by the parents.

The three families agree and end their disputes" (phadthong). This version of Ngo Pa

places blame on poor parenting as the source of the problem, citing the parents' failure to

listen to their young and arranging a marriage without the daughter's consent The

arranged marriage might have been a common occurrence in the lives of the actual tribal

people and is often presented as an acceptable act in other versions of Ngo Pa;

nevertheless, this version of Ngo Pa condemns the parents for such an arrangement.

No further revenge among the families will be taken. The deaths resolve familial

conflicts among the three sets of parents as well as restore the harmony of the tribal

community. The play concludes with the tribe chiefs announcement: "We, the Ngo, are

facing ill-fortune. Our clan needs to seek a new secluded territory because such deaths so

disastrous are dreadful. We should concede [to our situation] and relocate" (Ngo Pa).

Mejudhon explains that relocation after a death is a practical custom of the Sakai "to

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prevent animals' attack. Large animals will dig up the dead body for food" (Ngo Pa

Program). The relocation is carried out to stabilize the well-being of the members. Right

after the funeral, the tribe celebrates a new beginning which represents the end of the

tribal dispute and the rejuvenation of this community.

Summary

The depiction ofLumhap exemplifies Mejudhon's modernized adaptation of Thai

literature and her use of well-known fictional characters from literature of the past to

demonstrate how the female characters' lives and social context can comment on the

negotiation of modem identity. The purpose is to challenge the traditional representation

offemale characters, with which the audience is already familiar, by rewriting the

histories of these characters and reinterpreting them through the perspective of a writer

who lives in contemporary society. The strategy is to draw attention to significant

elements and conditions of these female characters that have been disregarded in previous

versions. One of the main devices is the shift of perspective. Narrating the original stories

from the female characters' points of view casts a new light on familial, social, and

cultural elements that oppress women. Since the script is rewritten from a modem-day

perspective, the result is a clarity with which the contemporary audience can approach

these characters without viewing them simply as the emblematic images of irrelevant

fictional women of the past.

Ngo Pa, among similar works by Mejudhon, demonstrates that women's struggle

for modem identity has long been ingrained in literature, but that this feature can easily

be overlooked if the stories are read with traditional interpretations. In this particular

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case, a tribal woman demonstrates her attempts to gain modem identity through her

struggle for individual freedom to love a man she desires. The portrayal of Lumhap in a

new manner reshapes the very meaning of women in modern identity and pioneers the

development of phuying kraeng by incorporating female characters from the past.

Modernity, though associated with people living in contemporary situations, does not

exclude the women of the past. Even a female character in tribal settings who struggles to

gain individual liberty and personal freedom in her own social setting and time can be

reinterpreted with a modern liberated consciousness. The way in which female characters

participate in the reconfiguration of particular gender roles, the possibility of personal

freedom, and the practices of independence all constitute the act of creating a modern

identity.

The story ofLumhap reveals the pattern of women's resistance in the works of

Patravadi Theatre. The play prescribes death as the only avenue for a rebellious woman

who tries to fulfill her personal ambition, especially if the desire is in conflict with

parental commands. Though she fails and is punished, the play does not dwell on her

failure. Instead, the play focuses on the conditions that cause her failure and places blame

on the mother figure. Lumhap's mother represents the traditional order's social restraints

which make it impossible for independent-minded women like Lumhap to pursue

personal happiness. The play stresses that dictatorial parental rule is to be held

accountable for placing excessive emphasis on a daughter's filial duty.

Mejudhon uses this narrative to criticize social restraints that continue to be

imposed upon women's lives at the present time. According to the play, the underlying

cause of Lumhap's failure is a lesson to the audience to carefully examine and ultimately

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resist the elements of the contemporary family structure, such as parental control and

social expectations, that limit women's freedom and hinder their development. Ironically,

Lumhap's death also warns the audience about the consequences of a rebellion for which

society might not yet be ready.

In my opinion, the play was popular because it brought familiar literature and its

characters to the contemporary stage. Yet the reinterpretation, invested with modern

consciousness, gives new life to the old story, interpolated as it is with new ideas that

were not present in previous versions of Ngo Pa. Mejudhon believes that modernized

adaptations should preserve the old text: "I think that preservation [of Thai classical

literature] is far different from fossilization. Preservation involves an act of enhancing

and developing ("Various Flavors"). The production of Ngo Pa fulfilled Mejudhon's

visions: "I want to preserve this classical work and familiarize the younger generations

with it by creating novelty using diverse theatrical techniques in order to avoid

monotony" ("Royal Work',). Elements of novelty in lakhon phut somal mal appealed to

the modern audience because they introduced new insights into this familiar love story.

This modernized adaptation of Ngo Pa was an audience success. The production

ran for fifty-eight performances at Patravadi Theatre from November 18 of 1995 to

March 31 of 1996. During its regular run, this innovative production stirred a lot of

public interest. Various charity organizations booked the performance for fundraising

events. Moreover, it was selected to be performed for the event called Three Styles of

Ngo Pa in the celebration of King Chula\ongkom's literary achievements on May 3,

1998. The success of this rework inspired other reinterpretations of Thai literature and

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folktales from the female character's perspective such as Princess Horse Face (Kaeo Na

Ma, 2000) and Angeldevi{l) (Photchaman, 2000).

4.3 Analysis of Three Bad Mad Gals

Play Introduction

Daraka Wongsiri wrote Sam Sao Sam Sam or Three Bad Mad Gals in 1996. It ran

fifteen perfonnances between May 3 an 19 of the same year. Because of its popularity,

Three Bad Mad Gals was chosen to be restaged in 2002 using a different cast. In this

second production, Her Royal Highness Princess Siribha Chudhabhorn, a granddaughter

of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, perfonned as one of the phuying kraeng. This special

occasion marked the first time a member of the royal family had participated in a

production of lakhon phut sarnai mai, as they rarely take part in a public perfonnance.

Her involvement helped promote the acceptance of this innovative type of theatre among

the larger audience. When it was restaged, the playtext was updated to fit the particular

audience. 12 The analysis of this play, however, draws strictly upon the 1996 original

playtext and production.

Three Bad Mad Gals takes place in a kind of purgatory described as "the junction

between heaven and hell" (Three Bad Mad Gals Program). Three phuying kraeng-a

brilliant con artist, an obsessive gambler, and a dull-witted adulterer-plead their cases in

front of a jury after their untimely deaths. The play starts at the moment of their demises

12 In 2002, Wongsiri adapted Three Bad Mad Gals into a talk show fonnula inspired by The Weakest Link,

a controversial game show at the time. 132

and takes the audience back to events leading up to the moment of their deaths. Told

partly in flashback, the plot does not attempt to sustain dramatic suspense dependent on

whether the characters will survive, because the characters' deaths are established at the

very beginning of the play. The focus is onphuying kraeng's acts of rebellion rather than

the consequence of rebellion.

The playwright's use ofnon-rea1istic dramatic conventions epitomizes

experimental works of the Popular Period. First, it is the first lakhon phut samal mai play

that frames the experience of phuying kraeng mostly in monologue form. 13 The play is

divided into three sections as eachphuying kraeng takes her turn in telling her life's

story. Each monologue features many characters, aJI of whom are portrayed by one

actress, and "each [character] plays with and to herself and the characters that have

shaped her life" (Welty). The monologue technique was effective in illustrating the

struggle of phuying kraeng, because it allowed the detailed dramatization of many

episodes over the course of the characters' lives and could cover an extensive period of

dramatic time. This dramatic format aJIows phuying kraeng to defend their cases directly

to the audience from their point of view, thus maximizing the clarity of each woman's

voice.

Second, a great merit of the play lies in the ending for which the audiences are

invited to vote in order to determine the play's outcome. The audiences are asked to act

as a jury and to render a verdict on the phuying kraeng. At the end of each performance,

the viewers vote to send the characters either to heaven or to hell. Because of the

13 Wongsiri has employed monologues in her previous play, The Will of a Deranged Woman, in which a small number of long monologoes are Inserted between sections of dialogue. Three Bad Mad Gals tells ninety percent of the story in monologoe form.

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audiences' involvement, the playwright calls Three Bad Mad Gals an "Interactive

Drama" (Three Bad Mad Gals Program). Wongsiri does not specify either a definition

for or the scope of the term "interactive drama" Nevertheless, according to the program,

''interactive drama" in this particular production implies a two-way communication

between performers and audience. The involvement of the audience takes place only at

the end of the performance when the audience's ballots are tallied. The participation is

very brief; nevertheless, this technique allows the audience members to dictate the

outcome for the characters.

The Characters' Goal

The story of these phuying kraeng is divided into two parts: before and after their

deaths. After their deaths, these three phuying kraeng share similar goals and actions.

They try to tell their stories to inspire the audience members' sympathy in order to

receive a vote for heaven. This analysis, however, will focus on the events in the lives of

individual phuying kraeng because the account of each character's life demonstrates

crucial concerns of women living in modem society.

All three characters show diverse needs; nevertheless, all their needs are related to

familial issues. Poen wants to escape her mother's social class and move up in society.

Raised by a street vendor single mother, Poen's social status is determined by the

inherited disadvantages of her working-class origins. Consequently, she places great

importance on escaping her low socio-economic status. During her early con-artist

activities, when she starts running petty scams in elementary school (and continues this

through college,) she associates social class with wealth. The income from fraudulent

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activities provides her with a comfortable lifestyle. She is able to move up in social class

by graduating from the top college and working at one of the biggest banks in Thailand

Nevertheless, that kind of success does not satisfy her.

When Poen is approached by Wiwan, a customer at the bank who mistakes her for

a royal family member, she sees a shortcut to upward social mobility. She lays out a new

and very ambitious goal: to assume the identity of a princess of a Northern monarch. A

royal title will place her in the highest social position and allow access to wealth and

opportunity. She compares her struggle for freedom from her mother's social class to

Aung San Suu Kyi's campaign for national freedom: "(To the audience.) I admired Aung

San Suu Kyi's courage and perseverance when she fought the Burmese military junta and

finally reached the peak of her success. At that moment [before my death] I felt that I, as

well, was at the highest point of my life" (Three 23).14 Poen equates the significance of

surpassing her mother's economic class with that of the liberation ofa country. Her

comparison illustrates how exceedingly critically she regards the release from the

confinement of her mother's social status.

Another phuying kraeng, Nuan, wants to gain her father's forgiveness by

attempting to quit gambling. Nuan's father is characterized as a humble and righteous

schoolmaster of a small district school. Nevertheless, Nuan relates how her father used

violence to attempt to break her gambling habit. She describes his enraged reaction when

she was caught gambling for the first time: "He hit me until my buttocks were raw. He

scolded me for three days and three nights. He was so disappointed in me. He made me

14 Aung San Suu Kyi is an actual prominent public figure; she is a well-known Burmese freedom fighter

and Nobel Peace Laureate of 1991. 135

burn incense and promise to quit gambling" (Three 29). Toward the end, he becomes a

Buddhist monk to avoid the humiliation caused by Nuan's out-of-control addiction. His

abandonment exacerbates her need for his love. Nuan sadly admits that his monkhood

broke up their close-knit relationship and created a void in her life. Nuan is convinced

that his forgiveness will bring closure to their prolonged dispute.

Finally, Ann's main goal is to defeat her sister, lng, in order to prove her

intelligence to their parents. Ann grew up in a highly educated family, and her intellectual

parents favor lng, who is depicted as the smart daughter of the family. The sense of

competition between the two sisters starts when they both attend elementary school and

continues through their adult lives. The sibling rivalry is fueled by the parent's bias in

favor of Ing. Ing constantly insults her unintelligent sister without being reprimanded by

the parents. She compares Ann with an animal of physical power but no brain: "She is so

stupid. She is a buffalo" (Three 53).IS Ing predicts that Ann will never amount to

anything but "she can plough the field" (Three 49) like a buffalo. Ann's desire to prove

herself increases when Ing takes joy in humiliating her lack of intelligence in front of

Tom, lng's husband. Ann makes up her mind to defeat Ing in the game oflove instead of

school grades by taking advantage of her superior beauty. She announces to her sister:

"Not for long from now, you will change your status from a wife to a mistress. And I, the

buffalo, will rise up to the first wife position" (Three 58). Ann finally finds a means to

defeat her sister in order to impress her parents.

IS In the Thai vernacular, a stupid and witless person is often compared to a buffalo.

136

Characters' Obstacle

Individually, the three phuying kraeng face different kinds of obstacles, but

collectively, they share a common threat: their needs always conflict with parental

expectations.

The obstacle that causes the most serious impediment to Poen's reaching her goal

is her family's social and economic history. She holds her mother's proletarian

background accountable for her slow upward shift in social class. Good work ethics will

enhance her position at work, but her family's pedigree will never allow her to move up

beyond the middle-class level. She is convinced that social mobility can be achieved

through an unconventional means of fraud.

Authority serves as another external obstacle to Poen's aim to move up in social

class. She blames authority figures, educational institutions, and the government for the

difficulty of escaping her inherited social category. She disdains school as a useless

experience that provides no practical training for rea1life success. Besides the school as

an institution, the schoolmaster is portrayed as abusing her power. Poen believes that the

schoolmaster's conduct, and not hers, should be exposed to public view.

The government represents another type of authority that Poen views as an

obstacle. She blames the Thai government for passing anti-counterfeit laws that ruin her

counterfeit handbag ring, which she claims boosts the Thai economy by providing jobs

for factory workers:

(To the audience.) The government did not understand my noble intention,

persisting in arresting us, and we had to close down the factory. The

workers, they became unemployed. (8he signs.) Ah, let's not talk about it

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I feel so sorry for them, all because the government had no vision (Three

19).

Though the government's strict laws regarding illegal conduct are justified, Poen' s voice

constitutes a woman's expression of frustration toward authority for lack of support. She

believes that even if her business is legal, the government would be unable to provide the

help that she needs.

The play presents poor parenting as the major cause ofNuan's failure to quit

gambling. When the addiction takes control, it manifests in a form of involuntary body

movements:

(Crying and jumping around while speaking to her father.) I want to bet

on number 147. What should I do, dad? Number 147 is ringing in my

head. Dad, hit me! Hit me across the face to stop it Hit me now! It is

ringing again. 147, 147, 147! Now, hit me!!! 147, 147, 147. Dad, hit me.

Hit me! Hit me! (Three 31)

The reenactment shows how Nuan communicates her gambling problem to her father.

While she begs for his help, her father fails to provide any helpful guidance for recovery.

At the same time, he expects his young and inexperienced daughter to conquer her

addiction by finding a cure on her own.

Nuan's family members created an environment that encouraged her gambling

addiction. Nuan's narrative shows that she grew up surrounded by gamblers:

(To the audience.) Almost everyone in my district gambles. I can start

the list with my grandmother, Grandma Little who is my grandmother's

sister, and Grandma Small who is another sister of my grandmother. Then

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there were Uncle Nong, Uncle Nang, Uncle Nao who are my father's older

brothers; Uncle Pan, Uncle Pia, Uncle Chujai who are Grandma Little's

sons; and Aunt Somsri and Uncle Somsak who are Grandma Small's

children. You can say that my entire clan gambles. (Three 26)

Nuan places the first wager in her own house with her two uncles who do not instruct her

otherwise. While her father grew up in the same gambling-infested household, he fails to

comprehend the hardship confronting his daughter. He remains unsympathetic to her

struggle.

Ann's most significant obstacles are her parents. The unequal treatment of their

two daughters creates a rift in the family. The parents unfairly expect Ann to share lng's

intellectual ability. Their bias against Ann reflects parents' excessive expectations for

offspring to adopt their values and their refusal to appreciate a daughter for her individual

virtue.

Ann's inattentive parents leave her at home, alone and unsupervised, for long

periods of time while Ing gets to accompany the parents out in public. Ann seeks refuge

in watching television dramas. She describes her normal evening routine: "After dinner, I

looked forward to eight-thirty drama and stayed glued to the television until bedtime. I

was addicted to these dramas until my mother complained" (Three 5 I). I read her

obsession with the television dramas as her way of coping with loneliness. She substitutes

cheap romance in those dramas for lack of parental love and attention.

Moreover, the play attacks Ann's parents for failing to instruct their daughter of

the proper means in dealing with sexual desire. The play describes Ann's experience with

puberty during which she is unable to comprehend the changes in her body or

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appropriately channel her sexual urges. Because of the lack of guidance from her parents,

she learns of sexual behaviors through the behavior of fictional heroines from the dramas

that will later prove destructive to her real life situation.

Characters' Action

The phuying kraeng's actions denote their efforts to establish themselves beyond

the identities given to them by their parents. The actions aim at exceeding the qualities

and accomplishments of their parents.

Poen's strategy is to create an authentic woman of the royal class. She utilizes all

her personal attributes to produce a convincing outward appearance. Her good looks and

fine manners are her best assets: "Whoever sees my mannerisms would not think that I

am a daughter of a street vendor, they think I am a daughter of a refined lady" (Three 19).

Poen owes her success to the ability to manipulate language. She carefully chooses

appropriate words when transmitting a pseudo-history of her fictional clan. Her expertise

in speaking different Thai dialects increases her credibility. Because of her accurate and

detailed construction of outward appearance, she is able to simulate royal luxury .

Nuan's efforts to reconcile with her father start with a variety of attempts,

initiated by her father, to help her overcome her gambling addiction. Nuan listens to her

father's teaching, including his several threats that she will "descend to the crucible in

hell" (Three 29) if she does not stop gambling. He recites the Buddhist Bible claiming

gambling violates the fifth Buddhist precept Her father goes further by recommending

that Nuan seek aid from religion, convinced that she is possessed by a gambling ghost.

Nuan recounts the event: "The monk murmured some prayers to evict the gambling spirit

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and sprinkled me with holy water until I was soaking wet." (Three 32). Nuan reveals her

efforts to obey her father's commands; nevertheless, the narrative describes the

ineffectiveness of her father's advice: "sometimes I thought of the crucible in hell, and

sometimes I thought of my father'S face. But it came and went" (Three 41). Nuan gives

us a clue as to how her father's impractical advice leaves no impression on her or her

activities.

Ann turns to television drama for the means to defeat her sister. She designates

herself as a heroine and identifies Tom as a hero and Ing as an antagonist. Ann considers

the reunion with Tom a triumph of good over her evil sister, similar to a typical story of

television drama Ann has learned every aspect of how the heroine wins the hero's heart

through years of watching the fortunes of many heroines unfold on television. She closely

mimics their behavior and speech. When Ann and Tom are stranded in a beachside

condo, she recognizes the similarity of the situation to love scenes oflate night dramas:

"(To Tom with delight.) It is raining, Tom. It is raining. (A sound o/thunder is heard) (As

Tom.) Thunder storm. It really is a thunderstorm. Ann, what is wrong? Why are you in

shock? (To Tom.) Nothing. It .. .it is just like a love scene in a drama Every drama has

this scene." (Three 57). In a drama series, the heroine may lose her virginity during a

separation from her family, usually caused by severe weather such as a storm and heavy

rain. Ann breaks sexual taboos by exploring her sexual needs; she describes how she

seizes the opportunity to seduce Tom. Her naive conduct is the result of the sexual

ignorance of a woman who has not been properly supervised. The behaviors of fictional

women have become her only points of reference. Unfortunately, her sexual ignorance

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makes her a target of her more experienced male counterpart, and her plan causes more

complications when she learns that Tom is married to another woman besides her sister.

The influence of television dramas is apparent when Ann uses violence intending

to eliminate Tom's wife and daughter. At the time, Ann admires an action series called

Black Tiger Unit and identifies with Maithong, a soldier heroine. Ann plans her attacks

using Maithong's infantry techniques:

(I'o Ing.) I will first find out where Tom's wife and daughter go. Then I

will ambush them. (I'o the audience.) At that moment, the action of

Maithong popped up in my head scene by scene. (I'o Ing.) When they

walk by, I will hide behind a tree. When they are within my range, I will

come out and aim my gun at them. Hey you, die! Bang! (Three 62)

The plan to kill Tom's family is encouraged by her sister. Ann sees her sister's challenge

as a chance to show her bravery to her parents and to Ing. This is the only means by

which she can surpass her sister, who always defeats her in other areas of their lives.

Outcomes

An analysis of the outcome of these phuying kraeng's actions will be divided into

two parts. The first part constitutes the conclusion of the characters' narratives, and the

second forms the actual ending of the play. In the first part, the playwright provides a

certain level of closure to the characters' stories when the paths of three phuying kraeng

intertwine at a salon.

In the salon, Poen is preparing the last details of her appearance as a princess at a

fake gala event which she has organized to convince people to donate money to a fake

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royal charity. She has her hair tied up in Aung San Suu Kyi's style. She believes that she

will have reached the highest peak of her life when she successfully pulls off the grandest

hoax of her lifetime. Similarly, Nuan believes that she has attained her goal right before

her death. She listens attentively to the lottery announcement on the radio, and her lucky

number 147 finally wins. She believes that the number was given to her by her father at

his funeral. She interprets this win as signitying her father's forgiveness. Ann waits

outside the salon where she has planted the bomb intended for Tom's family. However, a

twist offate makes Tom's wife and daughter abandon their salon appointments. Ann

reenacts the incident: "(As Tom's Wife.) There is no way I will get my hair done in there.

A country girl gets a haircut and listens to the lottery announcement so loud. Very low

class! I cannot stand her" (Three 62). Tom's wife refers to Nuan who is rooting for her

number. Ann feels the responsibility to save others' lives, and she jumps right back into

the salon to dismantle the bombing device. While everyone in the salon runs out, Nuan

and Peon remain in their seats because they are lost in their own thoughts. Ann pulls the

wrong wire, and the bomb goes off. At the moment of their first encounter, the three

women are instantly killed.

Their deaths conclude the phuying kraeng's narratives, but it is not the end of the

play. I interpret their deaths as a symbol of rebirth rather than an ending because their

narratives continue as they are brought back in front of the andience. I construe this

ending to mean that the play offers a second chance for phuying kraeng. Even though

they are killed, they are not destroyed. In my opinion, this outcome shows the

playwright's approval ofphuying kraeng's resistant behaviors. Wongsiri characterizes the

disobedient daughters as resilient and still defiant even after their deaths.

143

The second part of the outcome is determined by audience vote. The play

program offers instruction to the audience: "When all three characters finish their stories,

the audience will have an opportunity to cast their votes whether to send them to heaven

or hell. The votes will be tallied at the end of each performance. When the votes are read,

the decision is final." This conclusion can be considered an open ending in the sense that

it leaves room for the audience to determine the play's actuaI conclusion. In every

performance of the original production, the audience unanimously sent Poen to hell and

Ann to heaven. Nuan was also sentenced to hell, though it was always a close race.

The voting result might not have turned out the way the playwright envisioned. In

a personal interview, Wongsiri explained her astonishment:

I don't think that these three characters have done anything wrong and

I sympathize with all three. In Poen's case, she might scam and cheat

but only when the oppoI'f:uIlity presents itself. But I understand the reason

Ann is sent to heaven because the audience adored her and found her

foolishness amusing. But how about being a mistress, isn't it morally

wrong? Actually, I was so sure that ail three would be sent to heaven

because they are the victims. Take Nuan for example, why do Thai people

send a gambler who tries to quit to hell? She has already suffered from her

father's death. I thought she would be sent to heaven with overwhelming

votes because a lot of Thais gamble.

I detect a certain level of disappointment in Wongsiri's reaction to the audience's

response to the phuying kraeng 's resistance.

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Without a first-hand interview with the audience, one can only speculate on the

specific reasons behind the individual viewer's votes. I interpret the overall meaning of

the audience's votes to indicate the audience's reservation concerningphuying kraeng

resistance, especially when the aggression is directed toward the parents. The result

reveals the attitude of the audience toward the function of a daughter in a family. It shows

that the daughter's filial obligation is viewed as necessary to sustain the family structure.

The audience pays close attention when a daughter performs her duty and when she does

not. The viewer places the daughter as the main pillar of the family, whose continuation

depends on how well the daughter performs her function.

Regardless of the surprising voting result, the play's ending represents a positive.

change in the characterization of phuying kraeng. The playwright has introduced an

inconclusive ending as well as the involvement of the audience in the plays of phuying

kraeng. I read this groundbreaking attempt as being in defiance of the conventional

resolution of a play, and in support of a more inconclusive, alternative, and flexible

outcome. It demonstrates the playwright's objection to specifiying one absolute,

predefined ending for phuying kraeng. The open-ended play refrains from rewarding or

punishing these women; therefore, it allows the playwright to depict them as real persons

instead of either victim or victor.

Summary

The dramatization of phuying kraeng's revolt against parental rules exposes many

unsatisfactory conditions under which women strive to establish modern identity. The

main issues that are addressed include women's struggles with sexua1ity, addiction,

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excessive domestic duty, filial obligation, and sibling rivalry. The diversity of the three

phuying kraeng's social, economic, and educational backgrounds allows this play to

dramatize the assorted issues that constrain women's lives in contemporary society and to

which the audience can relate. The play uses parental figures to symbolize the authority

and social structure of the outdated, older order which presents harm to the women's

quest for individual liberation in modem society. The representation of phuying kraeng

who want to surpass their precursors suggests that these women are in the process of

making a new social order which would presage the destruction of the old one.

Besides the play's distinctive content, the innovative style of Three Bad Mad Gals

contributed to its popularity. The monologue technique became an effective dramatic

device which engaged the audiences. Moreover, an open-ended narrative encouraged a

response more elaborate than usual from the audiences. The ending was designed to keep

the audiences' attention focused strictly on the investigation of phuying kraeng's lives

instead of simply following the playwright's plot toward the play's resolution. By giving

the audiences a significant assignment, the play was able to revise the role of the

audience in theatre from passive viewers to active participants. The play's intended

"exchange conversation" (Three Bad Mad Gals Program) between audience members

and the performance was made manifest in the voting process at the end of the

performance. The audiences were engaged on a more personal level because their act of

voting was the act of co-writing the script The voting results determined the ending and

the audiences decided which kinds of phuying kraeng behaviors should be rewarded or

punished.

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The play's program summarized the purpose of this play: ''to pose a question,

regarding a moral judgment on the definition of good and bad deeds, for the audience to

answer." In this particular case, this play fulfilled its intention by encouraging moral

debate and challenging the moral standard used to evaluate phuying kraeng 's modem

identity. In examining the voting result, it seems that the sentence was not determined by

the severity of the crime. Had it been so, Ann, who commits murders, should have been

sentenced to hell, while Nuan, whose actions are less severe, should have received a

lighter sentence. Nantakwang Sirasunthon, a theatre critic, argues: "Two people commit

the same crime, and only one might be condemned. The one that successfully justifies her

action might sway our votes." I agree that the decision was not made based on the nature

of the crime but on the extent in which the character's modern identity appealed to the

audiences' good sense of morality.

As a result, the outcome of this play revealed more of the audiences' moral

standards than those of the characters. Sirasunthon further emphasizes that ''this play

strikes the audiences as unique because it invites society, a group of audiences that is, to

pass a sentence according to their own experience, impression, moral perception." His

observation on the audiences' participation is accurate. An individual's moral standards

are built upon her personal experience and background. This play confronted the

audiences with ''three bad gals" to bring to the fore the question of morality.

After reading this play carefully, however, I believe that the scope of

Sirasunthon's critique needs to be expanded. In my opinion, this play questions more

than just the audiences' moral sense; it also challenges the audiences' views on women's

position in society. Each character functions as an example of an outcast woman; each

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opposes the assigned gender role of women in order to establish her identity as separate

from the one given to her by her parents. The audience's participation successfully forced

individual audience members to review their own stance regarding the rebellious phuying

kraeng's act offorming a modem identity.

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CHAPTERS

RECESSIVE PERIOD (1998-2002)

S.llntroductiou

Among the fourteen original plays written in this period, nine feature phuying

. "

kraeng as central figures. Though the themes of these plays vary, the majority illustrate

phuying kraeng's establishing of modern identity through the advocacy of

women's rights. The female characters' struggle is expanded from the previous period

that typically represented problems within the family as embodying the difficulties of

living in modern society at large. In this period, phuying kraeng struggle to shape a world

which grants equality to both sexes. The plays aim at exposing unjust social conditions

that deny women equal rights in various areas. The two issues most important to the

promotion of women's rights dominate phuying kraeng's plays: the exploration of

women's economic status, and issues of women and their bodies.

The examination of phuying kraeng characterization reveals that the causes of

women's disadvantaged economic standings are discrimination in the workplace and the

denial of women's inheritance rights. With regard to the workplace, the plays depict

women's desire to enter the workplace as obstructed because of gender discrimination, or

show that phuying kraeng are treated unfairly in the workplace because of their gender,

as seen in Dass Entertainment's Blood Red Rose (Kulap Si Lueat, 1997) and Chaos at

Saithong Mansion (Onlaman Ban Saithang, 1999). Treating the issue of women's lack of

inheritance rights, the plays protest against the practices of patrimony and ostracism of

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women from the families as in Dass Entertainment's Ambiguous Will (Phinaikam

Kamkuam, 2000) and Patravadi Theatre's An Interview with the Queen Dowager

Sisudachan (Inthewio Kap Thao Slsudachan, 1999).

These plays demonstrate the correlation between women's disadvantaged

economic positions and the difficulty of constructing a modem identity. Phuying kraeng

are preoccupied with the burden of not only having to earn a living but needing to

provide for other family members. Though the plays reveal the problems women

encounter in monetary matters, they do not necessarily offer solutions to women's

financial problems. The playwrights either openly condenm the unfair treatment of

women or simply bring their oppression to light. Most of the plays emphasize the

damaging effects on the women's mental states rather than provide solutions to their

financial concerns.

The second most apparent issue affecting women and a modem mode ofliving in

this period is the subject of women's bodies. The plays pose questions of beauty

standards and how these standards influence women's body images. A number of plays

approach this issue by focusing on the objectification of women's bodies and women's

efforts to fit a modem ideal of beauty. The examples are Patravadi Theatre's Buddhist

Bible 2 (Ral Phra Trl Pldok 2-Paticca samuppada, 2002), Princess Horse Face (Kaeo Na

Ma, 2000) and Helen o/the Millennium (Heleniurn, 2000), and Dass Entertainment's The

White Snake (Ngu Khao, 1999). The portrayal of phuying kraeng as either rejecting or

accepting the ideal illustrates the playwrights' recognition of how the issue of body

image has become epidemic in modem society, and they voice their concerns regarding

how women's bodies have become objects to be appropriated.

150

Besides the concerns of physical appearance, a limited number of plays address

another aspect of body: women's sexuality. The playwrights advocate for women's

access to safe abortion, and raise the issues of sexual violence and spousal abuse in plays

such as Blood Red Rose and An Interview with the Queen Dowager Sisudachan. The

sexual violence presented in phuying kraeng plays implies that the attempt to control

women's bodies by society or individual men is intended to instill fear, limit women's

sexual freedom, and disrupt their pursuit of modernity.

Unlike the issue of women's poor economic condition, treating the concerns of

women and body actually provides a solution to women's problems. The plays offer

practical tools, namely Buddhist teaching and legal advice, to deal with such difficulties.

Therefore, these representations of phuying kraeng encourage women to reassert control

over their bodies. The playwrights utilize the drama as a form of political consciousness

raising about unrealistic body images, objectification of women' bodies, safe abortion,

and sexual abuse. The intent is to increase the understanding of women's oppression and

to foster the awareness that those acts are related to the power struggle that puts

boundaries on women's sense of modernity.

The phuying kraeng in this period are portrayed to challenge the homogenization

of women. In many plays, a group of phuying kraeng is used to convey the collective

frustration that women of all walks of life have shared in their formation of modern

identity. This representation suggests that the problems phuying kraeng are faced with are

a collective experience of women in society, rather than an isolated expression of an

individual. Nonetheless,phuying kraeng speak from different cultural and social domains

and show a broad range of coping strategies as they confront modernity. The variety of

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women reinforces the playwrights' embrace of women's diversity. Moreover, the main

female characters are often portrayed in conflict with one another. This representation not

only destroys the myth of sisterly love in which women constitute a utopia of acceptance,

it also discredits a belief, reinforced in previous periods, in a society isolated from men.

In this chapter, I focus my argument on Blood Red Rose and Buddhist Bible 2

because they best exemplify the plays that deal with women's rights or the lack thereof.

Blood Red Rose is useful for the analysis of women's financial hardship. It is a valuable

example of drama that uses social injustice and discrimination against women in a variety

of economic areas as a means of promoting modem women's rights. The drama is also

considered a prime representative because it shows the playwright's challenge to the

homogenized image of women through the characterization of five phuying kraeng from

diverse social and cultural backgrounds in conflict with one another. Buddhist Bible 2

remains the clearest example of phuying kraeng plays that address concerns regarding

women's bodies. Buddhist Bible 2 is the first play that links women to the practice of

Buddhism in a positive manner. Moreover, the play has been chosen for its experiment

with performers playing multiple roles.

In Blood Red Rose, I reason that each character's poor economic and social

standing propels her to engage in criminal acts in her efforts to construct a modem

identity. I argue that the play's usage of criminal phuying kraeng is intended to criticize a

nation that overlooks women's economic problems as well as to pose questions regarding

social responsibility with regard to women's criminal acts. In Buddhist Bible 2, I examine

the female characters' attempts to attain ideal beauty to put forward my argument that

their sufferings are the result of social pressure to fit certain desired models. My intention

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is to examine the play's exploration of a woman's right to follow Buddhist teachings and

achieve salvation.

5.2 Analysis of Blood Red Rose

Play Introduction

Doss Enrerrainment staged Kulap Si Lueal or Blood Red Rose, written by Daraka

Wongsiri, in 1998 amid severe economic conditions. One of the worst financial crises in

Thai history had reached its peak that year, and its effects were felt by everyone in the

country. Blood Red Rose served as the third and final production of the 1998 season. The

play ran two weekends with only eight performances at the Bangkok Playhouse and went

on tour to the Kad Theatre in Chiang Mai province for another three performances. The

run of a total of eleven perfonnances was quite short compared to the standard of Dass

Entertainment The shorter run of this particular production was an indication of how

economic turmoil affected the theatre business.

The play follows the narrative of Rose, a young spirit whose soul has been

trapped in a house. She recounts the events of one stonny night that lead up to a murder­

suicide. The plot involves four other college students-Fon, Sifa, Salin, and Duean-all

phuying kraeng who rent rooms in Rose's tenement house. By dawn, Rose and Duean are

dead, and the other three phuying kraeng are involved in the murder-suicide.

This play is chosen because the economic and social setting explicitly illuminates

the relationship between phuying kraeng and the economy that had been only implicitly

dramatized in previous plays. The actual historical events of the 1997 Asian financial

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crisis serve as the play's setting, and Wongsiri incorporates the reality of contemporary

financial hardship into the drama. Blood Red Rose depicts social and personal problems

which are the end results of the economic depression. Five issues identified as relating to

economic proble~xtortion, prostitution, abortion, drug dealing, and murder-are

highlighted in this play.

The haunted Thai-style house is portrayed as a microcosm of Thai society. The set

of a building that was once a glorious, aristocratic property made of the finest materials is

depicted by Wongsiri as a dead, deteriorated, and overcrowded tenement house. Using

this type of set reflects the playwright's attempt to show the ills and deterioration of

society. A thunderstorm and heavy rain further underscore the women's physical

entrapment, establishing a sense of alienation from the outside world; these elements are

factors in the extreme measures taken by the phuying kraeng.

The playwright chooses five young phuying kraeng from different socioeconomic

backgrounds to illustrate the struggle of the women under financial hardship. Rose's

narrative as well as the title of the play. Blood Red Rose, suggests that she is the lead

character. The play also spends quite some time laying out Rose's background through

flashback scenes. Nevertheless, Blood Red Rose balances the stories of five phuying

kraeng equally. The playwright depicts female characters of privileged background who

plunge into poverty and female characters from impoverished families who suddenly face

increased financial problems. The play demonstrates how the economic crisis equally

affects women from different social and cultural domains.

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Characters' Goal

Financial stability serves as the primary goal of all five phuying kraeng. In each

character's struggle to make money, she is weighed down by similar financial burdens.

The characters' needs provide an answer to the question of how women spend money in

modern life. Two female characters require money for society-approved reasons. Rose

needs a large sum of money to save her house from foreclosure while Sifa needs the

money to finish medical school.

The other three phuying kraeng have different views regarding how money can be

used to establish a modem Thai identity: money is to be utilized to seek autonomy and

fulfill personal happiness. Salin, who has turned to prostitution to gain money, wants to

leap to the top of the prostitution business by becoming the mistress of a man who "will

give me everything - a house, a car, a salary" (Blood 23). She explains that her goal is to

acquire continuous financial support which will permanently improve her standard of

living. When the play starts, Salin is in the process of negotiating an arrangement with

Barami, a rich and powerful congressman. Complications occur as Barami is revealed to

be the father ofFon, her roommate. Nevertheless, Salin views the advantage of financial

gain from Barami to outweigh her friendship with Fon.

Duean associates financial gain with social advancement She wants to use the

money to buy Rose's house. A traditional Thai-style house in Bangkok is imbued with an

aristocratic nostalgia for a glorious Thai feudal past. Duean associates the house with

upper class privilege: "I really like your house. It looks like the house of the old aristocrat

family. (Duean walks toward to window and looks outside.) The front yard is so big"

(Blood 6). For Duean, ownership of this house would mean she has left her impoverished

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background behind, and it would be an unmistakable declaration of upward social

mobility.

Fon needs money to pay blackmail to Duean, who has threatened to expose Fon's

premarital sexual activity to her father. Fon is fearful that she will be ostracized ifBarami

finds out about her pregnancy. As a daughter of a famous politician, her damaged

reputation would threaten both her father's career and wealth ifit is publically exposed.

She is considering an abortion. Her main goal is to continue getting a stipend from her

father.

Characters' Obstacle

The play dramatizes the lives of these five phuying kraeng to introduce examples

of obstacles that threaten the phuying kraeng's economic well-being and curtail their

pursuit ofmodemity. The obstacles are the collapse offami1y financial support and

unemployment.

First, the play presents the collapse of financial support from the family as a

significant obstacle to the phuying kraeng's financial stability. Their families have failed

to fulfill their roles as caretakers. The parents of these phuying kraeng are portrayed as

incompetent, unavailable, or even harmfu1 to the phuying kraeng. The parents are

unavailable as forms of support because of poverty (Salin's parents and Duean's father),

insanity (Fon's mother), imprisonment (Sifa's mother), violence (Fon's Father), and

death (Rose's parents and Sifa's father).

The playwright attacks the family as a unit but focuses on the failure of the father

figure. The representation of Rose's father epitomizes the tyrannical father figure. Not

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only was he an alcoholic and adulterer who could not provide financial support, but he

was a pedophile who attempted to mpe his daughter. At the end, Rose stabbed her father

with scissors in self-defense. Blood Red Rose was the first professionallakhon phut

sarnai rna; play to dmmatize such serious issues as incest and patricide. The play not only

portmys a father figure as destroying a phuying kraeng's attempt to construct a modern

identity but highlights her choice to end the problem by resorting to a violent act of

patricide.

I interpret the playwright's negative depiction of the father figures as a symbol of

the failing nation. The abusive fathers limit the women's rights and threaten to ostmcize

their daughters. Absent, violent, and destructive, they provide little support for the

women's pursuit of a modem identity. The playwright evidently identifies the father

figure with the nation in the sense that both control the money; therefore, both can either

foster or destroy women's opportunities to gain economic autonomy and equal rights.

Second, unemployment creates difficulty in the phuying kraeng's lives. Work that

traditionally provided a stable income is presented as an unavailable option to phuying

kraeng during the financial crisis. The exchange between Rose and Duean reflects the

women's concerns:

DUEAN. Four years of unemployment? Four years have gone by really

fast. That is right, I started college when you were in your senior year.

Now I am a senior. Within a couple years I will run around the city

begging for a job just like you. That is terrible.

ROSE. (Quietly.) But you major in accounting. It might be easier to

findajob.

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DUEAN. Probably not. A lot of banks have closed down. (Blood 6)

Besides these outside forces, the playwright presents the five phuying kraeng in

conflict with one another as a result of economic distress. The friendship between these

women is disrupted, and a great deal of animosity and hostility shape their relationships.

They prevent one another from gaining money and probe into each others' misconduct,

money matters, and family secrets, all of which are to be used against one another:

SIP A. Let me ask you a question. Where does the daughter of a poor

low ranking police officer get that kind of money? How can you

have that much savings in your bank account? Unluckily for you, I

accidentally saw the balance on your bank statement. It was lying there

on your desk.

DUEAN. Sifa! If you tell anyone about my money, I will kill you.

(Blood 20)

The heated argument exemplifies phuying kraeng's fear of the consequences if their

family history or details of their finances are disclosed. The anxiety and distrust among

the five phuying kraeng are continuously repeated in their actions throughout the play.

For example, Sifa uses her knowledge of Salin's past abortions to prevent Salin from

telling others about her own family secret. Duean uses other characters' secrets to extort

money from them.

Charaeters' Action

Some of the phuying kraeng continue to rely on legitimate ways to acquire

money, but those methods provide little reward. For example, Rose's income from

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renting her tenement house fails to generate enough money to pay the mortgage. So, in

the play, phuying kraeng who experience traditional sources of income as inadequate are

forced to explore unconventional and possibly illegal sources of support.

The most extreme case is Duean who extorts money from her housemates. Fon

describes how Duean proceeds with the blackmail:

At first, it was a small amount but it started to increase. After I got home

from spending a night with my boyfriend, she would wait at the balcony

and stare at me as if she could look right through my clothes and see my

filth ... Then she would say something about my father and it scared me. I

was afraid that she would tell my father so I paid her. She never directly

asked for money but she alluded that she needed money to pay the tuition

or to send home. It was never a direct blackmail but I knew what she

wanted. (Blood 27)

Duean blackmails others by threatening to expose their secrets of patricide, prostitution,

pre-martial sexual relations, rape, and adultery. She relies on their fear that the revelation

of secrets will damage their reputations.

Salin represents another extreme example. The lack of legitimate options for a

woman from an impoverished background like Salin's is the reason for her decision to

explore prostitution. Salin argues her decision to become a prostitute from an economic

standpoint:

You have no idea how difficult my childhood was. Since then, I've made

it my goal to live differently. In stayed in that slum, I would be raped by

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the junkies anyway. I would rather be raped everyday and get paid. At

least, I did not give it up for free. (Blood 23)

Salin's statement is quite drastic. Her decision to become a prostitute at an early age

represents an extreme case of a woman who uses her beauty and youth to escape poverty.

She converts her body into a high-priced commodity that may be exchanged for "money

to eat, to go out, to dress up" (Blood 23).

Murder is a common motif throughout this play. These five characters either

commit murder, threaten to murder others, or consider a murder as a solution. By the end

of the second act, the play reveals that the murder victim is Duean. The second half of the

play is devoted to the investigation of that murder. Sifa acts as an investigator using her

medical expertise to establish the timeline, the weapon used, and who actually took

Duean's life. To the audience's surprise, three women confess to the killing. The play

reveals that Fon shot Duean after Salin had stabbed Duean twice in the chest with a

kitchen knife. The plot then takes another turn, and the audience learns that Rose was the

first to enter Duean's room and suffocated her with a pillow.

In a sense, all three women actually commit an act of murder, even if it is only

Rose's action that takes Duean's life. The characters voluntarily disclose that money was

the motivation. F on reveals that Duean' s final blackmail set her off: "This time she asked

for a large amount of money, I could not begin to think about it" (Blood 28). Money also

plays an important role in Salin's decision to kill Duean: "Then I thought it would never

end. Wouldn't she blackmail me my entire life? She was like a dog's flea. A flea feeds on

a dog's blood until it is satisfied, but it never jumps off the dog. It will stick around for

the rest ofits life if we don't get rid of it" (Blood 32). Similar to the other two phuying

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kraeng's confessions, Rose's narrative indicates how her economic position influenced

her actions: "Duean was determined to take over my house" (Blood 36). However, the

relationship with her mother remains her main motive. She sees Duean as a threat to her

family's secret: "That plot of roses means so much to me because it represents my

mother's love. It is the best gift she ever gave me" (Blood 37). The play, however.

subsequently reveals the secret of Rose's garden and the real reason Rose holds on to the

house. In a flashback scene, Rose narrates the incident that took place twelve years

before. After she stabbed her father, her mother buried his body in the backyard. Her

mother then grew a rose garden over his remains to cover up the crime. The rose garden

represents her mother's protection from her father, which Rose wants to preserve.

The phuying kraeng's actions exemplifY how financial burdens gradually

overcome the women's ethical judgment The three women choose to use violence to end

their problems in acts of desperation. The financial situation has pressured them, and they

fail to see other options, as Salin summarizes, "I am sony I killed her but there was no

other way out" (Blood 33). Their illegal acts are the consequence of economic pressure in

combination with the lack of traditional financial support.

Outcomes

At the play's ending, Rose commits suicide with Sifa's assistance. Rose is aware

of the rain's damage to her garden: ''when it rained heavily this afternoon, the mango tree

was uprooted and it turned the soil over the rose plot. My father's skeleton emerged"

(Blood 36). She becomes concerned that the police investigation of her suicide would

lead to the secret in her personal life and uncover the truth of her father's disappearance.

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Rose elects to stage a double murder which is designed to sidetrack the police's attention

away from her death to an assumption of burglary. Her intention is to conceal her family

secret. Though Sifa does not directly commit a crime, she actively takes part in Rose's

death. Using a late gardener's sneakers, Sifa stages a burglary by making a muddy

shoeprint trail leading up to the two bodies. More importantly, she instructs Rose to stab

herself in the right position to simulate a murder.

The playwright depicts the suicide incident as a woman exercising her rights,

even though that decision is to end her life. Rose communicates her wish to die to Sifa:

ROSE. I don't want to go to court. I don't want to go to prison. Did not

you tell me that those who live suffer, and not those who die?

SIFA. Yes.

ROSE. I don't want to continue the suffering in this world. I want to

go away. (Blood 38)

The suicide is portrayed as a dignified act of a woman who decides to exit the society that

violates her. The incident highlights the consequences of a financial crisis which has

weakened the woman's spirit and her will to live. The social unrest has diminished

women's trust in the legal system and a government that has failed to contribute to

women's formations of modem identity.

The result of the murder-suicide night is seen through Rose's eyes. The

circumstances surrounding the two deaths seem suspicious, and the police come back

several times to interrogate the housemates, though "every time they confirmed one

another's statement, and never changed their story" (Blood 40). Without further

substantial evidence, the police rule the deaths as murders committed in the course of a

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robbery. The final piece of information about the other three phuying kraeng is given by

Rose: "My friends have gone separate ways. I don't know where they are and will never

find out. Everyone is gone" (Blood 40). The future of the three remainingphuying kraeng

is unknown, but it seems certain they have gone unpunished for their crimes.

Summary

Blood Red Rose was the first play written by Wongsiri to feature serious criminal

female characters as the center of interest. Because of the importance of money in the

construction of modern identity, phuying kraeng resort to illegal acts to gain money,

making them criminal phuying kraeng. The playwright's focus on the identity of criminal

phuying kraeng expands the scope of the strong female characters to include murderer,

prostitute, and blackmailer.

The depiction of criminal phuying kraeng reveals the role of money in women's

lives by providing a clue as to why these particular women need money and how they get

it. In this play, money, mostly ill-gained, is to be spent for various interests. Money

enriches individual lives by improving the quality of life, offering advancement in

society, protecting inheritances, and providing personal happiness. The play promotes

women's conventional reasons for acquiring money in the process of constructing their

modem identities. At the same time, it neither condones nor condemns the actions of

phuying kraeng who embrace crime. In fact, the three remaining women criminals are

reintegrated to society. The ending suggests that the play does not view their violent acts

as threats to the social order.

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The play refrains from offering practical solutions to the women's financial

problems, but it goes further than previous plays by raising the question of social

responsibility. The play's dramatization of women's criminal acts performed while

negotiating a modern identity offers a criticism of the dominant social structures that

have created such a hostile environment. The play implies that society, as a whole, is

morally accountable for phuying kraeng crimes that stem from social unrest through the

portrayal of irresponsible and malevolent male characters who represent a troubled

society. Therefore, society has the obligation to improve social conditions in order to

accommodate women's progress toward modernity. The stage is transformed into a

platform from which these phuying kraeng may argue their cases from an economic

perspective. These female characters represent all women who share the experience of

economic strain. The play reminds society not to forget about the welfare of women who

face financial difficulties as great as or even greater than those of men. The play argues

that a recent graduate and four college students represent hope for the future, as they are

young and full of promise. Nevertheless, just like the country they represent, these

women are inexperienced, and their resources are limited. Their actions exemplify the

worst case of psychological damage inflicted upon women as a result of financial

hardship, leading to acts of murder and a suicide. I construe the representation ofphuying

kraeng to forecast the future of Thai society if the country's financial problems are not

properly resolved and if the female constituents are left out of the national economic

scheme.

Blood Red Rose focuses on the different traits of five phuying kraeng in order to

highlight the diversity of women. I view the playwright's attempt to establish diversity

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amongphuying kraeng as rejecting the homogenization of women in two areas. First, it

challenges the stereotypical representation of strong women characters. The audience can

differentiate among five women who are close in age, occupation, and aspirations with

little difficulty. Second, the juxtaposition of diverse women defies the concept of a

utopian community of women. Phuying kraeng are seen in constant conflict with one

another, and the friendships are tainted with underlying tension, destroying the myth of a

universal womanly love which says that women can turn toward one another for love and

consolation in time of trouble, thereby ensuring that problems will be solved.

Blood Red Rose earned audience and critical acclaim. Though the original

production was performed for only a short period of time, the play was restaged in July of

2005 for fifteen more performances. In my opinion, Blood Red Rose gained popularity

for its accuracy in depicting the state of social unrest. The emphasis on the connection

between the failing economy and crime in modernity captured the paranoia and fear that

preoccupied the spirit of the Thais when the play was produced. Penchan Phoborisut, a

theatre reviewer, confirmed the play's apt depiction: "The disturbed personalities of the

characters thus provoked reflection on modem city life filled with domestic violence and

abuse, poverty, greed and cmelty" (7). Wonsiri was able to match the intensity of the

situation of five phuying kraeng to the economic turmoil in society. In addition, the

dramatimtion of five women of diverse socio-economic backgrounds revealed a range of

concerns as their modem lives were interrupted by economic situations. Of the several

economic issues dramatized, most viewers could identify with at least one which

paralleled their own financial struggles.

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The play uses a "whodunit" formula centering on the unraveling of who commits

suicide, and who is murdered, the identity of the true killer, the method used, and the

characters' motivations. Chakraworawut, the director, described the playas a "drama­

thriller" (Blood Red Rose Program). She defined the convention of a drama-thriller as "a

plot-driven play. Attention is paid to the narrative strategy, the arrangement of the events

which might be the playwright's trap, and the given clues that lead up to the actual

solution at the play's ending" (Blood Red Rose Program). However, though Blood Red

Rose is a plot-driven play, the characterizations outshine the plot Phoborisut summarizes

how each character's actions are captivating: "Everyone's murky misdeeds, even those

whose past seemed exemplary, were revealed through piquant conversations which

effectively kept the audience spellbound" (7). The characters and their motivations

command the audience's attention. The audience is captivated by why the characters are

doing what they are doing, not by what will happen next.

5.3 Analysis of Buddhist Bible 2

Play Introduction

Rai Phra rri Pidok 2-Paticca Samuppada or the Buddhist Bible 2 was staged in

2002 for the 10th anniversary ofPatravadi Theatre. The project was conceived as a result

of the great success of the original piece, Buddhist Bible, a 1996 solo piece performed by

Patravadi Mejudhon and inspired by Japanese Butoh. The production of Buddhist Bible 2

enjoyed unusual popularity. Compared to Patravadi Theatre's other productions of the

same period, Buddhist Bible 2 was a phenomenal box office success. Originally, the play

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was intended to run for twelve performances from August 9 to September 15 of2002, but

due to unexpected public demand, it was extended until the end of November of the same

year. The production also received financial support from the Thai Health Promotion

Foundation to support a performance tour of twenty provinces around Thailand.

Buddhist Bible 2 is the most representative work of this period to address the

subject of women and the body. The play examines the issue of feminine beauty by

questioning how modem standards of beauty are set and how they influence women's

self-image, and to how far the female characters are willing to go in order to achieve

ideal beauty. Moreover, it is the first and only play that reframes these questions entirely

in the context of Buddhism by revealing the source of the problems as well as introducing

the road to liberation using the concept of paticca samuppada.

In the play program, Patravadi Mejudhon defines the scope and definition of the

concept of paticca samuppada used in this production as "a discourse on the process of

birth and death. It deals with the cause of rebirth & suffering" (Buddhist Bible 2

Program). Paticca samuppada is one of the most complicated concepts of Buddhist

teaching. Its meaning continues to be debated by Buddhist scholars and teachers, but

most agree that it represents a detailed system of examining the process of birth and death

as well as the human process of thought which can lead to Buddhist salvation. Paticca

samuppada "marks out twelve important movements in the rising of suffering" (Watts)

which are commonly referred to as "links." The twelve links are used to explain the

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repeated process of suffering and the mechanism of human reaction to the pleasant and

unpleasant in Buddhist thought. 16

The complicated essentials of Buddhist doctrine are not easy to treat in drama.

How can paticca samuppada, wbich is regarded as one of the most complex principles of

Buddhism, be dramatized? Buddhist Bible 2 addresses this matter:

PATRA V ADI (As Narrator.) Paticca samuppada is a profound

subject to comprehend. Even the Lord Buddha hesitated to transmit this

principle. However, abiding in compassion, the Lord Buddha

reconsidered and endured the hardsbip to teach this complicated issue

for the sake of a few people on this earth who might be able to

comprehend. (Buddhist 16)

Buddhist Bible 2 frames the content of paticca samuppada in a more approachable

manner and refrains from intellectual comment on the principle. In this play, the

complicated Buddhist teaching is discussed in relation to women's problems in their daily

lives. In addition, the play is not saturated with Pall terminology like the original

Buddhist Bible. 17 Instead, vernacular verse and prose from simplified Thai versions of

Buddhist scripture are used. The utilization of paticca samuppada offers a practical

16 Paticca samuppada follows the law of cause and effect Pat/cca samuppada's twelve interdependent links are: I) ignorance, 2) activities, 3) consciousness, 4) mind and matter, 5) senses, 6) contact, 7) feeling, 8) craving, 9) clinging, 10) becoming, I I) birth, and 12) decay and death. Each individual link is conditioned by the one that is previous to it For example, if one is dependent on ignorance, activities arise. Dependent on activities, consciousness arises. Dependent on consciousness, mind and matter arise, and so forth. The concept does not attempt to explain the origin of life, rather, it treats each human thought and feeling as a moment of life and death: "Every moment there is birth, every moment there is death. The arising of one thought-moment means the passing away of another thought-moment and vice versa" (Mahathara).

17 Tlpitaka or the sacred texts of Theravada Buddhism are written in Pall, an Indic language closely related to Sanskrit

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mechanism for simply observing human mental processes that affect the way in which

women view themselves and interact with the world.

The play's innovative writing process is an important aspect worth discussing.

The program credits Patravadi Mejudhon as a playwright; however, as the script's

introduction indicates, "Patravadi and the ensemble co-create the script" (Buddhist I).

This suggests that the play was written collaboratively; in this particular case, the script

developed from a series of workshops and rehearsals involving a group of actors.

Mejudhon, who also starred in this play, conceived the idea of dramatizing the

teachings ofpaticca samuppada. In the play's introduction, she discusses the sources of

her inspiration: "the script is built on the teaching of the Lord Buddha. The inspiration

comes from the paintings related to paticca samuppada by Amnach Klanpracha and the

Buddhism conversations with Buddhist Nun Sansanee Sthirasuta" (Buddhist 1). After the

play concept was envisioned, Mejudhon collaborated with the performers, and they

attended a series of philosophical lectures. The ensemble practiced various types of

Buddhist meditations and movements. Discussions among the ensemble were initiated,

and several drama workshops were organized. In these workshops, the performers

improvised numerous scenes using personal experiences to interpret the concept of

paticca samuppada. During the workshop process, the roles were created and assigned to

the actors. Mejudhon oversaw the plot structure by selecting materials relevant to the

links of paticca samuppada, and from this the first draft of the play emerged. The final

stage in the collaborative process was the alteration of the original script in rehearsals.

The ultimate credit, nevertheless, belongs to Mejudhon. She envisioned the concept,

edited the text, guided the play's direction, and arranged the script into its final state.

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Another aspect that contributes to the importance of this play is the

experimentation with an ensemble performance structure which has revolutionized the

representation of phuying kraeng in the works ofPatravadi Theatre. Buddhist Bible 2

represents an earlier work ofPatravadi Theatre that features collective phuying kraeng in

one play. The play is able to let many women of diverse positions in modem society

address the same issue to illnstrate the possibilities of variation in women's narratives.

Moreover, a performer portrays multiple roles, both as dramatic characters and as a

member of the chorus. For example, Mejudhon takes the role of Narrator, plus three other

characters in three different vignettes; therefore, eachphuying kraeng's voice is never in

stasis and keeps shifting from one woman to another and from one standpoint to another.

This depiction further suggests the fluidity and flexibility of women's voices refuting a

uniform view of women. Moreover, this play made the first attempt to penetrate the

barrier between reality and drama. Though the performers perform as characters, the

characters are not identified by the roles that they perform but by the actual performers'

names such as Patravadi, May, and Ann. 18 Each scene derives from an actor's personal

experience: the audience witnesses the women's testimony as these characters and as

their personal, actual experience of living in modem society. I view this small change as

signaling an alteration in the representation of phuying kraeng in which the boundary

between an actress's personal experience and the characters she portrays is blurred, and

both become equally important in the narrative.

18 The cbaracters are called by the perfonners' own name in the vignettes wbere they are the main characters. In vignettes wbere they perfonned minor roles, their character names are not mentioned. This technique allows the perfonners to enact multiple characters without confusing the audience.

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The play is comprised often isolated vignettes which vary in style and content.

They range from dramatic scenes to monologues, poem recitations, and abstract dance. A

vignette either dramatizes human suffering or proposes an end to suffering. A number of

vignettes contain an excerpt from Buddhist scripture, a lecture onpaticca samuppada, or

a recitation of the interpretation of paticca samuppada. Though the narrative is episodic

and non-linear in structure, the vignettes are held together by the theme of paticca

samuppada.

The playas a whole has no single central character, but there is at least one main

character within each dramatic vignette. The scope of this study will encompass central

individual female characters that appear in the vignettes that deal with women's issues. In

this play, five out of ten vignettes are representational dramatic scenes in which the actors

portray characters, as opposed to the other vignettes in which the actors directly address

the overall meaning ofpaticca samuppada. Four out of those five dramatize women's

issues. This analysis will deal with five female characters appearing in three of the

sketches and will omit the fourth sketch that features a grandmother in a supporting role

to a male character.

Characters' Goal

The principle goal of the five female characters is to achieve ideal physical

beauty. The play shows that the modem standard of beauty for women depends on an

individual's perception; thus, the attributes of beauty are not clearly defined.

Nevertheless, the phuying kraeng constantly want to improve or maintain their

appearance to achieve certain beauty standards imposed on them by modem society.

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Patravadi, the leading character of The Magic Mirror vignette, believes that youth

along with slenderness guarantees a feminine beauty which is much appreciated in

modern society. She voices her concern, "Being fat is suffering, being short is suffering.

If! were tall, I would not suffer" (Buddhist 2). Patravadi appraises her beauty with Magic

Mirror, and when she needs approval, she calls upon Magic Mirror. Inspired by the well­

known fairy tale Snow White, the play incorporates these verses:

PATRA VADI. Magic Mirror on the wall, who is the fairest one of them all?

MAGIC MIRROR. You are the fairest one of all. (Buddhist 3)

While Magic Mirror feeds Patravadi's ego, Butler contests Magic Mirror's opinion by

presenting a photo of Matinee Kingpayome, an iconic Thai fashion model: "In this era, a

beautiful woman must look like this. (Butler pinches Patravadi's belly.) And your body

type is so obsolete" (Buddhist 3). To gain Butler's approval, Patravadi uses

Kingpayome's beauty as a standard against which she measures her appearance.

The next vignette, Attachment, depicts three beauty queens competing for a chair

that should belong to the woman who is considered an ideal beauty of modern times. The

goal of these three characters is to gain recognition as the most well-rounded and the

most beautiful woman in the pageant. The competition among Ann, Bo, and Krit

intensifies:

ANN. (1'0 Bo.) Hey, what right do you have to sit on this chair? It is

reserved for the most beautiful woman.

BO. I am the most beautiful woman.

KRIT. All three ofus are beautiful. How do you measure who is the

most beautiful?

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BO. By a tiara.

KRIT. I have one too.

ANN. Same here.

BO. But mine is the biggest.

KRIT. They gave you the biggest tiara because you have the largest

face. That does not mean that you are the most beautiful. (Buddhist 8)

The scene parodies a serious issue and at the same time criticizes the beauty contest

phenomenon that leads to the objectification of women's bodies and to animosity among

women.

In the Investigatory vignette, May's obsession with her beauty is an indication of

a woman's devastated mental state as the result of unrealistic expectations imposed by

modern society. She associates beauty with a particular body type: a slender body ideal.

When May makes an appearance in front ofPatravadi who assumes the role of Host of

The Weakest Link, a Thai version of a very popular television game show at the time,

May justifies her reason for losing weight:

MAY. Because people call me fat.

PA TRA V AD!. (As Host.) And you become unhappy?

MAY. Yes, I don't like it when people criticize me. I don't want

people to talk about me, either to my face or behind my

back. (Buddhist 13)

The play framed women's body-image problem in a Buddhist context by

explaining that these goals are conditioned by tanha or craving, one of the paticca

samuppada links: "Tanha is the desire. The desire to become. The desire to have. The

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desire to be liberated. The desire to take revenge and the desire to kill. The desire for

wealth. The desire for happiness" (Buddhist 2). Craving is the desire to experience only

the pleasant and to avoid the unpleasant. These characters associate compliments with a

pleasant experience. The Magic Mirror scene is a prime example of how the concept of

craving is used as the character's motivation. When Patravadi receives a compliment

from Magic Mirror, she rejoices: "Flattery is medicine that nourishes my heart and

prolongs my life" (Buddhist 2). However, when Butler contradicts the compliment,

Patravadi shows her discontent: "Why can't you say things that make me happy like

Magic Mirror? Why do you always bring me unhappiness?" (Buddhist 4). Patravadi is

tormented by the criticism from Butler that negates the compliment she prefers.

Additionally, as with craving, upadana or clinging is often cited as the source of

the characters' desire. The play offers the meaning of the term: "Upadana is clinging or

attachment to the likes and detestation of the dislikes" (Buddhist 5). In this case, these

characters are attached to modem society's specific perceptions of beauty, believing that

certain outward appearances will earn them social approval as ideal women.

Characters' Obstacle

The obstacles that impede these female characters are external obstacles

consisting of social norms, as well as other female characters. Society is presented as a

primary obstacle which sets unrealistic beauty standards that no woman can achieve.

According to the paticca samuppada principle, society creates the notion of ideal beauty

by generating "likes" and "dislikes" which are manifested in the form of criticism and

approval of women's physical attributes. When a character is praised for her beauty by

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other characters, that compliment reinforces certain values and beliefs. These become

categorized as "likes." According to the concept of pat icc a samuppada presented in this

play, the recognition of the "likes" also establishes the "dislikes." Those qualities that

differ from the ideal beauty are judged unpleasant and receive criticism. Both

compliment and criticism work against the female characters because each represents

attachment to feminine beauty perceptions and judgment according to social standards.

Women associate imperfect bodies with imperfect women. The notion that

physical beauty correlates with women's high morality, purity, and propriety as imprinted

in the minds of phuying kraeng is repeated in this play: "I am beautiful and smart and I

have a beautiful mind" (Buddhist 9). Therefore, female characters in this play are

constantly in pursuit of physical beauty because it supposedly reflects their inner quality.

Ideal beauty becomes a desired model of modem womanhood. Modem society reinforces

beauty as the measure of women's worth, and these characters intend to keep up with the

desired ideal in order to uphold or improve their social standing. Women fear ostracism if

their outward appearances deviate from the mainstream model, and therefore, feminine

beauty is inscribed in women's everyday lives as one of the most important duties to

fulfill. The nation's obsession with women's physical appearance is presented as a form

of oppression because it occupies these phuying kraeng's time with the pursuit of

unrealistic beauty ideals.

Another type of external obstacle impedingphuying kraeng's goal is other

women. The three beauty queens are the ideal example because the nature of a beauty

pageant encourages competition among women. These women compete not only to

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represent the nation but to become the symbolic epitome of Thai womanhood. As a

winner, her beauty and values represent the nation's most desirable feminine qualities.

To compete for the title of the ideal beauty, they argue the essential criteria of

beauty. The debate that starts from the size of the tiara leads to the comparison of the

body type, and then onto intelligence and the mind. According to the three beauty queens,

a mind is beautiful when it possesses the Four Noble Sentiments in Buddhism. Ann

states, "A Beautiful mind must have kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy and

equanimity" (Buddhist 9). Each competes to display those sentiments:

BO. Kindness, of course I have kindness. I love children, I like to help

children.

KRIT. Compassion, of course I have compassion. I have volunteered

to answer the phone at many charitable telethons. (Buddhist 9)

The representation of the phuying kraeng competition further stresses how women view

one another with a sense of rivalry. The competitiveness furthers the separation among

women. When the scene ends with a physical fight, the violence disrupts the relationship

among women.

Characters' Action

The female characters take drastic action in pursuit of ideal beauty by abusing

their bodies. Some phuying kraeng use moderate means farui1iar to most women, such as

cosmetics and clothing, to disguise or enhance their appearance. The Magic Mirror

vignette demonstrates the pain associated with restrictive clothing when a phuying kraeng

wants to alter her appearance:

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PATRA V AD!. What should 1 do to get taller?

BUTLER. It is difficult.

PATRA V AD!. There is nothing that human beings cannot do ifwe

have the desire.

BUTLER. That is quite true. Okay. Let's try this then. (Butler

exits and comes back with a pair of high heels.) Here they are,

mistress. (He hands her the high heels.) You can vertically extend

your body.

PATRA V ADI. (Patravadi puts on very steep high heels. She precariously

teeters on stage but appears very optimistic.) Fresh air! The air up here

is so refreshing. That is why people want to be tall because they do not

have to fight for fresh air. (Buddhist 3)

This scene is an important demonstration of how a beauty regimen can restrict women's

physical movement to the point of paralysis.

This play also brings attention to the more extreme processes of beautification,

namely starvation and cosmetic surgery. Starvation is a common technique used to

pursue physical perfection. The play dramatizes the practice of phuying kraeng who

endure restrictive diets, fasting, and starvation, and raises concerns about eating

disorders. May, for instance, appears in one scene in an herbal steam tent intending to

melt away her body fat. In the next scene, the audience sees her gorging on ice cream to

satisfy her craving. While being interviewed by Host, she confesses, "I hate being on a

diet. It is so boring" (Buddhist 12). May's starvation causes her to binge, and she goes

back and forth between binging and starving, a clear sign of an eating disorder.

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Cosmetic surgery has become another type of violence that women inflict upon

their bodies to attain beauty. To fit the desired beauty model, Patravadi puts herself

through a series of strenuous cosmetic surgeries in order to fight the naturaI aging

process. Butler comments on her method: "Master, youjust had a face lift last year.

Look, this year your face has sagged. If you keep having more work done, one day your

belly button will be lifted and attached to your face" (Buddhist 4).

Buddhist Bible 2 pokes fun at phuying kraeng '8 ridiculous adherence to

mainstream beauty ideals; however, the main aim is to use humor to mask serious issues

and warn the audience against such behaviors. The play argues that eating disorders

constitute a problem of epidemic proportions in modern society, while cosmetic surgery

has become a growing industry, and that both hurt women's spirits and health.

Outcomes

Because the play's interest is solution-oriented and aims at guiding women to a

state of peace through the teachings of Buddhism, Buddhist Bible 2 keeps attention

focused on the outcome of the phuying kraeng's actions. Therefore, this section discusses

in detail how the play implements Buddhist teachings in relation to women's lives in

modernity. The overriding aim of the play's ending is to introduce the principle of

paticca samuppada as a practical tool that will allow women to observe their own

thought processes.

Toward the end, the play reveals that no female character achieves her goal of

ideal beauty. We see these female characters either give up or continue to pursue their

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goal. Patravadi continues to cling to the Magic Mirror's approval of her beauty. However,

Magic Mirror is nowhere to be found:

PA TRA V AD!. (To Butler.) I will only listen to Magic Mirror.

(To Magic Mirror.) Magic Mirror on the wall, who is the fairest one of

them all?

BUTLER He is on a vacation. See, even a eulogist needs a holiday.

PA TRA V ADI. I am agitated. I need Magic Mirror. Magic Mirror, I am

attached to you. (Patravadi runs across the stage seekingfor Magic

Mirror.) I cling to the praise and compliment. Magic Mirror! Magic

Mirror! (Buddhist 4)

Similarly, the beauty pageants scene ends as the three beauty queens continue to

fight for the title, with the competition turning physical:

KRIT. (Sitting on the chair.) A person with a beautiful body and a

beautiful mind like us will not be aroused by emotions. We are

composed and humble. We do not boast. We do not cling to

any values or things. We are happy for another women's success.

(Krit laughs. Ann comes up behind Krit, yanks the tiara offher head,

and runs away. Krit lets out a scream and frantically runs after Ann)

Give back my tiara. Give it back to me. (Buddhist 9)

This ending suggests that the fight will continue after the scene is over, and nobody will

achieve her goal. Further, it also highlights the impression that no woman can match up

to that ideal beauty, and therefore women will forever continue to engage in beauty

competitions.

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These two scenes end with the female characters continuing to pursue their

unrealistic goals, while May is the only character who abandons hers. After being

interviewed by Host. May is given a lesson about controlling her craving:

PA TRA V AD!. (As Host. She seizes a bowl of ice cream from May's

hand) Eyes look. Visual contact leads to a feeling and the craving

arises. You cling to its flavor and assume that it will taste delicious

which increases your appetite. When the food is swallowed down,

the craving arises again. Your feel the need to eat and eat and eat

until you could not chew fast enough to satisfy your craving.

(Buddhist 13)

After the lecture, May comes to recognize her real problem, and she practices controlling

her craving.

No matter how each vignette ends, the play implies that these phuying kraeng are

disappointed because they cannot fit the desired model of beauty. Buddhist Bible 2

reasons that no phuying kraeng can reach that goal because achieving ideal beauty is an

unrealistic and dangerous expectation. Additionally, the play discusses the idea of

feminine beauty in a Buddhist context by highlighting the fact that these standards are an

illusion, for beauty is forever impermanent; moreover, beauty standards are conditioned

by society's trends which keep changing. Therefore the pursuit of absolute ideal beauty is

equated with the pursuit of an illusion, and both will bring suffering. In this case,

suffering is framed within the Buddhist concept of dukkha. The term is commonly

translated into English as a state of suffering, dis-ease, or dissatisfaction. The ending of

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the play then brings attention to the practice of paticca samuppada that phuying kraeng

should observe to end suffering.

The play uses two dramatic devices to transmit the teaching of paticca

samuppada to the female characters. One means is through the depiction of Mejudhon as

Host whose function is to offer a voice of wisdom and propose several questions to the

characters regarding their goals. This character's objective is to urge phuying kraeng to

investigate their own ''weakest link" according to paticca samuppada. The second vital

dramatic device makes use of a form of multi-media by which video excerpts of Nun

Sthirasuta discussingpaticca samuppada are shown. Both dramatic tools demonstrate

how to apply the complicated principle of paticca samuppada in solving the problems of

women in modem-day life in four steps.

First, the play simplifies the definition of paticca samuppada for practical use in

ordinary circumstances to mean: "the behavior of a mind, in which a thought or a feeling

arises and changes and creates suffering" (Buddhist IS). Second, the play examines the

characteristics of this Buddhist principle specifically in relation to the cessation of

phuying kraeng's suffering. The advice the play offers to phuying kraeng is the clue to

comprehending the nature of suffering: "suffering arises on its own and will become

extinct on its own. We need to be patient when the suffering arises, do not fight against

suffering" (Buddhist IS). The play proposes the practice ofpaticca samuppada simply as

a mental process which women can utilize to observe the nature of suffering.

In the third step, the play's outcome exhibits how phuying kraeng's failure to

reach their goals relates to the teaching of paticca samuppada. It does this by pointing out

that the origin of human suffering is caused not by the failure to reach a goal, but by

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excessive desire. Failure to recognize the real nature of human desire is connected to the

first link of paticca samuppada: ignorance. In this play, ignorance is referred to as "a

state of unknown. When we encounter the unknown, we imagine, assume, guess, and

mistakenly believe that we are right" (Buddhist 10). Thus, the characters' ignorance

prevents them from acknowledging the nature of the mental process that conditions their

desire.

At the end, Buddhism's path of wisdom is suggested as an instrwnent for

combating ignorance. The play summarizes that "ignorance will be destroyed by wisdom.

Wisdom is the experience of ultimate truth. Knowledge of Wisdom without the practice

will yield no result" (Buddhist 16). Wisdom in Buddhism is not merely intellectual

knowledge; it requires action to eliminate ignorance and delusion. In this regard, the play

demonstrates how these characters can apply wisdom to stop craving: "Stop the craving.

Take suffering and place it outside your heart. Observe the contact (between suffering

and your mind] from afar. Find the origin of suffering and fix the right problem"

(Buddhist 12). Narrator offers a pragmatic approach to wisdom by taking advantage of

the human intellect. The idea is to consciously create a moment of detachment when the

craving and clinging arise in one's mind in order to break the pattern of thought and

feeling. As a result, women should be able stop the desire before taking an action to

satisfy the desire.

Buddhist Bible 2 ends with a positive scenario in the Epilogue vignette. The scene

starts with a video excerpt of Nun Sthirasuta discussingpaticca samuppada. One by one,

the chorus members enter the stage. Each picks a spot, takes a seat, gestures homage to

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Nun Sthirasuta, and accepts her teaching. As the video ends, the chorus begins a

recitation that indicates their awakening:

What is the measure of what I have? What is the measure of who I am

when evexything keeps changing and is impermanent? .. We suffer

because we are given things that we like. We suffer because we are given

things that we dislike. We suffer because we are not given things that we

are not certain if we would or would not like. Attachment creates

suffering. Understand suffering, see through it, and put an end to it.

(Buddhist 14- 15)

During the song, the chorus members do not depict any particular characters, and they

appear in neutral costumes. However, each actor's presence reminds the audience of the

character she has portrayed earlier, and so this ending suggests that these characters have

accepted the teaching of paticca samuppada. I agree with Pawit Mahasarinand, a theatre

critic, on his interpretation of the ending: "Calmness and serenity occupy the stage, as

peace is restored to the mind, and the cast appears in white gowns, representing the

triumph of Buddhist ideals" ("Dharma"). By acceptingpaticca samuppada, these

characters exhibit peace and understanding of human suffering.

Summary

The main purpose of this play is to transmit Buddhist teachings, though the

entertainment aspect prevents it from becoming overtly didactic. Mahasarinand agrees

with this observation: "By the end of the 75-minute performance, audience members

have been exposed to a healthy reminder of Buddhist doctrine without feeling as if they

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had sat through a lecture" ("Dharma"). Designed to spread the message, the vignettes are

not performed in the same order that the links appear in paticca samuppada, nor are they

organized as a cause-and-effect, linearly structured play. The scenes are arranged in

accordance with the female character's transformative journey from the state of

ignorance to wisdom. I interpret the arrangement of the plot to underline the play's

solution-oriented nature. Thus, the play progresses from the sketch that exhibits the

human problem, to suffering, and finally to the solution of the problem.

Buddhist Bible 2 was popular because it did not merely address the philosophical

aspect of Buddhism, but also offered a practical application ofpaticca samuppada,

according to the interpretation of playwright and the ensemble. to the problems that arise

in modern life. A comment from the director, Manop Meejamrat, accentuates this point:

Paticca samuppada is the fundamental comprehension of dharma. It is

closely connected to our lives ... Without taking the path of monkhood or

sec1usion,paticca samuppada teaches us to how to live, deal with our

problems, and enjoy our lives in a secular world" (The Making of Buddhist

Bible 2).

The concepts of this Buddhist teaching are therefore simplified to appeal to the audience.

The playwright includes Buddhist calming exercises within the playas demonstrations

and to persuade the viewers to utilize them in their own routines. Those exercises include

a breathing exercise, the practice of optimistic viewpoint, and the use of inner dialogue to

create a moment of emotional detachment. The more practical links, for instance, (' •.

ignorance, craving, and clinging, are therefore highlighted because they can be managed

by immediate actions. Certain links, such as, birth, and old age and death, are given less

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priority because they are beyond human control. The function of this play is clear: to

offer the audience practical Buddhist advice and tools to use in daily existence.

The endorsement of Nun Sthirasuta increased the play's popularity and

legitimized the position of female characters in Buddhism-related drama. That the play

selected the teachings of a nun, rather than those of a monk, to transmit Buddhist

teachings to women is a testimony to women's achievement in Buddhist practices. I

cannot overstate Nun Sthirasuta's popularity among her mostly female followers, as she

has become a religions icon for her pragmatic teaching. Her teachings befit the message

of the play and deal with more secular issues occurring in modern situations to which

women can relate. The play's significant recognition of a Buddhist nun not only

acknowledges the vital role of Buddhism in a woman's life but also successfully

negotiates a place for women, fictional and real, in Buddhist institutions.

I believe that the presence of Nun Sthirasuta, even in the form of a video excerpt,

significantly increased the popularity of Buddhist Bible 2. Patravadi Theatre was able to

expand its audience base from its regular urban group to include Buddhist followers,

especially those who may have never visited a theatre before. Mahasarinand makes a

similar observation: '''Paticca samuppada' was the most commercially successful, thanks

in part to Nun Sansanee Sthirasuta's followers, who crowded the theatre in the garden for

months" ("Theatre Feet''). The show welcomed a new and unusual theatre crowd:

Buddhist monks and strict Buddhist practitioners. Therefore, Buddhism-related drama,

once criticized by Buddhist agents and organizations, was accepted as an excellent

vehicle for transmitting the teachings. Since Buddhist Bible 2, the Buddhist Bible series

has become a trademark of Patravadi Theatre. The company continues to produce

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Buddhist Bible plays, with the latest production in the series, Buddhist Bible 5: Eclipse,

staged in 2004.

The unique representation of collective female characters demonstrates the

significant departure of Buddhist Bible 2 from other phuying kraeng plays ofPatravadi

Theatre. The narrative focuses on the phuying kraeng's path to wisdom collectively

rather than individually. This representation transforms the issues of women's bodies

from the individual's isolated concerns into a collective, common experience of women.

Though the individual phuying kraeng are somewhat limited in characterization, the

structure of this distinctive play indicates that the female characters are embarking on a

new course, removed from the conventional linear characterization and dramatic

organization often found in melodramatic plays. Instead, the audience experiences the

women's narratives in a non-linear, episodic, and message-centered experimental way.

Their appearances in this type of presentation prove to be as effective and engaging as

those in the dramatic realist tradition that emphasizes a cause-and-effect plot structure.

This created a new trend, at least at Patravadi Theatre, of using collective female

characters to tell a story of modem lives.

Buddhist Bible 2's most significant contribution to the development of lakhon

phut samai rnai is its illustration of a positive connection between Buddhism and women

in modernity. Previously, plays that dealt with Buddhism focused on the relationship

between Buddhist teaching and male characters. Female characters in Buddhist plays

have been typically presented in an unfavomble light, following the motif of women as

seductress in Buddhist legend. They are often portmyed as the temptress who prevents

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the male character from entering the monkhood, or achieving enIightenment.19

This

representation might be a result of a common belief that men are more likely to achieve

nirvana-the blissful state of freedom from suffering-because men can be ordained as

monks while the practice of becoming a bhikkuni, a female ascetic monk, has proven

unpopular. As a result, the status of female characters in Buddhist plays is usually

trivia1ized. This representation of strong women in relation to Buddhism proved to be

popular with the audience. It changed the male-female dynamic in a drama dea1ing with

religion. Roles that were previously reserved for male characters in other dramatic texts

of lakhon phut sarnai mai could now be considered for women. By discussing how

paticca samuppada, one of the most complicated Buddhist principles, can be applied in

the lives of modem women, Buddhist Bible 2 affirmed women as active and positive

participants in Buddhism, disproved the myth of male dominance in religion, and

articulated the relevance of Buddhism to women. Buddhist practices now offered women

audience members education, sanctuary, and a path to wisdom leading to salvation.

19 Plays that present female characters as tempting women who try to divert male characters from their intention to enter mookhood include 8iddhartha (1990) by Maya Art, Wetsandon (2004) by New Heritage Troupe and While Snake (1999) by Dass Entertainment

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CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

This study set out to determine the ways in which phuying kraeng within the

dramatic context provide models of women constructing a modem identity, and how this

contributed to the survival ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre. In this chapter, I

address three main questions: 1) what are the functions of phuying kraeng; 2) what are

the playwrights' approaches to popularizing phuying kraeng; and 3) how have the figures

of phuying kraeng contributed to the survival of professional lakhon phut sarnai maio

6.1 The Function of Phuving Kraeng

The figures of phuying kraeng are the playwright's reflections of real women in

contemporary society. In the nation's progression towards a modernized state, women

have engaged with the process of modernization and experienced the reconfiguration of

gender relations, changes in their roles in social, cuituraI, and economic arenas, and new

modes of living. As women's issues have become incorporated into the discussion of the

national modernization process, professional lakhon phut sarnai mai has paid attention to

the effects of modernity on the lives of female characters, and the representation of

phuying kraeng's ideologies and lifestyles illustrate those changes in society. Phuying

kraeng are portrayed as obtaining higher education, negotiating identities through work,

and gaining autonomy; they exemplify the transformation that has taken place in the

nation. The phuying kraeng presented by Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre

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within the three historical stages identified in this dissertation map Thai women's

negotiation of a new mode of living by highlighting issues important to women's

struggles. These dramas call attention to the issues of women's roles in the family,

discrimination in the workplace, unfair inheritance laws, a woman's right to her own

body, women's sexuality, and the balance between modern and traditional values.

The diverse figures of phuying kraeng, as depicted by the two selected

playwrights, have a similar purpose in that they all serve as criticism of the women's

position in modernity. The characterization of phuying kraeng and the types of situations

in which they are placed expose the social expectations and restraints imposed on women,

and serve to oppose the injustice and discrimination that impede women's lives, and to

advocate for women's rights.

The plays model both appropriate and inappropriate behaviors in the process of

constructing a modem identity. The actions of phuying kraeng who rebel against social

norms without breaking social taboos serve as examples of recommended conduct Some

female characters-Juree from Juree in Concert, Namon and Phrae from The End of the

Rainbow, Sifa from Blood Red Rose, and the collective female characters from Buddhist

Bible 2-represent behavior that women in the audience should emulate. The plays offer

some positive outcomes for phuying kraeng, which include: 1) women successfully

negotiating their relationships and their roles within the family, and thus, becoming able

to pursue personal freedom and happiness; 2) women accepting the traditional roles of

mother and wife; and 3) women forming nurturing friendships with other women.

Other plays offer a warning to women that, to a certain extent, laws and moral

codes cannot be violated. This is demonstrated through punishment of phuying kraeng

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whose resistant strategies involve violence and extreme revolt. Phuying kraeng figures

such as Lumhap from Ngo Pa, Poen, Nuan and Ann from Three Bad Mad Gals, and

serious criminals like Duean, Salin, and Rose from Blood Red Rose model inappropriate

responses to modern social conditions, behavior that the audience should avoid. In many

plays, the playwrights draw attention away from the phuying kraeng's misdeeds and

focus on the inequitable society that creates a harsh environment unfit for women's

growth. Although the playwrights show the utmost sympathy toward phuying kraeng who

violently reject social restraints and unjust conditions, the playwrights advise the

audience to be prepared for the negative consequences of their actions.

The portrayal of phuying kraeng in theatre is more vehement and frank than the

representation of phuying kraeng in other works of fiction. Theatre, as a gathering of

small groups of people, is subjected to less censorship than other forms of performance

and allows such clarity in the women's voices. Therefore, the phuying kraeng of lakhon

phut sarnal mai have come to represent fictional women who embody modern identities

paralleling the lives of real women in modern Thailand.

6.2 Approaches to the Popularization of Phuying Kraeng

Through the examination of the commercial success of phuying kraeng plays, I

conclude that the depiction of strong female characters is one major reason for the

survival ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre. The phuying kraeng plays

presented by these two companies were often sold out, received performance extensions,

were restaged, and toured outside Bangkok. This popularity signifies the importance of

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phuying kraengto the survival of these two companies, a practice which other

professional troupes have yet to follow. According to this investigation of phuying

kraeng, the playwrights successfully negotiated a place for phuying kraeng by employing

two main strategies to popularize their portrayals: the reinforcement of a sense of

familiarity and the gradual introduction of change in the presentation of these characters.

In the first main strategy, phuying kraeng became popular because their

characterization reinforced a sense of familiarity in two ways. First, the characters were

based on familiar sources and second, well-known actresses were cast in the phuying

kraeng roles. Phuying kraeng created by Wongsiri and Mejudhon are derived from

sources with which the audience might already be familiar because traits and events are

borrowed from the experiences of real women living in Bangkok. The characters,

Wongsiri insists, are taken from selected characteristics of her friends, her co-workers,

and acquaintances:

I like to listen to people. People often ask me why I like to talk to

people. It is because they tell me their life stories. I work in the

entertainment industry, so I meet a lot of performers whose problems and

life experiences are rather complicated. I take the characteristics from

several people and combine those qualities to create a character.

(personal interview)

The majority ofDass Entertainment's audience recognizes the characters with whom they

share the culture and lifestyle of metropolitan Bangkok, and are able to identify with the

characters' explorations of modern identity.

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Mejudhon offers familiarity through the presentation of well-known characters.

Most ofMejudhon's phuying kraeng are based on Thai historical and literary references.

In biographical plays such as Juree in Concert and Helen of the Millennium. the main

characters are based on famous entertainer Juree and fashion model Helen. The public is

familiar with their highly publicized personal lives and entertainment careers. Moreover,

the participation of the actual entertainers personalizes the dramatization and reinforces

this familiarity.

More importantly, other phuying kraeng created by Mejudhon are taken from a

pool of beloved Thai literature and folktales. Well-known female characters from various

types of Thai literature dominate her creation of phuying kraeng as seen in Chant, Ngo

Pa, and Princess Horse Face. Her shifting of the dominant voice from the male author to

the voice of the woman allows for a new perception of a well-known story. The

playwrights place the women's experience at the center of these narratives and retell

familiar stories from the female character's point of view.

The reinterpretation of these female characters reframes the stories of renowned

literature. Mejudhon asserts the importance of the reinterpretation of classic literature:

"Literature, fiction, or classical works are alive today because they can be reinterpreted

when performed in different historical times and occasions. The work of reinterpretation

[of the old stories] is greater than copying the old version" ("Processed Literature" 162).

Mejudhon's reworking of Thai literature is written from a modem-day perspective. While

her work highlights the oppressive conditions to which the female characters have been

subjected and which have gone unnoted in previous versions. the retelling of Thai

literature retains a sense offamiliarity.

192

The specific casting of most phuying kraeng roles represents the second strategy

used to enhance a sense of familiarity. Because the two playwrights hold unique positions

in their theatre troupes, they have control over the selection of plays produced and the

artistic direction. Wongsiri frequently takes the role of producer in Oass Entertainment's

production. She oversees the casting process including the selection of the actresses for

phuying kraeng roles. Oass Entertainment is synonymous with the casting of up-and­

coming stars from the movie and television industry, and consequently, the audience

expects a cast of movie stars in each and evexy production. Because of their celebrity

status, the audience is acquainted not only with the actresses' work but also their personal

lives. The casting of a famous actress in a phuying kraeng role influences the sense of

familiarity in two ways. First, Oass Entertainment casts an actress in a role similar to one

that she has played in a drama series or movie. In The End o/the Rainbow, Chariya

Saranakom and Phenphisut Khongsamut, two prolific television stars of the time, were

cast as two friends in a love-triangle drama These two actresses often made appearances

in television dramas with a similar motif. Second, Oass Entertainment takes this step

further by blurring the line between an actress's personaIlife and that of the character she

plays. For example, Chaos at Saithong Mansion, a play within a play, starred Charuni

Suksawat in the role of an insecure and miserable aging actress who is assigned to

perform a supporting character in a staged play of Saithong Mansion. Suksawat's

personal life mirrored that of her character. After she had performed the leading role in

the Saithong Mansion movie twenty years previously, Suksawat was now performing

only minor roles in television and movies because of her age. The casting of an actress

whose personaIlife parallels the character she performs encourages a sense of prying into

193

the actress's personal life, reinforces a sense of acquaintance with the character, and

works as a publicity strategy to draw an audience to the theatre.

Nevertheless, these theatre roles, whether similar to the roles the actresses

performed on television dramas or to their real circumstances, offer a viewpoint unique to

the theatre. With regard to the casting of actresses in roles similar to those they performed

in a drama series or movies, the dramatic roles in theatre offer greater and more diverse

choices for the female characters, therefore providing more relevance to the lives of

modem women. Moreover, the theatrical roles either criticize or poke fun at the absurdity

of the nang ek narratives the women perform in television dramas. In the casting of

actresses in the roles that are close to their personaIlives, the theatrical versions often

ridicule and challenge the gossip and rumors to which the actresses are subjected.

Mejudhon heavily influences the productions ofPatravadi Theatre since she

regularly produces and directs the plays she writes. She has total control of the

production's artistic direction, including the casting. Patravadi Theatre does not usually

hire popular television performers, but Mejudhon employs the casting strategy of

heightening a sense of familiarity by casting herself in the phuying kraeng role. The main

star ofPatravadi Theatre is Mejudhon herself. The participation ofMejudhon in the plays

not only augments the audience's sense of familiarity with her work but creates an

intimate interaction between audience and performer. In some cases, Mejudhon performs

the role of narrator which further reinforces her authority as the writer. The authority of

the writer is important to the work ofPatravadi Theatre since it is known for producing

works based on local literature. Mejudhon's appearance as a narrator not only reaffirms

the audience's expectation that the text is Mejudhon's version of the c1assic literature, but

194

allows her to personally and intimately tell her version of the story to the audience. In

addition, the audience expects personal interaction with Mejudhon as a character as well

as a person offstage, since she often greets the audience before and after the show.

Besides the reinforcement of a sense of familiarity, the second chief factor that

contributes to the public acceptance of phuying kraeng is how phuying kraeng gradually

transformed from the Formative to the Recessive Period The changes inphuying kraeng

over the course of three historical periods slowly introduced new elements and increased

the intensity of phuying kraeng's actions as they became more radical in their struggles to

establish a modem identity, and these figures progressively developed into unique female

characters that appeared solely on the stage of professionallakhon phut sama; maio

The evaluation of phuying kraeng portrayal in the Formative Period reveals the

support of social norms regarding the roles of women in family and society as the

characters strive for professional and personal success. Phuying kraeng in the first period

bear some resemblance to the leading female characters in the dramatic works of other

media, a type of character with which the audience is accustomed. Nevertheless, the

portrayal of phuying kraeng in the Formative Period shows female characters in transition,

gradually evolving into new, stronger female characters and slowly diverging from the

typical, dependent heroines of traditional fiction. This gradual transition to a more radical

depiction facilitated the audiences' acceptance of phuying kraeng.

The gradual change continued in the Popular Period, especially the treatment of

phuying kraeng that reflected diverse views of women 's rebellion against family norms

and filial piety. Some plays punished rebellious daughters with death and/or madness and

argued that a certain degree of normalcy was needed to establish social stability, whereas

195

other plays dramatized the rebellious phuying kraeng's success in negotiating a modem

identity. Though the plays criticized the traditional roles women perform within the

familial structure, the playwrights' standpoints tended to favor a more conservative

approach in treating these rebellious female characters. This conservative representation,

combined with these new, strong female characters, gained approval from the audience as

the phuying kraeng plays of the Popular Period earned both audience and critical acclaim.

The subtle transformation continued into the Recessive Period during which

phuying kraeng took significant stands in advocating for women's rights by rejecting

moral, cultural, and religious practices oppressive to women. The female figures of the

Recessive Period took a more radical approach to solving their problems. including

resorting to criminal acts. In most cases, phuying kraeng escaped punishment. I argue that

the audience's acceptance of phuying kraeng's immoral and unlawful acts, unimaginable

in the dramatic works of other media, has proven possible in the work of professional

lakhon phut sarnai maio The juxtaposition of more than one type of phuying kraeng in one

play broadened the audience's views of phuying kraeng because they were exposed to

women collectively speaking on the same issues from diverse social and cultural

positions. As a result, the audience could find at least one voice with which they could

sympathize.

The changes in phuying kraeng over the course of the three periods show a subtle

transformation from a conservative to a radical representation. The conservative

treatment of phuying kraeng in the earlier periods prepared the audience for the radical

phuying kraeng of the later period and laid the groundwork for approval of non­

conventional phuying kraeng. The approval of phuying kraeng includes the instances of

196

collective phuying kraeng in a single play and indicates the acceptance of diversity and

fluidity in the representation of women. The gradual transformation of phuying kraeng

facilitated the development of the theatrical phuying kraeng as distinct from those in

other media, thereby creating phuying kraeng both unprecedented and unique to theatre.

6.3 The Contribution of Phuying Kraeng to the Survival of DBSS Entertainment and

Patravadi Theatre

Dass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre have established an environment that

has nurtured the development of phuying kraeng characters. In turn, the presence of

phuying kraeng has become a very important part in the survival of the two professional

lakhon phut sarnai mai troupes, which have each lasted for over fifteen years, a theatrical

life longer than those of other professional troupes. The survival of these two companies

means continuity of professionallakhon phut sarnai mai since these two companies are

the only professional theatres remaining.

The findings indicate that the phuying kraeng character type contributed to the

development of the two professional troupes in three areas: 1) the representation of

phuying kraeng set the tone for the productions of the two companies; 2) the popularity

of phuying kraeng reached a growing audience and established professionallakhon phut

sarnai mai as an alternative to mainstream entertainment; and 3) this character type

advanced professionallakhon phut sarnai mai's formation as a symbol of Bangkok's

modern culture.

197

First, the companies' primary use of phuylng kraeng differentiated their work

from those of other types of lakhon phut samai mai, such as the grassroots theatre and the

independence theatre, with the portrayal of phuylng kraeng setting the two companies'

artistic tone. The outside playwrights whose works were produced at Patravadi Theatre

and Dass Entertainment used the portrayal of phuylng kraeng's experience of modernity

as interpreted by those theatres as a reference to understand the companies' standards and

preferences. Plays such as All About Eve and What Ever Happened to Baby Jane?,

translated and adapted by Kiattisak Suwannapokin, were selected to be staged at Dass

Entertainment because the female figures from these two plays closely resembled the

phuylng kraeng that typically appeared in Dass Entertainment's original plays. Adinun

Phromphanchai'sAn Interview with the Queen Dowager Sisudachan earned a spot in the

1998 season ofPatravadi Theatre because the depiction of the Queen Dowager mirrored

Mejudhon's convention of producing plays featuringphuylng kraeng based on well­

known women of the past.

Second, the popularity of phuylng kraeng plays helped the two professional

troupes expand their audience. Generally, lakhon phut samal mal has a reputation as a

type of theatre that caters only to a small group of upper-class elite and university

intellectuals. The troupes often present translations and adaptations of western drama,

the styles, content, and characters of which could arguably be alienating to the general

Thai public. Many productions can be intimidating to average middle class audiences for

they require an erudite knowledge of the Western historical, philosophical, and social

elements implemented in the dramatic texts to truly appreciate these translations and

adaptations.

198

However, the works ofDass Entertainment and Patravadi Theatre break that class

barrier. Due to the increasing popularity of phuying kraeng plays, I argue that phuying

kraeng has helped to transform this relatively new type of theatre into an alternative to

mainstream entertainment. The two theatre companies present original plays that offer

familiar female characters in familiar situations that are relevant to the experience of a

Thai contemporary audience, and casting familiar television and movie stars enables the

two professional troupes to draw members of a mass audience beyond the audience pool

of habitual theatergoers. Popularity is crucial to the survival of professional theatre

companies. Audience growth has bolstered the companies' revenues and brought a new

vitality to the theatre troupes. The modern representations of phuying kraeng have helped

transform professional theatre into a viable leisure option for middle class audiences and

have helped ensure the continuity of Thai professional theatre.

Third, the phuying kraeng character helped establish lakhon phut sarnai mai as a

cultural icon of modernity in the dramatic world. Dass Entertainment and Patmvadi

Theatre, both commercial operations, are attuned to audience demand, and their work

corroborates the experience of the majority of their middle-class audience members.

Professionallakhon phut samai mai has provided a forum for the voices of ordinary

metropolitan Bangkok residents who, in turn, influence their preferred entertainment.

And when the professional theatre companies present their work in provinces outside

Bangkok, their plays are emblematic of modernity and the progressiveness of Bangkok

culture. The phuying kraeng in those plays have become cultural icons of modern identity

and have helped this new type of theatre evolve into the site of a unified, modern culture,

offering Bangkok theatergoers the social experience of seeing plays that reflect their own

199

modernity. This marks a significant departure for Dass Entertainment and Patravadi

Theatre from other lakhon phut samai mai troupes, whose work remains intellectual

exercises for a small circle of intellectuals and university students.

200

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Interviews

Wongsiri, Daraka. Personal interview. 9 Dec. 2004.

Wongsiri, Daraka. Personal interview. 15 June 2005.

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