Jung Kim is associate professor of literacy at Lewis University, USA.

Betina Hsieh is associate professor of teacher education at California State University—Long Beach, USA.

Drawing on in-depth interviews, this text examines how Asian American teachers in the United States have adapted, persisted, and resisted racial stereotyping and systematic marginalization throughout their educa-tional and professional pathways.

Utilizing critical perspectives combined with tenets of Asian Critical Race Theory, Kim and Hsieh structure their findings through chapters focused on issues relating to anti-essentialism, intersectionality, and the broader social and historical positioning of Asians in the United States. Applying a critical theoretical lens to the study of Asian American teach-ers demonstrates the importance of this framework in understanding educators’ experiences during schooling, training, and teaching, and in doing so, the book highlights the need to ensure visibility for a commu-nity so often overlooked as a “model minority,” and yet one of the fastest growing racial groups in the United States.

This text will benefit researchers, academics, and educators with an interest in the sociology of education, multicultural education, and teach-ers and teacher education more broadly. Those specifically interested in Asian American history and the study of race and ethics within Asian studies will also benefit from this book.

The Racialized Experiences of Asian American Teachers in the US

Routledge Research in Race and Ethnicity in Education

This series aims to enhance our understanding of key challenges and facil-itate ongoing academic debate relating to race and ethnicity in education. It provides a forum for established and emerging scholars to discuss the latest debates, issues, research and theory across the field of education research that pertain to race and ethnicity.

Books in the series include:

Family Engagement in Black Students’ Academic SuccessAchievement and Resistance in an American Suburban SchoolVilma Seeberg

The Under-Representation of Black and Minority Ethnic Educators in EducationChance, Coincidence or Design?Christopher G. Vieler-Porter

The Racialized Experiences of Asian American Teachers in the USApplications of Asian Critical Race Theory to Resist MarginalizationJung Kim and Betina Hsieh

The Racialized Experiences of Asian American Teachers in the US

Applications of Asian Critical Race Theory to Resist Marginalization

Jung Kim & Betina Hsieh

First published 2022by Routledge605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158

and by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2022 Jung Kim and Betina Hsieh

The right of Jung Kim and Betina Hsieh to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataNames: Kim, Jung, 1977- author. | Hsieh, Betina, author. Title: The racialized experiences of Asian American teachers in the US : applications of Asian critical race theory to resist marginalization / Jung Kim & Betina Hsieh. Other titles: Racialized experiences of Asian American teachers in the United States Description: First Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2022. | Series: Routledge Research in Race and Ethnicity in Education | Includes bibliographical references and index.Identifiers: LCCN 2021028602 | ISBN 9780367686390 (Hardback) | ISBN 9780367686420 (Paperback) | ISBN 9781003138389 (eBook) Subjects: LCSH: Asian American teachers. | Critical race theory.Classification: LCC LC2633 .K56 2022 | DDC 371.829/95073--dc23LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021028602

ISBN: 978-0-367-68639-0 (hbk)ISBN: 978-0-367-68642-0 (pbk)ISBN: 978-1-003-13838-9 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003138389

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To all the Asian American teachers out there. We see you and applaud you. We all deserve to see ourselves represented in school. Your work is invaluable, for the students you have and for the students we were.

-Jung and Betina

https://taylorandfrancis.com

Contents

Authors viiiForeword from Dr. A. Lin Goodwin ixPreface xiiAcknowledgments xiv

1 Introduction: Framing the Experiences of Asian American Educators 1

2 Asianization and Educational Experiences of Racialization and Marginalization 16

3 Considering Asian American Transnational Contexts: Immigration, Generations, and Identities in Education 35

4 Reconstructive History: Missing Asian American Stories and Voices in American Curricula and Classrooms 55

5 Strategic (Anti)Essentialism: Balancing Ethnic Identity and Pan-Ethnic Solidarity 79

6 Intersectionality and Asian American Educators’ Experiences of Oppression along Multiple Axes of Their Identities 100

7 Commitment to Social Justice: Conscientization and Action 124

8 Story, Theory, Praxis: How Our Stories Can Change Our Classrooms 142

Index 159

Authors

Dr. Jung Kim is an associate professor of literacy at Lewis University in Illinois. A mother, school board president, and former high school teacher and literacy coach, her work has long been driven by issues of equity. Her current research interests are in teaching with graphic novels, Asian American children’s and young adult literature, the experiences of Asian American teachers in P-12 classrooms, and the experiences of women of color in higher education. Her first two books are about teaching with graphic novels for disciplinary literacy and in English language arts.

Dr. Betina Hsieh is an associate professor of teacher education at California State University, Long Beach. Her teacher education work is informed by ten years of urban middle school teaching, K-12 literacy coaching and time co-directing the Bay Area Writing Project. Current research interests include experiences of teachers and teacher educators of color, with an emphasis on Asian American teachers, identity-informed mentoring in teacher education spaces, the emergence and development of a teacher (and teacher educator) professional identity, critical (digital) literacies, and the development and uses of 21st century literacy prac-tices in schools and universities. Her recent publications include articles in Contemporary Issues in Technology and Teacher Education, English Teaching: Practice and Critique, Literacy Research and Instruction, the Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, the Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy and the Journal of Teacher Education.

Foreword from Dr. A. Lin Goodwin

I used to be whole and multidimensional: I was a talker (in-school deten-tion for excessive chatter failed to curb my expressive ways), a dreamer, a writer, a leader. I loved to read, hated science, wore skirts that were too short, drooled over boys, painted my fingernails shocking pink…in other words I was just like any other teenager/young adult I knew. In the space of twenty-four hours, a short plane ride, I entered a world that did not acknowledge my existence, that had no space for the complex me. Against my will, I was transformed into a passive, quiet, shy, exotic, but always obedient “Oriental.” I had entered hostile territory, I just didn’t know it. That was a very long time ago; that was yesterday; it is this moment.

Thus began a paper I presented at AERA almost exactly 20 years ago, reflecting upon my entry into the United States. Overnight I was re-made into someone I did not recognize, assigned an identity that was not mine, forcefully squeezed into an ill-fitting “alien” box—all invented by “Americans” for their comfort and control. I have spent the better part of my life reclaiming and proclaiming my identity as a Singaporean, South East Asian, Chinese, biracial, semi-bilingual, female/woman, first-generation immigrant, and college graduate, who is inextricably linked through family to the narratives of Singapore, China, England, Thailand, and African and Asian America. I defy and refuse categorization; I chal-lenge the boxes in which I am placed.

Twenty years later, the Asianization that Drs. Hsieh and Kim docu-ment in this volume speaks to a reality that remains entrenched—it is (still) this moment for the 23+ million richly diverse souls (https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/04/29/key-facts-about-asian-americans/) caught under the monolithic “Asian American” label. Only the terminology has been updated, from Orientalism (Said, 1978) to Asianization—but the erasure, oppression, caricaturization, marginaliza-tion, invisibilization of all of us has changed not at all, and has, in fact, become even more pronounced as the US experiences another wave of anti-Asian vitriol. Stop AAPI Hate documented over 6600 racist attacks

x Foreword from Dr. A. Lin Goodwin

on our community between March 2020 and March 2021, with the month of March 2021 alone showing almost a doubling of hate inci-dents from about 3800 to about 6700 (https://stopaapihate.org/national-report-through-march-2021/). And that figure represents only those that were reported; many such incidents are suppressed or silenced, many such incidents are bitter pills choked down by my AAPI sisters and broth-ers, many such incidents are so much a part of our lives that they have become normalized, warily anticipated in our every day.

Still, I was privileged among the many first-generation immigrants who came to the United States post the passing of the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965. Before that year, anti-Chinese immigration legislation forbade or severely restricted Chinese immigrants for over 80 years, the only such American law to target a specific ethnic group for exclusion. First, I came from an English-speaking country that had thrown off its colonial past and was steadily forging its own unique place in the world. Singapore was a very new nation then, but as freshly minted Singaporeans, we embraced a collective identity that unified us across cultural, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. That provided me the ability to communicate with “Americans” and a clear sense of who I was, well-grounded in my own (South East) Asian history and community. Most importantly, I grew up surrounded by people who looked like me occupy-ing every social/societal space. Undoubtedly, vestiges of colonialism were still slowly being dismantled, but I did not have to guess at who I was, or hide myself, I simply had to look around me to learn from others who lived and understood my story. This included my teachers, who played such an essential role in identity-development and one’s sense of psychic safety and personhood.

I have always been grateful that I grew up where I did and was allowed to build a strong foundation of self before I came to the United States. That foundation saved me and kept me strong in the face of racist assaults, discriminatory practices, and silencing. Being taught by those who can be a mirror to your life experiences has been empirically proven to benefit children of color in numerous ways beyond academic achieve-ment. The research in this volume bears witness to that truth for Asians in America. Being able to look to teachers who know you, see you, are you is inoculation against the “Asianization [that] erases the diverse expe-riences and identities among Asian diasporic people in the Americas.” That experience is not one that is common for most Asian American students, as teachers who look like them make up only 2% of the teach-ing force, (https://nces.ed.gov/programs/raceindicators/spotlight_a.asp), even while Asian Americans constitute 7% of the US population and are the fastest growing racial/ethnic group (https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/04/29/key-facts-about-asian-americans/).

Foreword from Dr. A. Lin Goodwin xi

I am sure there will be many who will discount a book about Asian American teachers, wondering secretly or aloud why such a story is impor-tant to tell and who cares anyway. The very fact that such a question is often asked whenever the focus is on Other (such as Asian Americans), by Other (such as Asian Americans), is a first indication of the many stories that are integral threads in the fabric of this nation and yet are deliberately buried. The meanings of “America” and “teacher” should be as complexly intersectional as the country’s culturally and racially diverse makeup, yet “American” typically is imagined as “white,” such that Asian Americans and the AAPI community are located as deviant contradic-tions to the white dominant standard. Asians in America have had a long history of activism and resistance against the obfuscation of fixed reali-ties layered onto people of the Asian diaspora in the United States. We continue to step into any space where we have been silenced, weaving in our stories and naming out loud the multiplicities of our lived expe-riences, identities, and histories. In this critical work, Betina and Jung join voices with other Asian American educators to interrupt colonizing discourses and reject the monolithic yoke of socially invented labels. By embracing ourselves—all of our many Asian/American selves—we can speak ourselves into visibility, solidarity, and power.

Dr. A. Lin Goodwin 葛文林 Dean of the Faculty of EducationThe University of Hong Kong

Preface

What does it mean to be an Asian American educator? How have our identities as Asian Americans shaped our educational experiences in visible, palpable ways, and in ways less noticed and noticeable? (Why) Do our Asian American identities matter in classrooms? Would we have stayed in the K-12 classroom if we had seen more Asian American teach-ers in our own experiences? If we had found community among other Asian American teachers? If we had been mentored by Asian American educational leaders?

We came to the study on which this book is based with these ques-tions and many more. We came hoping to hear the voices of other Asian American educators, current and former K-12 teachers, from across the United States, who were willing to share their stories with us. We came because we struggled to answer these questions for ourselves, and even in conversation with one another. We came because, while we saw commonalities in our own experiences and those of our friends and col-leagues with whom with shared space, we wanted to know more, beyond our experiences and positionalities, to begin to see common and distinct experiences among Asian American teachers.

This book is informed by our multilayered identities. We come to this book as Asian American former secondary teachers who now work as teacher educators in higher education. Jung is a 1.5 generation Korean American who lives and primarily grew up in the Midwest, with a short stint in Pennsylvania. She is a former high school English teacher and literacy coach in Chicago Public Schools. At the time of this writing, she is also president of her community’s elementary school board. Betina is a second-generation Taiwanese American who grew up in a predominantly white suburb in Southern California, migrated to the San Francisco Bay Area for college and her teaching career, and then returned to a mid-sized urban city in Southern California as a teacher educator. She is a former middle school English Language Arts, social studies and math teacher in Hayward Unified School District, in the Bay Area, and a former literacy

Preface xiii

coach in Oakland Unified School District. We have both been long com-mitted to issues of racial equity and social justice in education.

We have also long wrestled with our positioning and positionalities in conversations about racial equity and social justice, as Asian Americans. We are aware of the many ways in which our life experiences shape how we view and understand the world, and we tried to be cognizant of this in relationship to understanding the teachers in the study. We are both of East Asian descent, cis-gender females, mothers, and former ELA teachers who worked in urban public schools, and now work in teacher educa-tion spaces with teacher candidates. These identities shape how we view teaching and teacher education, our understanding of our own experi-ences, and those of teachers in the study. And while we shared many of the same experiences as the teachers in the study, there are many that were different as well.

The process of compiling, engaging with, listening to, and thinking through the stories of the teachers in this book has helped us both to grow as Asian American (teacher) educators and as people. In seeing parts of our own stories represented and reflected, we were able to heal, connect, and deepen our understanding of Asian American educational experi-ences. In hearing stories that differed from ours, we were able to consider the vast diversity of the Asian diaspora in America, and the importance of students encountering multiple diverse teacher perspectives that might support and challenge their growth. We hope that this book helps our readers to engage with the experiences of the educators who shared their powerful stories with us. We hope that it helps to illuminate the nuance and diversity in Asian American educational experiences, and we hope that it helps to better explore the role of Asian American educators in con-versations around racial equity and social justice in American education.

Acknowledgments

Collectively, we would like to acknowledge the following people and organizations who have supported us and our work: A. Lin Goodwin, Sarah Park Dahlen, Noreen Naseem Rodriguez, Erica Kanesaka Kalnay, Joanne Yi, Poushali Bhadury, Nithya Sivashankar, Paul Lai, Ji Hong, Debbi Michiko Florence, Andrea Wang, Mike Jung, Minh Le, Paula Yoo, the National Council of Teachers of English Asian/Asian American Caucus, and American Educational Research Association Research on the Education of Asian Pacific Americans Special Interest Group.

We also extend our thanks to the educators who participated in both Jung’s pilot local study and our collective study of Asian American educa-tors on which this book is based. Your stories touched us and we are so grateful to you for sharing them with us.

Finally, we would like to acknowledge and thank all Asian American educators for the work that you do daily in schools. Representation of diverse perspectives is critical to building a better society and educational system. We see you and appreciate the work you are doing each day.

Jung would like to acknowledge her parents, Dong Ki and Hee Ja Kim; her family, Erik, Wyeth, and Iseul Wise; her writing crew, Tracey Flores, Sanjuana Carrillo Rodriguez, Sandra Osorio, Eliza Allen; Valerie Kinloch, Kevin Kumashiro, Erica D’ávila, Susan Cridland-Hughes, Cheree Moore, and the National Council for Teachers of English-Cultivating New Voices family. This has been a long time coming, and each of you has supported me finally getting to be able to write about these experiences.

Betina would like to acknowledge Hans, Nathaniel and Johana Protzel, James Hsieh, Huong Tran Nguyen, Cathery Yeh, Ruchi Agarwal-Rangnath, Judy Yu, Kimberly White-Smith, Joy Springer, Alejandra Priede, Sherry Deckman, Minjung Pai, Marian Dingle, Tami Kailola, Muna Saleh, Nina Wooldridge, Tasha Austin, Nicol Howard, Yafa Crane Luria, and the #MisEducAsian chat family. Each of you, in your own ways, held me up throughout the process of writing this book. You reminded me of who I am, why I write, and why these stories should be told. Thank you.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003138389-1

Chapter 1

IntroductionFraming the Experiences of Asian American Educators

While Asian Americans are the fastest growing racial minority group in the United States (López et al., 2017), Asian Americans’ experiences continue to be under-researched and misunderstood, particularly in K-12 education. The experiences of Asian Americans, as both teachers and stu-dents, are often either left out of educational conversations or are essen-tialized in ways that minimize their unique and diverse experiences in US classrooms and overlook the impact of white supremacy on their per-sonal and educational trajectories. Asian Americans now make up 5.7% of the country and are projected to reach over 9% by 2060 (Vespa et al., 2020). Ironically, while one could argue that there is a growing demo-graphic imperative to look more closely at this under-studied, under-appreciated group, statistics have previously been used to erase the issues and concerns impacting this group. Historic race-exclusionary laws kept numbers low for a long time, shifting this group to the blanket “other” in various demographic graphs and figures, and this was used to imply that there simply weren’t enough Asian Americans to bother studying.

To this end, this book argues for both a need to study the experiences of Asian Americans as numbers grow and its importance regardless of the numbers. It emphasizes the importance of examining the educa-tional experiences of Asian Americans, given the increasing demographic of Asian American students, the consistently small percentage of Asian American teachers (2.5%, Snyder et al., 2019), the historical erasure of Asian Americans from discussions of race and racism in American edu-cation, and the near invisibility of Asian Americans in American edu-cational curriculum. It also provides nuance and texture to the wide diversity of Asian American experiences and moves away from a simplis-tic, one-dimensional view.

Despite the prominent roles that Asian Americans have played in sev-eral landmark educational equity court cases, disaggregated data and research that demonstrate the diversity of Asian Americans, and signifi-cant underperformance for several Asian American subgroups, discus-sions of Asian Americans still largely focus on predominant stereotypes

2 Introduction

like the yellow peril (Lee, 2015; Takaki, 1998), Model Minority Myth (Chou & Feagin, 2015; Poon et al., 2016), and the perpetual foreigner (S.J. Lee, 2009; Tuan, 1998). These frameworks portray all Asian Americans as a monolithic group of high-achieving students who speak accented English and will never quite be American. Encompassing many diverse ethnic and linguistic subgroups, immigration circumstances, and identities, the Asian American label is a complex and multifaceted one, one that is both a racial and political identity—but ultimately one that is meant to be a powerful sociopolitical one (Philip, 2014) that encom-passes these differences.

Research on Asian American Teachers

As the general population of the United States has been growing rapidly more diverse, there has been a significant lag in matching that growth within the teaching force. While 51% of students are students of color, only 20% are teachers of color (Snyder et al., 2019). The extant body of literature on teachers of color has examined the reasons more people of color don’t go into teaching, their experiences in a predominantly white occupation (Goodwin et al., 2008) and as social justice advocates (Kohli & Pizarro, 2016; Quiocho & Rios, 2000), and their high levels of attri-tion. There are several studies that have also examined the ways in which teacher education has tried to ameliorate this problem (Achinstein & Ogawa, 2011; Cheruvu et al., 2015; Kohli, 2012).

Despite the interest in exploring issues for teachers of color, Asian American teachers continue to be left out in significant ways from this larger body of research. Looking over the last several decades, there is a surprising dearth of research on the recruitment and retention of Asian American teachers, as well as their experiences in the classroom. There are a few studies that have looked at the reasons Asian Americans may or may not pursue teaching in larger numbers (Goodwin et al., 2006; J.A. Gordon, 2000; Kim & Cooc, 2020a; Pang, 2009; Philip, 2014; Rong & Preissle, 1997). Reasons have ranged from parental beliefs that pushing their children to pursue more “objective” fields like medicine may protect them from issues of racism to teacher and counselor beliefs that Asian American students are naturally better at STEM fields (Lee et al., 2017). Other studies have looked at the ways in which Asian American teachers encounter preservice teacher education programs that are not centered on their experiences or needs and how they can even be marginalizing (Brown, 2014; Goodwin et al., 2006; Nguyen, 2012; Sheets & Chew, 2002).

Once in the classroom, Asian American teachers face racial and gen-dered microaggressions (Endo, 2015; Nguyen, 2012; Philip, 2014; Sue et al., 2007). They encounter students, colleagues, and parents who con-tinue to see them as perpetual foreigners and are seen as “Asian experts”

Introduction 3

expected to speak for all Asian diasporic peoples despite their own background and nationality (Choi, 2018; Pang, 2009). Other times they are seen as being less qualified to teach certain subjects (Nguyen, 2012; Subedi, 2008), like those outside of STEM. Notwithstanding these chal-lenges, researchers have also found how Asian American teachers work toward social justice in their professional and personal lives and tend to have greater critical consciousness (Chow, 2017; Kim & Cooc, 2020b; Philip, 2014; Quiocho & Rios, 2000; Rodríguez & Kim, 2019).

This book moves to add to the existing body of work on Asian American teachers. Many of the studies listed are smaller qualitative studies focus-ing in on the experiences of a handful of participants in a single region. This national study involves over 40 participants spanning different eth-nicities, teaching levels, regions, levels of expertise, and contexts, to name a few. We hope that by providing a robust array of voices from the Asian American teaching force, we will be able to highlight some of the ongoing issues for Asian Americans, both as students and educators, and contrib-ute to the ongoing educational improvement for all.

The Polarizing Binaries of Asian American Representation

While the Model Minority Myth (MMM) is currently the prevailing racial lens through which many Asian Americans are regarded, this ste-reotype is a relatively recent evolution of Asian “otherness” in American society. For most of US history, in fact, Asian immigrants and Asian Americans have been portrayed as foreign invaders, diseased and danger-ous to American society (Lee, 2015)—echoes of which we still see today. We situate our examination of Asian American teachers’ educational experiences in this chapter by first unpacking several interrelated Asian American archetypes, showing how these racialized views of Asian dia-sporic peoples in North America have led to polarizing themes of hyper-visibility and invisibility, otherness and proximity, danger to America and symbol of the “American Dream.”

Yellow Peril and the Perpetual Foreigner

In mid-March 2020, at a televised national press conference, the then US President called COVID-19 “the Chinese Virus,” a trend which continued throughout the subsequent months of social distancing caused by the coronavirus pandemic (Margolin, 2020; Tavernise & Oppel Jr., 2020). In the electoral campaign of that same year, both major presidential candi-dates launched anti-Chinese ads which stated, “China is killing our jobs and now killing our people” and that (former) President Trump “rolled over for the Chinese” in his response to the virus (Hvistendahl, 2020).

4 Introduction

While official statements from both parties blamed the Chinese govern-ment and showed appreciation for Asian Americans, there was a concur-rent rise in reports of anti-Asian prejudice, xenophobia, discrimination, and documented hate crimes against Asian American adults and youth (STOP AAPI Hate, 2020; Anti-Defamation League, 2020). These inci-dents demonstrate the power and enduring impact of the yellow peril and perpetual foreigner discourses, two racialized castings used to highlight Asian American “otherness” and hypervisibility.

Yellow peril is the idea that (East) Asian people are an imminent threat to (Western) American culture, livelihood, and society (Lee, 2015; Takaki, 1998). The yellow peril discourse emerged prominently, in the United States, in response to waves of Chinese and Japanese immigration in the mid-19th and early 20th centuries. At the time, these ideas manifested in characterizations in newspapers and other media sources of Chinese and Japanese immigrants as dirty, rat-like, and diseased. These sentiments led to riots and violence against Asian immigrants including the anti-Chinese massacre of 1871 in which 20 Chinese people were lynched in the streets of Los Angeles (Lee, 2015; Sandoval, n.d.), the largest mass lynching in US history. Anti-immigrant sentiments continued through discriminatory immigration policy including the Chinese Exclusion Act, which banned Chinese immigration to the United States, and the Immigration Acts of 1917 and 1924, which established an “Asiatic Barred Zone” of immigra-tion and a national origins quota system (Lee, 2015).

More recently, in the late 20th century, the yellow peril manifested in the 1970s and 1980s as anti-Japanese sentiment rose in response to the rise in Japanese automobile and electronics manufacturing and the con-comitant decline in the US economy and subsequent high unemployment rates. Japanese autoworkers were pitted as the scapegoats for the decline of the American auto industry, leading notably to the hate-crime killing of Chinese American engineer, Vincent Chin, in 1982 (Choy & Tajima-Pena, 1987; Lee, 2015).

In the early 21st century, particularly under the Trump administration, in addition to rhetoric connecting the coronavirus’s impact in the United States with Chinese origins, discriminatory immigration and naturaliza-tion policies have been enacted. These policies include the suspension of H1-B, H2-B, J, and L worker visas which disproportionately impact Asian immigrant workers (Banerjee & Sengupta, 2020; Lu, 2020), harkening back to yellow peril and other nativist discourses. As noted, these actions came alongside a rise in anti-Asian discrimination, xenophobia, and vio-lence targeting both Asian immigrants to America and Asian Americans.

While the yellow peril specifically was generated in response to East Asian immigration in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the idea of all Asian Americans as “unassimilable aliens,” perpetual or forever for-eigners (Takaki, 1998; Wu, 2014), extends beyond East Asians. The

Introduction 5

1917 Immigration Act included: South Asian (India), Southeast Asian (Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia), and West Asian (Afghanistan and the Arabian Peninsula) countries in the Barred Asiatic Zone, areas from which no immigrants were allowed to enter the United States. Following laws and diplomatic agreements focused on Chinese and Japanese Americans, South Asians were targeted next, being labeled part of the “Hindu inva-sion.” The US Supreme Court’s 1923 ruling (US vs. Bhagat Singh Thind) that South Asians were not eligible for naturalized US citizenship (not reversed until 1946) led to largescale discrimination again South Asians, the denaturalization of previously naturalized citizens, and exclusion of South Asian workers from many professions.

Following a series of terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001, Muslim and Sikh Americans, many of whom are also Asian Americans (of South Asian origin), faced instances of racial violence, including murder, attacks on places of worship, and physical harassment and intimidation (Lee, 2015). The “Muslim Ban,” initially beginning in West Asian (Middle Eastern) Muslim majority countries was then expanded to include Myanmar, an addi-tional Muslim majority country in Southeast Asia, and North Korea. These policies and subsequent continued discrimination against Asian immigrants and Asian Americans in the United States can be connected to the idea of Asian Americans as foreign “others” who threaten “American” jobs, lives, and prosperity.

Model Minority, Racial Neutrality, and “White Proximity”

The other evergreen racial trope that plagues Asian Americans is that of them as “model minorities,” exceptional immigrants who have earned their success and right to the American dream through hard work and “outwhiting the whites” (Chen, 2004). This archetype, while currently the dominant narrative of Asian Americans, is a relatively recent racial characterization which many trace back to a 1966 article for the New York Times Magazine (Petersen, 1966). This article focused on Japanese Americans’ ability to overcome discrimination to achieve success through traditional family structure and cultural values of hard work. In empha-sizing family structure and hard work as something that is inherently cultural, the MMM implicitly positions Asian Americans against other minoritized populations, particularly Black Americans (Poon et al., 2016).

The MMM also erases implications of concomitant and subsequent highly selective and hyper-selective immigration practices among Asian immigrants, following the 1965 Hart-Cellar act. Highly selective immigra-tion refers to immigrant groups that are composed of a higher percentage of college graduates when compared with non-migrants in their country of origin, and hyper-selective immigration refers to when those groups’ college graduation rates are higher even than the general population of

6 Introduction

the receiving country (Zhou & Lee, 2017). Vietnamese immigrant groups are reflective of highly selective immigration as 26% hold bachelor’s degrees compared to 5% of Vietnamese national non-migrants. Chinese immigrant groups, however, show a level of hyper-selective immigration as they are composed of 51% college graduates—compared to only 4% of the Chinese non-migrant population and 28% of the US population who are college graduates (Zhou & Lee, 2017). The erasure of this selec-tion process for many Asian immigrant groups obfuscates the complexity of the “success” of Asian Americans.

The MMM further rests upon a premise of Asian American success as a result of cultural assimilation (M.M. Gordon, 1964; Zhou, 1997). Cultural assimilation can take many forms, but most classically involves rejecting markers of Asian heritage identity to adopt white middle class norms, customs, and the English language (Gordon, 1964). While assimi-lation has been a strategy attempted by Asian immigrants to the Americas across many generations (Zhou, 1997), Asian Americans have still either been systematically (by the government) or implicitly (by the perceptions and actions of their fellow citizens) denied full American citizenship. The MMM, however, implies that if Asian Americans follow a certain series of rules, they can be successful and accepted in educational and social set-tings. They must learn to speak “accent-free” English (often with accom-panying loss of their own heritage languages); adopt European names, American food preferences, clothing styles, and other white middle-class markers; work hard and not challenge authority; and practice particu-lar stereotypical Asian cultural factors (e.g., filial piety). Asian American success in education (as measured by aggregated high school graduation rates and post-secondary degree attainment) and relative economic pros-perity is held up as the indicator that cultural assimilation is possible, and—more importantly—that structural racism does not exist.

Despite its seemingly positive veneer, the MMM has multiple harmful implications. The MMM masks racial oppressions that Asian Americans face, and it silences and shames Asian Americans who are not economically or academically successful. It also denies racism as a structural phenom-enon by characterizing success solely as a product of individual hard work, rather than as existing within a constellation of structural factors including racial bias, poverty, and immigration circumstances (Chou & Feagin, 2015; S.J. Lee, 2009). The MMM allows little room for failure and provides few resources for interventions, despite incredibly disparate educational attain-ment among subgroups of Asian Americans (Chang et al., 2010). By deny-ing the diversity of Asian American experiences and homogenizing them into the MMM, Asian Americans in education from under-resourced com-munities or those who are neurodivergent may not receive the attention or resources that they need to be successful (Cooc, 2018), with blame being centered on individuals and families instead of being examined structurally

Introduction 7

(Hsieh & Nguyen, 2020; Rodríguez, 2020). Phenomena like the “bamboo ceiling” (Hyun, 2005), where Asian Americans with similar or higher levels of education and experience are paid less than their white counterparts and are less likely to move into leadership positions across all professional fields including education (Yu, 2020), also are obscured by the MMM narrative.

The MMM serves to separate Asian Americans from other people of color groups, placing them in (a tenuous) proximity to white Americans, and divides the Asian American community within itself. The insidious tenacity of the MMM narrative elevates a subgroup of Asian Americans who ascribe to, embody, and perpetuate the MMM over the (less visible) majority of Asian Americans who recognize the continuing inequities people of color—including Asian Americans—face in this country. In this way, the MMM works to erase the continued impact of racism on Asian American communities and upholds notions of whiteness, the white gaze, and white proximity as aspirational for Asian American success.

Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit)

AsianCrit draws from Critical Race Theory (CRT), which emerged from critical legal studies in the 1970s. Critical legal scholars like Mari Matsuda (1997), Derrick Bell (2008), and Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) developed CRT as a framework for accounting for the role of racism and white supremacy in the American legal system, as well as amplifying the voices and experiences of legal scholars of color. From critical legal studies, CRT made its way into education in the 1990s and early 21st century. Shifting the focus away from racism within the legal system, CRT in education “challenges the dominant discourse on race and racism as they relate to education” (Solórzano, 1998, p. 122). It is built upon the centrality and intersectionality of race and racism, challenge to the dominant ideology, commitment to social justice, the importance of experiential knowledge, and the use of interdisciplinary perspectives (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).

While CRT is general enough it can be applied to a variety of different communities of color, scholars from various groups desired more nuanced frameworks that were specific to the experiences and issues of their par-ticular communities. From this desire were born multiple tailored frame-works like Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit), Disability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit), Latinx Critical Race Theory Theory (LatCrit), and Queer Critical Race Theory (QueerCrit), as well as others. While sharing the same basic foundations within CRT, these different branches allow for the customization and modifications of its basic premises to unique and differentiated needs of each community.

Before the official naming of an Asian Critical Race Theory (AsianCrit), Robert Chang (1993) announced an “Asian American Movement” in the legal academy and the opportunity to “reverse the pattern of

8 Introduction

discrimination against Asian Americans” (p. 1243), citing nativistic rac-ism and the ever-present MMM. To this end, AsianCrit draws upon CRT scholarship but is also tailored to the unique histories and realities of Asian Americans in this country. AsianCrit, as defined by Museus and Iftikar (2013), is “a perspective that outlines a unique set of tenets that are designed to provide a useful analytic framework for examining and understanding the ways that racism affects Asian Americans in the United States” (p. 23). Its seven tenets, excerpted and paraphrased here, are:

1 Asianization refers to the reality that racism and nativist racism are pervasive aspects of American society, and society racializes Asian Americans in distinct ways.

2 Transnational Contexts emphasizes the importance of historical and contemporary national and international contexts for Asian Americans.

3 (Re)constructive History underscores the importance of reconstruct-ing authentic historical Asian American narratives where they have previously been absent or mischaracterized.

4 Strategic (Anti)Essentialism is based on the assumption that race is a socially constructed phenomenon that can be shaped and reshaped by economic, political, and social forces.

5 Intersectionality is based on the notion that racism and other systems of oppression (e.g., sexism, heterosexism, ableism, etc.) intersect to mutually shape the conditions within which Asian Americans exist.

6 Story, Theory, and Praxis underscores the notion that counterstories, theoretical work, and practice are important inextricably intertwined elements in the analysis of Asian American experiences and advocacy for Asian American people and communities.

7 Commitment to Social Justice highlights the notion that critical the-ory is dedicated to advocating for the end of all forms of oppression.

AsianCrit, then, weaves together the main tenets of CRT but also draws heavily upon the realities of how the MMM and perpetual foreigner tropes are used against Asian Americans.

While CRT has been used in education for several decades, AsianCrit is only just taking root in contemporary educational research. While the bulk of the work has been in higher education (Liu, 2009; Park & Liu, 2014; Poon & Segoshi, 2018), a few key scholars have been applying it to teacher education and K-12. Sohyun An (2016, 2017a, 2017b) has drawn heavily upon AsianCrit in her analyses of social studies educa-tion. Noreen Naseem Rodríguez has also used AsianCrit in social studies education (2018, 2019), as well as teacher education (Rodríguez & Kim, 2019), and children’s literature (Rodríguez & Kim, 2018). We build upon this small body of work to better contextualize and understand how race

Introduction 9

impacts Asian American teachers. Each chapter of this book will home in on one tenet of AsianCrit and how it manifested in the interviews with teachers.

The Study

For this book, we drew upon interview data from a national study of 42 Asian American current and former K-12 teachers to better under-standing their experiences as Asian American students and classroom teachers. To better protect their identities, pseudonyms are used through-out the book. Interviews, one to two hours in length, were conducted mostly online using an audiovisual conference application, with a few interviews conducted in-person. The dozen or so open-ended interview questions were modified from a pilot study Jung conducted previously on Asian American teachers in the Midwest. The questions revolved around exploring how these teachers worked to (1) exist within systems designed to reinforce racist stereotypes that ignore, exclude, or suppress Asian American voices; (2) persist in reaching their academic and professional goals; and (3) resist in the face of pressures from multiple sources. All interviews were recorded and transcribed by the authors.

We then used the seven tenets of AsianCrit as an overarching framework to analyze the data and develop thematic understandings. Drawing upon each of the tenets as a node, we coded each of the interviews individually and then compared codes for inter-rater reliability. We then collaboratively chose focal participants for each chapter to help illustrated the themes. To help unpack the theory for each of the chapters in relatable and concrete ways, we drew upon specific teacher voices to characterize the multilay-ered ideas within each tenet. To this end, the book has eight total chapters, this introduction and seven chapters exploring the each individual tenet of AsianCrit. Below, we give an overview of each subsequent chapter.

Chapter 2—Asianization: Educational Experiences of Racialization and Marginalization introduces the historic ways in which Asian Americans have been racialized in the United States and how this process of Asianization has been used as a tool for white supremacy. The chapter highlights the racialized experiences of teachers as both students and teachers and offer ways in which schools can help provide opportunities for counternarratives.

Chapter 3—Considering Asian American Transnational Contexts: Immigration, Generations, and Identities in Education recognizes the many complex and layered connections Asian Americans have with transnational contexts. We explore the history of how US poli-cies and actions abroad have shaped the ebb and flow of Asians into this country and continue to shape the experiences of Asians in

10 Introduction

America. Through considering different immigration histories con-nected with our focal teachers’ families, we demonstrate several transnational contexts that shape the stories of the Asian American teachers in our study, who were overwhelmingly second generation Asian Americans (American born children of immigrants).

Chapter 4—Reconstructive History: Missing Asian American Stories and Voices in American Curricula and Classrooms explores the notion of reconstructive history or how Asian Americans’ voices and experi-ences can be understood historically to shape the present and future of Asian Americans. Absent from both the curriculum and from the front of the classroom, Asian Americans have been systematically marginalized in schools. The chapter emphasizes the importance of inclusion of Asian American voices in curriculum and classrooms, and how teachers (Asian American and non-Asian American) can recon-struct these histories absent from their own schooling.

Chapter 5—Strategic (Anti)Essentialism: Balancing Ethnic Identity and Pan-Ethnic Solidarity addresses the tensions of the pan-ethnic label of Asian American. We begin by unpacking the term strategic (anti)essentialism according to the three components: essentialism, anti-essentialism, and strategic. The chapter then moves to an over-view of the ways in which teachers in the study chose to identify racially, the ways in which they discuss these choices, and how they both positioned themselves and found themselves positioned by others in their lives personally and professionally.

Chapter 6—Intersectionality and Asian American Educators’ Experiences of Oppression along Multiple Axes of Their Identities begins with a discussion of intersectionality as a construct and the multiple axes along which Asian Americans often experience oppression. The chapter then draws from interview data to examine the ways in which additional layers of oppression (e.g., gender, class, and disability) occurred for participants based on various identities and the ways in which these experiences of marginaliza-tion informed their teaching and learning experiences in K-12 settings.

Chapter 7—Commitment to Social Justice: Conscientization and Action actively speaks back to the depoliticized, neutral, silent posi-tioning of the Model Minority Myth by drawing from interview data that shows ways in which Asian American teachers speak to their work in integrating issues of social justice and solidarity with other communities of color into their professional work (both in and outside of classroom spaces). The chapter reflects on the ways in which Asian American educators can continue to demonstrate advocacy for justice and engage in acts of solidarity, recognizing the challenges of negotiating expectations of silence and deference.

Introduction 11

Chapter 8—Story, Theory, and Praxis: How Our Stories Can Change Our Classrooms concludes the book by reviewing some of the key themes in the previous six chapters through a lens of counter-story-telling. By examining participants’ stories and the themes that emerged within and across the AsianCrit framework, we explore lessons that can be applied more broadly to educational settings. We consider how the featured stories can help readers better serve and support Asian American students, affirm and support Asian American educators, and sustain and promote Asian American edu-cational leaders.

We invite you to enter this book to learn about the experiences of Asian American educators throughout their educational lives. The great major-ity of the interviews in our study took place prior to the wave of anti-Asian sentiment and violence in 2020–2021, a wave of hate prompted by a resurgence of yellow peril discourse in response to COVID-19. However, themes of invisibility, hypervisibility, oppression, globalized xenophobic discourses, gendered violence, reclaiming a falsified image of our passivity (due to the MMM), active solidarity, and resistance emerged throughout our data set and ring clear through these chapters because they are not tied to a single global crisis. These are the experiences that we carry as Asian American educators, experiences rarely asked about or acknowledged, even by the friends and colleagues we teach and work alongside. We invite you to allow the experiences of these teachers to help you consider whose voices and stories are acknowledged, silenced, and amplified in your contexts and for what purposes. In this way, we hope to move forward the conversations of educational communities of color in ways that more fully consider and make space for diverse Asian American experiences.

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Introduction Achinstein, B. , & Ogawa, R. T. (2011). Change (d) agents: New teachers of color in urbanschools. Teachers College Press. An, S. (2016). Asian Americans in American history: An AsianCrit perspective on AsianAmerican inclusion in state US history curriculum standards. Theory & Research in SocialEducation, 44(2), 244–276. An, S. (2017a). AsianCrit perspective on social studies. The Journal of Social StudiesResearch, 41(2), 131–139. An, S. (2017b). Teaching race through AsianCrit-informed counterstories of schoolsegregation. Social Studies Research and Practice, 12(2), 210–231. Banerjee, P. & Sengupta, P. (2020, June 29). Trump’s suspension of H-1B visas is a racistattack on immigrants — and a bad move for the economy. The Conversation.https://theconversation.com/trumps-suspension-of-h-1b-visas-is-a-racist-attack-on-immigrants-and-a-bad-move-for-the-economy-141329. Bell, D. (2008). Faces at the bottom of the well: The permanence of racism. Basic Books. Brown, K. D. (2014). Teaching in color: A critical race theory in education analysis of theliterature on preservice teachers of color and teacher education in the US. Race Ethnicity andEducation, 17(3), 326–345. Chang, R. S. (1993). Toward an Asian American legal scholarship: Critical race theory, post-structuralism, and narrative space. California Law Review, 81(5), 1241–1323. Chang, M. , Fung, G. , Nakanishi, D. , Ogawa, R. , Um, K. , Takahashi, L. , & Russ, L. (2010).The state of Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander education in California.Prepared for the Honorable Mike Eng Assemblymember, 49th Assembly District & theCalifornia Asian Pacific Islander Joint Legislative Caucus. University of California AsianAmerican and Pacific Islander Policy Multicampus Research Program (UC AAPI Policy MRP)Education Working Group. Chen, C. H. (2004). “Outwhiting the whites”: An examination of the persistence of AsianAmerican model minority discourse. In R.A. Lind (Ed.), Race, gender, media: Consideringdiversity across audiences, content, and producers (pp. 146–153), Pearson/Allyn and Bacon. Cheruvu, R. , Souto-Manning, M. , Lencl, T. , & Chin-Calubaquib, M. (2015). Race, isolation,and exclusion: What early childhood teacher educators need to know about the experiencesof pre-service teachers of color. The Urban Review, 47(2), 237–265. Choi, Y. (2018). Korean American social studies teachers’ perceptions and experiences ofteaching profession in multicultural urban high schools. Race Ethnicity and Education, 21(1),105–117. Chou, R. S. , & Feagin, J. R. (2015). The myth of the model minority: Asian Americans facingracism (2nd ed.). Paradigm Publishers. Chow, C. J. (2017). Teaching for social justice:(Post-) model minority moments. Journal ofSoutheast Asian American Education and Advancement, 12(2), 1e23. Choy, C. & Tajima-Pena, R. (Directors). (1987). Who killed Vincent Chin? [DocumentaryFilm]. Film News Now Foundation. Cooc, N. (2018). Examining the underrepresentation of Asian Americans in specialeducation: Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feministcritique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. The University ofChicago Legal Forum, 140, 139–167. Endo, R. (2015). How Asian American female teachers experience racial microaggressionsfrom preservice preparation to their professional careers. The Urban Review, 47(4), 601–625. Goodwin, A. L. , Cheruvu, R. , & Genishi, C. (2008). Responding to multiple diversities inearly childhood education: How far have we come? In C. Genishi & A. L. Goodwin (Eds.),Diversities in early childhood: Rethinking and doing (pp. 3–10). Routledge. Goodwin, A. L. , Genishi, C. , Asher, N. , & Woo, K. A. (2006). Voices from the margins. In C.Park , R. Endo , & A. L. Goodwin (Eds.), Asian and Pacific American education: Learning,socialization, and identity (pp. 99–120). Information Age. Gordon, J. A. (2000). Asian American resistance to selecting teaching as a career: Thepower of community and tradition. Teachers College Record, 102(1), 173–196.

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