The Ukrainian Weekly 1993, No.27

PublislMd by the Ukrainian National Association Inc..

rainian ^ I I

ic. a fraternal non-profit association! Ш V Vol. LXI No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4, 1993 SOcente

Judge finds "subst-antial doubt" Ukraine's populace is sl<epticai that Demjanjuk was "Ivan" on ramifications of referendum

JERSEY CITY, N.J. — Federal District Judge Thomas Wiseman has concluded in his report to the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals that there is "substantial doubt" that John Demjanjuk, the former Cleveland autoworker convicted in Israel in 1988 of Nazi war crimes, is "Ivan the Terrible of the Treblinka gas chambers."

The report, issued on June 30 after a 10-month special inquiry ordered by the Cincinnati Circuit Court, noted: "The statements of former Treblinka guards and laborers recently obtained from the Soviet Union constitute an harmonious chorus which inculpate a man named Ivan Marchenko as the Ivan who worked at the gas chambers, and thus exculpate Mr. Demjanjuk from those specific crimes."

Judge Wiseman, who was appointed special master by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals, also reported that U.S. government prosecutors who succeeded in having Mr. Demjanjuk stripped of his American citizenship and extradited to Israel had "failed to challenge the evi-

UNA scholarships total $116,300

JERSEY CITY, N.J. — The Ukrainian National Association's Scholarship Committee has awarded $116,300 in student scholarships for academic year 1993-1994 to 230 of its members in the United States and Canada.

During its daylong meeting at the UNA Home Office on June 11, the committee reviewed 259 applications for UNA scholarships and approved grants to undergraduates students in amounts ranging from $1,500 to $300.

The 1993-1994 scholarships were allocated as follows: one for $1,500; three for $1,200; one for $1,100; 18 for $1,000; one for $900; 11 for $800; six for $750; 27 for $600; 30 for $500; 43 for $400; and 82 for $300.

Among these scholarships there were six special awards:

•The Anthony Dragan Memorial Scholarship, named for the longtime editor-in-chief of Svoboda, was awarded to Halyna Kuzyszyn, 21, a media studies major at Fordham University, who hails from Maspeth, N.Y. She is a member of UNA Branch 158. The scholarship was awarded in the amount of $ 1,200.

• The Roman Slobodian Memorial Scholarship, presented in honor of the longtime UNA supreme treasurer, was awarded to Alexandra Holowchak, 20,

(Continued on page 4)

dence they possessed, and this led them to abandon leads which contradicted their interpretation of the evidence."

Judge Wiseman's report also criticized U.S. prosecutors for their neglect in not releasing evidence to the Demjanjuk defense. He noted:

"The government... did little or nothing to ensure that the materials it received from the Soviet Union on Mr. Demjanjuk's behalf represented what the government itself had received and had


by Marta Kolomayets Kyyiv Press Bureau

KYYIV — With Ukraine's national referendum less than three months away, political analysts, journalists and parliamentary observers have begun to question its feasibility, political weight and over-all significance.

Some even doubt that 50 percent of Ukraine's voters will come to the polls on September 26 to express their confidence, or lack of confidence, in the president and in the Parliament. Others suspect that even if 50 percent of the voting

Global gathering mourns Patriarch by Andrij Wynnyckyj

SOUTH BOUND BROOK, N.J. — In a three-day cycle of ceremonies, an international gathering of the faithful, political dignitaries and Church hierarchs of various denominations paid their last respects to the man who, for many, came to symbolize the aspirations for an independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Mstyslav I, patriarch of Kyyiv and all Ukraine. Everywhere on the grounds of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church compound in South Bound Brook, N.J., flags flew at half mast to honor the departed.

On Monday, June 21, the patriarch's body was brought to St. Andrew's Memorial Church, arriving with his family from Canada, and the initial stage of the requiem services of an Orthodox clergyman's funeral were conducted. Archbishop Antony covered the deceased hierarch's head with the traditional "vozdukh" (air) vestment, symbolizing the subordination of the individual's features to the greater importance of his teachings and the teachings of Christ.

As the primate of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in the U.S.A., Metropolitan Constantine served as


Yaroslav Kulynych

Ukrainian Orthodox hierarchs (from left) Archbishop Roman of Rivne, Archbishop Antony of New York and Washington, Metropolitan Constantine of the USA, and Belarusian Metropolitan Iziaslav, conducting the patriarchal panakhyda at St. Andrew's Memorial Church in South

Bound Brook, on June 23.

population takes part in this plebiscite, it will have no legal implications, but will cost Ukraine's citizens hundreds of millions of coupons.

However, since Parliament voted on June 17 to hold this referendum, myriad sociological surveys have been conducted among the populace. And although results are diverse, most polls show that neither the president nor the Parliament will receive the majority vote of confidence.

Speaking at a press conference on Friday, June 18, President Leonid Kravchuk told journalists, "If we are to go by the Constitution, then the Supreme Council in of itself cannot force the pres-ident to resign. As noted in the Constitution, if the president violates the Constitution or the laws, then on the basis of decisions reached by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the Supreme Council can begin actions to impeach the president (a two-thirds majority is needed). However, today that is not the case. I repeat, this is only if there is a breach of the Constitution or of the laws and only after conclusions reached by the Constitutional Court. We simply do not have a Constitutional Court."

Thus, the president has basically said that he will not consider the results legally binding. However, he told jour-


Ukraine intercepts Russian sliipment bound for Libya

WASHINGTON — Ukraine intercepted and impounded a shipment of rocket fuel ingredients bound from Russia to Libya, winning the praise of U.S. officials who expressed frustration over Russia's continuing exports of arms to problem states, reported Reuters.

Speaking on June 23, State Department spokesman Mike McCurry told reporters: "The United States welcomes the Ukrainian action. Seizing the cargo of ammonium perchlorate demonstrates a responsible approach to proliferation by the Ukrainian government."

Mr. McCurry said the shipment, first reported by The New York Times, was destined for Libya and intended for use in the Libyan missile program.

Reuters said the State Department spokesman stressed that Secretary of State Warren Christopher has highlighted efforts to halt the proliferation of mis-


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THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4, 1993 No. 27

French firm is named to build new sarcophagus at Chornobyl

JERSEY CITY, NJ. — Campenon Bernard SGE, a French-based conglomerate and a subsidiary of G6nerale des Eaux, was declared the winner of an international competition held to design and build a new "sarcophagus" for the disabled fourth reactor at the Chornobyl nuclear power station, Reuters reported.

Borys Paton, president of Ukraine's Academy of Sciences and head of an international jury selected for the contest, made the announcement on June 18. According the Dr. Paton, this means that the French company, among six finalists in a field of about 400 entries accepted, will oversee construction of a replacement for the containment structure that was hastily built in May 1986, following the disastrous explosion at the Chornobyl plant.

The present structure, now damaged throughout by sizable cracks and fissures, was built by thousands of workers after tons of sand, boron, lead, steel girders and other material were first dumped on the erupting reactor. Last year, the Ukrainian government commissioned this competition after it was determined that the existing containment structure was inadequate, and that Ukraine's resources were much too limited to deal with a problem of Chornobyl's magnitude. The Reuters report cited statistics

which indicate that coping with the aftermath of the nuclear cataclysm accounts for 11 percent of Ukrane's national budget.

As he made his announcement. Dr. Paton also stated that the winning firm was awarded only a second prize, valued at $10,000, because of certain shortcomings in the design. He was quoted by Reuters as saying that "in a secret ballot of 90 international experts, it was decided not to award the first prize," adding that "none of the entries fully met the requirements set down by the jury." Bouyges, another company from France, the favorite, according to Renter, came in third. A German consortium named "Chornobyl" was fourth.

The jury's sentiment was recently echoed by Volodymyr Yavorivsky, chair of Ukraine's Parliamentary Commission on Chornobyl. At the Children of Chornobyl Relief Fund convention held June 12-13 in East Hanover, N.J., Mr. Yavorivsky said no single design team could "win" such a competition outright, because of the massive scale of the effort required. The people's deputy also said that the efforts and resources of most of the top applicants would have to be pooled, if not those of several nations, if the problem of Chornobyl was to be properly addressed.

Benetton bursts onto Kyyiv scene by Boris Baczynskyj

Special to IntelNews

KYYIV — The United Colors'of Benetton burst into Kyyiv in mid-April, April 11, when the first brightly-lit store with the multi-colored products of the Italian clothing line opened in Ukraine. By the fifth day of business, a queue of several dozen curious Ukrainians were waiting their turn to be let inside the store, which formerly sold bagels and warm milk — both now scarce in Kyyiv. Most said they were there just to have a look at the merchandise, such as women's linen suits costing $148. (U.S.).

About 20 meters away from Benetton, on the Khreshchatyk, central Kyyiv's main avenue, a paper-thin, cotton women's suit was hung for display at an outdoor stand. According to a tag inside the blue-and-while blouse, the outfit was manufactured by the Chaika factory, Ochakiv, Mykolayiv Oblast. Another, hand-lettered tag said the outfit cost 3,500 Kbv or about $1.20 (U.S.) at the exchange rate of the day.

Whether a shopper took the Chaika

outfit to try on at the stand's nearby mother store, or dashed into the new partition at the back of Benetton with the $148 suit, identified her economic class. At thattime, 20,000 Kbv was considered a good monthly wage. Laborers earned about 15,000 Kbv and a woman heading the microbiology section in a Kyyiv scientific institute made 45,000 kbv per month.

Benetton director Zhannetta Marynych probably did not have these statistics in mind when she said everything in the brightly appointed store is popular and nobody pays much attention to the "non-Soviet prices." Cotton sweaters cost $77 (U.S.), women's silk-rayon suits are $148, and men's linen suit coats are $180.

One of the store's most popular items, Ms. Marynych said, was also one of its cheapest: 100 percent cotton sweatshirts, with a Benetton logo in front, selling for $16. They were available in white, yellow, pink, red, light green, dark green, light blue, dark blue and black, a selection that could seem overwhelming to


Bilorus barred from Norfolk NORFOLK, Va. — The Ukrainian

ambassador to the United States, Dr. Oleh Bilorus, was barred by the State Department from traveling here, reported The Virginian-Pilot.

Dr. Bilorus was to have delivered a speech titled "Ukraine—Its Struggle for Democracy and the Proper World Role" on Thursday, June 10, to the World Affairs Council of Greater Hampton Roads, Va. Dr. Bilorus' non-appearance forced the cancellation of the dinner, at which he was scheduled to speak.

The State Department action stemmed from restrictions on travel to the Black S-ЄД .parts .QtSeyastopJl АпД Mlaklava^: which prevent U.S. diplomats from

entering those cities. In return, the State Department bars Ukrainian diplomats from San Diego and Norfolk.

According to the Virginian-Pilot, a State official said that "We were willing to allow their ambassador to go to Norfolk if our ambassador could go to Sevastopol."

Likewise, Ralph J. Nahra, president of the council attributed the bar on Dr. Bilorus' travel and the subsequent cancellation of his speech to politics. "I think some of our old thinking is still around. It's a small ripple based on misunderstanding. I think we just got caught in the play," said Mr. Nahra. Currently th^re.'are: лофіапв for >re-sc heduliitg Dr, Bilorus' speech.

Newsbriefs on Ukraine

Ukraine^ Russia agree on gas prices

KYYIV — Ukraine and Russia have agreed on gas prices, said ITAR-TASS on June 25. The agreement was reached after the official part of Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin's visit to Ukraine had ended. It covers the price of Russian gas, the cost of its transport through Ukraine and Ukraine's gas debt to the Russian Federation. Ukraine is to pay 42,000 rubles per 1,000 cubic meters of gas. As of January 1, 1994, this will change to hard currency payments at a rate of $80 per 1,000 cubic meters. Recendy Russia has begun renegotiating its gas prices with all of the CIS states in order to elevate them to world levels. The agreement with Ukraine is the first to have been concluded in this manner. (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Shevardnadze, Kravchuk meet

KYYIV — A meeting took place on June 26 between the chairman of Georgia's Parliament, Eduard Shevardnadze, and Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk. The 45-minute meeting included a discussion of possible Ukrainian mediation in settling the conflict in Abkhazia. Georgian Foreign Minister Aleksandr Chikvaidze said the mediation could take place either through the U.N. or through bilateral relations. U.N. reaction to the possibility of Ukrainian participation in mediation was reportedly positive. (Rra/RL Daily Report) '

Hungarian-Ukrainian committee meets

NYIREGYHAZA, Hungary— A two-day meeting of the Hungarian-Ukrainian Joint Committee began here on June 24, reported MTI. The committee was established two years ago as part of an agreement on national minorities. Among the agreements reported to have been reached were the opening of two new border crossings, initiating self-administration of Hungarian schools, opening a Hungarian library in Berehovo, and improving the operation of the Hungarian theater there. Hungary also pledged 60 million forint for construction of a hospital in that town. Hungary was reportedly prepared to introduce Ukrainian language classes and training

in two high schools and one college. The two countries also plan to establish special trading zones along their borders. (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Rutskoi calls for rejection of fleet pact

SYMFEROPIL— According to a report in the June 28 Ekho Moskvy, Russian Vice President Aleksandr Rutskoi has called upon sailors of the Black Sea Fleet to reject the June 17 Moscow agreement on splitting the fleet and to raise the Russian naval ensign. Mr. Rutskoi's action came on the heels of a statement made by senior staff officers of the fleet also expressing total opposition to the Kravchuk-Yeltsin agreement and calling on the parliaments of both countries to vote it down. On June 26 Ekho Moskvy reported that an air regiment of the fleet was painting the flag of the Cross of St. Andrew on the sides of its aircraft. In a related matter, the officers' assembly of the fleet was to meet on June 29 to further discuss the senior officers' statement and to decide whether to start a new protest action. The preliminary indications were that a new round of die flag wars would start on July 1. (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Ukraine criticizes U.S. missile strike

KYYIV— Ukrainian Radio reported on June 27 that the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry had expressed "regret" at the U.S. cruise missile strike on Baghdad. Tlie statentient was the equivalent of a prdtest and questioned "the extent to which this action conforms with the relevant decision of the U.N. Security Council." According to the statement all nations "should respect generally recognized principles and norms." It is sad, the statement concluded, that new flare-ups "involving innocent people" are being added to "dangerous and unresolved conflicts." (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Kuchma, Chernomyrdin sign accords

KHARKIV — Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma of Ukraine and Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin signed an economic cooperation agreement here on June 28, reported Reuters. The accord established a free customs zone and lib-


Ukrainian WeeLly FOUNDED 1933

An English-language newspaper published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a non-profit association, at 30 Montgomery St., Jersey City, NJ.

07302.

Second-class postage paid at Jersey City, N.J. 07302. (ISSN - 0273-9348)

Yearly subscription rate: $20; for UNA members — $10. Also published by the UNA: Svoboda, a Ukrainian-language daily newspaper.

The Weekly and Svoboda: (201) 434-0237, -0807, -3036

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Postmaster, send address changes to: The Ukrainian Weekly P.O. Box 346 Jersey City, N.J. 07303

Editor-in-chief: Roma Hadzewycz Associate editor: Marta Kolomayets (Kyyiv) Assistant editor: Khristlna Lew Staff writers/editors: Roman Woronowycz

Andrij Wynnyckyj

The Ukrainian Weekly, JULY 4, 1993, No. 27, Vol. LX Ci^pynjghJ l^yThe^ykralnian \(^eekly_ r r , . І ; .

No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4, 1993

Pell amends Captive Nations resolution Senate subcommittee diSCUSSeS by Marijka V. Lischak

UNA Washington Office

WASHINGTON — In a surprise move, Sen. Claiborne Pell (D-R.L), chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, used the State Department Authorization bill as a vehicle to amend the Captive Nations Resolution. On June 29, the committee's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations considered and approved for full committee consideration a bill authorizing funds for the Department of State, the U.S. Information Agency, and related agencies. Sen. Pell utilized the opportunity to amend the Captive Nations Resolution, Public Law 86-90, which was passed by the U.S. Congress on July 17,1959.

The amendment deletes the phrase "since 1918 the imperialist and aggressive policies of Russian communism have resulted" and substitutes "the aggressive policies^ of Soviet commu-. nism resulted." It goes on to delete the names of the captive nations and all other references to "Communist Russian" imperiahsm. Lastly, it removes the designation of the third week of July as Captive Nations Week and substitutes "a week in July."

According to congressional sources, the amendment was the result of lobbying by Russia. Earlier this year U.S. and Russian officials met to discuss the review and possible repeal of "cold war legislation." While U.S. officials were

prepared to discuss the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which tied most-favored-nation trade status to emigration, and a host of other trade restrictions, they were surprised to hear that the top priority for Russia was the repeal of the Captive Nations Resolution.

"It is clear that Russia is trying to rewrite history and to deceive the West into thinking that peace and stability will result with the collapse of the Soviet Union," stated UNA Washington Office Director Eugene Iwanciw. "The fact is that the Soviet Union was the creation and extension of the Russian Empire. The same forces that created that empire are still prevalent at the highest governmental levels in Russia."

Mr. Iwanciw went on to state that the Subcornmittee on Trade of the House Ways and Means Committee under the chairmanship of Rep. Sam Gibbons (D-Fla.) conducted a hearing on June 15 regarding "cold war legislation." "This was the proper forum to consider repeal or amendment of the Captive Nations Resolution," stated the UNA Washington Office Director. "To amend the resolution without any hearings or even notice is not wise policy. Fm afraid that Sen. Pell is being used by the Russians to cover up their expansionism, such as Russia's invasions of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan and its continued efforts to destroy Ukrainian independence. I hope that reason will prevail and that the full committee or the Senate will reject this amendment."

US. policy on Ulcraine's security

Ukraine's IMF credits imperiled by social and political crises

although he has submitted his resignation twice since that day, it was not accepted by Parliament. Parliament, at the time, was in the middle of a debate on whether to extend Mr. Kuchma's special powers, but agreed to grant the president limited decree powers. Thus, the power crisis remains unresolved.

Mr. Кок said the political deadlock means no one is giving clear signs on who is making the decisions in Ukraine, so everyone is blaming everyone else for the current problems.

The second element indicating Ukraine's stability would be the continuation of economic reforms. Mr. Кок said, "I cannot get rid of the impression that a considerable number of Parliament members are not really aware of the necessity of those reforms."

The IMF credits are crucial to Ukraine as its economic situation becomes more acute. In the past few weeks, the prices of basic foodstuffs have more than doubled. Bread prices have increased from 60 karbovantsi to 120; a kilogram of meat went from 5,000 Kbv to costing 12,000 Kbv; and eggs have increased from 300 Kbv (per 10 eggs) to 1,000 Kbv.

At the same time, Ukraine's minimum wage during the first four months of 1993 was equivalent to $1.50 (U.S.) making it the lowest їц the world, according to statistics from the International Labor Federation.

The latest round of price increases had prompted an outbreak of strikes in various Ukrainian regions, mostly in the mining sector. The strikers' main demand was for political change; specifically, they called for a confidence referendum on the president and for early Parliamentary elections.

Ukraine's greatest fear is that it will

by Jannene MacNeil IntelNews

KYYIV —Ukraine is moving further away from receiving monetary credits from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), according to H.J. Brouwer, the chief financial officer of the Netherlands.

. Mr. Brouwer was in Ukraine as part of an official delegation led by Dutch Vice-Premier and Minister of Finance Wim Кок. The Netherlands represent Ukraine's interests at the IMF board of directors.

Mr. Brouwer said that when Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Reform Victor Pynzenyk was in Washington in late April, Ukraine was very close to receiving the IMF credits. However, Ukraine's recent political and economic crisis have changed the situation. Mr. Brouwer said he is afraid there is little chance Ukraine will get the credits in the near future.

While both Messrs. Brouwer and Кок emphasized they do not speak for the IMF, Mr. Кок speculated the IMF would be looking for two major elements of change in Ukraine's political and economic situation before it could consider the country politically stable.

The first element would be a clear statement on who is making the political decisions in Ukraine. The leadership crisis stems from a May 20 speech to the Ukrainian Parliament by Leonid Kravchuk, in which he proposed the position of prime minister be dissolved and be replaced with a vice-president directly subordinate to the president. He also said special economic decree powers previously held by the prime minister should be transferred to the president.

Immediately following President Kravchuk's speech, Ukrainian Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma resigned, and (Continued on page 14)

by Bradley Doss UNA Washington Office

WASHINGTON — Ambassador Strobe Talbott, special advisor to the secretary of state on the new independent states, testified on June 24 on "U.S. Policy on Ukrainian Security" before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on European Affairs chaired by Joseph Biden (D-Del.) Along with Walter Slocombe, principal deputy undersecretary for policy, and a second panel of experts, Ambassador Talbott discussed relations between the United States and Ukraine.

The ambassador at large stated that the government of the United States wishes to broaden relations with Ukraine and presented five general principles in his opening statement that are intended to achieve this goal. He maintained that Ukraine is crucial in the security of Central and Eastern Europe and that the U.S. wants to see the new state prosper.

The ambassador further stated that U.S. relations are independent of relations with Russia and that a web of bilateral and multilateral ties will help secure Ukraine's sovereignty. Lastly, he indicated that it is in Ukraine's interest to abide by the Lisbon Protocol, to ratify START I and to accede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Ambassador Talbott went on to say a good, solid relationship with respect to Russia is imperative to the security of Ukraine.

Undersecretary Slocombe opened his statement in a similar manner. Stating that Ukraine is on the mind of the Clinton administration and the Department of Defense, he said that they were willing to further relations with Ukraine on the condition that START I is ratified. He presented four points; "confidence-building measures," to address Ukrainian security concerns: stronger political ties between the U.S. and Ukraine; a willingness on the part of the U.S. to help improve Russian-Ukrainian relations; closer U.S.Ukrainian military ties; and technical assistance in building up Ukraine's conventional forces.

During the questioning of witnesses, the topic seemed to gravitate towards the nuclear capabilities of Ukraine. Sen. Biden, speculating over who had actual control over the strategic missiles, asked who had the power to "make them fly." Secretary Slocombe replied that it was unclear who had actual control, but insisted that Ukraine only wanted administrative control.

Sen. Biden later asked: If Ukraine did retain its nuclear force, would this create a balance of power in the region? Mr. Slocombe replied that the Ukrainian government and general population are very skeptical of Russian intentions, but that a small nuclear deterrent is not the answer. The nuclear discussion reached an apex when the ambassador stated that keeping the world's third largest nuclear force was not a deterrent to aggression.

The topic did change course when Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) discussed the proposed revenue sharing on the sale of enriched uranium. In the opening statement Ambassador Talbott had talked of compensation for uranium from the warheads, and delineated a plan whereby uranium would be sold to private companies in the U.S. with the revenue being shared among the four ex-Soviet states that have nuclear weapons. Ambassador Talbott mentioned that there would be major economic benefits for all the states involved and that it would be politically beneficial for the

Marta Kolomayets

Ambassador Strobe Talbott

U.S. But, according to the ambassador, this

would hinge on the Ukrainian Parliament's ratification of START I and adherence to the NPT. Sen. Lugar stated such a plan would essentially be a commercial transaction that would be a "wash" for everyone involved.

The second panel, consisting of Dr. Bruce Blair (senior fellow, Brookings Institution), Dr. Yaroslav Bilinsky (professor of political science and international relations. University of Delaware), and I. Lewis Libby (former deputy undersecretary for policy, Department of Defense), also addressed the issue of Ukrainian security;

Dr. Blair, in his opening statenient said that the nuclear weapons in Ukraine still are under Russian control. He warned of the danger of Ukraine gaining operational control, but stated that there is no consensus in the country for such


Observers question hearing's openness

Ukrainian National Information Service

WASHINGTON — The hearing on U.S. policy on Ukrainian security held by the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on European Affairs was anything but open.

First, the subcommittee denied the Ukrainian National Association (UNA) and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA) an opportunity to testify.

Then, the subcommittee refused to allow other witnesses, such as Dr. John Mearsheimer, author of the recently published article in Foreign Affairs supporting a Ukrainian nuclear force; or Dr. Paul Goble, an expert on the nationalities issue; or Frank Gaffney of The Center for Security Policy, who also supports Ukraine's retention of nuclear weapons.

A statement by Mr. Gaffney meant for distribution at the hearing was promptly collected by the subcommittee staff, and the UCCA was not allowed to distribute copies of Dr. Mearsheimer's article at the hearing. This led one observer to question how objective the hearing was intended to be since virtually all the witnesses agreed that Ukraine should cede its nuclear weapons to Russia.


Peremyshl eparchy transferred to Holy See's direct jurisdiction

Visiting ptiysicist heid in Iciliing

LVIV — Pope John Paul II, on June 19, announced that the Ukrainian Gr^ek-Catholic Eparchy of Peremyshl, formerly under the jurisdiction of the Latin rite Archdiocese of Warsaw, will now be under the direct jurisdiction of the Holy See.

The official statement from the Press Office of the Holy See reads as follows (this is an unofficial translation provided by the press office of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church).

* • * In consideration of the request of His

Excellency Bishop Iwan Martyniak of January 12, 1993, and the Synod of Bishops of the Ukrainian Byzantine rite in Ukraine of June 15, 1992, Й1Є holy father has immediately placed the Eparchy of Peremyshl (Przemysl) of the Ukrainian Byzantine rite under the du^t jurisdkition of the Holy See.

in this way, an important stage in the fiormalization of the juridical situation of this eparchy has been completed.

As it has been noted, in the period of 1948-1991, due to the policy of the then-government of the People's Republic of Poland, the Catholics of the Ukrainian Byzantine rite in Poland were under the pastoral protection of the primates of Poland (first Cardinal Augusto Hlond

and successively of Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski and Cardinal Jozef Glemp.) In this way, it was ensured that pastoral work would continue in the conditions with which they were confronted, including the formation of future priests in Lublin.

With the changes in political conditions in Poland, on January 15, 1991, His Excellency Iwan Martyniak was named bishop of the Eparchy of Peremyshl. He was entrusted with the pastoral care of all the faithful of the Ukrainian Byzantine rite who lived on the territory of Poland.

In the subsequent reorganization of the metropplitanates and dioceses on the territory of the Republic of Poland (Bull of March 25, 1992) the Eparchy of Peremyshl of the Ukrainian Byzantine rite became linked to the Metropolitanate of Warsaw because of the function that the archbishop of Warsaw, as primate of Poland, had fulfilled for years regarding Catholics of the Ukrainian rite.

In consideration of the requests of these interested bishops, the holy father has determined that the Eparchy of Peremyshl is immediately under the direct jurisdiction of the Holy See.

Judge finds..« (Continued from page i)

withheld. Mr. Demjanjuk, who dealt Moth the Soviet officials only through the most indirect means, could not possibly have evduated the responses he received lo d^eimine if they constituted full disclosure, or whether additional requests vmc lequired.

*t>n the other hand, the government attorneys occupied the unique position of knowing of both the evidence they had received in response to their own requests, and that which they received in response to Mr. Demjanjuk's. When their own monitoring of the Soviet responses to Mr. Demjanjuk demonstrated that he continued to face 'undue hardship' in obtaining documents from that country, those attorneys who understood that his earlier request for production remained viable remained obligated to supplement their own production as necessary. That they did not do so was neglectful.'*

New York Times correspondent David Johnston reported that the special master concluded, however, that federal prosecutors did not break the law or intentionally conceal evidence that would have cleared Mr. Demjanjuk of war crimes charges. Judge Wiseman said the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations had acted legally and recommended that the orders issued in the Demjanjuk case stand. He urged the appeals court to close the case.

The Times correspondent went on to report: "It was unclear, however, whether any action would result from Judge's Wiseman's conclusions. At the least, his report further challenged the government's insistence that its evidence proved Mr. Demjanjuk is Ivan, who beat and slashed his victims as he herded them into the gas chambers."

According to The Times, Judge Wiseman's report also said that while Mr. Demjanjuk might not be "Ivan," strong evidence remains that he had tried to hide his other wartime activities. He added that Mr. Demjanjuk's lies about his background made him partly accountable for the confusion surround

ing his identity. Contacted by The Ukrainian Weekly,

Edward Nishnic of the John Demjanjuk Defense Fund said he considers the decision "a great victory for John Demjanjuk," inasmuch as Judge Wiseman noted that "The Soviet evidence, viewed in its entirety, casts a substantial doubt on Mr. Demjanjuk's factual guilt."

In addition, Mr. Nishnic pointed out, *The judge made an extraordinary finding that accuses the government of everything short of fraud." Fraud, he added, is extremely difficult to prove, and "we came as close as anyone could , to a finding of fraud." Mr. Nishnic emphasized the special master's conclusion that the totality of evidence "inculpates Ivan Marchenko and exculpates John Demjanjuk."

The defense committee's spokesman also told The Weekly that, in accordance with a June 30 order of the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals, both Mr. Demjanjuk's lawyers and those of the U.S. government now have until July 20 to file briefs in response to Judge Wiseman's report. Then the parties have an additional 10 days to respond to each other's briefs. Finally, oral arguments will be heard by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals on August 4.

Mr. Nishnic also explained the Circuit Court's order "leaves the door open for John Demjanjuk to come back and seek additional relief." Thus, this U.S. portion of the case is far from over.

In regard to the forthcoming ruling by the Supreme Court of Israel on Mr. Demjanjuk's final appeal, Mr. Nishnic said that — while it is true the Israeli court has to make a decision based only on the information before it, and not on the proceedings in the U.S. — "in the court of world public opinion, when Judge Wiseman is able to conclude, based on just a fraction of the evidence available to the Supreme Court, that there is ^substantial doubt' that John Demjanjuk is 'Ivan,' the Israeli court has no alternative but to exonerate him and send him back to the U.S."

The Supreme Court is expected to announce its decision sometime between July 14 and 31.

NEWTON, Mass. A Russian mathematician was stabbed to death here on Monday, June 28, arid a Ukrainian physisist was charged in what, according to investigators, was an unprovoked attack.

According to Associated Press reports, Nikolai Filonenko^ 31, pleaded not guilty to murder in the stabbing death of Sergeyh Sander and not guilty to assault and battery with a dangerous weapon in the wounding of Russian mathematician Vuri A. Eremin, who prosecutors said had tried to intervene.

Middlesex District Attorney Tom Reilly said diat on Sunday Mr. Eremin heard screams coming from the living room of the apartment shared by the three men and walked in to witness Mr. Filonenko allegedly kneeling over Sander and stabbing him with д pocket knife.

"It was a brutal, unprovoked attack," said Mr. Reilly. No motiVe was given by

>theD.A.atthattime. г % An autopsy showed Mr. Sander's

cause of death to be an undetermined number of stab wounds to the neck. Mr.

Sander also suffered chest, back and hand wounds, said the report.

All three men were roommates pjartic-ipating in a Commerce Department-sponsored exchange program teaching scholars from former Soviet republics U.S. business practices and were employed by ADE Corp., a computer company in Newton. According to company officials, none of the three knew each other before coming to Bos|on in April.

Mr, Йірпепко appeared in coiirt on Monday with a translator and his attorney, J.W. Carney Jr. The accused wore a hospital gown and had bandages oil both hands and anns. He seemed disoriented and dazed. Mr. Carney woujd not comment on the nature or origin of his client's injuries. He did say, however, that his client was "befuddl^'' l|^ ЩХ legal process and that it WbuJd takeisome time to sort out the details of the case and prq)are a defense.

Noting his client's аррщ-епі disorientation, Mr. Carney said **I think he s in a " state of shock. He's been charged with


UNA scholarships... (Continued from page 1)

of Philadelphia, who is majoring in accounting at La Salle University. She is a member of UNA Branch 479. Scholarship amount: $1,200.

• The Joseph Wolk Memorial Scholarship, allocated from a bequest from a UNA member, was given to Ivan Bilaniuk, 21, a biology major at Harvard University. Mr. Bilaniuk, a member of UNA Branch 361, is from Douglaston, N.Y. Scholarship amount: $1,200.

• The Bohdan Zorych Memorial Scholarship, traditionally awarded to a Canadian student in honor of the late UNA supreme vice-presi4ent for Canada, was designated for Ihor Getcha, 19, a theology student at St. Andrew's College/ University of Manitoba, who hails from La Salle, Quebec. Mr. Getcha is Д member of UNA Branch 465, Scholarship апюипі: $1,000.

• Scholarships funded by the Ukrainian National Home of Blackstone^ Mass., for students from New England were awarded to: Douglas Buraky 20, of Woonsocket, R.I., a member of UNA

Branch 206 and an elementary education student at the Community College of Rhode Island; and Judith Burghardt Ricci, 21, of North Scituate, R.I., a member of UNA Branch 177 and a communications major at the University of Rhode Island. TTie scholarships are each for $1,000.

UNA scholarships are awarded to undergraduate students who are members of the Ukrainian National Association on the basis of financial need, academic achievement, course of study and involvement in Ukrainian community life.

Details on all 1993-1994 scholarship recipients will appear in a special issue of The Ukrainian Weekly to be? pub-listed at the start of the academic year.

Members of the UNA Scholarship Committee present at the June 11. meeting were: Supreme President Ulana Diachuk, Supreme Vice-Presidente$s Gloria Paschen, Supreme Secretary Walter Sochan, Supreme Treasurer Alexander Blahitka, Supreme Auditors William Pastuszek and Taras Szmagala, and Supreme Advisors Roma Hadzewycz, Alexander Chudolij and Vasyl Luchkiw.

Top recipients of the 1993-1994 UNA scholarships are: (top row, from left) Halyna Kuzyszyn, Alexandra Holowchak, Ivan Bilaniuk, (bottom) Ihor Getcha,

Douglas Burak and Judith Burghardt RiccL


THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FORUM

Victoria Tatiana Florian, daughter of Micliael and Jodi Florian, is the newest member of UNA Branch 237 in Chester, Pa. She was enrolled by her grandparents Mr. and Mrs. Paul

Pachowka.

Arkan performs 'The Kozaks" (above) and "Famine of 1933" (below).

UNA marks Father's Day with Soyuzivka program by Andre J. Worobec

KERHONKSON, N.Y. — The UNA continued its annual tradition of celebrating Father's Day at Soyuzivka.

On Sunday, June 20, after divine liturgies in the Ukrainian Catholic Church and Ukrainian Orthodox chapel, an ecumenical moleben was celebrated jointly at St. Volodymyr's Chapel shortly after noon by the Rev. Omelan Sharanewych, pastor of Holy Trinity Ukrainian Catholic Church the Rev. Wasyl Hryn, who will be replacing Father Sharanewych at the Kerhonkson parish this year, and the Rev. John Kulish, pastor of the Ukrainian Orthodox congregation at Kerhonkson. The moleben was for the intention of all fathers, "Batko Soyuz," as the UNA is known, and for the "Batkivshchyna" (homeland). St. Volodymyr's congregation choir sang during the moleben.

The artistic program of song and dance began at 3 p.m. in the Veselka auditorium, which was filled to capacity. The performing artists for the program were the Arkan Ensemble of the Ukrainian Academy of Dance of Toronto, directed by Danovia Stechishin, and Victor Shportko, a merited singer from Kyyiv, accompanied by Hryc Hrynovets and Stepan Ben.

Andre J. Worobec, UNA fraternal activities coordinator asked the audience to honor the passing of His Holiness Mstyslav, patriarch of Ukrainian Orthodox Churcb, with a moment of silence.' '•' • '-''' • ^' ^''^\ •" •"

The program began immediately afterwards with a dance, "Bozhe Velyky — Greetings from Ukraine," performed by the Arkan Ensemble. The ensemble, dressed in historic Ukrainian costumes and carrying major symbols of Ukrainian culture and spirituality, moved like a procession from the rear of the auditorium, proceeded unto the stage and completed a choreography of bows, greetings and offerings of traditional gifts.

Ulana Diachuk, supreme president of the UNA, greeted the guests. On the occasion of Father's Day she welcomed UNA branch secretaries, who were attending the UNA Secretaries' Seminar, being held that week at Soyuzivka. Her address centered on the importance and ihfluence of the father on the development of a child, and the great responsibility a father bears for his family. The Ukrainian Natioi-al Association, she added, has always supported families through its fraternal activities and by offering life insurance products. She thanked the guests for coming in large numbers, especially Nicholas Fil from Latham, N.Y., for organizing a bus trip from Watervliet, N.Y., and Dmytro Sarachmon from Woonsocket, R.I., for organizing a bus excursion from his city.

Arkan then performed "Hutsul Gathering," a d -nee adapted by Ms. Stechishin, with riiisic background provided by the Cheremosh Family Ensemble from Zhabia, Hiitsulschyna.

Mr. Shportko followed with five songs "Khto zh My Brattia" (Who are We Brothers), music by Mykola Kolondionok and words by Borys Chiipa; "Koni" (Horses), Oleksiy Chukhray/ L. Vernyhora; "Mannequins," Gennadiy Tatarchenko/ "May — God" (Traven — Boh), Chukhray/Chiipa; and "Vodohray Tvoho Volosia" (The

K W#tqi;-Fountain of Your Hair), L. Ermakov/T. Tsvid.

Tawny Marie Poleschuk, seen above at the age of 10 months, is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Gregor Poleschuk. She was enrolled into UNA Branch 137 of West Easton, Pa., by her grandmother Elizabeth Poleschuk. Gregory Poleschuk is the proud grandpa.

Andrew Wolodymyr Lechman is the youngest new member of UNA Branch 452 in East Chicago, Ind. He was enrolled into Soyuz by his parents, Wolodymyr and Lidia Lechman, and his grandparents y^o\bdym^^uh&

Nela Lechman.

Arkan followed with the "Bukovynian Frolic," a dance characteristic of the southwestern province of Bukhovyna.

After the above dance, Michael Sawkiw of the Committee to Commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the 1932-1933 Forced Famine in Ukraine, called on all residents of New York state to contact their respective state representatives to prevail upon Gov. Mario Cuomo to proclaim June 23 as a day set aside to commemorate this Ukrainian holocaust. Arkan followed with "Volynski 'Ho,' " a dance from the northeastern province of Volyn in Ukraine, characterized by a bouncy and rhythmic style of dancing.

After this number the mistress of ceremonies, Marianka Hawryluk took a few moments to introduce various members of the audience: John O. Flis, past supreme president of the UNA, with his daughter, Felicia, son John A. Flis, manager of Soyuzivka, and granddaughters, Ariana and Tatiana; Volodymyr Diachuk, husband of Mrs. Diacbuk;

(Continued on page 17) Viktor Shportko sings.


THE

rainianWeetly Ukraine's fair stiare

This month, committees of the United States Senate will be working on two pieces of legislation whose ramifications are ultra-important for Ukraine: the foreign aid authorization and the foreign aid appropriations bills.

Such bills were recently passed by the House of Representatives (see The Weekly, June 27). The bills authorized and appropriated $1.6 billion in assistance for fiscal year 1993 and $904 nfiillion for fiscal year 1994 — a total of $2.5 billion. The bills do not specify which countries will receive how much aid. However, according to estimates cited by Congressional sources, Russia may receive as much as 88 percent of the aid to the states that arose on the territory of the former Soviet Union. (Small wonder, then, that much of the U.S. news media referred to one measure or the other as the "Russian aid bill.")

As our readers are well aware, Ukraine has not been getting its fair share of the assistance previously designated for the newly independent states (or NIS in bureaucratese). The UNA Washington Office has determined that during fiscal years 1992 and 1993, Ukraine received a scant $137 million, while Russia got a whopping $1.5 billion. Thus it is clear that the non-Russian NIS have been shortchanged. Consider this: While Ukraine's population is 18.19 percent of that of all newly independent states combined, it received only 5.92 percent of the aid monies. In terms of per capita allocations, only Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan received less than Ukraine. Therefore, the U.S. record on aid to Ukraine has been far from satisfactory.

The need to democratize and reform Russia cannot overshadow the fact that these same processes are equally important in other newly independent states — chief among them in terms of population and strategic importance, Ukraine. As Rep. Steny Hoyer stated on June 28, "United States policy, to be successful, must deal with Ukraine as the separate, distinct and politically important country that it is."

The Washington Office of the Ukrainian National Association has issued an "Action Item" (published on this page), which urges our community members to write to their senators in order to make the case for an amendment to the foreign aid authorization and appropriations bills to require that Ukraine receive no less than 34 percent of the aid Russia receives (the reasoning being that the population of Ukraine is equal to 34 percent of Russia's).

The importance of community action on this issue cannot be overstated. U.S. foreign aid funds earmarked for Ukraine can provide technical aid, humanitarian assistance, support for political and economic reform, and military exchange programs, to name just a few possibilities.

Thus, now is the appropriate time for Ukrainian American constituents and our organizations to contact their senators and make our community's concerns widely known — and understood. Now is the time for us to flex our political muscles (as we have done on a number of occasions in the recent past) and demonstrate to Congress and the administration that we must be heard and heeded.

We urge all of our readers to get out their pens, typewriters and personal computers, to get on their telephones and to otherwise lobby for Ukraine's fair share of U.S. assistance programs. Let's marshal our forces for this crucial campaign.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

On this date, 17 years ago. The Weekly re-appeared as an independent tabloid. The editorial in that issue stated:

"Keeping the past in mind, while looking to the future, the Ukrainian National Association added the English-language Ukrainian Weekly to its official daily organ, Svoboda, 43 years ago, in 1933. Twenty years later, the children's monthly Veselka was added. Both these publications played an important, and in many cases, a decisive role in adhering to the idea: 'A past to remember — a future to mold.

"Today on the 200th anniversary of American independence and the 100th anniversary of our 'Ukrainian Revolution' in America, the Ukrainian National Association, once again is looking to both the past and future, [and] is initiating and giving into the hands of the Ukrainian and American reader a new Ukrainian Weekly... It will be published every week thereafter, with the date of Sunday."

Stories in that 16-page first tabloid issue included "Pope [Paul VI] Bars Patriarch [Slipy] from Attending Eucharistic Congress," "Moroz Petitions Appear in Two Canadian Dailies," "USIA Exhibit to Open in Kiev," "Ukrainians Raise Human Rights Questions at U.N. Conference in Vancouver," "[Andrei] Amalrik May Leave USSR," "White House Reception Hosts 80 Ukrainian Youths, Women."

The front-page banner headline read:Thousands Help Celebrate Bicentennial-Centennial in Naton's Capital."Other stories in that issue focused on the Bicentennial/Centennial commemorations, and the first photo centerfold highlighted th^ Washington parage marking those anniversm^

Source: Edifor-in-dhiefs archive. л Чл-^-

Reaction regarding Ukraine's orphans Dear Editor:

I fervently hope that the situation concerning Ukrainian 0фЬап8 who came to the Chicago area (as described in The Ukrainian Weekly of June 13) will be resolved based on humanitarian grounds.

A little 6-year-old boy was welcomed by my daughter's family. On waking up the next morning, he said for the first time in his life "Mama" — and for several weeks literally hung on her neck, kissing her and repeating "Mama." A few months later, while an older boy with relatives in Ukraine went back, they took in a little girl, originally placed with another family who were unable to cope with her. Both children had been abandoned at birth, had lived in oфhanages, and have physical and emotional problems. The past year has not been easy, demanding tremendous efforts on the part of this family.

Both my daughter and son-in-law are caring people, who work professionally with children. They have helped those two kids with their physical difficulties and stunted intellectual development. To tear those two little ones from a loving family would be cruel to the children.

There has been a complete lack of information about their status until April 1993 (and then only snatches of a vague sort) on what documents to present and to whom to turn for help. In the meantime a co-worker of mine adopted a Ukrainian infant through an American agency, which apparently knows about all the laws and procedures. This is something the Ukrainian government should be concerned about, because children adopted as infants are unlikely to learn about their heritage, while older children adopted by caring families will generate interest and good will for Ukraine among their new parents and communities. We see some of these children in Ukrainian church, Saturday school and at various children's activities.

Separation of children from parents during wartime has been a cause of great suffering for Ukrainians, including our family. Therefore I hope that any Ukrainian commission dealing with this

case will be guided by compassion for little children who have found happiness in family life. American public opinion is sensitive to the suffering of children caused by bureaucratic cruelty, and our friends and communities are greatly supportive. U.S. immigration has granted more time to gather documents and to go through procedures; the Ukrainian side also should try to act decently and compassionately.

Ruta Halibey Oak Park, 111.

About replacement of envoy to Kyyiv Dear Editor:

According to The Ukrainian Weekly, the State Department has confirmed that Ambassador Roman Popadiuk will be replaced, but will not confirm that William Miller will be nominated as the next U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. These decisions have created concern in our community, and some individuals have suggested that the UNA Washington Office organize a campaign to reverse these decisions.

Since he is a personal friend and I have witnessed first-hand his outstanding work in Kyyiv, I share the community's respect and support for Ambassador Popadiuk. However, an ambassador is the envoy of the president and it is within the president's prerogative to appoint whomever he wants. That President Bill Clinton has chosen to recall Mr. Popadiuk is unfortunate but understandable since he was appointed by a Republican president.

It would be a terrible mistake on the part of the community to prejudge Mr. Miller or any other person nominated for this position. The Senate rarely rejects nominees for ambassador and any opposition of the Ukrainian American community will not change that precedent. Even more importantly, if Mr. Miller is nominated, he deserves every opportunity for success. I am certain he will follow precedent and meet with the community to discuss issues and solicit opinions.

In our traditional Ukrainian fashion, (Continued on page 18)

ACTION ITEM During the past two years, the U.S. has provided Ukraine with $137 million in

assistance grants as compared to $1.5 billion for Russia. The U.S. House of Representatives recently passed a foreign aid authorization and appropriations bills containing $2.5 billion in aid to the nations of the former Soviet Union, of which Russia will receive 88 percent. You can help Ukraine get its fair share by immediately writing to your two U.S. Senators and urging that they support amendments which will guarantee that Ukraine receives its fair share of U.S. foreign assistance to the nations of the former Soviet Union.

Sample letter The Honorable United States Senate Washington, DC 20010

Dear Senator: • I am concerned that United States policy toward the nations of the former Soviet Union has been focused solely on Russia to the detriment of Ukraine and other nations. Ukraine has endured not only 75 years of Soviet rule but 350 years of Russian rule. It is nbt in U.S. interests to treat Ukraine, the victim of historic Russian aggression, worse than Russia.

An example of this policy is the dis-proportiona t e . aid wh і c h = R ц s s і a and

Ukraine have received. While Ukraine's population is more than 34 percent of the population of Russia, Ukraine has received less than 9.5 percent of the aid Russia has received during the past two years; $137 million versus $1.5 billion.

During the consideration of the foreign aid authorization and appropriations bills, I urge you to support an amendment which will require that Ukraine receive no less than 34 percent of the aid Russia receives — its fair share. This does not entail any additional funding, just a fair distribution of proposed funding. Thank you.

(Sign the letters and clearly type or print your name and address.)

—Submitted by UNA Washington Office [


Ukraine and public relations Why such low visibility? Faces and Places

by Daria Czepak

Coverage of Ukraine and Ukrainian issues ranges from the slim to the nonexistent, unless the issues involve folk arts, athletic prowess or controversy. Of late, Ukraine has rated front-page exposure when its national interests are perceived to impinge negatively on \merican foreign policy interests.

It is not Ukraine's emergence as a player in the international political arena, nor its strategic significance in Europe, that catapults the Ukrainian name onto the front pages of U.S. dailies, but rather Ukrainian Christmas and Easter traditions, the skills of its dance ensembles and Olympic champions and, most recently, the offence posed to Russia and its Russo-centric allies by Ukraine's control of its nuclear arms.

In coverage of the issue of ratification of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I), there is little background information on the grim history of Ukraine's relations with its neighbor, Russia. Seldom are the atrocities рефе-trated against the Ukrainians by Russia and other neighboring countries documented. There is almost never a behind-the-scenes look at the historical context in which Ukraine has operated and continues to operate. Perhaps such exposure would shed light on Ukraine's delay in dismantling its missile launchers and submissively shipping them to Russia.

For many editors and producers, Ukraine is a relatively unknown entity. For others, the less known, the better, it seems. But like it or not, a nation of 52 million with the third largest nuclear capability in the world cannot readily be ignored. For those editors and producers who are interested and receptive, the available information is scarce. Lack of information does not make for balanced reporting, nor in-depth coverage.

And in the cases where the reporting is less than balanced, the protests from the Ukrainian community are minimal, if they exist at all. There is a well-founded perception in media circles that the Ukrainian constituency in the United States will apply little or no effective pressure if the coverage is scant, nonexistent or mixed in with a little mendacity. Seldom is there a hint of displeasure, let alone organized outrage. This is less so in Canada, where lobbying efforts and access to the mass media have been more successful. Efforts to manage and mold the news can be extreme when the political stakes are high. And they are with Ukraine's control of massive nuclear weapon.

It's disheartening for an American of Jkrainian descent to scan the dailies and

read front-page stories about the latest sex survey, discussions about whether there is "life after 'Cheers,' " or stories about a comic character who finally declares his true orientation, while key Ukrainian issues are either not covered or buried in a sidebar or on the last page of local and national newspapers.

For the "if it bleeds, it leads" mindset of some editors and producers, there is no shortage of this angle in stories emerging from Ukraine. The Mria's medical mercy flights to Ukraine to aid victims of Chornobyl, for example, have so many news hooks that it would seem to be irresistable. Yet coverage is comparatively low-key.

Indifference does exist. So does ignorance. There are other factors that also enter into the lack of coverage of Ukrainian stories. But there are opinion-makers who take seriously the mandate to inform and provide an analysis of cur

rent events, however "low priority" the event may be deemed to be.

Even the provision of an authoritative book on the history of Ukraine to key editors, political writers and producers of broadcast news would have equipped certain members of the media with back-ground information on the basis of which they could better analyze current events in Ukraine. In the present vacuum, writers scramble for information, rely on sources that are not always accurate, or produce superficial copy that does not convey the reality of a given situation.

Although it has usually been challenging to get coverage of a Ukrainian event — be the event in North America or in Ukraine — the excuse that access of the Ukrainian community to the media was barred seemed more an excuse for inaction than a reflection of what was true in all cases. The many receptive members of the media were not sought out or appealed to.

Perhaps it was because of the language barrier, the lack of media savvy or lack of confidence. But the pointers on how to get coverage have always been available. There are books, magazine articles, seminars, courses and workshops on how to package, present and get your information into the public domain.

The issues at stake are formidable: the preserleaders could have, by now, created a climate wherein news about Ukraine would have been sought vation of Ukraine's territorial integrity, the right to protect itself and the right to establish a peaceful climate wherein unimpeded economic recovery can take place.

Being publicity-shy is not going to get the message out. There are measures that can be taken by the Ukrainian community in North America in conjunctiion with the government in Ukraine to draw attention to the minimal coverage given to important Ukrainian questions. Some of the measures involve money, others involve time and the acquisition of know-how. Knowing the rules of the game helps.

The time is long overdue for professional press conferences, radio and TV ads, "infomercials," mass mailings of press releases and fact sheets, face-to-face meetings with assignment editors, freelance stories targeted at magazines and syndicates, person-to-person contacts with the political writers of the so-called "power" columns and journals, and effective letters to editors. As well, one can take advantage of public service announcements, provide story ideas to talk show hosts and producers (many actively seek story ideas from viewers), write free-lance features on Ukraine, (including travel pieces), suggest program ideas to cable networks, invite reporters and opinion-makers to Ukrainian events and provide them with clippings, books, visual materials, and make the Ukrainian community open to building goodwill within media circles.

For too long, too many Ukrainian commemorations and celebrations were held in halls and church basements for the community's eyes only. Even the more high-profile events were held behind closed doors. Either overtures are made to the press or Ukraine's position will continue to be articulated by members of the media who are not as well briefed as they could be.

Despite the many demands on Ukraine's scarce economic resources


by Myron B. Kuropas

When Goble speaks, Clinton should listen Ukraine has always had three main

enemies in the United States: Russophile academics. State Department officials, and foreign correspondents. Although I can't prove there was a collusive conspiracy to deliberately disinform the American public among them, it's difficult not to conclude that they confirmed each other's biases. What academics. State Department officials and correspondents know about Ukraine, they learned from Russian sources.

How else can one explain how so many could be so wrong, so often?

A few weeks ago I wrote a column about a group of academic buffoons called "Sovietologists." It was they who were the source of the disinformation regarding the Soviet Union, Russia and Ukraine. It was they who helped train State Department officials. And it was they who were quoted by correspondents. You can be sure that only those academics who presented the Soviet Union in a favorable light were allowed access to Russian archives.

When the Soviet Union collapsed, I thought the mendacity would end. I was wrong. It continues. How is it possible? Why, after all the evil perpetrated by Moscow during the past 70 years, does America have this unrequited love affair with Russia? Part of the answer was supplied by Paul A. Goble during a forum sponsored by the Ukrainian Business and Professional Group of Chicago on June.

It was Paul Goble, you will recall, who resigned as a special adviser on Soviet nationality problems and Baltic affairs in the State Department soon after George Bush delivered his infamous "Chicken Kiev" speech. Now a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Mr. Goble has also worked as director of research at Radio Liberty and a Soviet affairs analyst at the CIA. Trained at the University of Chicago, he speaks 11 of the 15 languages of the former Soviet republics and has written more than 70 articles on Soviet nationality problems.

Mr. Goble informed us that for the past several years, American foreign policy types have refused to come to grips with what was happening in the Soviet Union. First there was denial. This was the mind-set of George Bush in Kyyiv. Then came comparisons with some other events with which Americans were familiar. Remember when the break-up of the Soviet Union was being compared to America's Civil War? The republics were really "states" and Mikhail Gorbachev was Abraham Lincoln trying to preserve the union! The possibility that Ukraine was America in 1776 and that Mr. Gorbachev was King George III never occurred to our policy partricians.

Why the denial? Mr. Goble believes there are three reasons. The first reason has to do with predictability. The existence of the USSR was convenient for the United States because we knew who the enemy was. We defined our foreign policy in terms of the Soviet Union. What was bad for the Soviet Union was good for us. Now we have to redefine ourselves and our foreign policy, and that is painful.

A second reason for denial is related to the personalization of our foreign policy. Recent American presidents have generally attempted to reach the Soviet

people through their leaders. President Dwight D. Eisenhower started it when he tried to schmooze Nikita Khrushchev. When Mikhail Gorbachev came down the pike with his 1990's wife, tailored suit, and winning smile, the American people had what Rush Limbaugh described as "Gorbasms." We refused to believe that this "nice man" would ruthlessly supress the Lithuanian freedom crusade or send troops into Armenia; not Gorby, the man who won the Nobel Peace Prize! Americans mourned Gorby's departure but found a new Russian to love in Boris Yeltsin. We have to support him no matter what, we are told, because the alternative is far worse.

A third reason for denying the Soviet Union is really dead is the pain associated with redefining American foreign policy. Americans want to believe that the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) — Mr. Goble described it as "Russia and its branch offices" — still exists because we like bigness (it's easier to deal with one capital than with 15), we want the other republics to help Russia pay off the enormous Soviet debt while protecting Boris Yeltsin from the (we've heard it all before) "right-wing extremists."

As I suggested in a previous column, the United States began to lose its moral advantage in Ukraine when Ukrainians read George Bush's lips in Kyyiv. It lost it completely when both the Bush and the Clinton administrations pooh-poohed the Russian threat to Ukrainian independence and attempted to bully Ukrainian into sending its nuclear armaments to Russia.

Is the Clinton administration changing its position towards Ukraine? Mr. Goble doesn't think so. The United States will never give Ukraine security guarantees, and for that reason Ukraine needs to keep its missiles and to seek alliances with Poland, Hungary, the Baltic countries and Germany. This is crucial, Mr. Goble emphasized, in light of the foreign policy of the Clinton administration, which seems to be based on increasing isolationism and multilateral agreements. The United States, it appears no longer wants to be a major world player.

What can Ukrainian Americans do to help turn things around so that Russia doesn't bum America once again? Mr. Goble had the following suggestions: 1) Strenghten Ukraine's diplomatic coфs in the United States, which is understaffed and relatively ineffective. Eighty percent of the Baltic diplomatic staff in the United States is American-born; 2) Continue to challenge press and academic outrages against Ukraine a la our U.S. New and World Report and Time magazine efforts; 3) Cultivate friendlies in the media. "You have many friends in all the media," Mr. Goble told us, "nurture them;" 4) Become more involved in long-term student and teacher exchanges with Ukraine; the future of Ukraine depends upon the youth; 5) Reconstitute alliances with other American ethnic groups interested in keeping the Russian bear at bay.

In the future, Mr. Goble declared, "what happens among Russia, Ukraine and the United States will be the pivot around which the world will move." Is Mr. Clinton aware of this? I wonder.


The politics of cuiture in today's Ulcraine: a discussion by George G. Grabowicz

CONCLUSION

The players

Politics is policy with the human factor included. In the case of the politics of Ukrainian culture, even the most schematic and rudimentary description, not of individual players, but of the categories of players can add immeasurably to our understanding of the political arena. The spectrum, as I see it, includes several distinct categories of players, each of them playing a very different role in the creation and implementation of Ukrainian culture.

Specifically, the scheme I propose is based not on professional distictions (artists, administrators, publishers and editors, media critics, and so on), but on their functioning within the system, and in particular their relative presence and efficacy within the establishment or the power structure as such. It ranges from those totally outside to those totally within. At issue here is not just the delineation of the categories, but their roles, and, as far as I can now determine, their attitudes precisely toward cultural politics. If nothing else, this rudimentary juxtaposition of forces can be instructive.

In the first category I would place those who are exclusively outside the power structure. Almost invariably these are artists, writers, critics and so on who are young, who are outside of or peripheral to the normal institutional structures, and critical and avant-gardist in their attitudes. In large measure they represent a budding, but nonetheless already formed counterculture; while numerically very small—- prominent among these are for example the poets of "BU-BA-BU" (the acronym stands for "burlesque, farce and buffoonery"), prose writers like Andrukhovych, Pashkovsky and Dibrova; critics like Mykola Riabchuk; stage directors like Proskurnia and Zholdak — they are the ones who are now producing the bulk of what is innovative and exciting and what, to my mind, will remain as a lasting contribution to Ukrainian culture as it enters its post-totalitarian and post-colonial stage.

While some of them are indeed tempted to try to join existing structures like the Union of Writers, most are firmly and happily anti-establishment in their attitudes and their creative work. Most significantly, while actively engaged in their work, they are invariably highly pessimistic about present cultural policies and the general state of affairs, and in the words of Dibrova, are simply waiting for things finally to hit bottom before there is a genuine renewal.

The next category, that of "cultural activists," constitutes the rather sizeable group of those who are actively involved in main-line or indeed establishment institutions but who were always genuinely committed to Ukrainian culture; these are not the newly converted, or the cosmetically and recently decommu-nized. Emblematic of this group is Ivan Dzyuba, once a dissident and indeed a prisoner of the Soviet system, a critic and scholar who never took opportunistic positions, and yet one who has now become minister of culture.

Similar to Mr. Dzyuba, if not of the same stature is Anatoliy Pohribny, professor at Kyyiv University, who is now deputy minister of education. The Writers' Union, the world of scholarship and the arts can yield dozens of such individuals. Before one rejoices at this bounty of talented and decent individuals, however, one needs to be reminded that they are аД rplatjyely pQwerless;

their present positions are contingent on the support of their superiors. They themselves — as is paradigmatically clear at the Ministry of Culture — are not in the position to set policy as such, and indeed, as has been written more than once, are simply without the means for enforcing existing laws, let alone implementing innovative new programs.

The minister of education, for example, is basically powerless to remove directors of institutes who flaunt existing laws on the use of the Ukrainian language, or various aspects of curricular reform. Characteristically, even those in this group who are highly placed, even at a ministerial level, are well aware of the inherent limitations placed upon them. If one can generalize, their assessment of the present situation is pessimistic and fraught with anxiety — and yet they are committed to trying to work within the system to effect progress and reform. In the opinion of many — especially those of the first category I mentioned, the "new wave" or the counterculture — they have in some measure accepted a Faustian, no-win challenge, and in some measure allowed themselves to be used

can generalize on the basis only of surface impressions, it is extremely telling, and more than a little dismaying, that for them culture, even cultural politics, has on the whole taken a back seat to such putatively more important issues as the economy or foreign relations, or military matters. In a word, while having an intimate acquaintance with the world of cultural politics, they seem to have graduated beyond it; to all appearances they are not the active advocates of cultural change and reform that one might have assumed they would be.

The final category are the people with the real power, people like Leonid Kravchuk and Leonid Kuchma and Ivan Pliushch, and their multifarious colleagues and allies. Their hold on power is inversely proportionate to their interest in matters relating to culture. Here (and this may indeed be the way of the world) political expediency is the only coin. Judging by actual decisions, or the lack of them, cultural policy, specifically as policy of cultural reform and reconstruction, are not a visible priority. At the same time it is from them that one is likely to hear the most optimistic assess-

...can one, for example, keep the socialist realist canon intact and simply add to it the emigre writers and the former dissidents — and assume that they can all coexist? If not, how are we to explain the differences between them? And how do we now judge the fact that all those who extolled socialist realism and vilified the emigres and the dissidents are still, for all practical purposes, defining and interpreting the canon...?

as figureheads, or, at best, as soldiers in the trenches. Only time will tell if their choice has been the most effective. There is no doubt, however, that their effort and motives are valuable.

The third category, "political cultural activists," consists of individuals who were always active in the establishment, including various party positions, but who while cultivating political careers and power have also made a career of strategically and cautiously — and always within the bounds of the emerging consensus — supporting new policies of democratization and Ukrainianization. As compared to the preceding, they have relatively more political power, since they are simply closer to the real power base — but they, too, are appointees, and servants of, not principals within the system.

Given their higher status, and greater proximity to power, their attitudes tend to be more sanguine as to prospects and policies relating to Ukrainian culture — but here, too, there is a strong undercurrent of pessimism and concern. In private expression they concede the crisis. Their ability to directly express this, however, is severely restricted.

The next group is rather characteristic of the former Soviet Union and is well represented in the Ukrainian case. These are the former cultural figures, primarily writers, many of them poets, people like Dmytro Pavlychko and Ivan Drach, Pavlo Movchan and Volodymyr Yavorivsky and Roman Lubkivsky, who have become politicians by running for office and being elected to the Parliament. They have a genuine power base and have some measure of real power. Formerly, they were genuinely involved with culture — irrespective of the quality of their work. At present, their involvement with cultural politics is altogether secondary tq,their involve- . ment with politics as such. And if one

ments of the present state of Ukrainian cultural policies and activities.

The underlying issues

In the broad complex of culture politics there are, to my mind, three underlying issues: 1) the "inner form" that Ukrainian culture will take, in effect its new content; 2) the outer or "generic" form; and 3) most importantly, the nature of the present political system that is shaping both of them.

1. By "inner form" I mean the new canon of Ukrainian culture. Implicitly, this is a process of creating a new understanding of the historical past, a revision of traditional and deeply ingrained assumptions (most prominentiy, the primacy of populism or "narodnytstvo"), a complex and comprehensive understanding of the gamut of Ukrainian cultural traditions, and ultimately a new sense of Ukrainianness: Clearly this is a massive and long-term task, and as in all societies, the establishment of the canon will be a struggle for authority and power. The process of redefinition has already begun — but it is only in its embryonic stage.

The canon, in effect, is the "deep structure" of cultural politics; it is the place where a society projects itself and its self-awareness, it is its sacred space, and above all the seat of its self-validation and authority. In practical terms, the canon is the yardstick of self-assessment and it can be taken as the prime indicator of self-awareness.

Initially the term "canon" was used to designate that which was religiously orthodox and acceptable ("canonic"). In the religious and historical context of Ukrainian culture, this notion is even more strongly conveyed by the image of the ikonostasis, the visual, symbolic and

. ,гдиа14epi<?tipn,pf Щ ppUecfixe ^ gio -. raphy.. In the course of tiine, "canon" has "

come to be a secular notion, most often used in the contexts of culture and scholarship and, while projecting the essential values of interpretation and authority, also suggesting dialogue and discourse. The ikonostasis, however, cannot but connote presecular or simply non-secular, religious and ritual value. If anything, it implies divinely ordained hierarchy and permanence.

The basic question facing Ukrainian culture today is which of these models will turn out to be operant. Or will the two be somehow fused, in effect, with the latter absorbing the former? To turn to the question provocatively posed by Marko Pavlyshyn, one of the first to juxtapose these models, can one, for example, keep the socialist realist canon intact and simply add to it the emigre writers and the former dissidents — and assume that they can all co-exist? (This is precisely the path being taken in the present day — albeit few and half-hearted — attempts at a new literary history.) If not, how are we to explain the differences between them? And how do we now judge the fact that all those who extolled socialist realism and vilified the emigres and the dissidents are still, for all practical purposes, defining and interpreting the canon: they are still the authority. The question in short is that of revision, or, as the deconstructionists would put it, re-vision.

From a broader perspective, what we see as re-emerging here is the already noted problem of syncretism, which now appears as an attempt to fuse two incompatible value systems, the old socialist realist canon with the new post-Communist one. The very phrase that is so often used, the "reversing of the pluses and the minuses," suggests that what is at work here is simply mechanical substitution, an unanalytical and pre-sec-ular approach, a pattern, at best of adding new heroes or saints, but not rethinking values or premises. In practical terms, the co-existence of the old and the new creates a climate of uncertainty and ambivalence, and at worst, cynicism. Thus, for some this only proves that there is no intrinsic difference between them, and that all that matters is which "line" is now politically "correct." For some, too, the ensuing confusion is taken as evidence that the present social reality, ultimately independence itself, are only transitory phenomena, and that in the end the old verities will re-emerge.

The moral and intellectual consequences of this kind of syncretism must also be assessed, for in a real sense this also becomes a policy of sorts. As reflected in the workings of much of the establishment, particularly in the institutions ostensibly devoted to furthering culture, it shades off into an all-puфose, generalized conservatism, yielding a pattern of self-serving decisions — to simply not choose, not discuss, ultimately not change, or, at most, to minimize change.

2. The second major issue relates to the form or the model of society that will emerge in Ukraine. Will it be part of the Third World, or the democratic West (or at least a new East/Central Europe), or will it belong in a still different, separate (and unequal) CIS, a former Soviet Union in everything but name and external state symbolism? In terms of actual, social reality, what will be the openness of this society, its culture and literature to the outside world, to the West, to its thought and discourse, and ultimately its understanding of civil society — in sum, to the democratic world as we know it, with all its features — from free markets

, (Continued on page 16)

No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY-4, 1993

The demand for Ukraine^s most precious resource Orphanage adoptions

by Khristlna Lew

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the countries of the former East Bloc and Soviet Union became a new gateway to the white baby market. The foreign demand for adoptable children overwhelmed the newly indepen-dent states у whose existing adoption laws catered to formerly closed societies. Many, like Belarus, Lithuania,

^ Joldova, Romania, and now Ukraine, retaliated by halting adoptions by foreigners until new laws on adoption could be passed.

Under current Ukrainian law, permission to adopt is granted by the state administration of the oblast, but the adoption itself is processed by the ''Opikunska Rada " (Guardian Council), which functions as the state administration's social services. If the child in question is a resident of an orphanage, the prospective parents must register with that orphanage and gain approval from the orphanage director for the child's adoption.

Part 4 of Article 199, Section 14, of the 1970 ^'Marriage and Family Code of Ukraine" allows for the adoption of Ukrainian children by foreign married couples, foreign single parents and foreign citizens married to Ukrainian citizens. Foreigners are required to register with the oblast's Ministry of Education, where they are put on a waiting list. According to statistics compiled by the Kyyiv State Administration, the waiting period for adopting a healthy child under the age of 7 is 10 years.

Once the Guardian Council approves the adoption based on its review of various documents —formal letter of intent to adopt, home study, financial and medical statements about the adopting parents, etc. — the adopting parents must register with the Department of Vital Statistics Records, known colloquially as ''ZAGS." The ZAGS will issue the child a new birth certificate, which can indicate the child's adoptive parents as being the biological parents or change the date and/or place of birth to, for example, the United States. The Ukrainian government considers any child adopted in Ukraine by foreigners a citizen of Ukraine until the age of 18, at which point he or she chooses citizenship.

After the child is issued a new birth certificate, he or she has been legally adopted in the eyes of the Ukrainian government. If he or she is to become an American citizen, the child and adoptive parents (who arrange for a valid passport for the child) must travel to Moscow, where the child undergoes a medical examination conducted by a certified medical clinic and the family is interviewed by a consular officer at the American Embassy in Moscow. If all immigration and naturalization documents have been filed properly, the child is issued an immigration visa to the United States.

Families who had adopted children from Ukrainian orphanages, either through a U.S. adoption agency specializing in Eastern Europe (the $10,000-$ 15,000 fee includes accommodations, interpreter fees, agency fees, donations to orphanages and, occasionally, airfare) or on their own, found that no standard set of rules on adoption existed before the Ukrainian government put an end to foreign adoptions on May 12.

This is the second in a series of articles about the demand for Ukraine's most precious resource — its children.

JERSEY CITY, N J . — The most common misconception about Ukrainian orphanages is that they house children who are considered oфhans in the true meaning of the word. They do not.

Ukraine's oфhanages, or Children's Homes, serve as oфhanages, foster homes and day care centers. In any given oфhanage of 120-150 children, only three to five are true oфhans. The remainder have negligent, alcoholic or incarcerated parents, grandparents or legal guardians. Many are sick children abandoned at birth. In one Rivne oфhanage, 40 of the 120 children have muscular problems and remain bedridden.

The Ukrainian government allows for the adoption of a child with a family if the parent or guardian terminates his or her parental rights. Some parents and guardians, having never visited the child after depositing him or her in the Children's Home, nevertheless refuse to do so as the government pays them a stipend for the child's care.

Walter Demidenko's greatest challenge in adopting his Ukrainian son was finding the boy's biological mother in order to obtain her consent.

Sasha

Walter and Barbara Demidenko of Baltimore began their search for a Ukrainian child by contacting their parish priest, the Rev. Victor Cooley. The Rev. Cooley put them in touch with Alexander Ta ta renko of Dnipropetrovske, whose wife writes for a Cherkasy newspaper. Lydia Tatarenko wrote an article about the Demidenko 's desire to adopt a Ukrainian child in December of last year. The article solicited no response.

Mr. Demidenko traveled to Ukraine shortly after the appearance of the article to explore his options. He and Mr. Tatarenko began in Dnipropetrovske, where local officials wanted dollars for the 3-year-old girl Mr. Demidenko was interested in adopting. He refused.

They returned to Cherkasy to meet with the director of a Children's Home there and were told that adoptive parents were screened very carefully. "They are very reluctant to release their children," Mrs. Demidenko explains. "They view them as their hope."

Mr. Demidenko, toys and gifts in hand, was allowed to meet with a group of 12 children under the age of 3 to choose his child. "It wasn't easy to make a choice," recalls Mr. Demidenko. "I felt like I wanted to take all of them, but I wanted to see what the child wanted." Mr. Demidenko visited the children on several occasions before he felt a mutual connection between himself and a little boy named Sasha.

In the first year of his life, Sasha was found locked in a shack by local police. Officials estimated that he had been abandoned for at least a week without food, water, light or heat.

Before Mr. Demidenko could adopt the 2 1/2-year-old Sasha, he had to locate the boy's mother to request that she terminate her parental rights. During his second trip to Ukraine, he devoted close to one month to track her down.

Court records indicated that she was last registered in the city of Smila, Cherkasy Oblast. Once in Smila,

Messrs. Demidenko and Tatarenko contacted the city's mayor, who knew Sasha's grandmother. The grandmother directed the two men to Kaфustina, a small village 30 miles west of Smila. There, Sasha's mother agreed to the adoption and terminated her parental rights.

Accompanied by Mrs. Demidenko on his third and final visit to Ukraine, Mr. Demidenko finalized the adoption of Sasha on April 30.

The Ukrainian portion of the adoption took him three months; airfare, accommodations, INS paperwork, a home study, inteфreter and translation fees cost the Demidenkos $6,000. The Demidenkos are currently collecting medical supplies and clothing for shipment to Sasha's former oфhanage.

On the afternoon this wri ter in te rv iewed the Demidenko family, the animated Sasha was busy playing with his new car.

Waiter, Sasha and Barbara Demidenko playing with Sasha's new car.

Ivan and his haif-brother, Mykola.

Ivan

When Yara Litosch of Summit, N.J., heard the rumblings in the Ukrainian American community about the oфhans from Temopil, she decided it was now or never to adopt a Ukrainian child. In April of last year she traveled to Teniopil for one week aboard an airlift sponsored by Pastor John Shep and met with several officials to discuss the possibility of adoption. "What I didn't like [about the encounter] was that everything was hush hush," she explained. "Someone promised to process a legal adoption for me but begged that I not reveal their name."

Disappointed but undeterred, she returned to Ukraine in July with Vadim Baidan, a recent emigre from Kyyiv, leaving her husband in charge of immigration paperwork on the American end. Mrs. Litosch and Mr. Baidan, who are responsible for arranging surgery for a severely burned orphan at Shriners Hospital in Texas (The Ukrainian Weekly, February 28), traveled to Lviv where they attempted to make contact with a local doctor rumored to assist in foreign adoptions. After waiting for two and one half weeks for a meeting that never took place, they decided to contact Mr. Baidan's friends in Rivne. In Rivne, they were introduced to the director of an 0фhanage there.

Mrs. Litosch's experience with Ukrainian oфhanages is that most children available for adoption by foreigners are not perfect and healthy. She echoes Mrs. Demidenko's sentiment about the oфhanage director's protective concern for their wards. "The policy of most orphanages is to put those children who are rejected, sick — the ones who need simple operations — up for adoption to foreigners because they feel foreigners can help them." Not that you can't get a healthy child, she adds, "I did."

After being shown one hyperactive child, one slow child and a brother and sister, Mrs. Litosch was shown a


10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4, 1993 No. 27

Three-day patriarchal funeral rites draw world's clergy, fai

Archbishop Antony places the "vosdukh" (air) vestment over the body. During the main panal^hyda on June 23: (beginning at third from le Ostrih, Archbishop Antony of New York and Washington, Metro] Metropolitan Iziaslav of the Belarusian Orthodox Church.

Metropolitan Constantine reads from the Gospels during the first day of services. Clergy and hierarchs assembled at the gateway to St. Andrew's Ukn

Memorial Church of the First-Called Apostle in South Bound I

Yaroslav Skrypnyk places earth from Ukraine on his deceased father's body in the crypt. Bishops of various Churches file into the shrine on the morning of >

June 23.


iful to Ukrainian Orthodox center in South Bound Brook

chbishop Paisiy of South America, Archbishop Roman of Rivne and n Vasily of Canada, Metropolitan Constantine of the U.S.A., and

All photos by Yaroslav Kulynych

The Rev. John Nakonachny of Parma, Ohio, pays his last respects.

(Continued from page 1)

the principal celebrant of the ceremonies. The main concelebrants included Archbishop Antony of New York and Washington, UOC-USA; Metropolitan Vasily of the UOC of Canada; Bishop loann of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) of Great Britain; Bishop Paisiy, UAOC of South America; Archbishop Petro of Lviv, UAOC in Ukraine; Archbishop Roman of Rivne, UOC-Kyyiv Patriarchate; and Bishop Mykhail of Cherkasy, UAOC in Ukraine.

In accordance with the program set out by the UOC-USA Consistory, the principal panakhyda, with a full St. John Chrysostom liturgy, and burial services were held on Wednesday, June 23, beginning at 9:30 a.m. As the limousines bearing the hierarchs of the various Churches began arriving, there were about 300 people, a number that swelled to about 2,000, according to police estimates, as the day wore on.

Over 100 clergymen from England, Australia and New Zealand, Western Europe, Ukraine, the U.S., Canada, and South America attended, taking turns inside the church that, as was mentioned many times over the course of the day, many Orthodox Ukrainians in the diaspora consider "the second Jerusalem."

Among other Orthodox Church leaders in attendance were Bishop Vsevolod of the Orthodox Church in America, Bishop Nicholas of the Carpatho-Russian Orthodox Church of the U.S.A., Bishops- Oleksander and Petro of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, Bishop Germanos Mos of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America, Bishop Vsevolod of the patriarchate of Constantinople, a representative of the Serbian Orthodox metropolitanate, and others.

From the Ukrainian Catholic Church, Metropolitan Stephen Sulyk, Bishop Robert Moskal of Parma, Bishop Basil Losten of Stamford, Auxiliary Bishop Michael Paska of Philadelphia, and Bishop Isidore Borecky of Toronto were present.

The hushed crowd stood in the bright sunlight or under the two tents set up outside St. Andrew's Church, which was covered in purple banners of mourning (reflecting Eastern Church tradition). Bells tolled solemnly, giving a cadence to the requiem service conducted inside the packed church, and piped out through a crackling speaker system.

Inside, the family stood in one apse of the church, the hierarchs and other clergy in the other. There were so many religious dignitaries that quite a number had to watch the service from the choir loft, where the resident cappella of St. Andrew's Memorial Church, conducted by Taras Pavlovsky, ennobled the sacraments. The beauty of soprano Natalia Honcharenko's solo in Hryhoriy Kytasty's "Tebe Ospivuyemo" visibly moved many of the clergymen assembled in the shrine's loft. The choir's rendition of "Oy Ziyshla Zoria" with

Michael Newmerzytsky as soloist also was very stirring.

After a three-hour service that included the reading of four selections from the Gospel, a multitude surged forward for the final "tsilovannia" (kiss of farewell). Prior to the fmal procession there was a final consecration of the sarcophagus and a number of addresses were delivered, including that of Metropolitan Sulyk, who read a letter of commiseration from the archbishop major of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, Cardinal Myroslav Lubachivsky, who wrote that "the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church will always preserve the memory of His Holiness, particularly for his participation in the Second Vatican Council, for his meetings with the late Patriarch Josyf Slipyj in 1968, and, finally, for his participation in the ceremonial reinterment of our unforgettable patriarch and confessor in Lviv." The letter also mentioned that "history will remember him as a man of the Church, who strove for the unity of the Church and of the Ukrainian people."

The coffin was then borne out of the temple for a final "obvid," a procession around the shrine prior to the bearing into the crypt, where the patriarch's remains were interred.

The procession was joined by a number of political figures and diplomats from Ukraine, including parliamentary deputies Oles Shevchenko Serhiy Holovaty and Volodymyr Yavorivsky; President Kravchuk's Ternopil oblast representative Roman Hromiak; Ambassador to the U.S. Oleh Bilorus and Consul General Viktor bCryzhanivsky.

Countless representatives of Ukrainian diaspora lay, religious and secular organizations took part, among them Yuri Shymko of the World Congress of Ukrainians, Askold Lozynskyj of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, Ulana Diachuk of the Ukrainian American Coordinating Council, and Mykola Plawiuk, former president of the Ukrainian National Republic-in-Exile.

Those in attendance proceeded along the walkway toward the crypt, flanked by an honor guard formed by members of a number of Ukrainian veterans' organizations (including the 1st Division of the Ukrainian National Army), and members of the youth associations SUM-A and Plast.

At the entrance to the crypt, eulogies were delivered by the Rev. Selepyna, on behalf of the clergy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the U.S.A., and by Sviatoslav Lychyk, on behalf of Ukrainian Orthodox laity in the U.S.

Inside, final rites were performed. The patriarch's eldest son, Yaroslav Skrypnyk, and others placed some soil from Ukraine onto the late hierar-ch's body, and then the coffin was sealed in its designated resting place. Reached later by The Weekly, the Rev. William Diakiw, president of the Consistory, stated that since Ukraine gained its independence. Patriarch MstySlav's wishes about where he should be buried had understandably changed. "We are waiting for the situation to be clarified [in Ukraine] before we contemplate mov-


sday. The honor guard of veterans of the 1st Division of the Ukrainian National Army.

Yuri Shymko of the WCFU, Mykola Plawiuk, former head of the UNR-in-exile, Ambassador Oleh Bilorus, and Consul General Viktor Kryzhanivsky in the final procession to the crypt. People's Deputy Serhiy Holovaty is in the background,

behind Mr. Plavriuk.


СОЮЗІВКА

SOYUZIVKA

m

SUMMER PROGRAMS 1993 iSunday, July 4

2:15 pm Outdoor Concert TARAS PETRYNENKO and "HRONO" 8:30 pnri CONCERT --Vocal-Instrumental Ensemble

VESELYILVIV 10:00 pm DANCES — music provided by TEMPO; FATA MORGANA

Saturday, July 10 8:30 pm CONCERT —Vocal-Instrumental Ensemble OBEREHY 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by UKRAINIAN SOUVENIR /N.YJ

Saturday, July 17 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by SOUNDS OF SOYUZIVKA

Saturday, July 24 8:30 pm CONCERT —TARAS PETRYNENKO and "HRONO" 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by FATA MORGANA

tSunday, July 25 2:15 pm OUTDOOR CONCERT featuring FATA MORGANA

Saturday, July 31 8:30 pm CONCERT — SOYUZIVKA DANCE WORKSHOP RECITAL;

director: ROMA PRYMA BOHACHEVSKY 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by VODOHRAY /N.Y./

Sunday, August 1 2:15 pm CONCERT — SVITLANA NYKYTENKO, soprano

HANNA KUPOROSOVA, pianist

Saturday, August 7 8:30 pm CONCERT — DUMKA CHOIR /N.Y./

VASYL HRECHYNSKY, conductor 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by OLES KUZYSZYN Trio /N.J./

Sunday, August 8 UNWLADay

f Saturday, August 14 8:30 pm CONCERT — Dance Ensemble CHERVONYI МАК /Ohio/

A Division of Midwest Contemporary Ballet Theatre VIRA MAGDALINA ILCZYSZYN, Artistic Director HALYNA KOVHANYCH, OKSANA KOVHANYCH (doughter) — performing songs and accompanied by guitar and bandura.

10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by VODOHRAY /N.Y./

Saturday, August 21 UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE DAY CELEBRATION 8:30 pm CONCERT — PROMETHEUS CHOIR /Philadelphia/

ADRIAN BRITTAN. conductor 10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by BURYA /Toronto/ 11:30 pm Crowning of "MISS SOYUZIVKA 1994"

Saturday, August 28 8:30 pm CONCERT IN MEMORY of "ALEX"

^ *** All proceeds will be fonft arded to the family of the late ALEX HOLUB in Ukraine, whom he financially supported since his arrival in the U.S.

10:00 pm DANCE — music provided by KRYSHTAL

Sunday, August 29 2:15 pm CONCERT: MUSIC OF LVIV COMPOSERS

LABOR DAY WEEKEND SEPTEMBER 3,4,5,6 CELEBRATIONS MARKING THE CENTENNIAL of SVOBODA

60th Anniversary of THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY and the 40th Anniversary of SOYUZIVKA

DANCE EVERY FRIDAY NIGHT TO THE TUNES OF "SOUNDS OF SOYUZIVKA" featuring: HRYC HRYNOVEC AND STEPAN BEN Mistress of Ceremonies: MARIANKA HAWRYLUK Program Director ANYA DYDYK-PETRENKO

UNA Estate, Foordmore Rd., Kerhonkson, NY 12446; (914) 626-5641; FAX (914) 626-4638

Ukraine intercepts... (Continued from page 1)

siles and weapons of mass destruction as "the arms control issues of the 1990s." Mr. McCurry added, "I think it's fair to say we are all over the Russians on this issue and related issues."

"We've discussed this shipment with Russian government officials on a number of occasions, both before and after the shipment was transferred to Ukraine," he noted. The New York Times reported that the ammonium per-chlorate — 80 metric tons in all — had been exported by a Moscow-based company called Pavoks.

The chemical can be used in the manufacture of solid rocket fuel and its sale is restricted under provisions of the Missile Technology Control Regime, a multilateral agreement to which the U.S. and other states are party in an effort to prevent the sale of missile technology to destabilizing countries.

"The United States request assistance of all concerned governments to ensure that this shipment does not reach its destination, Libya. And, in that connection we urge the government of Russia to accept the return of this shipment from Ukraine," added the State Department spokesperson.

Asked by a reporter: "How did the United States know this was happening.

know enough to tip off the Ukrainians?" Mr. McCurry responded: I wouldn't want to speculate on how we knew that, and I probably couldn't discuss it if I knew."

Ukraine's interception of the Russian shipment comes at a time that the U.S. has been pressuring Russia to halt sale of sophisticated rocket engines to India. The Washington Post reported that the Clinton administration says that sale of these rocket engines violate international agreements aimed at halting the spread of missile technology, and it has expressed particular concern over Moscow's decisions to sell technology as well as the rockets themselves.

Most recently, Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin's trip to the U.S. was postponed following public disagreements over the sale of Russian rocket technology to India and over the dismantling of nuclear weapons. Mr. Chernomyrdin was to visit the U.S. beginning last weekend. According to The Washington Post, the Clinton administration made it clear, however, that a planned meeting between Mr. Chernomyrdin and Vice-President Al Gore about U.S.-Russian cooperation on energy, science and technology hinged on Moscow's cancellation of the rocket sale to India.

Russia had decided to postpone the visit rather than drop contentious issues from the agenda, reported The Post.

Why such... (Continued from page 7)

and on the organizations in North America that assist Ukraine in various capacities, surely funds could be found to engage an American or international public relations firm to raise the visibility of Ukraine and Ukrainian issues. The price of silence and passivity is overwhelming.

The world was mute when millions were sentenced to death in the Stalin-engineered famine in Ukraine in the 1930s. New York Times correspondent Walter Duranty did not report the existence of the famine in order to placate Stalin. He did concede, privately, that 10 million Ukrainians may have starved to death. His deliberate "deception" did not prevent him from winning the coveted Pulitzer Prize for 1933. Never given to the rhetoric of victimization, Ukrainians continue to remain relatively aloof when it comes to the depiction of their plight in the press.

Activism, on the other hand, can redress some of the long-standing grievances. Why not, among other measures, engage the best international PR firm money can buy? Perhaps the impressive assets of Ukrainian credit unions and insurance companies could be tapped for this kind of effort.

Since the Ukrainian community has not been well served by traditional media and since existing avenues of reaching the media have not been effectively pursued, what are some creative strategies that could be used now? Surely something ought to be done to level the playing field on which beleaguered Ukraine finds itself. No doubt, despite the recession and all the cost-cutting going on, monies need to be spent

Weichert Realtorsl

IRENE CHUCHRA SALES ASSOCIATE

Parsippany/Montville Office 360 Route 46 Parsippany, Nj 07054 (201) 575-1122

Serving Morr i rand Essex Counties. Home:(201) 376-7194

on advertising and promotion — especially given the enormous pressure that Ukraine is under.

What happens when corporate America, or coфorate Japan, consults a roundtable of media analysts, ad agency executives and marketing professionals? Their products and image sell. People are employed. And the economy is given a boost.

Japan, for example, spent a staggering $43.69 billion on advertising and promotion in 1992, a drop of 4.5 percent from the previous year, according to the international marketing newspaper. Advertising Age. The wedding of Crown Prince Naruhito and pro soccer and pro baseball events will further increase ad spending. $43.69 billion! Is a fraction of that amount too much to spend on promoting the miracle of Ukraine's entry into the arena of international players?

Cheesebrough-Pond's, for example, will spend over $65 million in 1993 in order to "restage Brut men's cologne, Close-Up toothpaste and other personal-care products," according to Advertising Age. Just how much is the sale of yet another toothpaste worth?

Drug companies spent $6 billion in promotional fees in 1991. The five auto accounts in the U.S. have combined billings of $345 million. The amount of money spent on ads is extraordinary, but, given the resulting sales, these must be relatively cost-effective expenditures.

Nor is PR limited to the West. It was an American PR agency that created a lottery for the St. Petersburg Organizing Committee in order to help it raise funds for the 1994 Goodwill Games. There is no reason Ukraine cannot begin to lobby for its share of sponsorship of events. Mardi Gras, the pre-Lenten carnival, brings an estimated $580 million in revenue to the New Orleans areas alone. What can bring an equivalent amount to the cash-strapped cities of Ukraine?

Surely a Ukrainian private-public partnership, with good PR guidance, can spotlight Ukraine's beauty, its marketability, as well as its urgent needs.

Daria Czepak, formerly of Toronto, has worked in both broadcast and print journalism. Now a resident of Broadview Heights, Ohio, she is a freer lance writer. ^ , ., /. _ \*

No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4, 1993 13

Orphanage adoptions (Continued from page 9)

4-year-old boy that until then had been considered unadoptable because he had a guardian (his grandmother) and an older brother. "I had been waiting for a child that spoke to my heart... When they showed me this little boy, things just clicked. He was just a sweetheart, and he looked like my husband."

But little Ivan had an 18-year-old half-brother and a grandmother who lived in a distant village. "When I went to visit Ivan 's grandmother," recalls Mrs. Litosch, "she saw the child would have a much better future, and she saw how difficult it was for the 18 year-old boy." Ivan's grandmother and his half-brother, Mykola, agreed to terminate their parental rights. And the oфhanage, which was going to lose "a favorite child" as he was of the age to be transferred to an orphanage for older children, approved the adoption.

The adoption of Ivan took over four months and cost the Litosches between $8,000 and $9,000 (Mrs. Litosch paid Mr. Baidan for his assistance). In addition to a donation to the oфhanage, Mrs. Litosch now sponsors Mykola's education at an insti tute and gives him a monthly stipend. "I didn' t want my child to one day think that I didn't want to help his brother," she explains. "I wanted to have a clean conscience."

Ivan and Mykola keep in touch with one another, and Mrs. Litosch keeps the orphanage abreast of Ivan's development.

Cynthia

Mary Civiello and her husband had waited for years to adopt a child in the U.S. and began their search for an Eastern European child with a law firm in White Plains, N.Y. They were shown a photograph of a little girl named Olga, but were told that children under the age of 18 months were unadoptable. They eventually severed ties with the firm to pursue a contact established by a parishioner at their church.

The parishioner, the publisher of the Russian-English-language newspaper "Mbi" (We), knew Richard Shriver, the publ isher and edi tor- in-chief of Ukrainian Business Digest, who recommended contacting Alexander Fedotov, a consul tant he had worked with in Ukraine. "Alex," as Ms. Civiello put it, "is a former Communist official looking for work. I think this is the first time he had done this [facilitated an adoption]."

A former speech writer for Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk, Mr. Fedotov, "appeared to be quite well connected."

While Ms. Civiello had her paperwork translated into the Ukrainian language in New York, Mr. Fedotov traveled to the orphanage in southern Ukraine where Olga, the little girl in the photograph, resided, to determine whether she was available for adoption. On his first visit she was; on his second visit, he was told she had been taken back by her birth mother.

But when Ms. Civiello, a reporter for WNBC New York who chronicled her Ukrainian adoption experience in a series of "News 4 Extras" earlier this year, arrived in Ukraine in October 1992, one of the two children she was shown was little Olga.

Olga had been abandoned from birth and was transferred from a hospital directly to the orphanage. No one ever came to visit her. When Ms. Civiello first met Olga, she had ear infections, rickets and bow legs, and was about to be transferred to an oфhanage for older children.

The oфhanage's search for the biological mother eventually came up empty. Ms. Civiello and Mr. Fedotov spent one week filing adoption paperwork and one week waiting for approval. Olga's birth certificate was changed, and shortly after Ms. Civiello arrived in Ukraine, she was en route to Budapest with her new toddler, now named Cynthia.

In Budapest, the INS officer told them they had to fly to Moscow to process an immigrat ion visa. "Deal ing with Ukrainian bureaucrats was nothing compared to Uncle Sam in Moscow," reflects Ms. Civiello. Ms. Civiello had to show proof that Cynthia had no contagious diseases and that her biological mother had indeed abandoned her, a letter from the orphanage stating that no one visited her, and a police report. Mr. Fedotov was dispatched back to Ukraine to collect the necessary documents. "The Embassy," concluded Ms. Civiello, "was trying to avoid another Romania — parents selling their children for electrical appliances."

The adoption of Cynthia took a month and cost under $10,000, which included Mr. Fedotov's fee and donations of vitamins and toys to the orphanage. Ms. Civiello reports that Cynthia's legs have straightened out, that her other medical problems have been resolved, and that Alex, the man who brought the new family together, is in her prayers every night.

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Bubka soars outdoors • Ukraine's winged Serhiy Bubka

tasted victory once again at the Bruce Jenner Classic Grand Prix outdoor track meet on May 29 in San Jose, Calif. Mr. Bubka set a U.S. outdoor record of 5.96 meters on his first try. Since his world mark is 6.13 meters, he won't dent Nike for yet another 50 grand. However, the performance was enough to beat Igor Potapovich of Kazakhstan and Kory Tarpenning of the U.S., who placed second and third respectively, tied at the height of 5.75 meters.

This was the Donetske native's first appearance at a U.S. outdoor meet. In the meantime, Mr. Bubka has covered quite a bit of U.S. indoor ground and air. He first competed stateside as a Soviet athlete in the Mobil Invitational at Madison Square Garden in 1986, when he beat the home-grown favorite Billy Olson with a height of 5.70 meters, a towering height at the time, protesting bitterly about the "druha nahoda's" (as the New York Times put it), Mr. Olson was being given to clear the bar.

Poulnikov sags in Italian tour

• In cycling's Tour of Italy, a 20-stage race held in late May to early June, Vladimir Poulnikov of Ukraine struggled in the late going and finished 27th, 4 minutes and 20 seconds behind the winner, Italy's Massimo Ghirotto. In individual stages, the Ukrainian racer for the Carrera Jeans-Tassoni team placed as high as second and fifth, and after the

17th interval, his time put him at 12th over all. Teammate Stephen Roche of Ireland finished sixth.

Uke yachts in Whitbread? • The 1993-1994 running of the long

and arduous Whitbread race, a 32,000-mile sailing trek that begins on September 25 in England and traverses the globe, might have two Ukrainian entries, the Odessa (based in Odessa) < and the Hetman Sahaidachny (built in Kharkiv). However, much depends on whether the crews can muster enough financial support from corporate and other donors to complete necessary construction and refurbishing of the two vessels. For further information about the Odessa, please call Donald Mains at (202) 842-0252; about the Hetman, contact Helena Kulyk at (305) 770-0914.

Early-round tennis exits • At Wimbledon, the world's premier

tennis tournament on grass, Ukraine's proudly Russian ace, Andrei Medvedev (seeded 10th), was knocked out by qualifier Cedric Pioline of France. Mr. Pioline showed Mr. Medvedev the door in the second round, with a score of 6-7 (9-7), 7-6 (8-6), 6-3, 6-4.

Ukraine's lesser-known entry in the women's competition, Natalia Medvedeva, made it to the third round. Her next match was a tough draw, fourth-seeded Gabriela Sabatini, and she managed to win a set, but the fiery Argentinian prevailed by a score of 6-1, 2-6, 6-4.

ововооскзс

Ukraine's... (Continued from page 3)

be left defenseless against Russia if it disarms before obtaining security guarantees from Western countries. Ukraine's relations with Russia have been steadily deteriorating for several months. Relations soured even further in May when ships in the Black Sea Fleet whose ownership has been a matter of controversy since Ukraine declared its independence in 1991, began raising Russian naval ensigns. The flag-raising was prompted by both economic and political motivations. Russia's Parliament had voted a salary increase for the sailors in the fleet but expected Ukraine to foot the bill. Ukraine, lacking the financial resources to increase the wages, refused to issue the raise. Russian flags began appearing on the ships within the following week.

Oil imports from Russia have been another point of contention between the two countries. Ukraine relies heavily on Russia for its oil and gas supplies, but again, does not have the finances to pay the increasing prices for the supplies.

In the meantime, the IMF has been insisting Russia raise oil prices to world levels, a move that would economically cripple Ukraine. Mr. Кок said that while the price increase is necessary, the question is in what framework and speed the increases should be introduced. "If the Ukrainian economy is not performing, it's not to our (the West's) advantage and not to Russia's advantage either," said Mr. Кок.

On June 9, Russia suddenly turned off the oil pipeline between Tartarean in Russia and the Kremenchuk oil refinery in Ukraine. At first, the move was said to be economically motivated; Ukraine had allegidly not been paying for the deliveries. However, Russian president Boris Yeltsin sl^ed on Rus&ian television on

June 12 that cutting oil pipelines was a political move.

The two countries cannot even seem to agree on a meeting. A planned summit between presidents Kravchuk and Yeltsin has changed dates and venues three times. Currently, the summit is planned for June 17 in Odessa; however, Mr. Kravchuk's advisors are suggesting the summit be delayed again because of the current economic and political crisis in Ukraine.

The crisis, however, did not stop the World Bank from approving $29 million (U.S.) to Ukraine on June 9. llie loan is intended to promote private sector growth through the privatization of state enterprises, the development of a private banking system, and management of public finances. The loan is a badly needed stimulus to the Ukrainian economy.

Mr. Кок said Ukraine has Dutch support for its economic reforms and the European community must make it clear it also will participate. "I'm not so naive as to believe policy changes will happen tomorrow; there is high unemployment (in Western Europe) and a certain protectionist feeling because of it....(but) closing our doors to Eastern Europe is the wrong approach."

President Kravchuk also asked U.S. President Bill Clinton for his support in a phone conversation on June 12. Mr. Kravchuk requested U.S. aid in getting IMF assistance for Ukraine. Mr. Clinton said the U.S. is willing to assist Ukraine, possibly in the form of credits. He added that the U.S. will encourage other G-7 countries to offer Ukraine assistance.

The Netherlands has made similar pledges. Mr. Кок said the Netherlands will focus on opening new international trade markets for Ukraine. But Mr. Brouwers noted that Ukraine's best hope is for its political crisis to be resolved -soon.- ."•••.:•-•-:-:--•-•• • -•-'•• ..-.v. vv\/. .'./.,\


Senate... (Continued from page 3)

control. Dr. Blair then went into a technical

discussion of the blocking devices on the weapons. He was quite sure that it would be very hard for Ukraine to be able to gain full control of the weapons. What Ukraine desires, he said, is a "physical veto" of the Russian government's ability to launch missiles from Ukrainian soil. ^

He recommended patient attitude on the part of the U.S. without any "arm

vist ing." He expressed hope that Ukraine would ratify START I, and stated, that if it did, there should be extreme caution in the gradual d ismant l ing process. Security of the nuclear material was a major concern for him.

In his opening statement. Dr. Bilinsky declared that two nations, Israel and Ukraine, have the greatest moral right to possess nuclear weapons. He outlined the hardships Ukrainians faced under the Soviets, describing the "terror-famine" of 1932-1933, in which one-quarter of Ukraine's rural population was killed. Dr. Bil insky also spoke of "Russification," calling it cultural genocide. He added that Ukraine had every right to protect itself with nuclear weapons from a second genocide.

The Delaware professor said he hoped Ukraine would be treated fairly in regards to its legitimate security needs and noted that he is confident Ukraine would do more than its fair share to maintain stability in the region. He closed by reminding the subcommittee that it was Ukraine's independence referendum on December 1, 1991, that precipitated the downfall of the old Soviet empire.

Mr. Libby's opening statement dealt with non-proliferation and the question of "What is U.S. foreign policy in Europe?" He stated that Ukraine's security is based on what U.S. policy is to be in Europe. "With no clear European or Western agenda, Ukraine is not going to be secure," he emphasized. He said he believe that both the United States and Russia have not demonstrated they are serious about Ukraine's sovereignty and stressed that it is very important for the U.S. to make sure that Ukraine survives because it can provide stability in the region.

The second round of quest ioning began with Sen. Biden inquiring about

internal stability in Ukraine. Mr. Libby replied that Ukraine has two burdens: holding itself together and dealing with the lack of respect from the outside world. He said the threat of Russian aggression has kept Ukraine preoccupied and has cr ippled economic reform. Therefore, he said he felt that Ukraine may be somewhat unstable in the short run.

Dr. Bilinsky agreed, saying that Ukraine is always self-assertive in dealing with internal matters, especially with ethnic Russians on its territory. Ukraine does not want to anger ethnic Russians for fear of providing an excuse for Russian intervention. Once the fear of Russian intervention is gone, he asserted Ukraine will be able to stabilize internally.

Biden then returned to the control of strategic nuclear weapons, asking Dr. Blair what effect the recent dissolution of the CIS Joint Command would have on the command and control of nuclear weapons inside Ukraine. Dr. Blair responded, "I would say zero."

Satisfied with the response. Sen. Biden went on to ask the last question of the hearing: What security arrangement would be sufficient for Ukraine? Dr. Bilinsky replied that if the Ukrainian Parliament decides it wants to keep nuclear weapons then we should not tell Ukraine otherwise. He added that the majority of public opinion was in favor of giving up the weapons in return for security guarantees and compensation. Public opinion also indicates that the nuclear weapons should not be targeted on the U.S. He then emphasized that Ukraine should have access to NATO for security purposes. In closing, he appealed to the U.S. government to act positively and warned that Ukraine is being pushed and forced into the Russian sphere of influence.

The other two panelists disagreed with Dr. Bilinsky in regard to the nuclear weapons, yet they echoed Dr. Bilinsky's sentiments about enhancing the relationship between the U.S. and Ukraine. They also stressed the importance of a strong convent ional mil i tary to ensure Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Requests by the Ukrainian National Association and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America to testify at the hearing were denied by the subcommittee. The Ukrainian National Association, however, did submit written testimony which will be part of the hearing record.

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The politics,.. (Continued from page 8)

and supermarkets; to post-modernist discourse and the flourishing of all kinds of minority opinions.

At the moment, optimism as to the ability of Ukrainian society and its culture to overcome insular i ty and parochialism, cehturie§-old habits of colonial thinking and (at t imes, not always) a certain siege mentality may be pfemature . Cer ta inly the ques t ions remain: How are the arts being opened up? Who is doing it? And, more directly, what is the response of the establishment toHhose who are doing this?

;As 1 have suggested, at this stage the esiablishment is incapable of accommodat ing major change , and thus the change that does occur is forced into the Г0ІЄ of cdunterculture. The difference between this and the oifficially sanctioned and subsidized culture is more liice a chasrn, and. the, es^hl i^hment , even those who consider themselves liberal anS democratic, sees little need, and has even less confidence in trying to br idge the divide. T h e morfe distant prospe5% can hardly be gtinipsed. 7:

The overarching question remains political: "Will the newlJkrainian society and its culture be оМШ open or a closed modelT! In effect; will it have an ethnic or a pluralistic basis? Will it, in short, be a civil society? The question hinges on many factors, and there are

grounds for both pessimism and optimism. Some.crucial parts of the questions are not yet posed, although.they are on the brink of being posed. The central one here is the most basic question of identity: What is Ukraine and what is Ukrainian culture? What is included? Is Ukrainian culture equivalent to the culture and legacy of the ethnic Ukrainians or—-especially in terms of an emerging hew paradigm -— is Ukrainian culture tantarnount to the culture and legacy of all those who live and have lived in Ukraine? Is there a readiness on the part bf the tjkrainian ethnic majority, those ; who by definition bore the brunt of Ukraine's historical traumas, the long _ s t ruggle for independence , to be ^ catholic, generous and open, in thei r . understanding of the common heritage?

On this issue there are indeed grounds for optimism. In the prospective legal and constitutional frame — as regards civil and human rights, as regards citi-zeiiship, freedom of religion and of the press, even language policy and school instruction policy — there are bright f prospects, in a word, the discourse about these matters has been, for the most part,

'^gf-atifymgly enlightened^;What remaiins M be seen is hcJw it will become policy and then be translated into life.

3. On the opposite pole is the question of the present political reality, the actual power base oh which society, culture, literature and ail other societal functions

• rest. That reality is deeply ambiguous and the first judgment on it must tend to

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be pessimistic. In effect, Ukraine is now characterized by a far reaching duahty of political authority and power, one which underlies and projects virtually all the anomalies I have been speaking of. For in Ukraine — for some this may be a truism, but its ramifications have not been analyzed at all — there are now two forms of power and authority: the communist and the non-communist. The cleavage between them affects all forms of collective life, making literally everything somehow ambiguous, contradictory or simply absurd.

Reforms that are not reforms, an economy that is neither a market economy nor a centrally planned one; culture that purportedly is free to develop, but which has no public policy or even concerted official discussion as to what direction it takes; language policy that is not implernented and that cannot be implemented in some areas; institutions that are neither public nor private. This even affects the sphere of rel igion, where , in a dual i ty that is simply unthinkable in terms of Canon law and prac t ice , there are two Orthodox Metropolitans in the city of Kyyiv. But given the duality of power, this is very much part of the pattern.

These seeming paradoxes reflect a deeper and grimmer paradox of a country whose recent ruling elite — and still the majority in the Par l iament , the Communists — were determined not to have the country, Ukraine, come into existence. Ideologically, they were the antithesis of Ukrainian statehood — and yet they are now in effective control of most regional and local governments and still a dominant voice in the national government. It is precisely to forestall their active opposition and sabotage (passive opposition arid obstructionism is elearly ongoing) that the president and the government resort to all these ambi-^ guities and vacillations, in a word, to dual authority, to "dvoyeviaddia." All functions of state and society flow from this duality, and cultural policy (or lack of it) and the exigencies and jtiachina-tions of cultural politics above alL

The question ofperspective

One still often hears in the Ukrainian diaspora and Ukraine itself the thought that given the historical tribulations, given —- only a few years ago — the desperate state of Ukrainian culture, the dim prospects of Ukrainian national survival, and the absolute impossibility, so it seemed, of statehood, the present state of affairs is not at аІГsurprising, and indeed, despite it all, a towering achievement. The fact that the ultimate goal, statehood, has been realized, more than compensates, so the argument goes, for the disappointing circumstances that attend it. In effect, we are again asked to

see that the glass, after all, is not half empty, but half full.

This argument, to my mind, is reductive and potentially dangerous on two counts. On the one hand, the suggestion that the very existence of the state is an ultimate value, one which presumably mitigates or transcends any of its real flaws, is a formula that can, and in numerous cases has led to the justification of oppressive and even totalitarian states. In today's Ukraine, one hears from various quarters, not just former communists and the newly impoverished middle and lower classes, but the natior alists and indeed those who pass f6 democrats, that what Ukraine desperately needs is a "strong hand"; the desire for authoritarian rule is widespread and pa lpab le . Many in the Ukrain ian Western diaspora, particularly in its establishment, seem to share this sentiment. While it is somewhat reassuring that the professed (though still to be constitutionally codified arid, as experience shows, probably more rhetorical than real) values of the Ukrainian political consensus are democratic and pluralistic, it is troubling to see that for many the ardor Of their support for Ukrainian statehood is directly proportional to their impatience with precisely these values.

The second danger involves a confusion of the static and the dynamic, mistaking a process for a thing. The glass will remain a glass even if it is totally empty. A country run into the ground will not long remain free and democratic, and may cease being a country. For Ukraine, given its legacy of colonialism and the deeply ingrained patterns of dependence in the thinking of its political establishment, the deferral of true reforms constitutes a clear and present danger.

The final underlying issue is that for the outside world the only thing that matters is the here and now: in the cold light of objectivity, from the perspective of the "outside" world, all the struggles and the sufferings on the road to independence are, if not irrelevant, then "academic," a page of "ancient history." The past, alas, is another country. With independence, Ukraine ^-^^ whether its ruling elites fully act on it, or even fuHy realize it —-has become part of the world, and it will be judged by only one, harsh but universa l , s tandard. Ultimately, I believe, Ukraine will riise to that standard. The road, however, will be arduous, and the timetable unpredictable.

Dr. George G, Grabowicz is director of tlie Harvard UJcrainian Research Institute. The text of this serialized article is based on the eighth annual Ivan Franko Lecture, which he delivered on April 12 at Carleton University in Ottawa.

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No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 4,1993 17

Benetton... (Continued from page 2)

the Ukrainian shopper used to monochromatic, often gray, ware. Ms. Marynych said Benetton is "a patch of Italy in Ukraine."

The store's sales help, mostly women in their 20s» display as many hues of clothing as there are on the racks. Each has been allowed to select diree different Benetton outfits and they are required to wear them for work.

Volodymyr Hosh, the executive direc-"'>r of Argo Trading, Ltd., the Ukrainian-

jlgian-Irish joint venture company that owns the Benetton store, said the company wants to have one salesperson for every two customers. The staff must compete with each other to have the most sales because only the people who are best at serving the customers will still have a job next month. Neither Mr. Hosh nor Oksana, a salesperson who declined to give her surname, would discuss staff salaries, alAough both said the employees are well-paid.

Benettxmis Afgo Trading's third store in Kyyiv's center. The others are Lee-Wrangler, associated with the American clothing manufacturer, and Passage, which sells fur and leather goods, Mr. Hosh said. Fifty percent of the company is owned by the Ukrainian side, the rest is jointly owned by Belgian and Irish investors.

The company plans to open two more Benetton stores in Ukraine, another one in the capital and one in Odessa, Mr. Hosh said. The Kyyiv store is the third Benetton outlet in the C.I.S. Stores were previously opened in Moscow and St. Peterburg, Russia. Eventually, Mr. Hosh said, a city the size of Kyyiv should be serviced by seven or eight Benetton stores.

A passer-by on Khreshchatyk, a middle-aged engineer, stopped and looked at the new store, but said she was not going in. "Why should I expose myself to being disappointed? I just might like something inside, but I know I cannot

afford it," she noted matter-of-factly. Mr. Hosh, who was trained as an

economist, says his company plans to comply with the three decrees on currency regulation, issued by the Ukrainian government February 19, by converting 50 percent of its foreign currency earnings into the local karbovantsi. However, this statement was contradicted by another Argo official, Volodymyr Prokopenko, the company's commercial director, who said the Benetton outlet is exempt from having to convert half of its non-Ukrainian currency earnings into Ukrainian money because it has more than $200,000 (U.S.) in foreign investment, and because it was founded before January 20, 1993.

The inconsistent explanation by Benetton officials is not unusual in Kyyiv's business community. Ukraine's currency regulations are the crucial issue for many companies with foreign connections; more than other problems, it makes executives nervous and keeps lawyers employed.

The Benetton store joins a growing number of Kyyiv clothing stores accepting only convertible foreign currency and catering to Kyyiv's growing diplomatic community and Ukrainians who have access to foreign currency — usually American dollars or German marks — through gifts from relatives abroad or salaries in non-Ukrainian money.

Nina Lapchyk, a 32-year-old painter with an eye for fashion and a few dollars earned from selling her work abroad, estimates about 10 percent of Kyyiv's population has some foreign currency, but only 2-3 percent have the money to afford purchases at a store like Benetton. Mr. Lapchyk says she buys her clothes abroad, at Kyyiv second-hand stores, or sews them herself. She avoids buying at Kyyiv's foreign currency stores because of ttie "fantastically high prices and limited selection."

Ms. Marynych says the Benetton store would be glad to taJce Ukrainian karbovantsi if it was freely convertable into foreign currency.

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UNA marks... (Continued from page 5)

Walter Sochan, supreme secretary; Alex Blahitka, supreme treasurer; Walter Kwas, supreme advisor and former manager of Soyuzivka, Anya Dydyk-Petrenko, supreme advisor; Zenon Snylyk, editor-in-chief of Svoboda; Roma Hadzewycz, supreme advisor and editor-in-chief of The Ukrainian Weekly.

Arkan followed with "Rakivchanka,'' a rhythmically charged dance from the mountainous Transcarpathian region of Ukraine, which was originally choreographed by John Pichlyk, artistic director of the famous Shumka ensemble of Edmonton, and adapted by Ms. Stechishin.

The next two numbers "Chervona Ruta" (Red Rue) and "Zachekay" (Wait a While) were performed by Messrs. Hrynovets and Ben, who comprise the Soyuzivka house band, "Sounds of Soyuzivka." They not only provided accompaniment for Mr. Shportko, but filled in with their own songs, as the group Dzvony suddenly cancelled its engagement to play at Soyuzivka on this Father's Day.

Arkan followed with a graceful women's dance, "Maryna," featuring girls in white veils, who depicted female spirits during the pre-Christian ritual of Kupalo, part of the summer cycle of folk holidays.

Arkan followed with a number titled "Famine of 1933," dedicated to the mil

lions of Ukrainians killed during the man-maije famine in Ukraine in 1932-1933 under the Stalin regime. This powerful drsunatization was skillfully choreographed by Danovia Stechishin. Slides of the famine, which preceded the dance, and music by Ennio Murricone from the soundtrack of "The Mission" created a grim mood that greatly enhanced the dramatic choreography.

Messrs. Ben and Hrynovets followed with two humorous songs, "Porizala Palchyk" (I Cut My Finger) and "Kozatska Liulka" (Kozak Pipe), while Arkan continued its performance with "The Kozaks," a martial dance featuring drills with spears.

Mr. Shportko, dressed in a tuxedo, sang five numbers: "Tsyhanska Pisnia" (Gypsy song), music by Kolodionok/ Chiipa; "Stezhka Do Isusa" (Path t Jesus), Tatarchenko/Oleksiy Vratariov; "Mavka — Berehynia" (Wood Sprite-Berehynia), Chukhray/Chiipa; "Zapo-rozhski Kozaky" (Zaporozhian Kozaks) Tatarchenko/Vadym Kryshchenko; and "Den Narodzennia" (Birthday). The audience showed great appreciation for the singer's performance by giving him a standing ovation.

The program ended with Arkan's finale, the excellently executed grand "Hopak."

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iJraine's populace... :t (Continued from page 1)

nalists that his position, as well as all elected government positions, are transitional and if he feels he has lost popular consent, he himself will resign.

The Parliament has also found a way out of its predicament if the people come to the polls to express no confidence in the deputies they brought to power. The Parliament will be responsible for designating new elections, but they are not working within a specific timeframe. Thus, it is probable that they will wait the extra 18 months to.hold elections in March of 1995, which will result in the completion of their five-year term.

However, there is yet another referendum possibility. The president and the Parliament have the option of introducing a set of questions on the ballot regarding the governmental order: Do the people want a federative state or a unitary state? Do they want a state led by the Parliament and a president, or by a president or some other leadership to be formulated at a later date?

With people's hopes dim and trust in their leaders at an all-time low, the Supreme Council decided to work like beavers this week. They voted on Tuesday, June 29, not to end this seventh session, but work through September in an effort to show their electorate that after three years in power they want to help the stagnant economy and improve the lives of the populac .

The question today is: Did they start too late, or can they still save themselves? According to an independent poll conducted by Democratic Initiaves, a research institute based in Kyyiv, few Kyyiv residents today believe in their elected officials. The study, conducted on June 18-20 among 400 residents of this capital city, shows that 74 percent have no confidence in the Supreme Council; 58 percent have no confidence in the president. However, 36.3 percent expressed confidence in the Cabinet of Ministers and 36.6 percent expressed no confidence in the Cabinet of Ministers chaired by Prime Minister Leonid

' Kuchma. Viktor Nebozhenko of the Institute of

Sociology asked citizens: "Whom do you trust to lead reforms in Ukraine?" Of a random sampling throughout Ukraine, only 11 percent of the populace supported the Supreme Council; 25 percent supported the president; and 21 percent supported the Cabinet of Ministers. Only 5 percent supported the leaders of political parties to lead them out of their current crisis.

However, Western experts captured 25 percent of the vote and most-qualified experts got 67 percent of the citizens' support. Ten percent of those polled said they would trust the richest people in Ukraine to lead reforms in their state.

Post-Postup, an independent nationally oriented reform-minded newspaper based in Lviv, questioned various political parties as to how they would advise their members to vote in the referendum. New Ukraine, an umbrella organization that unites parties of a centrist nature, such as the social Democrats, the Green Party and the Party for the Democratic Rebirth of Ukraine, has advised members to express no confidence in all existing power structures.

Rukh, with its leader Vyacheslav Chornovil, is forming a shadow Cabinet, but at the same time agitating its members to express no confidence in the Supreme Council. Mr. Chornovil has said publicly that members should abstain from expressing any opinion toward the president. He said that expressing no confidence in both the president and the Parliament at once could lead to chaos and anarchy in Ukraine.

Mykhailo Horyn, the leader of the Ukrainian Republican Party and a co-founder of the Congress of National Democratic Forces, the umbrella organization for national right-of-center parties, said his party and the CNDF would express no confidence in the Supreme Council and would support the president.

The Socialist Party of Ukraine hopes that the referendum ballot will also determine voter preferences regarding governmental order. The party will encourage members to express no confidence in the president (they want to eliminate the post of the president altogether) and to support the Parliament.

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Patriarchal funeral.., (Continued from page 11)

ing the patriarch*s remains to Kyyiv," the Rev. Diakiv^ said, "but their burial here in the crypt is temporary."

Shortly after the burial, beginning at about 2:30 p.m., a tryzna (wake) in honor of the late Metropolitan Mstyslav was held, and the large hall of the Ukrainian Orthodox Cultural Center was filled nearly to capacity. At the two-tiered head table were seated many of the aforementioned Orthodox Church leaders. Ambassador Bilorus and his wife, various figures from the Ukrainian diaspora, and senior family members.

The Rev. Protopresbyter Taras Chubenko carried out the duties of the wake's master of ceremonies with aplomb. He juggled the speaking orders to account for the varying departure times of the international cast of notables. One beneficiary of altered speaking orders was Mr. Holovaty, who took the opportunity to criticize the Ukrainian government's lack of action on the full legalization of the UAOC, and to recall Patriarch Mstyslav's antipathy to Metropolitan Filaret and his followers.

After Mr. Holovatyj's address, the Rev. Chubenko asked the remaining speakers "not to engage in politicking and not to abuse the hospitality of our Church." In fact, it proved to be the single discordant note in the proceedings.

Ambassador Bilorus conveyed his sympathies to the Ukrainian Orthodox community and the family on behalf of Ukraine's government. Metropolitan Vasily of Canada offered healing words about Metropolitan Mstyslav's great stature as political and religious leader, whose steps toward unity the Church should follow. Metropolitan Constantine of the U.S.A. praised him as a "brilliant individual with a lofty spirit and an unshakable faith and will." Archbishop Antony of New York and Washington spoke about the patriarch's seal of service to his Church and his people, as that of St, Paul, who wrote to the

About replacement... (Continued from page 6)

we should welcome the new ambassador to our community, work with him in understanding our concerns, and support him in his work. Only if and when an ambassador works against U.S. interests and the interests of the Ukrainian American community should we oppose him.

The next ambassador may turn out to be an outstanding one, just as Jon Gundersen was an outstanding consul general in Kyyiv during a very critical period. Let's not get too excited, especially before we know for certain the nominee, his background and his views.

Eugene M, Iwanciw Washington

The writer is director of the Ukrainian National Association's Washington Office.

Visiting ptiysicist... (Continued from page 1)

an act that's totally foreign to his character."

According to Hilda Allred, an ADE spokeswoman, there were no previous signs of trouble between the accused and his alleged victim.

A probable cause hearing was set for July 27. Sander, 42, of Novosibirsk, was a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the father of two daughters.

Corinthians, "for the seal of mine apos-tleship are ye in the Lord." (I Cor, 9: 2).

Archbishop Roman of Rivne and Ostrih spoke on behalf of the UOC Kyyiv Patriarchate's synod, as did Mr. Shevchenko, who headed a lay delegation from the patriarchate's Higher Church Council. Other members of the official UOC-KP delegation including Volodymyr Katelnytsky and the Rev. Volodymyr СЬефак.

The Rev. Nestor Kowal read the patriarch's last testament. Although it began with the classic wording of such a document, echoing Shevchenko's "Missive to the dead and as yet unborn," it waf somewhat wider in scope. It was in pari a personal meditation on his infirmity and impending death, an outline of his views on Ukrainian history since the Princely Era, an examination of present social and spiritual conditions in Ukraine, a general exhortation to restore purity to the Church and society, an address to the faithful and clergy of his Church, and a prayer to God on behalf of his family and his people.

The strongest words were reserved for the presence of a number of Orthodox Churches in Ukraine, which he deemed "an unhealthy condition, aggravated by their refusal to submit to their rightful hierarchs, and their submission to the [Russian Orthodox] Church which has scorned our people and our Church for centuries and prefers to see them, enslaved and not free."

In the testament the patriarch called upon his successors to resolve this invidious state of affairs, and called upon the clergy and the hierarchs of the Church to work "for the sake of God, the martyrs of the Church, and the people" to achieve the goal of an sovereign Church dependent on no one. However, he conceded that he did not know how it could be done, nor could he suggest who could "prepare the ground" for such a reconciliation.

Patriarch Mstyslav's son, Yaroslav Skrypnyk, put matters into perspective, speaking of the departed not simply as the Church leader looked to by all who came to the day's services and wake and who sent their expressions of sympathy, but also as a father, grandfather and great-grandfather.

Mr. Skrypnyk spoke movingly about his father's last sojourn with his daughter, Tamara Yarovenko, about the things he conjured from his memory, about his constant concern for matters of the Church in Ukraine, mentioning that "towards the end, my father put these bitternesses behind him." In so doing, Mr. Skrypnyk most ably gave those in attendance a sense of Patriarch Mstyslav's place in history, and a sense of his humanity.

Dr. Yuriy Kryvolap then read from an extensive list of those who sent in written commiserations, which, as corroborated by the Consistory, included high-ranking clergymen of all denominations, lay brotherhoods and sisterhoods. Ambassador Strobe Talbott of the U.S. State Department, Ukrainian government officials of all levels, executives of Ukrainian community organizations in the diaspora, and representatives of various academic institutions around the worid, of which the patriarch had been a lavish patron.

The wake ended in the early evening with a prayer.


Ukrainian crossword by Tamara Stadnychenko

fi_ l O

ACROSS DOWN 5. Often served with liver. 1. AHRU president. 7. Kotliarevsky play title. 2. Title of Shevchenko play. 9. Group that split into В and M 3. Turkish empire.

factions. 4. KGB predecessor. 11. Spanish gold. 6. After eighth. 12. Youth organization. 7. Hyphenated realist/novelist (1838-13. Ky у і van prince who pillaged 1918).

Constantinople in 911. 8. Ukraine's minister of justice. 14. Copenhagen residents. 9. Hetman in exile from 1710. 16. Beige. 10. Ms. Svidychna. 17. 1590s Kozak leader Severyn. 12. Gemstone. 19. Kyyivan princess who converted to 15. Boat mover.

Christianity in 955. 18. Dovbush's band 20. First Ukrainian periodical published 21. Lenin's productivity plan.

in Russian empire. 22. French emperor. 23. Tree. 23. Dissident author of "Cataract." 27. Map book. 24. Canada-based literary journal edited 28. Spanish eight. by Mr. Dalney. 30. Title of anti-everybody Franko poem. 25. Black sea port. 31. Color. 26. Matriarch in "Zaporozhets Za 32. Composer Ostap (1863-1919) Dunayem." 33. The N of UNA. 29. Ms. Strokata.

Newsbriefs... (Continued from page 2)

eralized banking regulations and free movement of labor in five regions on each side of the border. Nine other economic agreements were signed last week. Although the accords are a sign of renewed willingness on both sides to cooperate, the Ukrainians emphasized that they do not portend a return to Soviet-style ties of the past. Striking miners in the Donbas region of Ukraine have put pressure on the Ukrainian government to establish closer links to .ussia. (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Agreement on nuclear warheads cited

KYYIV—Izvestia reported on June 28 that Ukraine and Russia were prepared to sign an agreement during Viktor Chernomyrdin's visit to Ukraine on the disassembly of Ukraine's nuclear warheads. According to the report, both countries will share the responsibility for the dismantling of warheads and missiles, and Ukraine is to receive a portion of the proceeds from the sale of the fissionable material in the weapons and nuclear fuel for its reactors. The completion of the dismantling process by 1995, as stipulated in the terms of the agreement, would represent a major concession by Ukraine. Although the broad outline of this agreement is consistent with ideas put on the table in previous negotiation.?, the' agre4^|t;^0uld;ji0t be independently confirmed, and Prime

Minister Chernomyrdin left Ukraine on June 28, apparently without signing it. The report may have been based on a Russian draft proposal that has not yet agreed upon by both sides. (RFE/RL Daily Report)

Rukh to oppose governing structures

KYYIV — Vyacheslav Chornovil, leader of Rukh, released a statement here on June 2 declaring Rukh's new policy of opposition to all government structures. The move came after the Parliament refused to grant additional powers to the president and the government. Rukh's statement said it " believes construction of alternative programs and formulation of alternative state institutions on the basis of statehood and democracy are crucial and unavoidable." The statement criticized the lack of concrete action on radical economic and social reform proposals, the growth of corruption and the steep drop in living standards. It emphasized that Rukh's support for Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma's government had been based on hopes for reforms, heretofore unrealized. The government's inability to activate reforms stems from the intransigence of the Parliament. The statement also criticized president Leonid Kravchuk for failing to use his powers effectively , for a lack of principles and for an undesirably strong tendency towards political compromises. Rukh's leaders believe all this is threat-ening^ykraine's дсрдодіу, ,spciety..and her^political independence. (Respublika)

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PREVIEW OF EVENTS Sunday, July 11

IRVING, Texas: The Ukrainian American Society of Texas invites the public to its annual July 4 summer picnic, to be held at St. Basil the Great Byzantine Catholic Church grounds, 1118 Union Bower Road. The festivities will run from approximately noon to 6 p.m. Admission is free; please bring a covered dish to share with other participants. The UAST will provide free beer and soft drinks.. Please note that this is a date change. For further information please call (214) 438-5644.

Monday, July 26

WINNIPEG: St. Andrew's College Ukrainian Immersion Mini-College Program is running a summer day program for children age 6-12. The program provides an immersion setting of Ukrainian language, culture and heritage. It is conducted exclusively in Ukrainian so that children will be able to spend six hours per day in an immersion environment. Creative and fun activities include skits, drama, Ukrainian music and folk dancing. The greatest individual attention possible is given to every child-partici-

PLEASE NOTE; Preview items must be received one week before desired date of publication. No information will be taken over the phone. Preview items will be published only once (please indicate desired date of publication). All items are published at the discretion of the editorial staff and in accordance with available space.

PREVIEW OF EVENTS, a listing of Ukrainian community events open to the public, is a service provided free of charge by The Ukrainian Weekly to the Ukrainian community. To have an event listed in this column, please send information (type of event, date, time, place, admission, sponsor, etc.) -typed and in the English language — along with the phone number of a person v ho may be reached during daytime hours for additional information, to: Preview of Events, The Ukrainian Weekly, 30 Montgomery St., Jersey City, N.J. 07302.

pant. The goal of the program is to aid in the development of sound and well rounded bilingual Ukrainian Canadian children. The session dates are July 26 to August 6. Cost: $50 per child per session; $90 for two children from one family; $135 for three children from one family (all prices are in Canadian dollars). Hours are 9 a.m.-4 p.m. daily, Monday through Friday. Payment by check may be mailed to: "Mini College," St. Andrew's College, 475 Dysart Road, Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2M7. For further information please call (204)474-8895.

ADVANCE NOTICE

August 14-15

SLOATSBURG, N.Y.: The Holy Dormition (Assumption) Pilgrimage 1993 will be conducted by the Sisters Servants of Mary Immaculate at St. Mary's Villa, 50 Table Rock Road. The two-day program will include English and Ukrainian language liturgies and Molebens, a candlelight procession on Saturday evening and a blessing of the sick on Sunday afternoon. Confessions will be heard throughout the schedule. For further information please call (914) 753-5100.

Rt Soyuziuka: July 9-11 KERHONKSON, N.Y. — Headlining

the entertainment at Soyuzivka during the July 10-11 vêekend is the Oberehy ensemble of Lviv, Ukraine.

Oberehy, a folkloric troupe composed of current and former students of the Lviv Conservatory, performs Ukrainian folk music. The ensemble has already appeared in many communities throughout the U.S. and at various festivals, concerts, dances and other events. /

Formed in 1989, the eî^semble has appeared throughout Ukraine, as well as in Poland, Germany and Austria. The group represented Ukra ine at Walt Disney World's EPCOT Center.

After the concer t , scheduled for Saturday evening at 8:30, there ш\\ be a

dance to the music of the Ukrayinskiy Suvenir band of New York. The dance begins at approximately 10 p.m.

Also during the weekend, beginning on Friday, July 9, through Sunday, July 11, enamel art works by Dimitr i j Farkavec will be on display at the Main House. Mr. Farkavec, 50, a native of the СафаіЬіап Mountain region of Ukraine emigrated to Canada from Czechoslovakia in 1970. Of particular interest are the artist's microscopic art works, one of which is noted in the Guiness Book of Records.

The mistress of ceremonies for the entertainment programs is Marianka Hawryluk. Anya Dydyk-Petrenko is program director.

The Oberehy folkloric ensemble of Lviv.

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The Ukrainian Weekly 1993, No.27

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Transcript of The Ukrainian Weekly 1993, No.27