The Impact of Girl Friendly Schools in Rwanda

FAWE Forum for African Women Educationalists

FAWE Research SeriesVol 2 - 2011

Strengthening gender research to improve girls' and women's education in Africa

The studies featured in this publication were made possible through the generous financial support of the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).

©FAWE 2012

The views and opinions expressed in this volume are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of FAWE. They should not be attributed to FAWE, to its members, funders or affiliated organisations, or

to any individual acting on behalf of FAWE.

FAWE Research Series Vol. 2 - 2011

2 FAWE Research Series Vol. 2 • 2011

S T R E N G T H E N I N G G E N D E R R E S E A R C H T O I M P R O V E G I R L S ' A N D W O M E N ' S E D U C AT I O N I N A F R I C A

Table of contents

Introduction .....................................................................................................................................................

Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................................................

List of tables and figures .............................................................................................................................

List of abbreviations and acronyms ..........................................................................................................

Overview ............................................................................................................................................................

Basic education: Gender-responsive schooling and the role of teachers ..........................................

1. Women teachers in Liberia: Between desire and reality ....................................................................

2. The impact of girl-friendly school initiatives in Malawi: Evidence from six case studies ........

3. The impact of child-friendly schools in Rwanda ...................................................................................

Higher education: Mainstreaming gender to increase female participation .....................................

4. The impact of gender equity policies and programmes on the participation of female students in Kenya’s public university education ...................................................................................

5. Gender gap: Enrolment and career choices of accounting students in Nigerian universities..

Conclusion and policy recommendations ................................................................................................

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FAWE Research Series Vol. 2 • 2011 3


Volume 2 of the FAWE Research Series reiterates our commitment to contribute to girls’ education on the African continent by generating strong evidence to inform policy and advocacy efforts.

Through this volume that seeks to address gender issues in formal schooling practices, we recognise that girls’ education continues to be plagued by challenges. Closing the gender gap and achieving gender parity by 2015, as outlined by the Millennium Development Goals, will require concerted efforts by ministries of education, development partners, school administrators and advocacy groups.

Gender equity is an essential building block in sustainable development. Women in sub-Saharan Africa not only have recognised and invaluable traditional and local knowledge, they play vital roles in the incubation and transfer of critical, local knowledge on which survival strategies are based. Access to quality learning, training and capacity development is the key to their empowerment and enables their participation in the development of their communities.

Yet many girls attending secondary school are failing to master the skills and competencies needed to succeed in today’s labour market. Measured in terms of learning achievement, the quality of educational services in most African countries remains low, while gender inequalities in both learning and earning outcomes persist.

It is against this backdrop that FAWE partnered with researchers across the African continent to promote gender equity through policy-relevant research on education. The research focuses on areas where knowledge is particularly scant; identifies the missing links, data gaps, and key issues; and addresses critical shortcomings.

Through its research activities, FAWE aims to contribute to enhancing girls’ education through high impact research projects and publications that will inform policy decisions with research evidence. FAWE also hopes to strengthen research capacity in Africa by collaborating with professors and specialists who, in turn, mentor budding researchers, training them in the latest research methodologies.

By selecting female researchers with affiliations to universities and/or gender research institutes, FAWE widens its engagement by utilising the platforms of these institutions to connect with other stakeholders in education through research. In its collaboration with primarily female researchers and experts, FAWE creates a forum that foregrounds the critical role of women in generating knowledge, creating solutions, and redressing issues in girls’ education.

In this volume, while Kenyatta University, Nairobi, looks at the impact of gender equity policies and programmes on the participation of female students in Kenya’s public university education, the Centre for Educational Research and Training (CERT) in the Faculty of Education at Chancellor College, University of Malawi, investigates the impact of policies and initiatives that address gender equality in education and female participation in community activities.

The Centre for Gender, Culture and Development of the Kigali Institute of Education analyses the impact of child-friendly schools on girls’ education in Rwanda by undertaking research in four schools. The University of Maryland investigates the factors that affect women’s choices to pursue a career in primary school teaching in Liberia. Lastly, Covenant University, Nigeria, investigates the gender gap in enrolment and the career choices of accounting students in Nigerian universities.

FAWE would like to thank the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad) for providing the funding for the analytic work and papers that constitute the FAWE Research Series Volume 2. Promoting gender equity in education is an uphill endeavour that requires institutional and community-based partnerships. Norad has been an invaluable partner through its generous funding and unwavering support of FAWE’s research initiative through the years. FAWE would also like to extend thanks to all the research partners and institutions for their various contributions and for enabling this volume to come to fruition.

Oley Dibba-WaddaFAWE Executive Director

Introduction



FAWE would like to thank the following individuals and organisations for their invaluable contribution to the second cycle of its research initiative and to the production of the FAWE Research Series Volume 2.

Financial support and guidance

The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad)

Norad’s commitment to gender equality and education and its generous support of educational research has been the engine behind FAWE’s research initiative and the Research Series publication. FAWE is indebted to Norad for its steadfast support for almost 20 years.

Research teams

Covenant University, Nigeria

Umuren Adebimpe, Lead researcher

Umuren Adebimpe is the Acting Head of the Accounting Department at Covenant University, Nigeria. She holds a PhD in Accounting and is a chartered accountant and a member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria. Her research interests include issues related to gender, accounting and education.

Dorcas Oyerinde, Research mentee

Dorcas Oyerinde, who holds an MSc and a PhD in Accounting, is a lecturer at Covenant University, Nigeria. She is a chartered accountant and a member of the International Academy of African Business and Development. Her areas of specialisation include stock market research in accounting, and gender issues and career choices.

Nwobu Obiamaka, Research mentee

Nwobu Obiamaka, holder of Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees in Accounting, is currently a doctoral student and lecturer in the Department of Accounting at Covenant University, Nigeria. Her areas of specialisation include career progression of women, auditing, transparency, and financial reporting. She is an Associate Member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN).

University of Malawi, Malawi

Demis Kunje, Lead researcher

Demis Kunje is a Senior Research Fellow in the Faculty of Education at the University of Malawi. Before joining the University, he was a teacher and methods advisor in the Ministry of Education. His research focuses on teacher education, science education and girls’ education. He has published extensively on teachers and girls’ education and has served as a consultant for multilateral institutions on teacher development and issues related to girls’ education.

Lizzy Chiwala, Research mentee

Lizzy Chiwala is a Research Fellow at the University of Malawi’s Centre for Educational Research (CERT). She holds a Master’s degree in International Studies from Kobe University in Japan and a Bachelors in Education from the University of Malawi. Before joining CERT, Ms. Chiwala was employed by the Ministry of Education as a secondary school teacher.

University of Maryland, USA

Nelly P. Stromquist, Co-principal investigator

Nelly Stromquist is a professor of international education policy in the College of Education at the University of Maryland, USA. She specialises in issues related to international development education and gender, which she examines from a critical sociological perspective. Her research focuses on the dynamics of educational policies and practices, gender relations, social justice, and societal change. Recently, she has been studying how the processes of globalisation are shaping the structures and functions of education.

Steven J. Klees, Co-principal investigator

Steven Klees is the R.W. Benjamin Professor of International and Comparative Education at the University of Maryland. Professor Klees’ work examines the political economy of education and development, with specific research interests in globalisation, neo-liberalism, and education; the role of aid agencies; education, human rights and social justice; the education of disadvantaged populations; the role of class, gender and race in reproducing and challenging educational and social inequality; and alternative approaches to education and development.

Acknowledgements



Jing Lin, Co-principal investigatorJing Lin is Professor at the University of Maryland. She has published extensively on Chinese education, culture and society, and educational changes in China. She has done extensive research on peace education and environmental education, and has authored the following books: Love, peace and wisdom in education: Vision for education in the 21st century (2006), Educators as peace makers: Transforming education for global peace (2008), and Spirituality, religion, and peace education (2010). She is co-editor of two book series: Peace Education, and Transforming Education for the Future.

Carol Corneliese, Research menteeCarol Corneliese is Program Coordinator in the Office of the Associate Provost for Equity and Diversity at the University of Maryland. Prior to that, Dr. Corneilse worked in graduate recruitment and orientation, programmes for talented minority undergraduates, and the President’s Commissions on Disability, Ethnic Minority, and LGBT Issues. She was involved in producing the University’s Strategic Plan for Diversity, Transforming Maryland: Expectations for Excellence in Diversity and Inclusion.

Caitlin S. Haugen, Research menteeCaitlin S. Haugen received her PhD from the University of Maryland in International Education Policy. She served as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Uganda and Thailand, where she was a teacher trainer. She has been a classroom teacher and an environmental educator. Her research interests include developing learning communities in institutions of higher education, global competency development, the effects of girls’ education on HIV and AIDS, environmental adult education and female teachers.

Centre for Gender, Culture, and Development, Kigali Institute of Education, Rwanda

Shirley Randell, Lead researcher Shirley Randell is the Director of the Centre for Gender, Culture and Development at the Kigali Institute of Education in Rwanda. She has had a distinguished career in education and public sector reform and has spent the last 15 years providing technical assistance to governments worldwide. She served as head of mission in the development of a gender baseline, gender audit, gender policy, gender strategic and action

plans for the National University of Rwanda. She also conducted training on gender-based violence response and prevention for national security organs for 14 countries.

Francisca Mujawase, Research menteeFrancesca Mujuwase holds a Bachelor’s degree in Applied Statistics. She is a statistician affiliated with Isibalo Capacity Building Programme in South Africa, a programme that builds human capacity and promotes ongoing participatory activities in the key focus areas of statistical development. Her training in integrative analysis has enabled her to carry out projects such as Gender Participation in Governance at Local Government Institutions in Rwanda. She is also a member of the African Group of Statisticians (AGROST).

Kenyatta University, Kenya

Violet Wawire, Lead researcher Violet Wawire holds a PhD in Education from Kenyatta University, Kenya. For the past 10 years she has been a lecturer in the Department of Educational Foundations. Her research interests include gender and education, equity of access, and issues in elementary and higher education in the Kenyan context. She has co-authored several book chapters and published journal papers. She is affiliated with such organisations as Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), the Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa (OSSREA) and the Africa Higher Education Collaborative (AHEC).

Hedwig Ombunda, Research menteeHedwig Ombunda holds a Master’s degree in Educational Psychology from Kenyatta University. She specialises in issues related to education, psychology and gender. Her research interests include gender, child development, personality, higher education and primary education.

Lucy Wandiri Mbirianjau, Research menteeLucy Wandiri is a PhD student at the School of Education at Kenyatta University. Her doctoral thesis explores gender and peace-building education through science, technology and mathematics. She has presented papers in conferences related to gender and is an active member of the Women Educational Researchers of Kenya (WERK) which deals with issues pertaining to gender, advocacy and research.



Peer review team

Chi Chi Undie, PhD Associate, Population CouncilChi Chi Undie is an associate in the Reproductive Health Services and Research Program of the Population Council. She has worked as associate research scientist at the African Population and Health Research Center where she served as Principal Investigator for various sexual reproductive health research projects.

Krystal Strong, PhDcKrystal Strong is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley. She received a BA in Individualised Study from New York University, with a concentration in African Diaspora Studies. Her research interests include Africa, political activism, youth, education, identity and popular culture.

Usree Bhattacharya, PhDcUsree Bhattacharya is a doctoral candidate in the Graduate School of Education at University of California, Berkeley. She holds a Master’s degree in English Literature and another in Teaching International Languages. Her research explores language and literacy socialisation of children, excavates local language ideologies, and examines broader discourse around language learning in the context of globalisation.

Ayo Coly, PhDAyo Coly is an Associate Professor of African and African-American studies, and of Comparative Literature at Darmouth College. Professor Coly’s research interests include African literatures and cinema, postcolonial theory, colonial and postcolonial masculinities, and human rights. She is author of The pull of postcolonial nationhood: Gender and migration in francophone African literatures, and is currently

completing the book Un/clothing African womanhood: The female body in African visual discourse.

Editorial team

Irmin Durand, FAWE Research, Communication and Advocacy OfficerIrmin Durand is responsible for developing and coordinating FAWE’s communication and research activities. She acted as focal point for the establishment of the research initiative and is editorial and creative director of the FAWE Research Series. She has worked at UNESCO-IIEP, in publishing and as a journalist.

Miriam Jones, Editor, EnglishMiriam Jones worked as copy editor on the English version of this volume. She has worked for UNESCO’s International Institute for Educational Planning notably on its flagship series, the Fundamentals of Educational Planning and reports of the International Working Group on Education, among others. She has also been involved in UNESCO publications on water and peace and bioethics and human rights.

Nathalie Montagu, Translator English-FrenchNathalie Montagu worked as copy editor on the French version of this volume. She is a freelance translator (English-Japanese-French) specialised in education and development. She has worked for UNESCO and AfDB programmes including ADEA and WG-COMED as well as NGOs such as FAWE.

PhotographyAll images in this publication are courtesy of Nancy Wong for FAWE.

Design and printingCapital Colours Creative Design, Nairobi, Kenya



List of tables

Table 1.1 Initiatives at Sungu school and their GEEF dimension.........................................................................

Table 1.2 Initiatives at Mponda school and their GEEF dimension .....................................................................

Table 1.3 Initiatives at Chiha school and their GEEF dimension .........................................................................

Table 1.4 Initiatives at Kavu school and their GEEF dimension ...........................................................................

Table 1.5 The PROGE initiative at Chimwe school and its GEEF dimension .....................................................

Table 1.6 Initiatives at Ngolo school and their GEEF dimension .........................................................................

Table 1.7 Girls’ dropout, retention and promotions rates at primary and secondary levels, 2008-2009 ..

Table 1.8 Composition of respondents by school, gender, category, and research instrument ..................

Table 1.9 Teachers in Rubavu district by gender, 2010 ...........................................................................................

Table 1.10 Students’ enrolment in Rubavu district by sex, 2010 ...........................................................................

Table 1.11 Enrolment in Gakenke district by gender, 2010 ......................................................................................

Table 1.12 Teachers in Gakenke district by gender, 2010 .........................................................................................

Table 1.13 School enrolment by gender, 2011 ............................................................................................................

Table 2.1 Sampling frame of the study of Kenyan universities .............................................................................

Table 2.2 Student enrolments at KU and JKUAT by gender, 2006-2011 ............................................................

Table 2.3 Enrolments by course distribution in KU by gender, 2007-2010 ........................................................

Table 2.4 Enrolments by course distribution in JKUAT by gender, 2006-2010 ................................................

Table 2.5 KU students’ academic performance profiles by gender, 2006-2010 ..............................................

Table 2.6 JKUAT students’ academic performance profiles by gender, 2006-2010 ......................................

Table 2.7 Female students admitted to public universities on JAB’s AA programme by course specialisation, 2005-2011 ...........................................................................................................................

Table 2.8 List of sampled universities and their abbreviations ............................................................................

Table 2.9 Enrolment by geo-political zone, gender, university type and institution, 2004/05-2009/10 ....

Table 2.10 Enrolment by geo-political zone and gender, 2004/05-2009/10 .......................................................

Table 2.11 Enrolment by university type and gender, 2004/05-2009/10 ............................................................

Table 2.12 Response rate of respondents at seven selected universities ...........................................................

List of tables and figures

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List of figures

Figure 1.1 Conceptual framework – teaching career choices ..................................................................................

Figure 1.2 Girls’ enrolment trajectory from primary to senior high school, Liberia, 2008-2009 ....................

Figure 1.3 Enrolment of boys and girls in Standards 1 and 5 at Sungu school, 2007-2010 .............................

Figure 1.4 Girls’ enrolment in Standards 1, 5 and 8 at Mponda school, 2007-2010 ...........................................

Figure 1.5 Boys’ enrolment in Standards 1, 5, and 8 at Mponda school, 2007-2010 ..........................................

Figure 1.6 Enrolment at Chiha school by sex and standard, 2007 ..........................................................................

Figure 1.7 Enrolment at Chiha school by sex and standard, 2010 ..........................................................................

Figure 1.8 Enrolment at Kavu school by sex and standard, 2009 ...........................................................................

Figure 1.9 Enrolment at Kavu school by sex and standard, 2010 ............................................................................

Figure 1.10 Enrolment at Chimwe school by sex and standard, 2007 ......................................................................

Figure 1.11 Enrolment at Chimwe school by sex and standard, 2010 ......................................................................

Figure 1.12 Enrolment at Ngolo school by sex and standard, 2007 ..........................................................................

Figure 1.13 Enrolment at Ngolo school by sex and standard, 2010 .........................................................................

Figure 1.14 Key dimensions of a child-friendly school ..................................................................................................

Figure 1.15 Districts of Rwanda, 2011 .............................................................................................................................

Figure 1.16 Age of students starting school by gender, 2011 ....................................................................................

Figure 1.17 Age of students by gender, 2011 ..................................................................................................................

Figure 1.18 Length of time taken to get to school, by CFS, 2011 ...............................................................................

Figure 1.19 Problems students faced starting school, 2011 .....................................................................................

Figure 1.20 Dropout rate at four CFSs, 2011 ..................................................................................................................

Figure 1.21 Problems experienced by students in CFSs, 2011 ..................................................................................

Figure 1.22 Causes of dropout and other problems experienced at school, 2011 ...............................................

Figure 1.23 Performance of girls in relation to boys, 2011 .......................................................................................

Figure 1.24 Students’ perception of girls’ performance in relation to boys, 2011 ...............................................

Figure 2.1 Student’s awareness of university/government policies that address gender equity in university enrolment ......................................................................................................................................

Figure 2.2 Challenges affecting university students’ academic participation by gender .................................

Figure 2.3 A triadic reciprocity .........................................................................................................................................

Figure 2.4 Conceptual model: Social cognitive theory, career choice and gender ..............................................

Figure 2.5 Female enrolment by geo-political zone, 2004/05-2009/10 .................................................................

Figure 2.6 Enrolment by university type and gender, 2004/05-2009/10 ..............................................................

Figure 2.7 Response rate of respondents at seven selected universities ............................................................

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List of abbreviations and acronyms

6YBE Six-year basic education

9YBE Nine-year basic education

12YBE 12-year basic education

AA Affirmative action

AICPA American Institute of Certified Public Accountants

AIDS Acquired immune deficiency syndrome

ALP Accelerated Learning Programme

CA Chartered accountancy

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women

CEO County Education Officer

CERT Centre for Educational Research and Training

CESLY Core Educational Skills for Liberian Youth

CFS Child-friendly school

CGCD Center for Gender Culture and Development

CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child

CRECCOM Creative Centre for Community Mobilisation

CSCQBE Civil Society Coalition for Quality Basic Education

DEO District Education Officer

DHT Deputy head teacher

ECSEL European Community Support in Education to Liberia

EDC Education Development Center

EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy 2008-2012

EFA Education for All

FAWE Forum for African Women Educationalists

FGD Focus group discussion

FGM Female genital mutilation

GEEF Gender Equity Education Framework

GM Gender mainstreaming

GOAL Girls’ Opportunity to Access Learning

GOK Government of Kenya

GoR Government of Rwanda

GS Groupe scolaire (school)

HEC Higher Education Council

HIV Human immunodeficiency virus

HT Head teacher

ICT Information and communication technology

IIEP International Institute for Educational Planning

IPAR Institute of Policy Analysis and Research



IRC International Rescue Committee

JAB Joint Admissions Board

JAMB Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board

JCE Junior Certificate Examinations

JKUAT Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology

KIE Kigali Institute of Education

KU Kenyatta University

LTTP Liberian Teacher Training Program

MDG Millennium Development Goal

MIGEPROF Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion

MINECOFIN Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning

MINEDUC Ministry of Education

MMUST Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology

MoE Ministry of Education

MSCE Malawi School Certificate of Examinations

NCST National Council of Science and Technology

NGO Non-governmental organization

NTAL National Teachers’ Association of Liberia

NUC National Universities Commission

PROGE Promotion of Girls’ Education project

PTA Parent-teacher association

PTC Parent-teacher committee

PTR Pupil-teacher ratio

RTTI Rural teacher training institute

SACMEQ Southern African Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality

SCT Social cognitive theory

SMC School management committee

SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

TT Teacher training

UIS UNESCO Institute for Statistics

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

UNGEI United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative

UNIBEN University of Benin

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

UPE Universal Primary Education

USAID United States Agency for International Development

UTME Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination

VAWOGEDE Violence against Women and Girls – an Enemy to Development

WAEC West African Examination Council



Women represent a significant portion of every nation’s human resources base; together they constitute a pool of talent for the development of their immediate communities and larger societies. How can we ensure women gain better access to quality education so that they can participate in the leadership of their various communities? How are we to incorporate a gender perspective into research agendas, into research and development and into the development of strategies, policies, processes and products to support a gender and development agenda? These concerns have been the focus of discussions in several national and international settings; those addressing women’s needs, rights and advancement as well as those focusing on the role of education in supporting sustainable development and poverty alleviation.

An extra year of education increases a girl's income by 10 to 20 per cent and is a significant step on the road to breaking the cycle of poverty. Educating girls gives them a chance to make a better life for themselves and their children and creates a more prosperous community, a better workforce and a wealthier nation. The accumulation of educational endowments not only allows girls to take up economic opportunities and generate income, but also to apply these endowments to take action (agency) to improve their individual and society's wellbeing.

Gender-responsive polices that take into account the environment and the cultural and social realities of the lives of both women and men—while aiming to eliminate inequalities and promote an equal distribution of resources—are the most successful at giving girls such agency. As government and international organisations rely increasingly on research to design, monitor and assess policy interventions, reliable gender-disaggregated data and statistics are crucial for the development of policies promoting gender equity.

FAWE, in its efforts to reduce persistent gender gaps and give women agency—the process by which individuals make choices and translate them into desired outcomes—has engaged in research to generate evidence to support its advocacy and collaborative efforts with governments and international organisations. In partnership with researchers from five institutions, FAWE carried out the following studies that constitute Volume 2 of the FAWE Research Series.

The impact of gender equity policies and programmes on the participation of female students in Kenya’s public university education This study, conducted in collaboration with Kenyatta University, examines structural formal policies and programmes, as well as non-formal, deeply-held institutional assumptions, norms and values that result in gender inequity. While researchers investigate ways in which existing university programmes and policies can be improved to benefit women’s participation, the study also documents the gendered enrolment and performance patterns by course specialisation, highlights the impact of gender equity policies and programmes on female students’ participation in public university education, and recommends ways in which existing gender equity policies and programmes in Kenyan public universities could be improved.

Research findings reveal a limited number and variety of policies and programmes that redress gender inequalities in access to and retention in the university. Additionally, while policies in place have focused on access to university education, they have neglected retention, student achievement and completion—important components of the equity equation. The research recommends revising the existing policies to make them more holistic, creating awareness by actively disseminating gender policies and programmes to a wider audience and sensitising members of the university community on gender issues.

Women teachers in Liberia: Between desire and realityThis study, carried out in partnership with the University of Maryland, USA, focuses on factors that affect women’s choices to become primary school teachers in Liberia. It seeks to expose the factors that account for the male-dominated primary school teaching force, and the barriers that dissuade women from becoming teachers. The research also examines the experience of female teachers and identifies job conditions that render teaching a challenging profession. The researchers conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with Ministry of Education officials, in- and pre-service teachers, school administrators and faculty at teacher training institutions, and international development professionals.

Overview



The research findings suggest that women face several cultural barriers to receiving an education. Specifically, the patrilineal assumptions that imply a girl is a resource for her husband’s family, early onset of sexual activity and teenage pregnancy, pressure on girls to marry early, and low investment in the education system on a national level all seriously compromise a girl’s ability to enter and stay in school in Liberia. Few girls completing education means few girls are available to become teachers at any level. The study offers several policy options for increasing the number of female teachers in the workforce.

The impact of girl-friendly school initiatives in Malawi: Evidence from six case studies

The Centre for Educational Research and Training (CERT) in the Faculty of Education at Chancellor College, University of Malawi, investigates the impact of policies and initiatives that address gender equality in education and female participation in community activities. Using a three-pronged approach, the study conducts a critical analysis of all gender equality policies formulated since 2000. Researchers analysed the effectiveness of the developed strategies and their impact. The researchers also evaluated two projects targeting girls, documented the perceived changes, and assessed the impact of the policies and initiatives on girls’ access to, and participation and performance in school. Study findings reveal that initiatives or projects addressing one or two aspects of girls’ needs only benefit a limited number of girls and do not have lasting effects on girls’ participation in school. The research recommends holistic interventions and solutions to a broad range of issues in gender equity.

Gender gap: Enrolment and career choices of accounting students in Nigerian universities

This study, conducted in partnership with Covenant University, Nigeria, seeks to determine gender gaps in the enrolment of accounting students in Nigerian universities, and examines the factors that influence the career choices of accounting students in Nigeria. The study also investigates students’ perceptions of accounting as a career and develops an advocacy programme for an educational policy to influence female career choices and boost female admission to Nigerian universities. Findings reveal that while there has been a gradual increase in female enrolment in accounting programmes in Nigerian universities, enrolment rates have varied in private, government and federal

universities. The study provides recommendations on ways to increase female participation in disciplines such as accounting.

Impact of child-friendly schools on girls’ education in Rwanda

Rwanda ranks high internationally in gender equality and women’s empowerment. Yet there are still gaps between policy and practice in relation to the retention, achievement and transition of girls in secondary and tertiary education. Against this backdrop, this study, carried out in partnership with the Kigali Institute of Education’s Centre for Gender, Culture and Development, analyses the impact of child-friendly schools on girls’ education in Rwanda. The research questions were based on the outcomes of the child-friendly school programme in four categories, as set by the Ministry of Education: enrolment, retention, achievement and school management/community involvement. Findings on enrolment indicate that while gender balance has been achieved, gaps in achievement still exist. The study recommends launching a sensitisation and awareness programme to help communities understand the need to educate girls. It also makes the case for the provision of adequate infrastructures and equipment to facilitate learning.

Informing policy and advocacy through research

Education is an engine for development. While great strides have been made to provide girls with educational opportunities, findings from the studies carried out under FAWE’s research initiative indicate persistent gaps in access to and retention and achievement in education at secondary and higher levels. Understanding which of these gaps respond to economic development and why they do so, is relevant to policy because it helps shine light on the gender gaps that need attention. Designing appropriate policies is just the first step toward greater gender equality. The goal of FAWE’s Research Series is not only to highlight the education issues still in need of attention, but to provide strong evidence to inform policy and advocate for educational programmes that will enable girls to reach their full potential. With the publication of Volume 2 of its Research Series, FAWE stays true to its goal of disseminating pertinent information that is critical for the design and implementation of educational programmes that will not only allow girls and women to become agentive, but will enable them to partake in both their own and their community’s development.

Basic education: Gender-responsive schooling and the

role of teachers



Building on past research, the papers in this volume draw linkages between gender-responsive schooling practices and girls’ achievement in primary and secondary education. The study on Liberia underscores the correlation between factors that affect women’s choices to become school teachers, barriers that dissuade women from becoming teachers, and cultural and professional environments in which female teachers operate. In response to the argument that few women enrolling in schools means few women are available to become teachers, the study offers several policy options for increasing the number of female teachers in the workforce.

The studies on Malawi and Rwanda investigate gender-responsive practices in selected schools to examine their effectiveness in keeping girls in schools. While

Rwanda highlights teacher quality and sensitivity, and gender balance in leadership positions as critical factors for students’ success, the Malawi study underlines the need to adopt holistic approaches in addressing the multiple factors that militate against girls’ education.

The common theme in all the studies is the centrality of teachers’ roles to students’ success. There is thus a need to equip teachers with gender-responsive teaching and assessment methods to make formal schooling environments sufficiently appealing to girls. This will encourage them to stay in school and eventually narrow the gender gap in achievement.

Gender-responsive schooling and the role of teachers



ABSTRACT

Liberia faces very difficult circumstances. The recent end to the brutal civil wars—the first from 1989 to 1996 and the second from 1999 to 2003—has transformed Liberia into a post-conflict country in the process of recovery and reconstruction. Nearly 80 per cent of schools were destroyed in the war, and existing schools lack basic infrastructure such as water, latrines, books, desks and chairs. As a result, Liberia has a low literacy rate of 58 per cent, and the majority of those who cannot read are women. Further, Liberia has the lowest percentage of female teachers on the continent—only 12 per cent of educators at the primary level and 5 per cent at secondary are women. Considering the importance of female teachers to girls’ enrolment, attainment, and retention in education, the low number of women teachers is alarming.

This study focuses on factors that affect women’s choices to become primary school teachers in Liberia. It seeks to expose the factors that account for the male-dominated primary school teaching force and the barriers that dissuade women from becoming teachers. This research also examines the experience of those women who do become teachers and identifies job conditions that render teaching a challenging profession. The study offers several policy options for increasing the number of female teachers in the workforce.

Women teachers in Liberia:Between desire and reality1

The low completion rate for girls means that few girls enter the teaching profession at any level.

University of Maryland



The researchers conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with Ministry of Education (MoE) officials, in- and pre-service teachers, administrators and faculty at teacher training institutions, and international development professionals. The research findings suggest that women face several cultural barriers to receiving an education. Specifically, the patrilineal assumptions that imply that girls are resources for their husbands’ family, teenage pregnancy, early marriage and low investment in the education system on a national level all seriously compromise girls’ ability to enter and stay in school in Liberia. The low completion rate for girls means that few girls enter the teaching profession at any level.

For women who do complete the education cycle and choose to pursue a teaching career, they do so because they want to work with knowledge and share it with others. However, their path is not free of challenges. A vast majority of potential female teachers have children and family responsibilities. The high opportunity costs associated with completing teacher training programmes followed by low pay upon completion and poor pay delivery systems make teaching a non-viable option for many. When women enter the profession, they face difficult working conditions such as long distances from home to school, poor housing facilities, late salary payments, large class sizes and overage students, and lack of teaching materials. Liberian women cite careers such as nursing and business as more attractive, better paid options. Rural conditions emerge as a major dissuading factor: poor quality roads and few transportation options, a dearth of safe housing, and lack of childcare services characterise the rural situation.

The civil service nature of the teaching profession with the associated pension benefits and job security make it appear to be an attractive choice. Also, in a society with an estimated 15 per cent employment rate in the formal sector, teaching positions appeal largely to men. Nevertheless, teaching remains a career path chosen as a last resort due to the unfavourable perceptions associated with it.

Existing policies and programmes are promising, but they face problems in their implementation. Recent salary increases still fail to meet living expenses, and many teachers do not receive pay due to bureaucratic delays in getting onto the payroll. Scholarships and stipends for female in-service teachers frequently fail to arrive and, when they do, are not sufficient to support their families.

In light of the challenges women face in Liberia to become teachers, the following recommendations emerge from this research:

• Provide incentives for teachers in rural areas

• Accommodate female teacher trainees by modifying the admission criteria, providing tutoring, and offering family housing options

• Endeavour to make teaching more attractive by providing incentives such as pay increases and safe housing

• Overhaul teacher training programmes to consider gender in shaping educational outcomes

• Establish more rural teacher training institutes, and foster services such as health clinics and shops nearby

• Ensure teachers are added to the payroll and receive their pay in a timely manner through the use of effective technologies

• Provide gender-sensitive education to girls and boys, as well as to educators, at all levels

• Devise interventions at key points in girls’ educational trajectories (transitions to middle and high school) to increase the pool of potential female teacher candidates

None of these programmes will be possible, however, without significant financial investment. The current commitment—especially that allocated to girls’ education—is insufficient based on the immense gender inequalities in the Liberian education system and in society at large.



1. INTRODUCTION

Education is the engine of a nation’s social, cultural and economic development. ‘You educate a child, you build a nation’ is a popular phrase that embodies great wisdom. Since 1990, two global policies on education highlight the importance of women’s education: Education for All (EFA)—established in Jomtien, Thailand, in 1990 and reaffirmed in Dakar, Senegal, in 2000—and the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), also enacted in 2000. The EFA commitments pledged by nations and international development agencies include ensuring that ‘by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to and complete free and compulsory primary education of good quality’ and eliminating ‘gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and achieve gender equality in education by 2015, with a focus on ensuring girls’ full and equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality’ (UNESCO, 2000, pp. 15-16). These goals are reiterated in the MDGs.

However, to increase access and improve the quality of education for girls and women, to broaden the scope of women’s careers, and to raise women to national leadership positions, women and girls need role models as well as encouragement and understanding from other women. This is confirmed by empirical studies showing that the greater the presence of female teachers, the greater the enrolment rates of girls in primary schooling (Haugen et al., 2011). Hence, it is vital that women be sufficiently represented in schooling as both teachers and administrators, and that women see the teaching profession as a promising and prestigious career.

1.1 The Liberian context

Liberia recently ended a brutal 14-year civil war1 that had a devastating impact on the country. As a post-conflict country in the process of recovery and reconstruction, Liberia faces a high illiteracy rate. Only 58 per cent of the population is literate and the majority of those who cannot read are women. Participation in basic education is low by most standards; while 91 per cent of children of all ages have access to primary education, a mere 58 per cent complete it (UIS, 2010).

While Liberia is moving toward equal rights for men

and women, all indigenous groups in Liberia are patrilineal, which implies that a woman must move into her husband’s family home after marriage, joining his family and leaving her own. Thus, daughters are not seen as a future economic resource for their own families. Patriarchal beliefs setting marked differences between women and men produce a strong division of labour, with women in rigid domestic and maternal roles and children as highly desirable and valued potential workers. Patriarchy is pervasive and cuts across religious, linguistic and ethnic groups (Dahn, 2008; Greenberg, 2009). In almost every aspect of their lives, women suffer disproportionately to men in health, education, economic and cultural status.

The Liberian social and administrative structure, and thus official power, is still in the hands of traditional chiefs (operating at all levels, from village/town to district level). The National Policy on Girls’ Education (MoE/UNICEF, 2005) notes that ‘Traditional chieftaincy is currently considered as a domain of men and it is difficult for women to break the chain. This is so because the traditional norms and values determine the status of women within the social structure of tribal government’ (p. 18). There is now a proposal under debate to introduce a minimum quota of 13 per cent women to serve as representatives in the legislative house. One respondent observed that, because of the local culture, ‘Men do not encourage women [to seek education] because they don’t like their wives to be like them. Men want to be the boss.’

Polygamy is not illegal in Liberia, is still common in rural areas, and circumscribes women to domestic and child-rearing situations. According to national statistics, only 7 per cent of men and 6 per cent of women are in a polygamous marriage (LIBSGIS, 2009, p. A 4-69). These figures stand in contrast to comments by interviewees who noted that about 20 to 30 per cent of rural men practice polygamy. Reportedly, most girls marry by the age of 20 and many as early as 13. This is regardless of religion and occurs more frequently in rural areas. The Demographic and Health Survey for Liberia (Republic of Liberia, 2008, p. 53) found that 78 per cent of women have had a child by the time they are 20-24 years old. As such, by the time women choose to enter post-secondary education, most of them are

1 Although women participated in good numbers as combatants, they also played a significant role in bringing peace to the country. One of the co-winners of the Nobel Peace Prize for 2011 is Leymah Gbowe, who received the award for her leadership in organising women for peace in Liberia. The current President of Liberia, Ms Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, was also a co-winner for her contribution to social development, women’s rights and peace.



either married and/or have children. One interviewee, an African gender specialist, commented that the concept of early marriage is more accurately described as the ‘early onset of sexual activity and childbirth’, rather than merely a change in civil status. The practices of polygamy and early marriage force young women to join their husband’s family and household, thus imposing new work demands and more than likely interrupting their studies.

Early onset of sexual activity and rates of teenage pregnancy are higher in rural areas, which seriously compromises girls’ access to education beyond primary level and greatly reducing their life chances. Also, sexual and gender-based violence is rife and some believe that there has been an increase in occurrences of rape since the civil war. Females in rural areas are more disadvantaged than their urban counterparts: up to 70 per cent are unlikely to have had any schooling in remote rural areas (Greenberg, 2009).

The country is still in the process of school reconstruction, since during the civil war nearly 80 per cent of the existing 2,400 schools were destroyed (Shriberg, 2008). Schools fall short in essential basic infrastructure such as water and latrines, and lack desks, chairs and textbooks (MoE, 2007). Government officials claim not to know the precise number of effective schools and teachers, as ‘ghost’ schools and teachers are a common occurrence. To correct this, there are now efforts to provide principals with training in records management. The government, through an executive order by President Sirleaf, introduced free and compulsory primary education in 2007 as one way of reducing the high dropout rate among girls. Subsequently, in 2010, Liberia won the UN MDG-3 award for its efforts to increase girls’ enrolment in primary and secondary education and the number of women in political office (Women’s Net, 2010).

Economically, today Liberia is categorised as a heavily indebted poor country and has therefore qualified for significant reductions in its external debt. On the other hand, in its efforts to avoid falling into debt again, the government has decided not to seek external lending above 3 per cent of the GDP. This reasoning, while justifiable from a financial perspective, also means that the country is not making significant investments in certain social areas, including education. Given the deeply patriarchal nature of Liberian society, combined

with low investment in education, the problem of girls’ under-enrolment and high dropout are likely to persist.

1.2 Statement of the problem

At present, Liberia has over 10 teacher training programmes, three of which are residential and located in rural areas. They are under-utilised because of their inability to attract qualified high school graduates, particularly females, who are under-represented for reasons discussed in this report. Furthermore, only one of the rural teacher training institutes (RTTIs) has functioning computer equipment and Internet connectivity. Library resources are woefully meagre, as are textbooks, instructional aids, equipment and supplies (QED Group, 2009). Thus, even the educational process of acquiring a teaching qualification is not easy. Personal dispositions toward the job must be high for teaching to be selected.

One striking problem in the Liberian education system is the lack of female teachers in schools. While many nations have a large number of women teaching at the primary school level, in over half of African countries they are in the minority (UIS, 2010). Liberia has the smallest percentage at only 12 per cent of all primary school teachers. While women make up between a quarter and half of the teachers in junior and senior high schools in many African countries, only 5 per cent of the teachers in Liberia’s secondary schools are women. This means that most Liberian secondary schools have no women teachers and thus have no female role models for girls to follow. It is important, therefore, to understand what contributes to the low number of female teachers in Liberia.

Supported by a research grant from the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE), a study was conducted on the factors that affect choices by women who might consider going into the teaching profession, paying particular attention to the primary level. The research sought to answer the following questions:

• What are the main factors accounting for a male-dominated primary school teaching force?

• What are the barriers that dissuade women from becoming teachers?

• What are the policy options for increasing the number of women teachers in the workforce?



2. RESEARCH DESIGN

2.1 Methodology

Qualitative methods were employed in the research. Following Creswell’s (2007) admonition that reality is subjective and multiple, an attempt was made to gather the viewpoints and stories of multiple actors in the education system—from policy-makers to educators engaged in the preparation of teachers, to practicing teachers. In an effort to ‘understand the complex world of the lived experience from the point of view of those who live it’ (Mertens, 2005, p. 13), the sample of respondents comprised teachers in-service, those preparing to be a teachers, administrators in schools and teacher training institutions, and officials in the MoE. To understand the actual situation of teachers in schools, five combined elementary/secondary schools (two urban, one peripheral urban, and two rural) were visited and their principals and teachers interviewed, with an emphasis on female teachers. MoE officials in the areas of primary, secondary and teacher education, and statistics were interviewed, as well as administrators, faculty, and student teachers in training programmes in both urban (University of Liberia, Cuttington University, and Stella Maris Polytechnic) and rural (Kakata Rural Teacher Training Institute) settings. To gain a greater understanding of the Liberian education context, conversations were held with personnel in charge of three major local projects seeking to assist the development of education in Liberia: the Liberia Teacher Training Program (LTTP), Girls’ Opportunity to Access Learning (GOAL), and Core Education Skills for Liberian Youth (CESLY). In addition, informal conversations were held with several students2. Interviews were also conducted with individuals from the Liberian teachers’ union, several researchers whose projects focused on teachers, people working for educational non-governmental organisations, and a Peace Corps volunteer to offer outside perspectives on the educational situation in Liberia. Given the focus of the study, more women than men were interviewed. A total of 69 subjects participated in the study, of which 46 were women and 23 were men.

Most interviews were conducted individually, but several were group interviews. The interviews were semi-structured and lasted approximately one hour

each. All interviews were recorded manually3, more often than not by at least two researchers. In the data collection, the researchers enquired about reasons for choosing teaching as a career as well as the teachers’ experiences in service. They also sought to gather perspectives that touched on issues on a personal, community, institutional and national level. Several probing questions were asked to provide more in-depth answers on specific topics. One study limitation that should be acknowledged concerns the differences in English competency levels. The variety of accents among Liberian respondents may have affected how certain answers were interpreted; likewise, the accents of the researchers may have affected how certain questions were understood.

The data was cross-checked with multiple information sources. The interview data were supplemented by a comprehensive review of major official documents and reports, ranging from those produced by the MoE to various reports and evaluations of on-going education assistance projects in Liberia.

2.2 Conceptual framework

This study considers the social, cultural and economic factors that influence career choices. Its conceptual framework (outlined in Figure 1) is also affected by individual inclination and interest, and by institutional factors (Denzler and Wolter, 2009). To understand the low presence of women teachers in Liberia, a gender lens is used, which highlights the interaction between private (household) and public spheres. This acknowledges that women, due to dominant societal values, must consider responsibilities toward their spouse, motherhood and childcare as top priorities in their personal and professional lives, whereas for men such preoccupations are usually minimal.

The data analysis followed the categories identified in the conceptual framework, but also allowed ‘categories of analysis to emerge from the data as the study progress[ed]’ (Mertens, 2005, p. 230). Following the interviews, the emerging details and themes were discussed in depth, while considering the voices of the female teachers and paying special attention to the underlying commonalities among their experiences. It is recognised that the researchers brought with them



their own values and biases to the research, having all conducted gender-related teaching and research, as well as having personal backgrounds from Latin America, Asia, Africa and the United States. However, they did attempt to reduce the impact of potential bias by self-reflection and by being aware of their own assumptions. They also tried to build trust with the interviewees by explaining the purpose and policy implications of the study, and felt that the responses were honest and genuine.

The study proceeds in several sections: the context of education for women and girls; the process of women becoming teachers; the reality of teaching; the patterns of educational supply shaping the pool of women teachers; and current policies related to gender and girls’ education. The study then offers some conclusions and recommendations for both policy and further research.

Figure 1.1. Conceptual framework - teaching career choices

Cultural norms Favourable to women Caring traits Compatibility of job with family Clean/low risk occupation Unfavourable to women Unsafe schools Distant schools in rural areasLack of role models

Individual predisposition

Educational supply Pool of high school graduates general Pool of high school graduates, rural Academic achievement

Occupational features Job prestige/status Job stability Benefits (vacation/health/pension) Union protection Promotion policies Financial remuneration Class size

Institutional factors Recruitment by TT institutions Addmission criteria (test scores) Availability of TT institutions TT institutional environment (sexual harassment, financial incentives for student teachers) Gender-sensitive curriculum

Working conditions Class size Job satisfaction School environment (safety, sexual harassment, facilities in rural areas) Promotional and evaluation practicesIncentives for job retention

Selection ofteaching

Retention ofteachers

3. THE SUPPLY OF FUTURE TEACHERS

3.1 Completion

A major factor behind the limited participation of women as teachers at primary, secondary and university levels is that few girls graduate from high school in Liberia4. A recent education census (MoE, 2010) highlighted the significant reductions in the number of girls in school as they move through the education levels (Figure 1.2). Yet secondary school completion is the major prerequisite for access to teacher training programmes in universities, polytechnics or RTTIs.

Figure 1.2. Girls' enrolment trajectory from primary to senior

high school, Liberia 2008-2009

Primary education enrolment281,236

Junior high school enrolment51,067

Senior high school enrolment

27,350

Completion rate36%

(18,384)

Completion rate25%

(6,037)

Completion rate76%

(213,739)

Source: Adapted from MoE (2010).

4 Contrary to comments made by several respondents, girls' participation in school was not better before the civil war. Data for 1989 showed a female enrolment rate of 38 per cent in primary school, while in 2001 it was 46 per cent. At high school level, girls represented 37 per cent of enrolments in 1989 and 42 per cent in 2001 (Raynor, 2011).



The data in Figure 1.2 are not longitudinal but cross-sectional. While the statistics do not trace the same group of students over their schooling experience, some observations are justified. First, the statistics show a marked decrease in participation as students move to higher levels of education. Second, the net enrolment rate of girls in primary school is only 42 per cent of the stipulated age for this level, which reflects that almost 60 per cent of primary school age girls do not have access to basic schooling. Third, while 76 per cent of the girls who enrol in primary education complete it, the numbers of those who enrol in junior high is drastically reduced by almost three quarters, suggesting that it is in the transition to adolescence that many girls experience problems affecting their schooling. Despite the limited access to junior high school, the gross completion rate for this level is modest, reaching a mere 36 per cent. Another dramatic loss occurs when many girls fail to enrol in high school and, even more so, when they fail to complete this very important level. Fourth, if only 25 per cent of girls who enrol in senior high school complete it (according to official statistics), then only 6,837 young women are available for further professional choices. In other words, even if half of those girls were to select teaching as a career, at most 3,500 would be available in any given year—a very limited supply in relation to still unmet national needs. This strongly suggests that it is imperative to work on increasing the number of female high school graduates if more women are to be recruited into the teaching profession.

As a whole, Liberia has low school participation of both boys and girls. This means many young people have no access to the literacy skills and systematic knowledge that formal education provides in principle. Enrolment rates vary considerably by county. Montserrado, being the most developed country and the one in which Monrovia is located, has the strongest enrolment rates in the country. The rate of girls’ enrolment in primary education today is growing faster than in previous years. Nonetheless, this rate is slightly lower than that of boys, suggesting that the gender gap will not be closed in the near future. At present, the gender parity index (which compares the proportion of females compared to males) is 0.88 for primary school, 0.79 for junior high school, and 0.75 for senior high school (MoE, 2010).

In an effort to increase the number of older students receiving schooling, the MoE has put in place its Accelerated Learning Program (ALP), which provides

night classes for youths and adults seeking primary education and condenses the six-year curriculum into three. However, a relatively small number of individuals – some 68,613 – participate in ALP (MoE, 2010); only around 15 per cent of these are women. This low rate is of concern considering that women comprise 61 per cent of the illiterate population in Liberia. It is likely that having children and assuming household responsibilities deprive them of the possibility of accessing further education.

3.1.1 Poverty

Poverty affects girls’ participation in school as parents rely on their daughters’ contribution to household productivity and management. Yet poverty can have multiple and dire repercussions, especially for women. For example, sometimes when girls find they are unable to feed their families, they abandon them and enter into relationships with men who can support them and sometimes pay for their school fees. These arrangements carry with them risks of pregnancy, which curtails their education. Another example is that poor girls tend to have uneducated parents who do not appreciate the importance of schooling and who, reportedly, pressure girls into having children at an early age. Third, students from poor households come to school hungry and are often unable to concentrate; they fall behind their classmates and end up dropping out of school. According to an MoE official, ‘The country is three times more unsafe than before the war.’ In her view, occurrences of rape and sexual harassment have escalated, including a dramatic increase in prostitution. Fear of the above scenarios causes many families to feel insecure about sending their children to school.

3.1.2 Language

Significant linguistic variation was observed during the fieldwork. It is unclear how the fact that native languages are not used in the classroom may affect school enrolment and the academic achievement of students, particularly those in rural areas, but it could potentially have an impact. Given that the country has 16 ethnic groups, Liberia’s inhabitants speak different native languages. Several respondents felt that, after the civil war, most people spoke English and that mother tongue distinctions were not a problem. Nonetheless, many people communicate in their mother tongue and many students speak non-standard English. Several decades ago, the Government of Liberia requested that UNESCO conduct a study on Liberian languages



(Fafunwa, 1980). The report endorsed UNESCO’s position that ‘the best medium of instruction for teaching a child is his mother tongue’ and also observed that since the native languages (except for Vai and Bassa) had no written forms, they would need translation into the International Phonetic Alphabet. At present, the issue of native languages is not being considered by MoE officials or teacher training institutions. On this subject, a school principal stated that ‘People are bilingual in their own language and English. No other common language exists in Liberia; we have been trying but every tribe wants to be superior. Where I obtained my primary education, very few teachers spoke our dialect. To learn English for us was difficult. Language is a major problem in the hinterland.’

3.1.3 Culture

Further acting as a deterrent to the completion of girls’ education is the traditional practice known as the ‘bush school’ or ‘Sande Society school’. Boys attend separate bush schools (as part of the Pore Society) where they learn leadership and practical skills. Since both Sande and Pore societies are secret societies, the extent of their enrolment is not fully known. Sande Society schools provide informal learning for girls on issues regarding local history and genealogy, family life and sexual relations with husbands, as well as domestic skills (cooking, childcare) and social attributes (singing and dancing). A central function of bush schools, however, is the performance of female genital mutilation (FGM), which in Liberia refers to the excision of the clitoris and the labia minora (WHO, 2010). The relevance of this cultural practice for our study of girls’ educational participation is that since bush schools represent a major rite of passage from childhood to adulthood, many girls do not return to regular school and, in fact, are soon afterward claimed for marriage—a marriage many described as being without the girl’s consent and even against her will (see also Pusah-Twalla, 2008). Attending bush schools is a cultural practice that happens regardless of religion and is more intense in rural areas. Informants conducting research in Liberia, which includes producing a detailed mapping of students, teachers, schools and communities in three Liberian counties, reported that in one particular community, of 139 girls sent to bush schools, only one

returned to a formal school. Nyanseor and Coleman (2006) found that FGM practices—considered by most international institutions as a serious violation of human rights5 —are alive in seven of the 16 Liberian ethnic groups (these include the Kpelle—the largest tribe, accounting for 20 per cent of the country’s population— Bassa, Vai, Dan, Ma, Dei, and Gola). One source (US Department of State, n.d.) observes that FGM declined after the civil war and that perhaps only 10 per cent of the population now practices it.

On the other hand, FGM is not illegal in Liberia. In the interviews conducted, several respondents identified bush schools as a major factor affecting the participation of rural girls in formal schools. One respondent, in fact, stated that ‘even people with master’s and doctor degrees take their children to bush schools. Everybody must go to bush school—otherwise you are not part of the community.’ Overall, there was support for these traditional schools. According to an MoE official, bush schools are approved by the Ministry because ‘the girls learn well: housekeeping, cultural values, respect for elders, traditional medicine. The only problem is female circumcision.’ A principal in one of the primary schools said: ‘Bush schools build the body and minds of young people. Most of the parents know the importance of education but don’t want to neglect their culture. It is important to pass our traditions to young people.’ For its part, the National Policy on Girls’ Education (MoE/UNICEF, 2005, further discussed below) states that ‘The Sande Society is a cultural learning system. It allows women a power and authority with a separate structure from that of men’ (p. 18). The plan observes that ‘traditional norms make it difficult for girls to aspire to decision-making positions in government,’ but makes no reference to FGM, indicating only that ‘there has always been a conflict of time and schedule between the tradition (Sande) education and the Ministry of Education regular western education’ (p. 18, emphasis added).

Paradoxically, although traditional norms encourage early sexual relations and promote women’s identities as closely tied to motherhood, Liberian schools do not address sex education in their curricula. Sex is a taboo topic and is very difficult to discuss with parents,

5Unfortunately, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) is ambiguous about FGM. Article 24, paragraph 3 states: ‘States Parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children.’ Yet, Article 29 paragraph 1.c calls for: ‘The development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilisations different from his or her own.’ The women’s movement throughout the world, in contrast, is unanimous in rejecting FGM as a health risk and degrading practice.



especially in rural areas. Several Liberian educators stated that some girls do not even know about the menstrual cycle, much less understand their bodies. To control HIV and AIDS, education authorities do offer education on this topic, but only for teachers, who subsequently are expected to address the issue with grade six students. School curricula cover issues regarding hygiene and health, but questions of teenage pregnancy, sexual abuse and peer pressure to engage in sexual relations are avoided. Among the teacher respondents, only one reported having attended a workshop on gender-sensitive training.

The school environment enables girls and boys to enjoy being away from domestic tasks and gain a greater understanding of the world through the curriculum content. Nonetheless, several respondents mentioned that sexual harassment of female students by teachers and peers is frequent, and that practices such as ‘sex for grades’—in which male teachers demand sexual favours in exchange for passing grades—and ‘flexible fees’—monetary contributions that allow girls and boys to buy passing grades—are part of the school culture. ‘Flexible fees’ appears to be a common problem since graduates of in-service teacher training programmes are often admonished by education authorities not to fall into this practice.

3.2 Teacher training

To increase the number of teachers, the MoE (with the support of USAID) is providing in-service teacher training in several counties, as well as revitalising pre-service teacher training through the RTTIs. The effort to increase the number of elementary school teachers is accompanied by the provision of full tuition and boarding, as well as a stipend of US$88 per semester to cover additional expenses such as personal hygiene and transportation to visit home. Moreover, since October 2010, the MoE has been offering full scholarships plus a monthly stipend of US$30 to those enrolling in teacher training programmes at the university level, although payments are late. However, the sex gap is being closed very slowly. At present, the University of Liberia reports having 139 females and 11 males enrolled in the primary education department and 550 males and 82 females in the secondary education department. This represents progress in the training of women teachers, which could be an indication that financial incentives are effective. On the other hand, reports of a recent in-service training in the county of Grand

Cape, for instance, indicate that of 500 graduates in the C Certificate only five were women. In another effort to provide educational leadership training, out of 15 recruited women only one came to the workshop since the others were unable to leave their children at home. Data from the RTTIs show a similar pattern. The total enrolment for 2010 in the three RTTIs constituted 434 male students and 44 female students. Since the combined capacity of the RTTIs is 700, they experience considerable underutilised capacity (QED Group, 2009). To increase the recruitment of women, the teachers’ union is proposing that RTTI graduates be allowed to go on to university for further studies, provided they pass the university’s entrance examination.

Although it takes only one year to obtain the C Certificate at the RTTIs, some women continue to face difficulties that remain to be addressed. Frequently mentioned as a deterrent to women’s enrolment in the RTTIs is the policy of not allowing mothers to bring their children to the facility and the lack of childcare provision in those institutions. This policy does not have an official justification.

Problems in the treatment of pre-service teachers by the MoE also affect how people react to possible employment as teachers. An assessment of the USAID-sponsored teacher training programme in Liberia found that none of the graduates from the first cohort of the in-service programme had been officially hired by the MoE (QED Group, 2009). An additional problem with the stipends for teachers in pre-service training is that many teachers have not yet received it. In fact, many of the RTTI faculty members are not yet registered on the MoE payroll and have to go to Monrovia to seek payment.

To gain entrance to a teacher training institution or university, students must pass the West African Examination Council (WAEC) test. This exam, established by the British colonial government in 1952, seeks to ensure quality standards6. The most recent Liberian pass rate was 67 per cent. Only 37 per cent of those who took the test were girls, but a similar proportion of those who passed were also girls (Raynor, 2011). Since there is no disaggregated data either by socio-economic status or by urban/rural location, it is not known either whether the examination fees function as a barrier to young women—especially those from rural areas—seeking to enter higher



education. Faculty members interviewed at several teacher training institutions and universities felt that the items on this test seldom matched the curriculum to which students were exposed during secondary school. Several respondents suspected that the WAEC requirements might also function to the detriment of women—especially those from poor families—seeking to enter the teaching profession, given their exposure to low-quality schools and the fees required for the examination.

It must be underscored that while males represent the bulk of teachers at all levels of education in Liberia, teaching is hardly a favourite occupational choice. During the 2010 academic year, Stella Maris Polytechnic, a prestigious Catholic higher education institution, did not have any applicants to its teacher training programme. In addition, the limited attraction—or possibilities—of teaching for women continue. At the time of the researchers’ visit to the Kakata RTTI, 27 out of 172 students were female. A recent graduating class of 179 bachelors of education at Cuttington University, a major private university in the north of the country, had only nine female graduates. On the other hand, the Webbo RTTI showed some progress, with 92 male and 20 female students in its 2011 graduating class.

Not only are there few women graduating as teachers, but the content of their education does not prepare them to address gender inequalities or issues dealing with gender in their societies. Conversations with university instructors indicate that even sex education is not part of the teacher training curriculum. At the University of Liberia, sex education is covered in one course whose central focus is health. The curriculum does not include courses on gender issues despite the fact that faculty members are fully aware of the difficulties women face in Liberian society and how traditional norms reinforce very unequal relations between men and women.

4. BECOMING A TEACHER

Liberian women choose to become teachers for reasons similar to those in other parts of the world: The notion of working with knowledge and sharing it with others is important. This came up repeatedly in our interviews with future teachers. ‘Teachers educate leaders’, said one. The phrase ‘having a passion for teaching’ was stated frequently by the student teachers. Another expressed the wish to ‘make a contribution to the

younger generation’. While there are differences and similarities between men and women when it comes to reasons for entering the teaching profession and factors that shape the experience of becoming a teacher, the ‘passion’ mentioned by many of the interviewees is not gender-specific and is one common motivation reported by teaching programme administrators, faculty and students.

4.1 Public service

Future teachers observed that teachers in public schools are also public servants, which is one good reason to choose teaching as a career. There are benefits attached to being a teacher in the public education system: job security, participation in a visible nationwide community, and a government-sponsored pension (Sperandio and Kagoda, 2010, cited in Molyneaux, 2011). It has been observed that it is precisely this incentive of retirement benefits that proves effective later in keeping highly qualified individuals in the teaching profession (Vargas, Loeb, Romaguera, Paglayan and Goldstein, 2010). It is believed that the assurance of stable employment and eventual access to pension benefits make teaching a desirable occupation among men, which would help explain their numerical dominance. At a time in which the unemployment rate in Liberia is high and employment in the formal sector of the economy reaches a mere 15 per cent (US Department of State, 2011), a stable job at nearly any wage is not a minor consideration. Teaching as a profession, however, suffers from a rather broad social reputation of being a job for ‘poor people’. One MoE official referred to ‘the stigma of teaching’. Interestingly, it was widely recognised by the study participants that teaching serves as a steppingstone to other occupations and careers.

4.2 Income

There are a number of dissuading factors that account for the low numbers of women going into teaching. Since teachers’ salaries are low, young women prefer to go into better paying urban jobs such as nursing, social work, law, bank telling or running small businesses (in fact, the number of women students in business administration is reportedly high). A dean of one of the teacher training institutions observed that there is a high demand for nurses in the United States, which has generated great local interest and recruitment. The provision of scholarships offering stipends are insufficient to offset the material and emotional costs



of female student teachers and do not outweigh the perceived drawbacks. Conversely, because men do not have domestic responsibilities, it is possible for them to supplement their salaries by having two or three teaching jobs, particularly in urban areas. This distinction between men and women’s earning power makes teaching more lucrative for men than for women, and gives men a greater incentive to become teachers. In addition, as one male lecturer explained, boys could be motivated by male teachers who they saw as role models because they were breadwinners and they were well dressed.

4.3 Mobility

Given the difficulty of transportation in the country due to lack of roads, distances are important. The limited local availability of teacher training institutions creates a significant problem for both men and women, but is especially felt among women. For married women and/or mothers, distances create economic and non-economic costs (e.g. loss of social networks, isolation and separation from their family) that are difficult to manage in the absence of an extended family nearby. Exemplifying the physical mobility that is possible among men, one of the male student teachers at the University of Liberia indicated that pursuing his studies had taken him away from his wife and two children in the remote county of Maryland for five years. In the case of female students, their participation in teacher training programmes was possible because they were living with their extended families that were able to take care of their children. One of the students interviewed at the rural teacher training college became pregnant with her first child by a man who offered to pay her school fees when her parents withdrew their support. She has since had three more children. In fact, all female trainee teachers who were interviewed had children, either in or outside marriage. While family support makes it possible for men and women who are parents to pursue their studies, women are more likely than men to put off acquiring a formal qualification until their children are older. For example, two female students interviewed at a private institution were grandmothers. Each of them had started school in their villages and had taught for many years without a qualification. But the dean of education at their institution encouraged them to take advantage of the government programme that allowed women to enrol in a C Certificate programme7 without having to pay tuition. Although one of the male students

interviewed asserted that deployment to rural areas was a challenge for men as well as women, it is also true that a husband could refuse to relocate with his wife and that she may accede to his wishes should he put pressure on her to refuse a rural assignment, whereas a wife would probably follow her husband to his rural post.

4.4 Culture

The choice of going into teaching is also influenced by cultural beliefs about gender roles. In the current study, both future teachers and educational authorities endorsed gender-based stereotypes about the particular suitability of women to deal with children, to express caring attitudes and behaviours, and to be patient. Some of the gender-based expectations surrounding teaching that promote primary education as particularly suitable for women teachers run into conflict with other gender-related factors in the Liberian context. These have to do with the difficulties of gaining admission to a teacher training programme, finding one that is sensitive to the particular challenges faced by mothers (such as childcare), accepting the possibility of assignment to rural areas and the hardships that it carries (including the likelihood of opposition from husbands or male partners), and putting up with certain chronic inconveniences such as late salary payments.

4.5 Qualifications

Having to pass tests that presume previous access to good quality education, such as WAEC tests and tests designed by the MoE, further reduces the number of women available or interested in teaching. Moreover, the requirement that primary school teachers should have a high school diploma eliminates a significant number of women who are high school dropouts but who could continue studies under tutorial or alternative formats.

What is remarkable, however, is the persistence and determination of so many women to educate themselves. Despite having had their education disrupted by war, put-downs and harassment by male students, and family responsibilities and/or spousal opposition to their desire to be gainfully employed outside the home, the women interviewed were determined to become teachers.

7 The C Certificate allows teaching at primary school level. It requires a complete high school education and, usually, completion of a one-year programme. College degrees (AA and BA) enable graduates to teach at higher levels of schooling.



5. THE REALITIES OF TEACHING

Reconstruction following the civil war has involved every institution, including schools, which have been moving gradually toward normalcy. The infrastructure of many schools is still being rebuilt. Teachers and administrators were concerned about the scarcity of educational materials and books. In one large school that comprised both primary and secondary levels of schooling, the principal and the teachers complained they had received only three reams of paper for use by the students for the entire academic year. In other cases, however, sizable numbers of books could be observed in the principals’ offices rather than being used in classrooms—an unanticipated effect of making principals responsible for the good condition of textbooks. In addition to lacking basic materials and structures, teachers face several additional challenges.

5.1 Low salaries

Educators—both teachers and school administrators—readily identify low salaries as a major problem concerning teachers. School administrators complain that while they are expected to be in school from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m., their salaries were L$8,000 or only L$1,000 more than that of regular teachers. A school administrator, who had served for nine years as a teacher in a remote county, explained the problem of limited incomes for teachers: ‘Teachers are starving most of the time. In most cases, teachers receive small tokens from students.’ Further, ‘Your salary cannot afford to feed you throughout the month. A bag of rice [about 100 lbs] is about US$36. You are earning about US$75 and take US$36 for rice, plus you have to pay school fees for your own children, and pay your rent.’ So corruption emerges, and, as this principal added, ‘Some teachers request money from students to pass.’ Cognisant of this, the government has engaged in gradual salary increases from US$20 per month in 2006 to US$75 in 2009 and US$100 (or L$7,000) by early 2011—an amount still considered insufficient by all teachers, though there had been a promise by President Johnson Sirleaf to increase this amount to US$150 by July 20118.

Among female and male teachers, there was strong dissatisfaction with the current MoE policy of offering a flat payment to all teachers, regardless of years of experience or responsibility, as they do to administrators (school principals and vice-principals). The MoE is correcting this situation by establishing a system that distinguishes five levels of teacher education among educators and pays them according to this criterion. The new system is being implemented very slowly and the teachers and administrators interviewed, both in urban and rural areas, are not yet benefiting from it.

5.2 Late payments

Further worsening the issue of low salaries is the delay in payment—a common complaint among in-service teachers. While MoE officials state that this problem is being addressed and might be a thing of the past, the teachers interviewed in both rural and urban areas stated that although their pay was delayed less than in the past (when there would be a delay of two to three months), their payments continued to be late (by 5-15 days). This situation creates havoc in poor households. Teachers reported resorting to taking loans from friends and relatives, but also from community clubs and other sources (such as market women or business lenders), where the loans cost them 25 cents for every dollar per month. This very high interest rate reduces the already small net income of teachers. It also creates attendance problems among teachers because late payments tend to generate inquiries with educational authorities at higher levels, which includes travel (which often takes days) to visit MoE officials situated in the county office or even in Monrovia. A research consultant working on efforts to increase girls’ achievement in Liberia found that in some areas teachers were absent from their classrooms as much as 50 per cent of the time, a significant reason being the need to collect their payment in person.

According to the MoE, the speed of payments has been improving since regular teachers can now be paid directly into their bank account, but since many female teachers seem to belong to the categories of ‘recruited’, ‘replacee’ and ‘volunteer’9, their payment depends on the district education officer, who personally brings

8 In September 2011, salary increases were announced by the government. Teachers with an AA or B Certificate now earn L$11,600 and those with a C Certificate L$9,700. At the time of this study, US$1 was equivalent to 72 Liberian dollars (L$). 9‘Recruited’ refers to newly hired teachers who are not yet on the MoE payroll; ‘replacee’ refers to temporary teachers who are replacing those who are absent; ‘volunteers’ are those teachers with low levels of education who are seeking to earn a C Certificate to teach as regular teachers at the primary level. The latter’s pay is very low and sometimes non-existent. They teach in hope of securing a permanent appointment one day.



the cheques on his/her rare visits to a given community. Several female teachers stated that they run small businesses on the side to ensure they have sufficient additional income. One volunteer teacher, for instance, ran an orphanage with 16 orphans and three foster children. Several others have small shops either on the roadside or in the town market.

The National Teachers Association of Liberia—an active union with strong links with MoE officials—has been advocating for better conditions for teachers. Union leaders identified two main issues during the interviews: the prompt delivery of teacher payments; and the speedy and correct registration of teachers in civil service roles. They reported MoE errors that led to the deletion of some teachers from the payroll, creating a category of ‘deleted’ teachers—a situation that forces teachers to travel to the ministry to resolve their problems in person and an effort that takes months and even years to correct. Teachers who are deleted from the official records by mistake nonetheless continue to teach. One respondent who had been deleted managed to survive with payments provided by her school’s parent-teacher association (PTA) for teaching after hours.

5.3 Recruitment and professional advancement

The hiring of teachers seems to be a decision that has little transparency. A number of respondents felt that it was often based on favouritism, leading to the hiring of teachers with no teaching preparation and who are thus unable to satisfactorily teach their students. This favouritism was said to exist from the district level all the way to the central ministry.

Respondents also stated that teachers face the difficult choice of remaining in the system because of a ceiling that hinders women’s promotion to administrative positions. A process of educational decentralisation is beginning to take place in Liberia, with some attribution of power to county education officers (CEOs) and district education officers (DEOs). Researchers familiar with personnel decisions at the MoE level indicated that several authorities feel that women’s abilities are not as strong as those of men and are unwilling to appoint more women as CEOs and DEOs, even if they are more academically prepared and have better administrative records than other male applicants. Cultural expectations regarding motherhood and household management also prevent

women from seeking administrative positions. To become a CEO, a master’s degree in education is required; not surprisingly, only one of the 15 CEOs is a woman. To be a DEO, a bachelor’s in education is needed; at present, seven of 96 DEOs are women (MoE, 2010).

5.4 Rural deployment

Often in rural areas, access to electricity, fuel and potable water is extremely limited (MoE, 2010), creating additional burdens in everyday life. In rural areas, teachers often have to depend on supplemental means to survive, which implies working on nearby plots of land to grow vegetables. In addition, many rural schools only provide education as far as fourth grade, which means that some teachers may not find schooling for their older children. Further, most trained teachers live in Monrovia (MoE, 2010), which means that the quality of education in rural areas is lower than in urban areas. These factors create a vicious circle that favour urban over rural postings.

Assignments to rural areas create additional challenges for women that are not experienced equally by men. Such deployment, in circumstances characterised by poor communication and road infrastructure and where rural living poses significant challenges on family life and safety, is both feared and avoided. Since women in Liberian culture must attend to their children and their household, being assigned as a teacher to a rural area creates a hardship, and will most likely oblige them to leave their school-age children behind. Distance to school may mean leaving the house at 6:30 a.m. to be at school by 8 a.m. This results in being alone on the road. The heavily forested countryside and the low population density make women vulnerable to assaults by men or to incidents involving snakes on their walk to school. The intensive six-month rainy season in Liberia also makes rural roads impossible to traverse. Women’s traditional clothing and the cultural preference for long skirts and avoidance of trousers makes their walk through muddy and isolated paths difficult.

5.5 Teacher turnover

Some of those already in the workforce use teaching as a springboard for other jobs. Other teachers, given the influx of international NGOs in the country, which offer higher salaries and better working conditions, are leaving their jobs to work for these new agencies. Reportedly, this is especially the case among secondary school teachers. From conversations with various



respondents, it would seem that men have greater mobility and thus leave the education system more easily than women.

The challenging conditions in rural areas lead to considerable teacher turnover. Some leave for urban areas and some move into private and mission schools, which offer better conditions and environments, and also attract better trained teachers. Some counties have suffered huge losses of teachers, especially in isolated rural areas; the extreme case is in the predominantly rural county of Sinoe, where such losses have amounted to 35 per cent of primary school teachers, 33 per cent of junior high teachers, and 50 per cent of senior high school teachers (Raynor, 2011). The available data does not disaggregate by sex, so it is not known how many women are leaving the system. Nevertheless, many women who do end up teaching in rural areas (though the overall percentage of teachers in rural areas is remarkably small) are recruited from their own community and thus have more family ties, helping account for their longevity in the area.

5.6 Distance to school

Distance to school emerged as a factor negatively affecting both urban and rural teachers. In the case of rural teachers, their school may not be accessible after a rainstorm (the rainy season lasts for six months of the year) due to desolate areas, lack of paved roads and risks of attack by thieves. In the case of primary teachers, it was mentioned that in a sprawling city—as Monrovia is becoming—teachers must pay for transportation (either a collective taxi or a motorbike taxi) to get to school. The average daily transportation cost in the city is about L$20, or L$50 when having to transfer. For teachers currently earning L$7,000 per month, a transportation expenditure of L$400 per month is equivalent to 6 per cent of their salary. This amount may represent a small proportion of their salary, but it further reduces their meagre net income. To minimise transportation expenses, some teachers walk several kilometres, which results in tardiness and fatigue. In a few cases, transportation expenses are also minimised by increased absenteeism.

5.7 Insufficient incentives

Both female and male educators deplored the lack of incentives to perform as teachers. Salary, as noted earlier, and housing were paramount, closely followed by transportation difficulties. In fact, by far the need

most frequently identified incentive was housing facilities, particularly for those assigned to rural areas. Teachers reported very harsh living conditions in rural settings and having to spend hours trying to find suitable housing in remote postings. In the case of women, this situation is compounded by the need to find housing that is safe and not too far from the school in which they teach. But female teachers also mentioned difficulties in obtaining childcare services. In Liberian society, where the social expectation for women to have children—even at early ages—is high, most female teachers do have children. To provide for their children’s needs, they come to rely on the typical extended family structure, making it difficult for them to move away (i.e. become deployed to distant areas).Such issues do not pose obstacles for male teachers since it is expected that their wives will support them in managing the household and taking care of their children.

One major advantage that male teachers have over female teachers is that it is much easier for them to supplement their salary by having two or three jobs outside of their regular teaching job (also observed in Uganda by Molyneaux, 2011). Since Liberian schools function on two shifts (morning and afternoon) and some offer night school, it is possible for a male teacher to work on two shifts or to teach in private schools after their regular shift. Also, many of these men work as home tutors after school hours. These additional professional engagements are seldom possible for female teachers, who must usually get home to take care of their children and household. Furthermore, the practice of having multiple jobs is common, which results in double and triple counting of teachers in education statistics (MoE, 2010).

There were reports of providing incentives for regular teachers working in rural areas, such as a 25 per cent bonus for regular teachers and an additional 10 per cent bonus for science, math and language teachers. However, such incentives have yet to be implemented. In addition, while the educational authorities claimed that regular teachers have access to social security and medical insurance, these teachers reported that they had no medical benefits or social security. It is unclear whether these teachers simply do not understand the deductions in their salary (and if so, why not?) or whether the benefits expected through these deductions often fail to materialise. On the other



hand, the large group of teachers serving as recruited, replace and volunteer teachers have no access to benefits beyond their salary.

5.8 Unmet family needs

Knowledge regarding the marital status of teachers is still incipient in Liberia. A survey of some 400 teachers conducted by Shriberg (2007) found that 81 per cent of the teachers (both women and men) were married, and that 94 per cent of them had children. Given the strong cultural norms relating to early family formation, most women teachers are married; yet there are practically no instances in which women’s current responsibilities in the home are considered. Several female respondents stated that they had been reprimanded for having to take care of their children who had fallen ill and needed medical attention. Family demands are construed as strictly private and are not acknowledged in the creation of more female-friendly environments. It is to be noted, then, that although there is discourse among educational authorities in support of increased participation of women teachers, the practice—as reported by the women teachers themselves—is not equally supportive. Liberian teachers can benefit from a maternity leave policy, but such is granted at the discretion of their county education officer. Unmarried women do not have access to maternity leave, despite the fact that a large number of them require this benefit.

5.9 Overage students

Conditions in the classroom can be challenging because many students are overage, making it difficult to address their highly diverse cognitive needs and behavioural patterns. Teachers reported having students as old as 10 years in kindergarten, 15 in the first grade, and 20 in grade five. These observations are corroborated by census data, which indicate that 58 per cent are overage at the primary school level. The overage problem becomes intensified at higher levels of education, with 74 per cent of junior high students being overage and 78 per cent in senior high (32 per cent of whom are over 20 years) (MoE, 2010, pp. 22, 39, and 56, respectively). Late enrolment, as well as causing problems for teachers, can also affect the older students. They can suffer embarrassment due to their age and height, resulting in their dropping out, or they may have been affected by the civil war, which ended less than a decade ago. The psychological wounds of the civil conflict are healing, yet a large

number of students are still recovering from times of violence, in which personal survival was paramount. We do know that several female teachers feel intimidated having much older students, particularly males, in their classrooms because of concerns about the inability to discipline them or the potential for violent behaviour from these overage students.

5.10 A passion for teaching

Despite many deterrents, there is a great passion for education among the Liberian people. People in their twenties and thirties are attending high schools, and people in their thirties to fifties are studying degree courses in universities. Obviously, Liberians see education as an avenue to social and economic advancement. Furthermore, many teachers, both male and female, shared with the interviewers their love and passion for teaching. The repeatedly said, as noted earlier, that ‘to educate a child is to build a nation’. Hence despite the dire conditions for teachers, many choose to go into teaching and persist in the profession. The powerful, positive impact of education was also observed. Those who have overcome huge obstacles to receive an education and have become teachers hope that their daughters or sisters will also receive an education; many want to embrace modernity and do not want future generations to undergo genital mutilation. They see themselves as role models for their children or as torchbearers for their siblings and the future generation. The research interviewers met many female leaders in the MoE, and faculty and students in teacher training institutions and schools who expressed a great commitment to promoting gender equality.

6. GENDER POLICIES AND PROJECTS

6.1 National Policy on Girls’ Education

The gross inequality between girls’ and boys’ access to schooling in Liberia as a result of patriarchal attitudes and practices is responsible for the extremely low levels of literacy among girls and women. This situation was exacerbated by the war: fewer young women resumed their education after hostilities had ceased because they had become pregnant and childrearing responsibilities left little time for school. In their efforts to help Liberia rebuild its education system, several national, international and non-governmental organisations are conducting research and developing programmes aimed at increasing girls’ participation in education. Notable among these has been the enactment of the



National Policy on Girls’ Education (MoE/UNICEF, 2005 and 2008). This policy contains a number of valuable strategies, ranging from a nationwide awareness campaign on the importance of girls’ education, to the punishment of sexual abuse and harassment, to the provision of counselling on reproductive health and other health issues. There are numerical goals for reducing gender disparities in access, improving equity in the geographical distribution of educational opportunities, increasing literacy rates among girls and women, and lowering drop-out rates for girls.

The National Plan was the product of collaboration between UNICEF and the MoE. It also had the central participation of the FAWE Liberia National Chapter and the Association of Female Lawyers of Liberia, an influential NGO that played a key role in the return to peace in Liberia. Unfortunately, the National Policy on Girls’ Education, despite some efforts of dissemination, remains unknown among many teachers, school administrators and even some MoE officials.

The National Policy on Girls’ Education calls for government support of education to be provided at 25 per cent of the national budget to ensure implementation or enforcement of all existing laws (MoE/UNICEF, 2005). Among those familiar with the education and gender policies—including those involved in the design of the National Policy on Girls’ Education—there was consensus that ‘the problem is not the [lack of] policy; it is implementation.’ It was also observed by some respondents that the current educational law (enacted in 2002) states that ‘The Ministry of Education shall institute and design special programs and policies to ensure gender equity at all levels of school that bring both sexes in parity and in harmony’ (cited in MoE/UNICEF, 2005, p. 4). In the opinion of these respondents, the current (2002) law is weaker than the previous one because it contains only one sentence on gender issues (the one stated above) and identifies no targets or potential resources. Lack of funds and a relatively uninterested bureaucracy account for the weak implementation of this policy.

6.2 Investment in education

The common request by teachers, administrators, and government advocates for women’s education is for free primary education, reduction of fees at the secondary level and greater provision of scholarships for girls to meet the harsh realities. This requires

greater investment in education, and yet contrary measures are being implemented. In June 2010, the Minister of Education protested publicly against the drastic reduction from US$51 million to US$24 million (i.e. a cut of 53 per cent) in the education budget by the Ministry of Finance (Binda, 2010). According to the Act that created the MoE, 15 per cent of the national budget should be allotted to education. Given that the national budget at that time was about US$300 million, the corresponding amount for education should have been $45 million. The impotence of the education sector vis-à-vis other ministries is, unfortunately, typical among many developing countries.

6.3 International development projects

For historical reasons, going back to the origin of Liberia, the US is the country that is investing most in Liberia’s education. USAID is funding three sizable, multi-pronged demonstration projects. First, the Liberian Teacher Training Program (LTTP), administered by a partnership between the Academy for Educational Development and the International Rescue Committee, is increasing the number of trained teachers by providing both in-service training to those without credentials in some nine counties and pre-service training through access to the three revitalised RTTIs. The LTTP also includes programmes to develop better math and reading curricula and provides in-service training in those subjects. Another objective of this project is to provide support to the MoE as it works toward effecting overall improvements in the education system and to strengthen institutional capacity within the MoE.

Second, GOAL, funded by the Millennium Challenge Corporation, is conducting a quasi-experimental three-year project to determine which inputs (scholarships, meals, educational materials, PTA training) produce the highest female enrolment, retention and completion rates in primary schooling. Forty schools in Lofa, Bong and Grand Bassa counties are participating in this project that reaches more than 2,000 girls. The schools are in urban or semi-urban areas. Activities fall into three broad areas: community sensitisation and awareness training; in-kind scholarships (uniforms, book bags and school supplies) and supplementary psycho-social health and learning support; and capacity-building for PTAs. An important vehicle for awareness training and psycho-social support is the girls’ clubs where age-appropriate health education is aimed at preventing teenage pregnancy and the spread of HIV and AIDS.



USAID and FAWE Liberia are partners in the revival and establishment of girls’ clubs (see below). According to a GOAL staff member, one aspect of the work with PTAs is the negotiation of community ‘contracts’ that stipulate that PTAs ‘have to ensure that girls stay safe’. All these goals are directly related to strategies stipulated in the National Policy on Girls’ Education.

Third, the Core Educational Skills for Liberian Youth (CESLY), funded by USAID, is primarily implemented by the Education Development Center (EDC) and operates in six counties. It is a workforce development programme aimed at all Liberian youth. A non-formal curriculum provides young people with basic numeracy and literacy, life skills, career counselling, workplace readiness, service learning opportunities, internships and apprenticeships. One member of the CESLY staff noted that it is possible to reach many more girls through non-formal education programmes. Therefore, one of its components is an adolescent girls project, which is coordinated by an EDC gender and distance education specialist assisted by a team that includes an MoE gender coordinator. Girls’ clubs have been established and their members determine which issues they wish to focus on in their communities. For example, girls have identified gender-based violence, child abuse and absence from school (of other girls as well as teachers) as issues requiring attention. The clubs give girls a platform for formulating and expressing their own views, and activities are geared toward emphasising the need for education. Girls have already taken initiative, have investigated teacher absences and have served as mediators in disputes between males and females.

CESLY is also involved in teacher training. The large numbers of unqualified teachers is a serious problem in Liberia and many people who have been teaching for a long time are reluctant to return to the classroom themselves in order to be credentialed. CESLY programmes provide them with teaching skills. In consultation with DEOs, teachers with a C Certificate are identified to work with CESLY staff to be trained as master teachers. CESLY staff members have taken advantage of their contact with DEOs (who are overwhelmingly male), using it as an opportunity to encourage them to increase the number of female principals and vice-principals.

There is also a project funded by the European Community, known as the European Community Support in Education to Liberia (ECSEL), which aims at expanding access to education and reducing the gender imbalance in schooling and the illiteracy rate. All four international efforts are meant to provide evidence on which to bring them to a nationwide scale. It remains to be seen to what extent this will be the case.

6.4 FAWE Liberia

The Liberian chapter of FAWE has also been active in the provision of training on gender pedagogy to primary and junior high school teachers. About 300 teachers were trained between 2005 and 2009. With the cooperation of Oxfam, the organisation also established and operated girls’ clubs—which seem to be very effective in the psychological empowerment of girls—in some 12 schools throughout the country. It also provided vocational skills for 400 overage girls out of school (FAWE/Liberia, 2010). Officials of the National Teachers’ Association of Liberia reported that a small-scale effort by Education International (a global federation of teacher unions) had supported a sex education demonstration programme for students. Although the programme was ‘gaining momentum’, it was stopped by the sponsors without a clear explanation. Given the important content of this programme, it would be useful to understand the reasons for its cancellation.

At the government level, changes are gradually taking place, albeit more slowly than desired. For example, pilot programmes are being designed or implemented to encourage mathematics and science teachers to go to rural areas. The recent policy to provide scholarships for women and free college education for student teachers indicates positive changes. Some students said they would not be able to continue school without the scholarship. The MoE’s Accelerated Learning Programme (ALP) is aimed at encouraging teenage mothers and over-age women to return to school and continue their education. UNICEF and the IRC were partners with the MoE in the pilot phase of this programme. One woman enrolled in the programme was 50 years old. The MoE has plans to implement ALP in three counties.



7. CONCLUSIONS

The findings of this research corroborate the previous social science research findings on the influence of cultural norms and economic conditions on shaping career expectations, but they also suggest a need for a reinterpretation of well-known facts. This implies assuming a more sociological interpretation of the role of institutions and culture, both of which are in constant interaction. Cultural norms are endorsed by institutions, thus making gender expectations and gendered practices emerge as natural and thus incontestable. Institutions, while ostensibly sensitive to gender issues, may do little to address them. There are also complex intersections among ideological notions of gender, material conditions (poverty and low levels of infrastructural development) and institutional practices. Teachers can play a role in removing barriers to girls’ education, yet they themselves face obstacles that remain to be overcome.

In the examination of women’s motivations and capabilities to become teachers, the cultural block in the conceptual framework (Figure 1) emerges as the most decisive. Cultural notions of women as being caring, patient and suitable for interaction with children are expressed by most women teachers to explain their decision to become teachers. Some manifest their desire to learn more and to teach others, which suggests that personal inclinations also play a part. The ideal that women are well equipped to teach children, however, creates a discouraging tension in the Liberian context between the physical conditions of teaching and women’s responsibilities toward their own children. Work in rural areas—certainly a possibility for many teachers and potential teachers—implies a number of challenges that are more relevant to women: the distance from their homes, the increased concern for safety and the daily problems of caring for their families in the absence of access to adequate housing, electricity, water and fuel. Some women do go to teach in rural areas, but they are the ones who have been fortunate enough to negotiate benefits for family and work responsibilities or who come from that particular rural area. Some have extended families that can provide childcare support; others are at later phases of life and have no young children.

Formal schooling is an institution that leads to the incorporation of modern values and attitudes; yet, for

its proper functioning schooling itself needs to rely on modern facilities. Teaching is a challenging occupation in environments that have minimal information and transportation infrastructure. The severe lack of housing in rural areas affects the participation of teachers and shapes the choice of teaching by new cohorts. Distance to school affects not only students but also teachers. The lack of banks in rural areas and the use of carriers to pay in person create substantial time investment in securing one’s pay. Within this particular set of conditions, teacher absenteeism should be recognised in its full dimensions. It is less a reflection of teachers’ lack of commitment to the profession or unethical practices than a response to daily hardships that somehow are accommodated through selective attention to both home and work. Bad roads and travel to Monrovia to enquire about late payment are common reasons for teachers’ absence from class. As a noted earlier, lack of incentives and satisfactory work conditions make it difficult to perform well under these hard conditions.

Explaining career choices in industrialised societies, Freeman (1979) and Betz (1989) (both cited in Betz, 2004) introduced the ‘nul environment’ concept to refer to an environment that neither encourages nor discourages individuals, but simply ignores them. In this context, the effect is to leave the individual vulnerable to her environment and completely reliant on any personal connections she may have. Such an environment has been recognised as a form of passive discrimination because it does not respond to the differential situation in which men and women find themselves. A nul environment also seems to apply to Liberia, as the MoE still has to make greater efforts to promote the choice of teaching among women. While the MoE has embarked on a process of gradually increasing teachers’ salaries, the latter remain insufficient to satisfy family needs. At this point, the government does not offer incentives regarding rural posting, housing or childcare. The pattern of delayed teacher payments and the very slow registration of new teachers on government payrolls are constantly deplored by teachers. Although not explored in this study, it is likely that such experiences by teachers in service is observed by others—including students—and taken as proof that teaching is not a very satisfying field. A visible sign of the poverty of teachers, as mentioned by several of those in our sample, is that with low salaries they cannot afford to dress well and



look tidy. If this is the case, then teachers are modelling their poverty daily.

A distinction must be made between choosing a career and staying in it. The factors identified in the occupational features block of the conceptual framework in Figure 1 are active, yet they do not seem to be sufficient for women to abandon teaching once they have embarked on that career path. Women teachers complain about low salaries, late payments and lack of housing in rural areas, but do not refer to them as potential reasons for leaving their job. It is a complaint that argues for better conditions, not as factors for an impending withdrawal from the teaching profession. While attrition rates in rural areas are high, it is not clear what the rates for women and men are; it would seem that women tend to withdraw before accepting a position, while men may leave after serving for some time.

An important contextual factor that is not considered in the conceptual framework but that did emerge from the interviews is the lingering consequences of the civil war—a conflict that lasted 14 years and whose deep scars still cause emotional pain and social rifts. Although the participation of girls in schooling before the civil war was low, reconstruction efforts have been slow and have not yet permitted the incorporation of many girls and boys. The war has also delayed the entrance of many girls and boys to primary and secondary education. The overage phenomenon has taken a stronger toll on girls because they are expected to assume childcare and family responsibilities in addition to—or, worse, instead of—studying. The war has also caused people to attend universities later in life; many women missed out on years of education during the war when they hid in the forest or fled to save their families. Hence, the available pool of women for the teaching profession has been affected. Further, the war has greatly damaged trust in the society; while Liberia is now in a post-conflict situation, the reality is that parents feel it unsafe to let their daughters walk to school.

The low pool of female high school graduates seriously affects the number of those who go into teaching. At the same time, it is clear that the educational demand is highly shaped by cultural norms. Girls’ education is often viewed as a waste of money; parents are willing

to support their sons’ education rather than their daughters’ when there are financial constraints. Scarce family resources and cultural expectations that male children will see a higher rate of return on the family’s investment and will later be expected to care for aging parents and younger siblings have shaped this cultural norm. Often girls get married before they finish primary school, some at 13 or 14 years old. Although the degree of relative importance of cultural factors was not gauged, such norms as women’s early marriage and motherhood, as well as the social recognition they gain through their children, act as significant deterrents to the visualisation of alternative life paths. While Liberian respondents see traditional schools (bush schools) as primarily positive, their consequences on girls’ ability to complete formal schooling have not been sufficiently examined.

The support provided in teacher training institutions—free tuition, stipends, and room and board—is still not sufficient as it does not recognise that many female teacher trainees have children. It is simply not possible for many women to stay in college for a few months, much less for one to five years, if they have children to take care of and other family responsibilities. An educational trajectory characterised by a lack of role models, unfriendly learning environments with frequent occurrences of sexual harassment (involving money or sex for grades) and disruption of learning, among other factors, induces low self-esteem in girls. In junior and senior high schools, there is mounting pressure to assume domestic roles; in addition, at that level of schooling in Liberia, there are few female teachers serving as professional role models. Many girls have family responsibilities while attending school, and without their husbands’ support few manage to graduate from high school. Due to multiple compounding factors, girls’ learning suffers, leading to difficulty in passing the entrance exams to teacher training institutions. Indeed, there is a lack of qualified women candidates for RTTIs, and, according to respondents working in international development assistance projects, those who come in through preferential policies are screened out in large numbers.

7.1 Recommendations

This study proposes recommendations along four key domains: cultural, occupational, educational and managerial.



7.1.1 In the cultural domain

The influence of gender ideologies on social practices needs to be acknowledged in deeper ways in the policy design and implementation phases. In doing so, the comfortable fiction that a few incentives will do needs to be abandoned. The factors identified in this research as affecting girls’ participation in schooling and subsequent choice of occupation (including teaching) are not mere aberrations or ‘malfunctions’, but tangible cultural, economic and social products. There is a need for major media campaigns to change the dominant perspective. Men and women should be educated that women are equal to men, and that girls’ education is a great investment and a positive contribution to the nation and to families. Men should be urged not to hold their wives or daughters back if they choose to pursue a career, including in teaching. Male teachers are to be urged to respect their female counterparts. To diminish gender disparities, families should understand the importance of their daughters’ education. This suggests the importance of undertaking more social campaigns in favour of women’s equality. There also needs to be an on-going national campaign to highlight the critical roles of female teachers in the country’s development, and the importance of female role models should constitute part of this campaign. In short, social campaigns must precede realistic expectations of substantially increasing the female teaching workforce.

The girls’ clubs now operating in a number of schools and which have proven to be very effective ways of transforming cultural norms regarding gender among youth should be further supported and attempted nationwide. They operate at individual and group (peer) levels, fostering essential processes of gender reflection and subsequent progressive action.

7.1.2 In the occupational domain

Incentives need to recognise the impact of cultural norms on women’s availability for teaching, and particularly the implications of their deployment to rural areas. Taking into account women’s childcare and domestic responsibilities should not be interpreted as solidifying cultural expectations, but rather as a means to enable women to renegotiate their private and public spaces. The policy of allowing no children at the RTTIs should be discarded, and instead broader boarding facilities should be offered. Currently, female students in RTTIs receive US$80 per semester,

which is insufficient as most women have a family to support. Also, taking into consideration their disrupted schooling in primary and secondary schools and their family responsibilities, admission criteria should be modified for women. The RTTI in Kakata has adopted a practice by which female student teachers receive tutoring before mid-term exams, thus helping weak students to improve their performance. This practice should be attempted in other teacher training institutions. A more ideal situation is to give women more prolonged training if needed, and individualised coaching. As Vargas et al. (2010) note, a careful balance must be established between recruiting very talented individuals into teaching versus developing a culturally and economically diverse body of teachers (quality versus quantity), the latter being necessary to reduce teacher shortages. Finally, more RTTIs need to be established. While this may sound counterintuitive given the low enrolment in the three institutions, having smaller RTTIs but in a larger number of counties, which would allow the enrolment of more rural women, should help reduce the challenges posed by distance in rural areas.

Major endeavours should be undertaken to make the teaching profession more attractive. Income levels are a key issue. There needs to be a significant increase in teachers’ salaries so that they match those of nurses, accountants, government officials and other professions. Simultaneously, women’s needs ought to be addressed in order to attract them to and keep them in the teaching profession, for example providing housing, transportation and day-care services in the school if possible. Pregnant women should not be forced to leave work, and female teachers should be entitled to maternity leave. The infrastructure of schools needs to be improved to offer water and sanitation; this will help both students and teachers. Further, the environment of teaching institutions needs to be improved; for example, there should be a grocery store and a clinic near the teacher training institutes. All of these improvements require new sources of funding and budgetary re-evaluations to make education a greater priority as it is such an important investment in the nation’s future.

Overhauling teacher training programmes to give more central consideration to gender in the shaping of educational outcomes and choices is fundamental. Teachers should be trained in gender theory and its relevance to education. They should be taught to



incorporate course content that treats girls’ and boys’ understanding of the positive and negative influences of cultural values and practices. Sex education should be an explicit component of the curriculum, since the lack of knowledge about processes of procreation as well as the impact of cultural practices and peer pressures are important elements influencing teenage pregnancy.

7.1.3 In the education domain

To increase the pool of potential female applicants to teaching positions, interventions at key points in their educational trajectory are crucial. Statistical data show that the most drastic reductions in girls’ enrolment occur in the transition to junior high school and then in the transition to senior high school. To prevent dropouts and to ensure completion by girls, strategies that provide completely free education, including meals and scholarships as needed, would be important. For older girls, career guidance programmes should be offered. Most of all, it would be fundamental for the MoE to set numerical goals for completion of primary, junior and senior high school. These goals should move the education system toward increasing parity between girls and boys, as well as increasing the proportion of those who have access to schooling.

School administrators and teachers need to gain a more solid understanding of the ways girls learn, and organise workshops for teachers and administrators to provide gender-responsive teaching and activities; for example, organising cooperative learning opportunities and encouraging girls to raise their hands and share their thoughts. The provision of gender-sensitive training is an essential step that should be required not only of teachers and schools administrators, but also of MoE officials and other executive members, including from the Ministry of Finance. Gender-sensitive educational material and textbooks are also essential. Through programmes dealing with citizenship or sex education, messages should be geared to both girls and boys so that they understand the importance of gender equity. The National Plan for Girls’ Education constitutes a valuable document that advocates many excellent measures. This plan needs much broader dissemination among counties and districts. Policy articles dealing with sexual harassment and sexual violence need to be translated into specific guidelines in order to facilitate implementation.

Mechanisms to motivate teachers to remain in teaching and students to remain in school need to be established. For example, schools should be encouraged to run micro-agricultural businesses to supplement teachers’ income and provide food for poor students. Girls should be encouraged to become involved in all kinds of school activities, including clubs, study groups, music and performing arts, and joint activities with community groups. Parents should be involved in their daughters’ education, be informed of their progress and career potential, and play an active part in the school leadership on key issues, especially with regard to girls dropping out of school due to pregnancy, sexual harassment and poverty.

7.1.4 In the managerial domain

The considerable problems experienced in hiring teachers, placing them on official payrolls and distributing their salaries on time need to be addressed with urgency. There is a strong need for setting up a data management system using Internet technology. This system should be used to manage personnel, local budgets, standardisation of forms and training of administrators at lower levels, i.e. CEOs and DEOs. The centralisation of hiring and firing of teachers has been identified by some respondents as part of the problem in the recruitment of female teachers; yet, it is not certain decentralisation will help. The problem appears to be essentially one of communication and access to resources. Under decentralisation, new problems of monitoring are likely to emerge.

Liberia has a sizable number of demonstration projects. Many of these efforts overlap, which is desirable given the country’s serious needs. A worrisome pattern observed in other countries is that many such projects are not brought to scale. The MoE should commit itself to the implementation of feasible and good practices demonstrated by NGOs and international organisations. Good practices should be built into national policies and be institutionalised; for example, scholarships for female students in RTTIs, youth clubs that connect schools and communities, scholarships, and pencils and books for less advantaged girls.

Some of the recommendations identified here call for greater efficiency in some MoE operations. However, it is recognised that the majority of the recommendations call for additional financial resources. According to the



EFA National Action Plan, 2004-2015, about $4 million will be allocated to girls’ education (MoE, 2004). This allocation over 11 years amounts to $363,000 annually. This is a substantial amount in the context of the Liberian educational budget, but too small vis-à-vis the immense needs of Liberian girls and female teachers. A major challenge for the Government of Liberia will be to address gender issues in education according to the financial resources it requires for their effective resolution. And the asymmetries of gender must be corrected, not only on the grounds of social justice, but on its contribution to development (e.g. greater gender equality correlates positively with gross national product per capita (Hausmann, Tyson and Zahidi, 2010)).

7.2 Further studyThe findings presented in this study are built on intensive but brief fieldwork. The study has confirmed factors previously identified in the literature, but has enriched them through providing a more qualitative interpretation and through the use of a gender analytical lens. The study has also identified a number of issues that have received insufficient coverage in the past. Nonetheless, more questions can undoubtedly be raised regarding the dynamics that affect women’s choices in becoming teachers in Liberia.

Some issues that merit investigation are the following:

1. More detailed studies of how women and men are attracted to teaching (life experiences at the community level taking into account age, social class, tribal affiliation and educational background). A particular focus for these studies should be on the roles of positive as well as dissuasive messages concerning teaching as a choice of career.

2. A deeper and more comprehensive understanding of how cultural norms affect the educational participation of Liberian girls and boys. In particular, greater understanding is needed of various tribal practices and the role of traditional (bush) schools in providing relevant cultural knowledge as well as in producing a discontinuity of girls’ formal education in rural areas.

3. The impact of indigenous languages in school participation and achievement. How do rural children respond to teachers who do not speak their language? Some research (Rockhill, 1987) indicates that women, because of their frequent relegation to the domestic sphere, are less likely to learn the official language than men. How do teachers respond to students who may not understand standard English, especially in large and multi-grade classes?

4. The role of the school environment, that comprises positive features such as gender-responsive pedagogy and negative features such as sexual harassment and violence, flexible fees and sex for grades.

5. Institutional studies of teacher hiring, placement on payrolls, deployment to rural areas, determination of salaries and delivery of payments. The examination of these variables could require studies starting from specific schools and moving up the system all the way to the MoE.

6. At a more macro level, but greatly important in their consequences, are decisions affecting national budgets. Studies of how international lending agencies set budget parameters for developing countries would be crucial to understand why and how public education are given very low priority. These studies should examine reductions in educational budgets, and how these reductions have repercussions on the overall functioning of the education system and its capacity to respond to crucial needs for increased access and a high quality education.

In all of these studies, the use of qualitative research approaches, bringing to the fore the interaction, tensions and conflicts between social actors, institutions, and societal expectations and norms would be desirable. Studies conducted at the school level, collecting both quantitative and qualitative data, would also be highly desirable.



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FAWE/Liberia (2010). Profile. Monrovia: Forum for African Women Educationalists/Liberia.

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Haugen, C.; Klees, S.; Stromquist, N.; Jing, L.; Choti, T.; Corneilse, C. (2011), Increasing female primary school teachers in African countries: Barriers and policies. College Park: College of Education, University of Maryland (draft).

Hausmann, R.; Tyson, L.; Zahidi, S. (2010), The Global Gender Gap Report 2010. Geneva: World Economic Forum.

LIBSGIS (2009), 2008 Population and Housing Census. Monrovia: Liberia Institute of Statistics and Geo-Information Services.

Mertens, D.M. (2005), Research and evaluation in education and psychology: Integrating diversity with quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods (2nd edition). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

MoE (2004), EFA National Action Plan, 2004-2015. Monrovia: Ministry of Education.

MoE (2007), Liberian Primary Education Recovery Program: Prepared for Fast Track Initiative. Monrovia: Ministry of Education.

MoE (2010), A case for system transformation. The 2008/09 National School Census Report. Monrovia: Ministry of Education.

MoE/UNICEF (2005), National Policy on Girls’ Education.

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Molyneaux, K. (2011), ‘Uganda’s university secondary education policy and its effect on ‘empowered’ women: How reduced income and moonlighting activities differentially impact male and female teachers’. In: Research in Comparative and International Education, 6(2): 62-78.

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The impact of girl-friendly school initiatives in Malawi: Evidence from six case studies2

ABSTRACT

This study aimed to document and assess the impact of policies and initiatives/interventions on girls’ access to education, retention, participation, and performance in basic education over a period of 10 years from 2000 to 2010. The study arose from the observation that there has been an increase in the number of policies and initiatives implemented by the Government and non-governmental organisations in Malawi aimed at improving girls’ participation and rights in education since the Dakar Framework for Action.

The study employed a mixed method research design that allowed the collection of both quantitative and qualitative data. Three districts were selected to reflect the regional and geographic disparities inherent in the education system in Malawi–Nkhata Bay in the north of the country, Salima in the central region, and Mangochi in the southern region. Eighteen schools were chosen for the study, while six primary schools that benefited from girl-friendly interventions were purposively sampled to represent high and low participation of girls in school. The data was collected from learners, teachers, head teachers, school management committees, role models, village heads, district education managers and development partners. The data was collected using focus group discussions, key informant interviews and school checklists. Qualitative data was analysed through coding, and common issues

High poverty levels force many school children, especially girls, to engage in economic activities to provide for themselves and their families.

University of Malawi



emerging from the data were clustered. On the other hand, quantitative data on enrolments, repetition, dropout rates, and performance were tabulated to give indications of the trends and impact of the initiatives on girls’ participation in education. However, the final analysis rested on the six schools selected as case studies.

The findings of the study indicate that interventions by organisations, teachers, the community, and role models had the potential to improve girls’ access to schooling and assist them to remain in school and excel in their studies. A more pronounced impact of the initiatives on the enrolment, retention and success of girls was observed in the urban context than in the rural setting. This suggests that the urban school offered a more conducive environment and the initiatives interacted with the environment in a positive way to produce tangible results. This also suggests that projects or initiatives targeting girls in rural settings must be designed to offer the full range of opportunities that can be made available for the locality. However, in other schools, the findings indicate that the initiatives implemented to address the problems facing girls in school do not correspond to the scale of the problems. The high poverty levels in the districts force many school children, especially girls, to engage in economic activities to provide for themselves and their families. In addition, the study results indicate that initiatives or projects limited to addressing only one or two aspects of girls’ needs do not have lasting effects on girls’ participation in school and mostly benefit only a few girls. The result is that girls continue to be marginalised in education. There is need for a holistic approach to improving the learning environment of boys and girls, and any initiatives aimed at achieving this should be designed to target all factors in specific locations and specific socio-cultural contexts that help keep girls in school.

1. INTRODUCTION

The present study sought to investigate the impact on girls’ access to, and participation and performance in, school of policies and initiatives that address gender equality in education in Malawi. The study involved an analysis of all policies formulated in the country since 2000, the strategies developed and how they have been implemented. It assessed the impact of gender equality policies and initiatives in the three most

disadvantaged districts in Malawi in terms of girls’ participation in education. The study was inspired by Millennium Development Goal (MDG) number 3, the Education for All (EFA) goals concerned with gender equality in education, as well as Malawi’s National Education Sector Plan, which stresses equitable access to education (Government of Malawi, 2008 b).

1.1 The Malawian context

The education of girls in Malawi has faced a number of challenges in terms of access, retention and achievement. In terms of access, the Gender Parity Index for primary education in Malawi in 2005 was 1.0, indicating that Malawi had gender parity in primary education (UNICEF, 2005: 17).However, parity in enrolment is due to high enrolments in the first four years of school. Girls’ enrolment declines slowly as they move to upper classes, especially in rural schools. By the end of the primary cycle in Standard 8, girls constitute only 34 per cent of enrolment in Standard 8 (CERT, 2004: 12). International and national achievement project assessments, such as the Improving Educational Quality Longitudinal Study (1999-2002), SACMEQ (Milner et al., 2001), and the Primary Achievement School Study (2010) have revealed gender differences in student achievement; boys consistently outperformed girls significantly in every area assessed.

There exists an array of factors that contribute to girls’ poor achievement and participation in education. Direct costs to education, such as exercise books, pens/pencils, and clothes have been shown to have an impact on pupils’ enrolment and retention in schools. Malawian households tend to spend between 7.5 and 13 per cent of their total expenditure on education (Rose, 2003 in Kadzamira and Rose, 2003). This accounts for a large portion of earnings in poor households and is a major factor contributing to high dropout rates (Kadzamira and Rose, 2003: 506).

The HIV and AIDS pandemic is taking a huge toll on Malawi, including on children and youth. It is estimated that 7 per cent of orphaned children below 17 years old have lost their parents to AIDS (World Bank, 2010).This is having a disproportionate impact on girls’ education compared to boys; not only do girls represent the fastest growing population of new infections, they are more likely than boys to take on caretaker roles for



family members infected with and affected by HIV and AIDS (UNICEF, 2005: 17). Needless to say, this has a negative effect on their schooling.

Lack of water and poor sanitation also contribute to girls’ dropout and absenteeism. According to UNICEF (2008), 62 percent of the urban population and 61 percent of the rural population have inadequate sanitation facilities. Where sanitation facilities are inadequate, girls are more affected than boys. The location of toilets and water points is also associated with gender-based violence in schools. Other factors such as long distance to school and lack of infrastructure also affect girls’ decisions to continue their schooling.

Sexual harassment and violence in and around schools continues to be a major threat to girls’ education. Parents want to protect their daughters from abuse in school and on their way to and from school (UNICEF, 2005: 17). Verbal and physical abuse from teachers and peers is a reality for both girls and boys, and although corporal punishment is officially banned in Malawi, it is still practiced; the most common form being physical labour, where children are punished by being made to do heavy manual work (USAID and DevTech Systems Inc., 2004). Children are also required to participate in school development projects by carrying bricks and other materials to school construction sites.

Culture also plays an important part in the education of girls. Families worry that once a girl reaches puberty, she risks getting pregnant out of wedlock. Girls are thus forced into early marriage, denying them access to school. Kainja and Mkandawire (1989) argue that while both girls and boys repeat classes several times, girls are at a disadvantage because the onset of adolescence brings competing demands in school, at home, and in the community. For instance, girls are involved in activities such as farming, small-scale businesses and caring for siblings to support themselves and their families. In addition, cultural norms give preference to boys/men over girls/women, and therefore when it comes to education, most parents prefer to send boys to school while girls are forced to stay at home to carry out household chores and look after their siblings.

Child-centred teaching is still unrealised in many schools in Malawi where teachers are untrained and class sizes remain large. The high pupil-teacher ratios

prevalent since Free Primary Education was introduced make implementing new teaching approaches difficult. With pupil-teacher ratios above 85:1, authoritarian control remains the norm in teaching (Kadzamira and Rose in Evans and Rose, 2007: 907). In such situations, teachers’ attitudes and the way they treat girls and boys in the classroom are important. More recent research suggests that these attitudes may be changing. Kendall’s (2008) evaluation of lessons learned and best practices in the USAID-funded Malawi Teacher Training Activity professional development project found a more equitable, gender-responsive environment in the classrooms of the 10 intervention schools observed compared to non-intervention schools.

All this strongly suggests that gender-related interventions in Malawian education need to be documented and their impact on girls’ education catalogued according to the Gender Equity Education Framework (GEEF) if policy-makers, researchers, and educationalists are to learn from them.


Education indicators and many reports in Malawi indicate that the quality of education in the country is worsening and that girls’ participation remains below that of boys (Government of Malawi, 2008a;Chimombo, 1999;Kadzamira and Chibwana, 1999;Milner,Chimombo, Banda, and Mchikoma, 2001). According to the National Education Sector Plan (MoE/CERT,2008), teacher-pupil ratios stand at 1:90 and classroom-pupil ratios at above 1:107; dropout rates are 14.3 per cent, repetition rates are 18 per cent, and completion rates are 30 per cent. These statistics are worse in rural areas than in urban areas, and vary between districts. Studies by the Southern African Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality (SACMEQ) show that performance in reading and mathematics in Malawi are below regional averages, and girls persistently perform less well than boys. Furthermore, the 2004 Demographic Health Survey showed that the prevalence of HIV and AIDS among girls was 9.1 per cent compared to 2.1 per cent among boys.

Given this scenario, the government has intensified its efforts to address the quality of education and has provided guiding policies for improvement. Girls’ initial access to schooling has been effectively addressed by numerous development partnerships



with the Government of Malawi and the Ministry of Education (MoE). Successful interventions from these programmes can be adapted to current practice. These include the Girls’ Attainment in Basic Literacy and Education project social mobilisation campaigns, which worked with communities to create action plans to address deep rooted socio-cultural practices that act as barriers to girls’ schooling; the use of theatre for development to raise awareness in communities with low girls’ enrolment at primary level; radio programmes on gender issues broadcast country-wide; and gender-sensitive curricula and role model literature production, among other initiatives. More recent initiatives have focused on educational quality in addition to access. These include Malawi Education Support Activity, Malawi Teacher Training Activity, Primary School Support Programme, Tikwere, Read Malawi, child-friendly schools, and Malawi Teacher Professional Development Support.

Many multilateral institutions and donors have joined the government in its efforts to improve access and the quality of basic education in the country. Current programmes, such as the USAID-funded Primary School Support Project: School Fees Pilot, currently in its third year of implementation in Dowa district in the Central Region, have shifted attention from an exclusive focus on girls to all vulnerable children, especially AIDS orphans. These have been found to have some positive impact by a recent assessment study (Williams, Chimombo, Chiuye, Kunje, and Selemani, 2008). Plan Malawi also targeted vulnerable children in its quality education support component.

In addition, Malawi has seen an increase in the number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community-based organisations in education from 16 before 1994 during the reign of an authoritarian government to 51 in 2006 during a democratic dispensation (Kadzamira and Kunje, 2002; CSCQBE, 2006). It was thus important to investigate whether or not these efforts were producing positive effects on girls’ education.

This study aimed to document and assessing the impact of policies and initiatives that have been implemented

to improve girls’ participation and rights in education since the Dakar Framework for Action, i.e. from 2000 to 2010. It serves as a compendium of policies and initiatives that have addressed gender inequality, and those that have championed the rights of girls to an education over a period of 10 years in an effort to achieve country and global goals to which Malawi is a signatory. In addition, it highlights innovatory policies and schemes that have produced positive results and could be successfully applied or scaled up elsewhere.

The study focused on the following specific objectives:

• Identify policies formulated to improve girls’ participation in education in response to the EFA goals.

• Document projects and initiatives that have been tried and implemented to improve girls’ participation in education in three districts in Malawi.

• Document the various strategies, structures, and associated support that were designed to implement the policies and initiatives.

• Examine the impact of these policies and initiatives on girls’ access to and retention, participation, and performance in basic education.

2. RESEARCH DESIGN

2.1 Theoretical framework

The present evaluation study was guided by the GEEF, a tool developed by EQUATE1 and founded on the results of assessments of USAID-supported education activities. The GEEF framework is useful tool for providing equal opportunities to girls and boys to attend school, learn, perform, and succeed as adults2. It provides a platform for the evaluation of girl-friendly school initiatives in Malawi and focuses on four key areas: equalisation of access, equalisation of the learning process, equalisation of educational outcomes, and equalisation of external results.

Equalising access means providing equal chances to boys and girls, men and women to access educational opportunities, facilities, and capacities for basic education, e.g. the provision of scholarships for children

1 EQUATE is a USAID Women in Development office programme that assists field missions and USAID in strengthening their capacity to institute gender equitable practices and policies in basic education activities. 2 USAID (2008). Gender equality framework. Contract # GEW-I-00-02-00021-00, Task Order #1 EQUATE: Achieving equality in education.



at risk to promote better attendance. The aim of this study was to find out how the various policies and projects have helped in levelling the playing field for girls and boys as conceptualised by the GEEF.

In terms of equalising the learning process, the framework identifies factors that impact on teaching and learning processes and the context in which learning occurs. The tool stresses the need for girls and boys to experience the same curriculum, and calls for methods of teaching and instructional materials that exclude gender bias and stereotypes.

The equality of educational outcomes means that girls and boys have equal opportunities to achieve, and outcomes are based on their individual talents and efforts. Thus the framework assists in analysing equal opportunities for girls and boys to demonstrate their knowledge based on efforts and abilities. Interventions to equalise educational outcomes include the use of testing techniques that involve the use of various types of questions, individual and group assessments, and examples and language that are free of gender bias and stereotypes.

The equality of external results occurs when the status of both men and women, their access to goods and resources, and their ability to contribute to, participate in, and benefit from various activities are equal. This entails that career opportunities, the time taken to secure employment after leaving school, and earnings of men and women with similar qualifications and experience are equal.

While the GEEF provides a framework for analysing girls’ opportunities in education, it does not exhaust the scope of influence that comes into play in levelling the playing field between boys and girls. There could be other factors that also come into play but may not be captured by the GEEF used in this study.

2.2 Methodology

The study employed a mixed method research design that allowed the collection of both quantitative and qualitative data. This greatly helped in gaining an understanding of the complex reality of girls’ education in Malawi. The mixed method approach was premised

on the concept of triangulation, which is based on the assumption that any bias inherent in a particular data source, investigator, and method would be minimised when used in conjunction with other data sources, investigators, and methods (Jick in Creswell,2003:174).

Three districts were selected to reflect the regional and geographic disparities inherent in the education system in Malawi. The criteria for selection included low education standards, including low participation of girls for the districts, which has prompted local and international partners to implement interventions, and high pupil-teacher ratios (PTRs) in 2000. The sample districts were Nkhata Bay in the north of the country, Salima in the central region, and Mangochi in the southern region. According to Malawi Educational Statistics of 2000, each district had the highest PTR for its region. These stood at 118:1 for Nkhata Bay district, 138:1 for Salimai, and 192:1 for Mangochi.

A total of 18 schools were chosen for the study. These were selected in consultation with the district managers’ offices in each district. Six primary schools that benefited from girl-friendly interventions were purposively sampled to represent high and low participation of girls in school. Three schools had high participation and performance levels among girls, and the other three had the lowest. The schools were selected from impact areas of selected projects or initiatives focusing on girls’ education. High participation designated the school with high enrolment of girls in Standard 8, and low participation designated low enrolment of girls in Standard 8, this being the final class in the primary school cycle.

The sample of respondents for the study included learners, teachers, head teachers, school management committees, role models, village heads, district education managers and development partners. At each school, a group of 10 girls and 10 boys from Standard 6 to Standard 8 were selected to provide information on the impact of gender-related policies and projects in their areas. Learners in these standards were chosen because they were more likely to contribute to the discussion than those in the infant section. The learners were selected by the teachers based on the ability to express themselves on issues of gender and schooling.



At each school, three female and three male teachers participated in a focus group discussion (FGD) on initiatives that have empowered teachers to deal with gender issues and what effects these had on girls’ education. Head teachers in the sampled schools were key informants. The interviews focused on how girls were responding to the various initiatives and which strategies have worked in the context of the community around the school, as well as suggestions for ways forward in promoting girls’ education. Members of the school management committee (SMC) and the parent-teacher association (PTA) participated in a FGD to identify how communities have integrated gender policies into their daily lives to improve girls’ participation in education.

One female role model in the community surrounding each school was interviewed as a key informant. The aim was to understand how these women have utilised various gender initiatives to improve girls’ participation in education. Also at community level, village heads, under whose jurisdiction the sampled schools fall, were key informants in giving a general picture of gender initiatives over time and how they have impacted on girls, women and vulnerable children.

District Education Managers (DEMs) also acted as key informants. As all education- and gender-related initiatives at district level go through the district education office, these informants provided information on implementation strategies, the resources made available to particular initiatives and the outcomes of the various interventions in the district. They also assessed which initiatives had the most visible impact on girls’ education in the district.

Development partners and Ministry of Education personnel supporting and/or implementing the initiatives were interviewed on their involvement in gender and girls’ education and their evaluation of the initiatives.

2.2.1 Execution of the study

Three teams carried out the study, each one responsible for one of the three districts of Nkhata Bay, Salima and Mangochi. A number of instruments were employed to generate data for the study, including:

• Separate key informant interview schedules designed for district education managers, district commissioners, village heads, female role models, head teachers, development partners, and the Ministry of Education Headquarters Basic Education Director and desk officers responsible for girls’ education.

• FGD guides to collect information from members of the school management committee or PTA, male and female teachers, as well as male and female learners. FGDs for learners were separate for boys and girls, and, where possible, female respondents were interviewed by female researchers.

• A school checklist used to enumerate enrolment, resources, and other school level data directly related to girls’ education.

These instruments helped bring to light issues of access, equity, and equality in education in the framework of EQUATE based on GEEF. The teams also identified, compiled and reviewed a list of policies and interventions targeting girls implemented in the district since 2000.

2.2.2 Data analysis

The review of the impact of the projects in each district was based on a matrix including the activities carried out under the initiative or strategies used, how the initiative fits into the GEEF, and the results and impact on girls’ education. In this way, a catalogue of initiatives was created. Qualitative data was coded, and common issues emerging from the data were clustered. Vignettes from interviews were identified to support the themes under the GEEF framework. The data from interviews with the different stakeholders were cross-checked and triangulated to give an overall picture of levels of knowledge, prevailing attitudes, and current practices as a result of the policies and gender-focused projects. Quantitative data on enrolments, repetition, dropout rates, and performance were tabulated to give indications of the trends and impact of the initiatives on girls’ participation in education. While the final analysis rested on two schools per district as case studies, the analysis of the 18 schools selected in total contributed to establishing the context and an overview of the schools in the district.



3. RESEARCH FINDINGS

3.1 Policies

All the initiatives found at the school level were based on government policies, including those detailed below. They were being implemented with the help of various donors and NGOs to attract girls to school and retain them until completion of the primary cycle. Major policies are as follows:

1. School fees policy: In 1994, the government introduced free primary education, which removed fees for all children. This provided equal opportunity for both boys and girls to enrol in school without the burden of paying school fees, thus providing equality of access. This resulted in a sharp increase in enrolments from 1.8 million in 1992/1993 to 2.9 million in 1994/1995 (MoE, 1997).

2. Re-admission policy: In 1993, the government reviewed its policy of expelling pregnant schoolgirls and introduced a policy allowing them to return to school after giving birth. At first, communities and faith-based schools were opposed to having young mothers in school. Furthermore, the policy was not widely circulated and, as a result, there was little impact on girls’ re-enrolment. In 2006, guidelines that simplified the policy were circulated and extensive sensitisation campaigns were carried out throughout the country. Communities and schools have now become accustomed to the idea and pregnant girls are returning to school. Recently, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and The Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) in Malawi championed the idea of mothers’ groups, which are now encouraging girls who have dropped out to return to school, thus enhancing equal access to education.

3. School uniform policy: In 1994, a new policy declared that school uniform was no longer a requirement for school attendance. This removed the restrictions on those children who could not afford to buy a uniform, and was thus a way of equalising access to education.

4. Removal of subject restrictions and primary curriculum and assessment review: In 1993, the government removed restrictions on subjects that girls could learn in school. Prior to this, girls were restricted to learning home economics including food and nutrition, clothing and textiles and family

resource management, while it was mandatory for boys to learn science and technical subjects. The new policy allows both boys and girls can take all subjects without limitation. In 1998, a primary curriculum review was carried out, where subjects were reoriented towards gender-sensitive approaches. This review was an effort to improve equality in the learning process, giving boys and girls a level playing field in achievement.

5. Life skills education: This subject was introduced in schools to combat HIV and AIDS. It focuses child rights, gender, HIV and AIDS, and health and survival skills. This subject was made compulsory in 2010 and provided equal opportunity for boys and girls to learn various skills. Life skills education therefore represents an increased opportunity to achieve equality in the learning process under the GEEF.

6. 50-50 secondary school selection policy: The government introduced a selection quota of 50 per cent boys and 50 per cent girls in boarding secondary schools and community day secondary schools. Although this proved difficult to implement due to lack of boarding places for girls, it did provide an opportunity for more girls to attend secondary school and also increased girls’ aspirations to pursue further education. The initiative therefore enhanced equality in access to education, as well as equality in external results.

3.2 Mangochi district

Mangochi district is one of the most disadvantaged districts in terms of educational indicators. Its location along the lakeshore, the fertile plains, and the local culture combine in a complex way to negate efforts to improve educational services. Mangochi has received more attention from government and NGOs than any other district in attempts to improve the status of education in the district.

The education system at the district level consists of public as well as private schools. There are 243 public primary schools, with just 150 of these offer a full primary education up to Standard 8. The rest are feeder schools general offering education up to Standard 4 or 6. This has been found to pose a big challenge for children who want to continue to higher standards that are only available in schools located long distances away. There are only 11 private primary schools in the



district. In all, there were 1,579 teachers at the time of the study, 513 (32.5 per cent) of whom were female.

Some socio-economic activities in the district have a huge negative impact on the education sector. The fishing industry and the tobacco farming industry, for example, attract school-age children. Boys are attracted to go to South Africa, where piecework is apparently easy to find and allows them to start earning a living while they are of school-going age. As a consequence, the literacy rate in the district is only 58 per cent, well below the national rate of 64 per cent. A particularly troubling consequence is the high HIV prevalence rate of 21 per cent, much higher than the national average of 12 per cent.

The 2010 District Education Plan identified major impediments to improving the provision of educational services. Chief among these were little support from communities, local leaders, and PTA/SMC; shortage of teachers; shortage of teachers’ housing; and inadequate teaching and learning materials in schools. School development efforts aimed to improve the teaching and learning environment through various projects such as school construction, classroom rehabilitation and maintenance, and construction of latrines and houses for teachers. Major actors identified in the District Education Plan (2010) were the Iceland International Development Agency, the Department for International Development, YouthNet and Counselling, Emmanuel International, World Vision Malawi, and the World Food Program.

There have been several girl child initiatives in Mangochi over the past two decades. This study identified some of the initiatives in both rural and urban areas.

3.2.1 Case study 1: Sungu school

Sungu school is located in the rural part of the district in a predominantly Yao-speaking and Muslim area. Enrolment decreased from 954 in 2007 to 947 in 2010. There were seven male teachers and one female teacher. The PTR was 119:1. In terms of infrastructure, there were 12 permanent classrooms, four teachers’ houses, and only 30 desks. There were 12 girls’ toilets,

eight for boys and two for teachers. The school also had a borehole and a storeroom. However, the condition of the buildings was not good, as most of the classrooms needed maintenance.

According to pupils, many girls in the rural areas were not attending school. The major reasons given were that most schools in these areas were junior primary schools ending at Standard 6 with no Standard 7 or 8, and the other schools that did continue to Standard 8 were situated very far away, denying children of the much required opportunity to complete primary schooling. Other children were said to prefer working on farms and estates to earn money. Others were said to be lazy; they had no motivation and little encouragement from their parents. It was observed that the blame was usually on poverty, which denies those with fewer resources equal opportunities to access education. Many girls enrolled, but some dropped out by the time they reached Standard 6 to get married to boys who go to South Africa to work in menial jobs. It was reported that some girls were already betrothed to the boys and so did not work hard in school. All stakeholders responded that parents strongly influenced early marriage. In addition, after puberty, girls who come from customary initiation ceremonies into adulthood changed their behaviour and their minds were on getting married, resulting in high dropout rates. Parents in this area did not appear to appreciate the importance of school.

Another issue raised was that parents and their children socialise a lot. It was noted that learners tended to absent themselves from school to go and watch television shows and films in entertainment spots scattered around their school. There were no role models in the area as those interviewed could not mention any woman who was educated and had done well for herself. Shortage of teachers was also seen as a factor contributing to dropout. Learners complained that there was almost nothing to do at school.

Initiatives at Sungu school

A number of initiatives taking place at the school have been analysed in Table 1.1 below using the GEEF.

Initiative Activities GEEF dimension Campaign for Female Education

Bursaries for hardworking girls, orphans and vulnerable children who pass Standard 8 in order to motivate others.

• Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning process

YouthNet and Counselling

1. Sensitising boys and girls on their rights to education. 2. Learners voice their concerns about the learning

environment. 3. Following up on reasons for dropout.


Girl Guides 1. Training girls in practical skills, e.g. cooking, knitting, sewing. 2. Activities such as debates, drama, and conferences to

improve English language proficiency. 3. Encouraging girls to work hard in school.


World Food Programme 1. School feeding. 2. Take-home rations for girls attending regularly. 3. Training teachers on keeping social distance from learners. 4. Buying portable chalkboard, chalkboard paint, cups, and

plastic buckets. 5. Encouraging girls to remain in school. 6. Emphasis on good toilets.


Mothers’ groups Encouraging girls who have dropped out to return to school. • Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning process

Food and Agriculture Organization

1.Training students in farming skills. 2. Rewarding hardworking girls with farm inputs.


Table 1.1. Initiatives at Sungu schooland their GEEF dimension



From the analysis, it appeared that the majority of the projects addressed equalisation of access and of the learning process. No projects specifically addressing the other two aspects of the GEEF – equalisation of educational outcomes and of external results - were in evidence at the school. However, while not in project form, some activities appeared to address equalisation of educational outcomes. Thisrested mainly on the introduction of the new curriculum that emphasised aspects of gender, human rights, learner-centred teaching, and continuous assessment, among others. Teachers were oriented in the teaching of this new curriculum and this provided a way of equalising educational outcomes for both boys and girls. However, there was little mention of projects targeting teachers to sharpen their skills in various teaching methodologies that would enhance the performance of boys and girls.

As regards equalisation of external results, communities and schools did not report any specific project aimed at improving girls’ participation in school. Neither were they aware of any initiatives outside the school aimed at enhancing the status of men and women. They did not mention any activities that were increasing access to goods and resources, or any benefits from economic, social, and political activities in the rural areas. This suggests there was no external influence on girls and boys to remain in school. However, the prospect of going to South Africa to find work was widely seen as the way out of poverty for men in rural areas of the district. This had a strong negative impact

on boys’ access to schooling, and in turn negatively affected girls’ participation in school as they focused on marrying these boys and became betrothed to them. Thus, the culture of early marriage of girls, coupled with lack of jobs for boys, had the greatest negative impact on girls’ education in the district’s rural schools.

Impact on education trends

Enrolment trends are one way of showing the participation of girls over time compared to that of boys, while retention trends show how schools are performing in increasing pupil participation and giving learners the opportunity to finish school. Figure 1.3 shows the enrolments of boys and girls from 2007 to 2010.

Figure 1.3. Enrolment of boys and girls in Standards 1 and 5 at Sungu school, 2007-2010

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Initiative Activities GEEF dimension Campaign for Female Education

Bursaries for hardworking girls, orphans and vulnerable children who pass Standard 8 in order to motivate others.


YouthNet and Counselling

1. Sensitising boys and girls on their rights to education. 2. Learners voice their concerns about the learning

environment. 3. Following up on reasons for dropout.


Girl Guides 1. Training girls in practical skills, e.g. cooking, knitting, sewing. 2. Activities such as debates, drama, and conferences to

improve English language proficiency. 3. Encouraging girls to work hard in school.


World Food Programme 1. School feeding. 2. Take-home rations for girls attending regularly. 3. Training teachers on keeping social distance from learners. 4. Buying portable chalkboard, chalkboard paint, cups, and

plastic buckets. 5. Encouraging girls to remain in school. 6. Emphasis on good toilets.


Mothers’ groups Encouraging girls who have dropped out to return to school. • Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning process

Food and Agriculture Organization

1.Training students in farming skills. 2. Rewarding hardworking girls with farm inputs.




At Sungu school, Standard 1 enrolments were much higher than those in Standard 5, indicating very high repetition and dropout rates between these standards. However, persistence to Standard 5 has gradually come to be in favour of girls since 2008. More girls than boys persisted to Standard 5 over the period, although the differences between boys and girls were slight.

What is noticeable in the analysis is the slight change in girls’ persistence in rural areas against a host of odds. This seems to indicate that the interventions helped achieve a positive impact on girls’ participation in education, but their impact is not as dramatic as might have been expected. The absence of senior classes in junior schools was a big impediment to girls’ motivation, and long distances to good schools posed a serious challenge. Equalisation of access in rural areas was thus still a major problem as schools in these areas still suffer from poor accessibility. Although equalisation of the learning process, of educational outcomes, and of external opportunities were targeted through various initiatives, it would still take much effort on the part of girls to travel to distant schools, however motivated they were.

Impact as perceived by the community

The impact of the interventions on girls’ education was also deduced from the perceptions of the various stakeholders at the school, zone, and district levels. These perceptions depended largely on how much the project was publicised and the extent to which the stakeholders were involved in the implementation. The following perceptions were noted regarding individual initiatives or projects:

• Head teachers reported that few girls at their school were known to have gone back to school after childbirth; in most cases girls who re-enrolled did so in different schools. Rural communities knew of the readmission policy, but it was not very prominent. Mothers’ groups were reported to have helped girls open up and discuss problems affecting their schooling. These initiatives have the potential to provide more opportunities for girls to have equal access to education.

• Scholarships were seen to have helped many girls to continue in school, but a few still left school to get married. Some girls had gone on to secondary school thanks to bursaries. While the bursaries increased opportunity for access, they also gave hope to girls in

lower standards that working hard would take them further in their education. The bursaries therefore also increased equality in external results for those in lower standards of primary school.

• It was noted that girls were interested in activities such as cooking, debates and drama, thereby mixing education with entertainment, as well as life skills. Girls were thus encouraged to attend school regularly to take part in such activities.

• With the construction of new classrooms, pupils were now learning indoors as opposed to outside under trees. While such projects increased access, they also increased equality in the learning process for both boys and girls.

• School feeding was considered effective in keeping pupils alert and attentive in class.

• Newly introduced initiatives, like girls’ counselling, had yet to produce any visible impact on pupils.

• Teachers’ attitudes toward girls and their work had not changed visibly, according to the pupils. Nevertheless, initiatives focussing on teacher training to increase equality in the learning process, as well as training them in equalising educational outcomes through improved assessment practices, have the potential to impact positively on the way teachers teach.

• Teachers at the school said they saw little impact of the projects on retention because the dropout rate was increasing and few girls actually came to school or continued schooling.

While the stakeholders welcomed most of the initiatives, there were still some doubts regarding the efficacy of particular projects. For example, teachers saw little change in the attitudes of parents towards the education of their children, hence only slight increases in access and retention of girls in schools in rural areas. In particular, it was lamented that local chiefs in the area around the schools did not implement what they were asked to at various project workshops. One chief was quoted as saying he would rather have a hospital than a school seeing the miniscule impact the projects were having on girls’ participation in education.

3.2.2 Case study 2: Mponda school

Mponda school provided the case study of an urban school in Mangochi district where enrolment increased from 1,982 in 2007 to 2,319 in 2010. The school had 34



teachers, two of whom were not qualified, and a PTR of 72:1. In terms of infrastructure, the school had 16 permanent classrooms and 10 teachers’ houses. There were 13 toilets for boys, 12 for girls, and two for teachers. There were only 62 desks in the whole school.

In the urban areas, enrolment and dropout rates were less preoccupying than in the rural areas. However, the reasons for girls’ non-attendance or dropout were similar, although less pronounced in urban areas. It was also the case that girls’ enrolments were generally higher than those of boys in urban schools. Several reasons were commonly cited by various respondents, including learners, teachers, head teachers, and community members, for girls not going to school. More girls were said to consider marriage than continuing with school. There is peer pressure to marry boys who worked in South Africa, while some girls get pregnant, some leave school by choice, and others are interested

in starting small businesses. Girls were also said to be attracted by the many nightclubs, bars, and discos in urban areas. Lack of parental encouragement was also cited. Parents with no schooling do not appreciate the importance of school, even with numerous messages from the church, among other actors. Some girls are overage with respect to their class, while others are unable to pay secondary school fees. Teachers are not very familiar with gender-sensitive teaching to attract and retain girls in school. In addition, the government employs people who have not completed their education, meaning young learners do not have role models to spur them on in their own education.

Initiatives at Mponda school

A number of initiatives were being implemented at the school to encourage girls’ participation. Table 1.2 shows these initiatives and the role they play in equalising education according to the GEEF.

Initiative Activities GEEF dimension Campaign for Female Education Bursaries for hardworking girls, orphans and

vulnerable children who pass Standard 8 in order to motivate others.


YouthNet and Counselling 1. Sensitising boys and girls on their rights to education.

2. Learners voice their concerns about the learning environment.

3. Following up on reasons for dropout.


Girl Guides 1. Training girls in practical skills, e.g. cooking, knitting, sewing.

2. Activities such as debates, drama, and conferences to improve English language proficiency.

3. Encouraging girls to work hard in school.

• Equalisation of access • Equalisation of learning process

Mother groups Encouraging girls who have dropped out to return to school.


Mary’s Meals School feeding • Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning process

Quest for Learning (Save the Children)

1. Training teachers in equal distribution of questions to both girls and boys.

2. Training teachers on keeping social distance

3. Buying portable chalkboard, chalkboard from learners.

paint, cups, and plastic buckets. 4. Encouraged girls to remain in school.


Table 1.2. Initiatives at Mponda school and their GEEF dimension



Of the six initiatives at Mponda school, none had components directly related to equalisation of educational outcomes or external results. However, in urban areas, girls’ opportunities for work were equal to those of boys. More girls were going to secondary school, and some girls had reached university. The policy of allowing girls to return to school after dropping out due to pregnancy was also encouraging girls to see the benefits of schooling, resulting in more girls attending school than previously. According to the framework, these activities represent equalisation of external results. School appeals to more girls when the opportunities it provides to get ahead in life are evident. This is confirmed by the increased retention of girls as they progress to Standards 5 and 8 at Mponda school.


Girls’ enrolment at Mponda school shows increasing enrolment in Standards 1, 5 and 8. Figures 1.4 and 1.5 show the trends in enrolment at the school from 2007 to 2010.

Figure 1.4. Girls’ enrolment in Standards 1, 5 and 8 at Mponda school, 2007-2010

In 2010, girls’ enrolment in Standard 1 dropped compared to the previous years, but Standards 5 and 8 registered higher enrolments than the previous years. This indicates that more girls are succeeding in the lower standards without repeating, and that more are continuing to Standard 8 than previously. A comparison of boys’ enrolment at Mponda school over the same period (Figure 1.5) provided a basis for gauging the effects of the interventions.

Figure 1.5. Boys’ enrolment in Standards 1, 5, and 8 at Mponda school, 2007-2010

Boys’ retention at Mponda school shows a similar trend to that of girls, but more girls than boys reach Standard 8. It is apparent that girls at the school have a slight advantage over boys in terms of access and retention in this urban school.


In addition to the evidence provided by enrolment trends, parents, teachers, and learners perceived some positive effects of the various interventions on girls’ participation at Mponda school. They offered the following examples of visible impact:

Findings of the study indicate that the interventions by organisations, teachers, the community, and role models had the potential to improve girls’ access schooling and assist them to remain in school and excel in their studies. A more pronounced impact of the initiatives on the enrolment, retention and success of girls was observed in the urban context than in the rural setting. This suggests that the urban school environment offered a more complete set of the GEEF elements, and the initiatives interacted with the environment in a positive way to produce tangible results. This also suggests that projects or initiatives targeting girls in rural settings must be designed to offer the full range of opportunities that can be made available for the locality.

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3.3 Nkhata Bay district

Nkhata Bay district lies on the northern shores of Lake Malawi and geographically consists of a hilly terrain. The majority of the people are subsistence farmers and largely grow bananas and rice as cash crops. However, the district has lucrative tea and rubber industries that contribute to the economy. In addition, the lake provides for a vibrant fishing and tourist industry. As a lakeshore district, Nkhata Bay attracts numerous tourists throughout the year. Prostitution and drug and alcohol abuse are pronounced in the district, which also has high HIV and AIDS prevalence.

Around two thirds (65 per cent) of the population of the district is literate, only minimally higher than the 64 per cent national average (MoE/CERT, 2008). According to the 2010 Education Management Information Systemreport, there were a total of 183 public and three private primary schools in the district, serving 75,906 learners, 49 per cent of which were girls. Orphans comprised less than a fifth (15 per cent) of total enrolments, around half (49 per cent) of which were girls. Enrolment grew only marginally (3.8 per cent) between 2004 and 2010, largely due to adverse conditions such as severe poverty, long distances to schools, early marriages, and poor infrastructure that cannot cope with the harsh weather conditions. Female teachers made up 28 per cent of the 972-strong primary school teaching staff in the district, meaning that schools had no or few female teachers to serve as role models and counsellors. At 78:1, the PTR was better than the 2007 figures (97:1) and slightly better than the national average of 80:1.

As regards secondary school, there were 44 schools serving 6,968 learners and no secondary schools at all for four of the district’s primary schools. Girls made up 46 per cent of secondary school enrolment, while female teachers accounted for 15 per cent of the total of 266 teachers, implying an absence of female teachers in some of the schools. In 2008, there were 12 secondary schools that had no female teachers.

A number of issues, including some already mentioned, negatively affect education in general and girls’ education in particular in the district. A limited number of secondary schools, the hilly terrain, and the large body of water of Lake Malawi create long distances between schools. During the rainy season,

classes are often suspended because children cannot walk long distances in the rain and classes cannot be held outdoors in schools where there is a shortage of classrooms. School-related challenges include serious teacher shortages. The absence of housing for teachers means that teachers also miss school because they have to commute long distances to school. Economic factors include overall household poverty and hunger, which affect spending on education for both direct (transport, monetary school contributions, writing materials, exercise books, uniforms) and indirect costs. The tea, rubber, tourism, and fishing industries lure many children out of the classroom to earn money for themselves and their families.

Girls are faced with advances by men and boys, who entice them with money into sexual relations, leading to early pregnancies and marriages, and eventually school dropout. A strong deterrent to girls’ education is the practice of locking girls away from society every month during their menstrual period. This means that girls miss at least five days of schooling every month and are therefore denied access and learning opportunities. In the home, girls are assigned household chores and are tired by the time they arrive at school in the morning. Coupled with long distances to school, many girls absent themselves from school and consequently perform poorly, which usually leads to their having to repeat grades. Frustrated by failure and repetition, many girls tend to simply leave school prematurely.

Low community participation in school activities was observed in the district: only half of the schools had a functional SMC and less than a third had a functional PTA. This meant that girls did not benefit from community support to enter and stay in school. Role models were few and not active in school activities.

All these factors pose challenges to access, retention and the quality of education. A number of initiatives or projects were found at school level to attempt to offset these challenges. Two schools were selected as case studies for the district to determine how the initiatives were tackling existing challenges and the impact this was having on girls’ education.

3.3.1 Case study 3: Chiha school

Chiha School is located along Lake Malawi in the southern part of Nkhata Bay district. The infrastructure



of the school was inadequate at the time of the study, comprising only nine classrooms, one teacher’s house, and 120 desks for learners. Permanent sanitation facilities were available for girls, boys, and teachers, and a temporary water point was available. The school also had a sports ground, a school garden, and a rubbish pit for waste disposal. There were 12 qualified teachers, 75 per cent of which were female. Enrolment ranged between 1,005 and 1,199 from 2007 to 2010. The PTR ranged between 84 and 100 during the same period, showing higher increases than the district averages, estimated at 75 between 2004 and 2008 (2008 Education Management Information System). Extra-

curricular activities included clubs such as AIDS Toto, life skills education, human/child rights, health, Malawi Road Safety Council, and wildlife.

Initiatives at Chiha School

There were three major initiatives for girls’ education at Chiha School: Violence against Women and Girls – an Enemy to Development (VAWOGEDE), a mothers’ group, and role models. VAWOGEDE was implemented in 2007, with a peer outreach worker and a village action group specially created to implement the activities. Table 1.3 shows these and other initiatives at the school aimed at enhancing girls’ participation.

Initiative Activities GEEF dimension Mothers’group 1. Monitoring girls’ participation in school.

2. Encouraging girls who have dropped out to return to school. 3. Facilitating the construction of changing rooms and toilets for girls. 4. Purchasing a sewing machine and making school uniforms for girls for

sale at a low price. 5. Supporting girls with school and sanitary supplies (pens, pencils,

exercise books, sanitary pads, soap). 6. Conducting awareness campaigns on the importance of education for

both girls and boys. 7. Sensitising schools and communities to prevent violence against girls. 8. Increasing the status of girls and women in society.

• Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning process • Equalisation of external results

VAWOGEDE 1. Sensitisation on violence and abuse against girls and women to create safe schools and communities.

2. Encouraging teenage mothers to return to school. 3. Training teachers on the rights of thechild to make schools more child-

friendly. 4. Training teachers treat boys and girls equally. 5. Sensitisation on the importance of girls’ education 6. Creating a pool of educated women to take on leadership, political and

economic roles.


Role models 1. Encouraging girls to enrol and stay in school. 2. Sharing life and educational experiences to promote safety, self-

esteem, confidence and efficacy among girls. 3. Inviting role models to school campaigns to increase girls and women’s

status and value in society.


School clubs Engaging learners in health, wellbeing,conflict management and numeracy skills.

• Equalisation of access

Donation of desks and chairs

1. Provision of desks to create a clean learning environment and promote girls’ participation in class.


Table 1.3. Initiatives at Chiha School and their GEEF dimension

As can be observed in Table 1.3, none of the initiatives at Chihaschool were addressing the equalisation of educational outcomes. Their focus was access to education, the learning process and equalisation of external results.


Enrolment trends were used as a proxy indicator for tangible evidence of the impact of the initiatives. It must be noted, however, that changes in enrolment cannot be deemed the result of a single factor, but of a combination of factors.



Figure 1.6. Enrolment at Chiha school by sex and standard, 2007

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Figure 1.6 shows that girls’ enrolment in 2007 was higher than for boys in all standards except 2 and 8. While boys’ enrolment increased between Standards 1 and 2, and then plummeted in Standard 3, girls’ enrolment remained steady in all three standards, with a slight drop in Standard 4 before increasing in Standard 5. It is reasonable therefore to suggest that the projects contributed to increased enrolment among girls. However, by 2010, girls’ enrolment had decreased, contrary to study participants’ perceptions that it had increased (Figure 1.7).

Figure 1.7. Enrolment at Chiha school by sex and standard, 2010


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In 2010, girls’ enrolment increased only inStandards 2 and 3, while it declined in all other standards, with the biggest decline in Standard 5. Fewer girls started school in Standard 1 in 2010, while fewer still reached Standards 7 and 8. These results suggest that the initiatives had not yet translated into visible or tangible positive changes in enrolments over the period of the projects. It would appear from the results that the initiatives overlooked the factors that encouraged girls’ retention in schools.

3.3.2 Case study 4: Kavu school

Kavu school is located 15 km outside the city of Mzuzu but falls under the jurisdiction of Nkhata Bay education district. The infrastructure of the school was inadequate at the time of the study, comprising only two classroom blocks, nine teachers’ houses, 82 desks, 12 toilets for learners (eight for boys and four for girls), and two toilets for teachers. There were eight teachers, of whom four were female. Seven teachers had the Malawi School Certificate of Examinations (MSCE) qualification and one had aJunior Certificate Examinations (JCE)3 qualification. Enrolment stood at476 in 2009 and rose slightly to 509 in 2010. Girls’ enrolment was at 46 percent, slightly below the National Education Sector Plan’s target of 50 per cent. The PTR was high, averaging 123 pupils per teacher and surpassing the national average of 80. Only AIDS Toto and Girl Guides clubs existed at the school as extra-curricular activities.

The group village headman put poor participation of girls in this school down to pregnancy. The cultural practice of confining girls to a secluded room during their menstrual period also kept girls out of school for approximately one week each month. Other reasons cited included economic factors, as parents send girls on errands during school hours to support the management of small-scale family businesses.

Initiatives at Kavu school

A number of initiatives were being implemented at Kavu school to address girls’ education as shown in Table 1.4. These initiatives addressed the whole range of GEEF dimensions.

3 These qualifications are obtained after completing four years and two years of secondary education respectively.



Table 1.4. Initiatives at Kavu school and their GEEF dimension

Initiative Activities GEEF dimension Peer outreach 1. Door to door campaigns to encourage girls and boys to attend

school. 2. Encouraging those who have dropped out to return to school.


Gravity water facility

1. Providing safe water inschool 2. Motivating girls and boys to attend school.


Sporting activities 1. Providing sports equipment and prizes for winning players and teams.

2. Motivating children to attend school. 3. Rewarding star performers in class. 4. Rewarding girls and boys equally for sports achievements. 5. Providing alternative ways to demonstrate abilities aside from

written tests.

• Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the

learning process • Equalisation of educational

outcomes

Role models 1. Motivating girls to continue with their schooling. 2. Giving girls examples from successful women of how to

achieve well in school. 3. Interaction with women who had been successful in school to

promote girls’ and women’s rights and improve their status and value in society.


learning process • Equalisation of external

results

Educational excursions

1. Motivating girls to continue with their schooling through interaction with women who had been successful in school.

2. Improving the application of girls’ and women’s rights as well as their status and value in society.


learning process • Equalisation of external

results

Impact on education trendsFigure 1.8 shows trends in enrolment across the eight standardsat Kavu schoolin 2009. Girls’ enrolment surpassed that of boys only in Standard 3, while lagging

behind in all the other standards. In the following year (Figure 1.9), girls’ enrolment increased slightly in Standards 4 and 7, while surpassing that of boys in Standards 3, 4 and 7.

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Figure 1.8. Enrolment at Kavu school by sex & standard,

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Figure 1.9. Enrolment at Kavu school by sex & standard,

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Participants pointed out that the initiatives at Kavu schoolwere relatively new, but they observed that many girls were coming to school. They were also of the view that the prizes and other rewards encouraged girls to work hard in school. Gender violence was said to have declined because the peer outreach worker group and learners were advised to report any misconduct to teachers so that perpetrators could be sanctioned. Learners judged there was gender equality as teachers were teaching both girls and boys in similar ways. Girls and boys learned together, including subjects related to sex education, performed chores together, and were given counselling.

The case studies for Nkhata Bay district indicate that the initiatives implemented to address the problems facing girls in school do not measure up to the scale of the problems. The high poverty levels in the district force many school children, especially girls, to engage in economic activities to provide for themselves and their families. The indirect costs of labour at home need to be addressed and/or removed altogether to free children of the burden of having to work to support their families.

Data from the case studies shows that girls’ enrolment in the lower standards was generally higher than in the upper standards, and that retention and completion were still a problem. Initiatives largely succeeded in increasing access to school by creating safe school environments for girls and providing school materials and sanitary supplies. It is clear, however, that focus on a single dimension of girls’ education is not enough to bring about improvement overall. Access alone is not sufficient; other needs must also be addressed. A comprehensive approach that takes on several problems that affect girls’ schooling needs to be adopted.

3.4 Salima district case studies

Salima is a lakeshore district in the central region of Malawi. The district is agricultural, with some fishing along the lakeshore and major rivers. Geographically, Salima is a hilly to the west and flat along the eastern coastal line, making it an area prone to flooding. This

affects how schools run in the district: when floods occur, the communities around the schools seek refuge in classroom blocks, and classes are suspended. In addition, the district’s road network becomes inaccessible during the rainy season, thus affecting access to schools. Fishing, farming and some cultural practices, such as initiation ceremonies, are a cause of dropout, absenteeism and high repetition in schools.

Salima is divided into 10 education zones with a total of 130 primary schools. While the number of zones increased from seven in 2007 to 10 in 2010, the number of schools decreased from 137 to 130 during the same period. Of these 130 schools,25 were junior primary schools (increased from nine in 2002), 25 were senior primary schools, and 80 were full primary schools (increased from 74).There were also seven private primary schools. The total enrolment for the district was 89,498, of which 44,862 (50 per cent) were girls. There were 1,102 qualified teachers, 435 (39.5 per cent) of whom were female. This gave a PTR of 81:1.

3.4.1 Case study 5: Chimwe school

Chimwe primary school is a government school constructed in 2001 with assistance from the British Council. In the 2010 school year, there were 1,445 pupils – of which 730 (50.5 per cent) were girls – and 23 teachers (17 of them female). This gave a PTR of 62:1. All the teachers were qualified. The school has 16 classrooms, a head teacher’s office, two teachers’ houses, a storeroom, a staff room, and a total of 300 desks. Desks were available to all pupils from Standard 3 to 8. The school was also provided with a computer and a photocopying machine, both of which were functional. As a result, record keeping at the school was very good.

Initiatives at Chimwe school

The Promotion of Girls’ Education project (PROGE), funded by UNICEF and implemented by the Creative Centre for Community Mobilisation(CRECCOM), was the only initiative found at this school specifically targeting girls’ education. Table 1.5 shows how project activities fit into the GEEF.



The PROGE project is a good example of initiatives that address girls’ education using a holistic approach.All elements of the GEEF are reflected in the activities.These have combined with the existing infrastructures to give rise to a high level of girls’ participation in school with frequent requests for transfer into the school. However, implementation of the project has faced some challenges. These include: sustainability of sanitary supplies; lack of transparency and accountability; lack of involvement of all stakeholders (especially the mothers’ group); and lack of support from school management (there was no water supply in the girls’ toilets at the time of the visit).


Figures 1.10 and 1.11 show the enrolment rates at Chimwe school in 2007 and 2010 respectively.

Figure 1.10. Enrolment at Chimwe school by sex and standard, 2007

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Figure 1.11 Enrolment at Chimwe school by sex and standard, 2010


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Analysis of enrolment data for the school showed between 2007 and 2010 enrolment had increased by 39 percent. A close look also revealed that the enrolment of girls has improved in all standards, with the exception of standard 4 on the graph.An examination of dropout and repetition rates at the school revealed that there had been virtually no dropout, and that repetition rates had significantly decreased from 28 per cent in 2007 to 15 per cent in 2010. There were fluctuations in the repetition rates of boys and girls, but between 2007 and 2010, the number of male repeaters overtook that of female repeaters (30 per cent repetition among girls versus 28 per cent for boys in 2007, and 14 per cent for girls versus 15 per cent for boys in 2010).

Initiative Activities GEEF dimension PROGE 1.Buying materials for construction of girl-friendly toilets.

2. Sensitising the community on the importance of educating girls. 3. Forming mothers’ groups to get girls who have dropped out to return to school. 4. Funding the construction of a chicken coop to raise funds to support the project.

• Equalisation of the learning process

• Equalisation of educational outcomes

• Equalisation of external results and equalisation of access

Table 1.5. The PROGE initiative at Chimwe school and its GEEF dimension



3.4.2 Case study 6: Ngolo primary school

Ngolo is a rural primary school run under the auspices of the Roman Catholic Church. In the 2009 academic year there were 10 qualified teachers and an enrolment of 1,237, giving a PTR of 1:123/124. The school had 10 permanent classrooms, a head teacher’s office, eight teachers’ houses, a storeroom, and a staffroom. There were 12 toilets for boys, 12 for girls, and four for staff. Records showed that there were 118 desks at the school.

Initiatives at Ngolo School

Table 1.6 shows the initiatives implemented at Ngolo School to enhance girls’ education.

Table 1.6. Initiatives at Ngolo School and their GEEF dimension

Although all three projects were covering all aspects of the GEEF,the school was still faced with certain challenges. Ngolo is a very poor school where many problems are compounded by a weak school management. The school is located in an area with strong cultural practices,and despite the above interventions, the practice of early marriages persists and girls are still dropping out of school in significant numbers. Interviews and FGDs revealed that customary ceremonies for initiation into adulthood coincide with school days, disrupting children’s schooling. Several

communities rely on a small number of traditional initiators and when the latter are available to perform the ceremonies in a community, this causes many pupils to be absent from school during the ceremonies. Furthermore, the study was not able to identify any role models in the communities around the school.


Figures 1.12 and 1.13 show the enrolment rates for 2007 and 2010 respectively.

Initiative

Activities GEEF dimension

FAWE Malawi 1. Training teachers and mothers’ groups on how to support girls’ education.

2. Providing sanitary products for girls. 3. Strengthening school re-admission policy for girls. 4. Providing counselling for girls to avoid factors that may

impede their schooling. 5. Introducing the use of role models to encourage girls. 6. Encouraging the formation of girls’ clubs.

• Equalisation of access • Equalisation of the learning

process • Equalisation of educational

outcomes • Equalisation of external results

Star Fish 1. Linking schools in Malawi with schools in theUK. 2. Organising reciprocal teacher education visits. 3. Supporting school feeding programmes through the

provision of farm inputs for maize growing.




Glad Tidings Orphan Care

1. Offering assistance to less privileged learners. 2. Encouraging learners who have dropped out to return

to school.






Figure 1.13. Enrolment at Ngolo by sex and standard, 2010

Figure 1.12. Enrolment at Ngolo school by sex and standard, 2007

It can be observed from Figures 1.12 and 1.13 that the total enrolment generally dropped from 2007 to 2010. The data also reveals some increase in total girls’ enrolment and there is an indication that pupils were staying a little longer in school. Overall, there is a general problem of dropout at Ngolo school which appears to be worsening judging by figures for Standards 1 and 8 for 2007 and 2010 (5.3 and 5.06 respectively). For 2010, dropout seems to have been more of a problem among girls than boys. This may be an indication that the initiatives promoting girls’ education in the school have not been achieving their objectives.

Overall, the evidence from Ngolo pointed to the need for the involvement of more stakeholders and the provision of continued holistic support to project design and implementation. There is also a need for enhanced community sensitisation on promoting girls education.

4. CONCLUSIONS

The first dimension of the initiatives discussed deals with equalisation of access to education. The six case studies show that all interventions focussed on access. In particular, sensitisation campaigns, school feeding, feeder schools, more classrooms, and better infrastructure have been successful in getting both boys and girls enrolled in Standard 1. The second dimension addresses equalisation of the learning process by providing equal treatment and opportunities for learning for boys and girls. In the study, this was

addressed by the following initiatives: PROGE, Star Fish, and Glad Tidings Orphan Care in Salima district; VAWOGEDE in Nkhata Bay; and all projects such as school feeding programmes and the Quest for Learning in Mangochi district. The third dimension, equalisation of educational outcomes, referred in this study to the skills, knowledge, attitudes, and competencies that learners acquire through the education system. Only one of the interventions discussed, the Quest for Learning initiative in Mangochi, targeted equalisation of learning outcomes by training teachers in gender-sensitive questioning techniques. However, it can be argued that if mothers’ groups succeeded in getting girls back into school and provided sanitary supplies to help them to stay in school, these would implicitly provide girls with equal opportunities to achieve good educational outcomes. The last dimension of the GEEF focuses on the equalisation of external results by ensuring that the status of men and women, their access to goods and services, and their ability to contribute to various social and political activities are equal. In the study, a number of initiatives addressed this dimension, the most common being the organisation of excursions for girls to workplaces to interact with working women in various professions. Schools in Salima had ventured a little further afield by establishing links with schools in the United Kingdom.

The initiatives in the three districts suggest that communities and the education system have recognised that girls have a lesser propensity than boys to stay in


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school. The initiatives discussed are thus attempting to improve retention by encouraging girls who drop out to return to school. It has also been recognised that the physical learning environment also affects girls’ educational outcomes. The initiatives have therefore focused on improving the learning environment through the construction of sanitary facilities and the provision of sanitary products (soap, sanitary pads). This provides an environment in which girls learn better, meaning they are likely to advance to higher levels of education and possibly even complete their schooling. Initiatives targeting learners and school improvement in general, such as school feeding programmes, and provision of teachers and teaching and learning materials, also benefit girls specifically.

However, these efforts may not necessarily result in the expected outcome as many girls who do re-enter the system drop out a second time. This suggests that the single project approach to implementing initiatives is not responding to all the factors that impede girls’ education and their school attendance. In some schools there was no evidence of initiatives addressing the cultural practices that prevent girls from participating in education such as campaigns and other efforts to enhance the women’s status in society. In rural areas, this lack contributed to a certain inefficacy of the projects at school level. In addition, study indicates that initiatives or projects limited to addressing only one or two aspects of girls’ needs do not have lasting effects on girls’ participation in school and mostly benefit only a few girls. The result is that girls continue to be marginalised in education. There is need for a holistic approach to improving the learning environment of boys and girls and initiatives should be designed to target all factors in specific locations and specific socio-cultural contexts that help keep girls in school.

In the case studies, training of teachers to equip them with the skills required to equalise educational outcomes was sporadic and took the form of one-day workshops. In addition, the training was provided to just a few teachers at a school in the hope that other teachers would benefit through a cascade effect. This was rarely the case in practice.

Furthermore, the momentum found at the top level did not translate into implementation at the school and community levels. Some of the key stakeholders demonstrated little awareness of the initiatives and poor coordination with other stakeholders. In some cases,

head teachers were left to oversee the implementation of the projects, and usually without adequate authority to enforce compliance to standards and procedures. In some of the schools, teachers were not part of the training or implementing mechanisms. In such cases, school administrators found it difficult to support the implementation of the projects. In addition, initiatives at district or school level have been weak and mostly implemented over short periods. They also tended to target a few girls at a time. As a result, they tended to have little impact on girls’ education and the impact was usually short-lived, especially in rural schools. Finally, in most cases, feedback to the schools, zones, or district offices was lacking as no documents or records were kept.

4.1 RecommendationsThe observations above give rise to a number of recommendations for policy and practice as follows:

1. There is need to adopt a holistic approach to address the multiple factors that militate against girls’ education in Malawi. The GEEF framework provides guidelines on how to approach initiatives so that they span the whole spectrum of girls’ needs to help them access, remain, and succeed in school. Once a framework has been agreed upon for initiatives or projects to address girls’ education, these initiatives should be designed to address all aspects or elements of the framework before being implemented or should work to complement other on-going efforts so that a holistic approach is achieved. Projects by Action Aid in Kavu school and PROGE in Chimwe give credence to this recommendation. This would require certain projects to partner or complement others that are focussed on other aspects of girls’ needs. For example, those addressing the issue of access and learning processes could team up with those addressing learning outcomes and external results.

2. In all the schools and districts, dropout in Standards 3 to 5 was found to be a major issue. A deliberate attempt to focus initiatives on girls in these middle standards should be vigorously encouraged.

3. There is need for enhanced implementation of existing projects so that momentum at top/central level is transformed into implementation at school and community levels. There also needs to be better monitoring and evaluation of the initiatives to improve results/impact.



4. One fundamental policy recommendation is that schools should be located within the recommended walking distance from main residential areas and should offer full primary schooling. As shown in the study, junior schools or feeder schools in rural areas provide the impetus for girls to access schooling but fail to retain them, as schools with higher standards are at great walking distances from home. Such schools have served their purpose of bringing education to rural areas, and should be expanded into full primary schools. Any feeder school should therefore have a programme of adding a new upper class every year until the school becomes a full primary school. A programme of upgrading the current feeder schools to full primary schools should be adopted to enable girls to complete school near their homes.

5. Providing infrastructure and teaching/learning resources were the most visible initiatives in the case studies targeting equalisation of the learning process. While these efforts help promote girls’ education, they must be concentrated on the middle standards, which is where most girls drop out of school in order for them to achieve greater and lasting impact.

6. Most schools, especially in rural areas, lack basic infrastructure and facilities catering to the specific needs of girls. There is need to enforce the policy that only allows schools to open when they satisfy a predetermined set of conditions. There should be a clear set of minimum requirements and minimum standards for the quality of the facilities in every school and schools should conform to a service charter regulating the provision of services that are friendly to girls.

7. Teachers are a critical factor in the learning process. The way they interact with learners, the way they assess them and provide feedback are all important in creating a balance between girls’ and boys’ participation. Therefore, in-service teacher training, continuous professional development, and orientation workshops, which equip teachers with gender-sensitive teaching and assessment, should be part of all projects or initiatives directed at girls. These should also be intensified and made available to all teachers, not merely to a small group as manifested in the cascade model of training in the case studies.

8. External factors to schooling are also an important element of equalising girls’ participation in education. It is therefore imperative that initiatives that target the negative aspects of the local cultural practices be part of the drive to get girls into school and retain them in school. Early marriage and lack of parental encouragement were mentioned as key stumbling blocks to girls’ education. Projects addressing these issues should be encouraged and intensified. As shown with the VAWOGEDE project in Nkhata Bay, such projects tend to be multi-pronged, addressing the continuum of girls’ needs. When properly implemented they have lasting impact on communities.

9. Initiatives that provide safety nets to families experiencing economic and social difficulty are also important and should be emphasised, especially in rural areas where there are many negative perceptions about girls’ education. When families and communities are secure in their economic and social wellbeing, the education of girls becomes easy to address, as demonstrated in urban areas.



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Abstract

The Government of Rwanda (GoR) has demonstrated a commitment to gender equality and women’s empowerment, and prioritises the education of girls. The Ministry of Education (MINEDUC) has developed a Girls’ Education Policy (MINEDUC, 2008) to help meet its national, regional, and international commitments, and to bring the education sector policy in line with the National Gender Policy (MIGEPROF, 2011). In the past, girls have had lower enrolment, retention, achievement, and transition rates than boys (Randell and Fish, 2009). From 2006 to 2011 there has been considerable progress in improving girls’ enrolment, but their retention, achievement, and transition rates from lower to upper secondary and tertiary education remain lower than those of boys (MINEDUC, 2010). MINEDUC was inspired by UNICEF’s Child-Friendly Schools (CFSs) programme initiated in 2005 to improve the quality of girls’ education. MINEDUC has since set a target of establishing 400 CFSs and has made CFS standards the quality norms for all schools nationwide (IPAR, 2010). The intention of CFSs is to ‘assure every child an environment that is physically safe, emotionally secure and psychologically enabling’ (Foumba, 2011).

This report analyses the impact that CFSs have on girls’ education in Rwanda based on research undertaken in four CFSs. It focuses on CFS programme outcomes in four

The impact of child-friendly schools in Rwanda3

The quality and sensitivity of teachers and gender balance in leadership positions are critical to the achievement of both boys and girls.

Kigali Institute of Education



categories as set by MINEDUC: enrolment, retention, achievement, and school management/community involvement.

The impact of CFSs on girls’ education has been considerable. Study findings on enrolment confirmed that a gender balance in primary and secondary enrolments has been achieved, with girls’ enrolment higher than that of boys’ in three of the four schools studied and nearly equal at the fourth. While school records relating to the retention of girls showed the same trend, the study showed a higher dropout rate among girls, even in the CFSs, and qualitative data revealed that girls’ attendance tended to be lower and the dropout rate higher than for boys. Informants pointed out several reasons for lower achievement among girls than boys, but the quantitative data in the CFSs did not show a significant difference in achievement. Quantitative data praised the involvement of parent-teacher committees (PTCs) in supporting school management and stimulating community involvement, although some qualitative data indicated that PTC effectiveness could be improved. Data also revealed that head teachers made most of the management decisions in the school.

The findings of the study have led to policy recommendations on programme outcomes in three of the four categories set by MINEDUC. It is recognised that the enrolment of girls has reached parity with that of boys, and that efforts should now be concentrated on their retention and achievement, on school management and community involvement. The recommendations given in this study aim to improve education outcomes for all children, including boys, and have been directed at GoR, MINEDUC, UNICEF, FAWE, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and school leaders for consideration and implementation.

In relation to increasing the retention of girls in education, it is recommended that sensitisation and awareness programmes be organised for head teachers, teachers, parents, and community leaders on the importance of educating girls and the value this adds for their families, the community, and the nation. Since poverty is a major constraint for many Rwandans, the government should continue to prioritise economic development initiatives in rural areas, ensure that schools are equipped with an adequate water supply,

encourage schools to keep school gardens to provide food staples, and consider school feeding programmes where necessary. A major issue is teachers’ terms and conditions of service: in order to maintain teachers’ motivation, GoR/MINEDUC should improve their salaries and recognise their contribution to the nation. Attention should be given, especially in rural schools, to the quality of teachers’ housing. GoR, MINEDUC, and the Kigali Institute of Education (KIE) should step up training for more teachers to ease the workload of existing teachers and give them more time to prepare and mark lessons and homework. UNICEF/GoR should provide each CFS with an ICT (information and communication technology) laboratory, a science laboratory, and a resource centre/library to allow students to study during and after school hours. GoR should accelerate its programmes to provide electricity to all schools and provide one computer per child, as well as access to computer facilities to the school management. Other recommendations are made about locating schools closer to communities to reduce children’s walking distances to and from school, improving school organisation, providing extra-curricular activities, and addressing female health issues.

Some of these recommendations are aimed at girls’ achievement. The quality and sensitivity of teachers and gender balance in leadership positions are critical to the achievement of both boys and girls. Teachers should put in more effort to improve academic standards, give tests, set homework, and follow up on students’ progress. Government, school management, and education partners should endeavour to provide facilities for both sexes in all schools (for example separate toilets for boys and girls), a sick room and sanitary products should be provided for girls, and structures should be put in place that are adequate for all students, especially girls and students with disabilities. The provision of well-run pre-schools would ensure that children begin primary school more prepared. FAWE’s Tuseme1 clubs should be created in all schools.

Finally, a key recommendation in relation to school management and community involvement is for MINEDUC, UNICEF, and FAWE to provide training in good governance and school management to district education officers (DEOs), head teachers, deputy

1 Tuseme is a Swahili word meaning ’let us speak out’. FAWE’s Tuseme youth empowerment model uses theatre-for-development techniques to enable young people to express themselves, analyse and discuss the issues that affect their wellbeing, negotiate these difficulties and take action to address them.



heads, and PTCs. Again, sensitisation and awareness programmes for key stakeholders on the specific needs of girls are recommended. Consideration should be given to ways of ensuring a gender balance in both school management and PTCs, and programmes to raise the level of literacy in the community.

The research team noted visible efforts by all stakeholders to improve the retention and achievement of girls and the increased participation of PTCs in school management. The lower quality of schooling in rural areas calls for rural schools to be given priority over urban schools in extending the CFS programme.

1. Background of the study

1.1 A rights-based approach to education and gender equality

Every child has the right to education, as articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1945 and reaffirmed in numerous agreements and meetings, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and the Millennium Declaration (2000), in UNESCO regional conferences on education (1960-1966), and at conferences such as the United Nations World Summit for Children (1990), the World Conference on Education for All (1990), and the World Education Forum in Dakar (2000).

This legacy of education as a human right fuels the current drive to achieve universal primary education (UPE) and to promote gender equality and empower women. But the right to education integrates and encompasses development concerns as well. The promotion of human rights and the promotion of economic growth are not mutually exclusive. Any tension between a rights-based approach and one that seeks economic growth disappears if one views rights and growth not in opposition but as necessary co-requisites. It can be argued that, on one hand, failure to ensure human rights hinders economic growth, while, on the other, without a healthy economy, poverty becomes a scourge that erodes individual rights (UNICEF, 2010).

Empowering girls thus emerges as a win-win proposition. Global research has asserted that education, especially girls’, has enormous economic and social benefits and reduces poverty within countries (UNICEF, 2010). These studies identify girls’

education as one of the most productive and useful investments any country can make. They demonstrate the positive impact of girls’ education on family size, family well-being, infant mortality, children’s health and education, agricultural productivity, economic growth, empowerment in both the family and society, HIV prevention, and other variables (Dollar and Gatti, 1999). In developing countries, there is ample evidence to show that investing in girls’ education, including their physical requirements, has a high return. Educated women are more likely to receive sex education, which is critical in the prevention of HIV transmission; marry and have children later in life; and have a career (Yale, 2011). Thus, when girls are educated, not only are their rights as individuals fulfilled, but society enjoys the myriad benefits that their education yields. This understanding is implicit in MDGs 2 and 3, which seek to achieve UPE and to promote gender equality and the empowerment of women, respectively.

1.2 The Rwanda context

Observers and academics have noted that Rwanda has been a model in promoting women’s empowerment in Africa and the world. Rwanda has been recognised for having the highest representation (56 per cent) of women in Parliament the world over. In addition, Rwanda has a well-articulated election system that produces women who are responsible to their constituencies.

GoR has put in place measures to bridge the educational gap between boys and girls. These measures include policies and strategies that are at par with best practice at international and regional levels. The government is also committed to implementing international and regional agreements that support equal access to quality education for girls and boys. These include the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the (MDGs), Education for All (EFA), and the gender guidelines of the African Union (African Union, 2005).

With an enabling policy environment in place, Rwanda has made good progress in improving access to education at all levels, and improving gender parity at the primary and secondary levels over the past two decades. This has meant that the country, formerly one of the weakest regional performers in education, has become one of the regional leaders, achieving



UPE and demonstrating continued improvement in secondary enrolment rates. In 2010, Rwanda achieved gender parity in primary enrolment and has one of the highest net enrolment rates in sub-Saharan Africa. In fact, at the primary level, girls’ net enrolment slightly surpasses that of boys. Rwanda has been identified with the Gambia, Malawi, and Mauritania as recording a gender parity level above 1.0 in primary education, indicating that more girls than boys are enrolled in primary schools in these countries (UNDP, 2010). In 2010, 94.2 per cent of boys and 96.5 per cent of girls were enrolled in primary schools across Rwanda (MINEDUC, 2010).

Table 1.7. Girls’ dropout, retention and promotion rates at primary and secondary levels, 2008-2009

Primary Secondary

2008 2009 2008 2009

Dropout rate 15.2% 12.2% 13.3% 0.7%

Retention rate 14.9% 13.5% 6.3% 4.8%

Promotion rate 70.3% 74.3% 80.3% 4.5%

Source: MINEDUC, 2010

In addition to the progress shown in girls’ education in Rwanda in Table 1.7, the overall primary school completion rate in the country stood at 76 per cent for the years 2010-2011, higher than the targeted 59 per cent (MINEDUC, 2010). In 2008, the completion rate was 53 per cent. According to the Minister of Education at the time of the study, assurance of continuing school through the nine-year basic education programme (9YBE) introduced in 2009 has had a positive effect on completion (Kwizera, 2011). Before the 9YBE programme was introduced, pupils used drop out of school before completing primary education as they were unsure they would be able to continue to secondary school. The Minister noted there had been considerable effort to build classrooms to cope with the increase in enrolments since the introduction of 9YBE, with over 3,000 classrooms built in 2010 to increase access to the programme, and a further 2,936 in 2011.

Girls’ transition rates from primary to secondary education exceeded that of boys in 2009: 91.6 per cent in 2009 against the overall transition rate of 90.2 per cent (MINEDUC, 2010). The extension of Rwanda’s basic education programme to Year 9, and in the near future to Year 12, has had a marked effect in improving

girls’ attendance at secondary level, although this trend is reversed at higher levels of education (Randell and Fish, 2010). The percentage of girls in public tertiary institutions increased marginally, from 32.1 per cent in 2008 to 32.7 per cent in 2009 and 32.9 per cent in 2010. In private institutions, the proportion rose from 50.9 per cent to 53.4 per cent to 54.9 per cent over the same period (MINEDUC, 2010).

Strategies that have been effective in improving outcomes for girls’ schooling in Rwanda include:

• Introduction of poverty reduction strategies

• Advocacy in favour of affordable education, including elimination of school fees

• Social mobilisation and sensitisation initiatives on the importance of girls’ education

• Advocacy against child labour

• Building capacity of teachers and school- management

• Promoting active participation of children and young people in programming

• Skills-based, gender-sensitive educational content

• Gender-sensitive teaching and learning processes

• Innovative teacher development programmes and continued professional support

One of the driving forces behind Rwanda’s achievement of gender parity in education is the country’s commitment to gender empowerment as laid out in the Constitution and in Vision 2020 (MINECOFIN, 2000). Education for All, achieving gender parity in tertiary and higher education, and affirmative action to promote women’s educational and social advancement are designated as policy priorities for realising the development goals of the country.

1.3 Challenges to girls’ enrolment, retention and learning achievement

Despite Rwanda’s significant progress in increasing girls’ primary school enrolment and transition to secondary school, research data show that girls continue to register low completion rates (UNGEI, 2004). Girls face numerous challenges in their efforts to acquire a formal education. These can be grouped into five major categories: social and cultural, economic, geographic, curricula and teaching methods, and school facilities (Randell and Fish, 2010).



Social and cultural barriers. Social and cultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes often favour boys over girls as far as education is concerned, and social norms and values undermine the importance of educating girls compared to boys. Discriminatory values and norms against girls and women are deeply rooted in Rwandan culture and society. The tradition of early marriage, the perceived uncertain benefits of educating girls who marry and move away from their roots to be someone else’s ‘property’, and the preferential treatment of the male child, all conspire to limit girls’ enrolment and school attendance. ‘Why invest in a resource that will soon be someone else’s?’ is the attitude commonly encountered in many communities (Randell and Fish, 2010). Many parents, especially in rural areas, are unaware of the benefits of girls’ education. It is often difficult for them to see a connection between girls’ education and economic development, better health, child development, family welfare, and overall social progress. In addition, girls face pressure to drop out of school to fulfil household responsibilities (Randell and Fish, 2010).

Economic barriers. Rwanda is predominantly an agricultural country, with almost 90 per cent of the population earning their living from subsistence farming. The annual per capita income is US$520 (World Bank, 2010) with nearly 59 per cent of the population estimated to be living below the poverty line (World Bank, 2005). Poverty is acute in rural areas, where the majority of the population lives. Poverty discourages families from sending their children to school. Children, especially girls, are often kept at home if their parents are unable to pay school fees. Although primary education is officially free of charge, schools nevertheless charge various informal fees such admission fees. Other costs related to schooling, such as school uniforms and books, can be beyond the financial means of the poor, and the opportunity costs of schooling can be even higher since child labour is important for many families’ economic survival and many poor families are unable to sustain themselves if their children do not participate in agricultural production and household activities. Girls are traditionally expected to take on more domestic responsibilities than boys, and consequently the opportunity costs of educating girls can be higher. Schooling thus requires a substantial commitment of time and resources, as well as sacrifices related to household production, and girls are often kept out of school for these reasons.

Geographic barriers. Rwanda is a mountainous country with diverse terrain. The difficult topography makes providing services to people living in the hills and mountains – generally the most disadvantaged, remote communities – a challenging task. Communities are widely scattered, and with the lack of transport, this makes access to many services, including education, very difficult. While distance to school is a concern affecting all children, parents will often not allow their daughters to walk long distances to school for safety reasons. Having a school nearby can boost girls’ enrolment, not only because of the shorter distances, but also because parents feel more comfortable if their daughters attend a school in their own neighbourhood.

Curricula and teaching methods. A major barrier to girls’ education is a predominantly masculine school environment: the curriculum, assessment methods and school buildings, etc., are more favourable to male students. Moreover, there is a lack of female teachers, especially at secondary level and in science subjects, thus depriving girls of essential female role models who could give them hope for independence and success in later life. Ineffective teaching methods result in poor educational quality, and the lack of relevance of what is taught at school to the daily lives of community members has a strong impact on survival in school and completion of the primary cycle. There is thus a need to ensure that curriculum and classes are relevant to girls and to develop student-centred teaching as well as a gender-equitable learning environment and teaching practices.

Lack of facilities. Many schools do not have adequate sanitary and dormitory facilities, or separate facilities for boys and girls. In addition, poverty prevents many families from purchasing sanitary products. Many girls therefore stay home from school during their monthly periods, causing high rates of absenteeism. This ultimately affects their performance in class as well as in national examinations.

GoR is committed to ensuring the right to UPE for all children in Rwanda. Since 2006, MINEDUC has embarked on the development of Minimum Quality Standards to address all quality issues responsible for low retention and completion, including the school environment. MINEDUC has worked with several projects on school construction and is committed to



promoting good practices such as the CFS approach to improve quality in basic education by providing a holistic and multisectoral approach.

1.4 Child-friendly schools: An approach to promoting quality education

Child-friendly educators focus on all of a child’s needs, which include his or her health, nutrition, and overall wellbeing. They also consider what happens to children in their families and communities before they start going to school and after they leave (Orkodashvili, 2010).

In 2005, UNICEF implemented the CFS programme in Rwanda as a measure to support the government’s efforts to realise its goals for the education sector (Ginoulhiac, 2009). The CFS is a gender-friendly model that promotes child-centeredness, inclusiveness, gender-sensitivity, tolerance, dignity, and personal empowerment (UNICEF, 2010). The model is underpinned by the belief that schools should operate in the best interests of the child. Educational environments must be safe, healthy, health promoting, and protective of children, and must be adequately resourced with physical infrastructure, trained teachers, and educational material in order to provide the appropriate physical, emotional, and social conditions conducive to learning.

Children are natural learners, but this capacity to learn can be undermined and sometimes destroyed. A CFS recognises, encourages, and supports children’s growing capacity as learners by providing a school culture, teaching behaviours, and curriculum content that are focused on learning and the learner. As teachers are the single most important factor in creating an effective and inclusive classroom, at these schools teachers are trained in children’s rights, and teaching methods take a child-centred approach. Lessons for children include essential life skills aimed at keeping them safe and on building the skills they will need to fulfil their potential and contribute fully to society.

UNICEF and its partners established CFSs to help young students enjoy a learning environment that is physically safe, emotionally secure, and psychologically enabling. Within schools, children’s rights must be protected and their voices heard and respected. These schools reach out to both boys and girls, giving them an

improved teaching and learning environment, as well as psycho-social support services such as mentoring and counselling. Learners are educated on the importance of gender equality. A key feature in every CFS is the Tuseme empowerment club that explicitly targets gender bias and provides boys and girls with the space and skills to express themselves on issues affecting their wellbeing. In addition, CFSs bring together students and members of the community to develop and act on ways to improve their school’s environment (UNICEF, 2009). A school’s capacity to become child-friendly is directly linked to the support, participation, and collaboration it receives from families (UNICEF, 2009).

Standards for CFSs are set in four areas: appropriate, adequate, and secure buildings; a healthy and clean environment that protects the learners; a child-friendly environment with no barriers; and adequate and appropriate educational equipment. Schools must consider six key dimensions as shown in Figure 1.14.

Figure 1.14. Key dimensions of a child-friendly school

TeachingCHILD

Learning

Rights Based and Inclusive

Community Engaged

Health Promoting

Educationally Effective

Sensitive to Gender

Secure and Protective

The basic standards for CFSs in Rwanda are spacious and well ventilated classrooms, adequate learning materials for the students, benches and desks, active participation of children including those with special needs, safe water for drinking and washing, separate toilets for girls and boys, and educated teachers who speak English. Teachers with English proficiency are difficult to find in Rwanda due to the recent change of language of instruction from French to English. Although there is insufficient funding currently to



transform all schools, efforts are being made to ensure that schools that cannot be immediately converted have basic hygienic necessities. Many girls stop going to school when they reach puberty due to lack of private toilets in their school. Building separate boys’ and girls’ washrooms contributes to keeping girls in school during their teenage years. Priorities include renovating buildings and improving sanitation facilities, combating sexual harassment, and ‘engendering’ the curriculum.

MINEDUC’s goal is for every school to become child-friendly. The success of the child-friendly programme has inspired GoR to upgrade more than 50 conventional schools into CFSs with the objective of raising the total number to 400, as well as making child-friendly standards the quality norms for all schools nationwide (MINEDUC, 2008; UNICEF Rwanda, 2007). GoR is investing heavily in this endeavour. It built over 5,500 classrooms and 11,000 toilets between 2009 and 2011 with UNICEF’s help. UNICEF Rwanda’s CFS infrastructure programme is implementing activities in 37 primary schools around the country. The programme plans to construct 178 new classrooms, renovate 177 existing classrooms, provide 37 special rooms for head teachers, teachers, and students with special needs, create sports grounds, put in place rain harvesting systems, and build 61 new toilet blocks of 12 units each (Ginoulhiac, 2009).

2. Significance of the study


Rwanda ranks high internationally in gender equality and women’s empowerment, and has already met the MDG of equal enrolment of boys and girls in primary education. Yet, although the importance of educating girls is widely recognised throughout Rwanda and despite remarkable progress over the years, gender gaps still exist in relation to retention and achievement. Girls continue to lag behind boys in terms of completion rates and performance during transition to secondary and tertiary levels of education (Rihani, Kays, and Psaki, 2006).

While data show that in Rwanda girls enrol at a rate similar to boys (MINEDUC, 2010), it has been observed that their retention is lower than that of boys. Completion rates are a key element in determining retention rates in school. Girls are registering lower

completion rates at the primary and secondary levels than their male counterparts. Past trends show that dropout was much higher among girls than boys during transition from primary to secondary and from secondary to tertiary level. Data also indicate that girls’ educational achievement is inferior to that of boys (Randell and Huggins, 2008; Randell and Fish, 2010).In 2006, only 37.9 per cent of girls passed primary school leaving examinations compared to 62.09 per cent of boys (Rwanda National Examination Council, 2007). On average, girls’ pass rate is 10 per cent lower than that of boys (IPAR, 2009: 5). In addition, both girls and boys lack competent teachers and appropriate curricula.

Furthermore, for many girls in Rwanda, school is not always a positive experience. Studies show that they endure difficult conditions in school, including lack of sanitary products, poor sanitation facilities, and gender-based discrimination, harassment, and even violence. These conditions are not conducive to learning or development (UNICEF, 2010). Anecdotal evidence about some of the challenges girls face include:

• Lack of access to sanitary products and separate toilet facilities: This can lead to poor girls in both urban and rural areas missing as much as a week of school every month. Consequently, their achievement lags behind that of their male counterparts, and they have trouble catching up.

• Lack of role models: As there are typically more male teachers in schools than female teachers, girls lack role models to look up to, particularly in secondary schools and in science subjects. In addition, many girls reaching higher levels of education see many of their peers dropping out.

• Gender-based violence: Family and community incidences of gender-based violence may lead to girls dropping out of school.

This situation is preoccupying, given Rwanda’s commitment to achieving gender equity in education, and calls for an examination to identify possible contributing factors. While reports by UNDP (2010) and other similar reports provide data on who enters school, they do not reveal who advances in, succeeds in, and completes schooling. This study aims to address the gap in research in this area. Furthermore, since the initiation and expansion of CFSs in Rwanda, there has been no evaluation of their impact on girls’ retention, achievement, and transition, or of programme implementation and community involvement.



2.2 Objectives of the study

The major objective of the present study was to examine the impact of the CFS model on girls’ education in Rwanda. The study documents the contributions CFSs have made to improving the enrolment, retention, achievement, and transition of girls. It seeks to identify girls’ experiences in CFSs; provide empirical evidence on the impact of CFSs on girls’ education; and establish whether CFSs promote gender equality in line with national and international education targets (MINECOFIN, 2000; MINECOFIN, 2007). The specific objectives were to determine the following with respect to girls:

• Access to CFSs

• Availability of adequate facilities

• Whether the CFS educational environment aids retention

• Learning and achievement rates in CFSs

• Transition rates from primary to lower secondary education

• Style of school management and level of community involvement

This research expands on previous studies by explaining the reasons why girls drop out at a higher rate than boys, and what changes can be made to reverse this trend. In addition, the study examines the level of community involvement in school management and professional training undergone by head teachers and teachers, and offers recommendations to policy-makers in the education sector.

3. Methodology

3.1 Research design

The research took into account four programme outcomes in the four categories set by MINEDUC: enrolment, retention, achievement, and community involvement. A mixed method comparative approach that combined both qualitative and quantitative methods was chosen with the aim of obtaining in-depth information relating to the research questions and allowing the triangulation of results. This methodology was adopted as the most appropriate for the conceptual framework of a gender-responsive, rights-based approach. Thus the processes that deny girls the human right of education were analysed (Greany, 2008: 556).

Data collection instruments were developed – questionnaires, interviews and FGDs – designed for the study and an in-depth comparative literature review of government reports, policy documents and global CFS reports was conducted. Quantitative and qualitative data were to be obtained from research tools and observation in order to validate the additional information gathered from the document analysis and literature review. One CFS was selected for pilot testing instruments to establish their reliability and validity, and four CFSs were identified as case studies. The pilot test found the tools to be generally suitable and only small adjustments were made for the case studies.

Collection of data aimed at examining the impact of CFSs on girls’ education in Rwanda was centred mainly on the four in-depth case studies. Research units included a cross-mix of respondents in order to define who and what really counts in the success of activities in girls' education in CFSs. These included students, teachers, school and district administrators (head teachers, deputy heads teachers, and DEOs), parents, and community leaders (members of PTCs). A survey questionnaire was administered to students and teachers, while key informant interviews were conducted with DEOs, head teachers and deputy heads. In addition, FGDs were conducted with PTC members. All the schools selected were visited by the same research team, and data related to the four study criteria were collected using the same three instruments. In addition, the research team members were to observe infrastructure, facilities, equipment, and student behaviour, and examine district and school records of student enrolment.

3.2 Scope of the study

The study was limited to one CFS (Kanyinya CFS, Nyarugenge district, Central Province2) to pilot the data collection instruments and four CFSs for the case studies. Time and cost constraints did not permit more schools to be included in the study. Although the study design sought to select one case study CFS from each of four provinces, it was discovered that there were no CFSs in the Southern Province and two schools were therefore designated in the Western Province. The four schools were selected from among the country’s 54 CFSs. Two of the case study schools were in an urban setting and two rural. Of these two, one was to be successful and one considered unsuccessful in terms of

2 A full report of this pilot study is available in Asemota and Randell (2011).



examination results. The selected case study schools were:

• Umubano II CFS, Rubavu district, Western Province-urban, successful

• GS Nyagatare CFS, Nyagatare district, Eastern Province-urban, less successful

• Kigeyo CFS, Rutsiro district, Western Province- rural, successful

• St Joseph Munyana CFS, Gakenke district, Northern Province-rural, less successful

Figure 1.15. Districts of Rwanda, 2011

3.3 Sampling design

The research team adopted a purposive and convenient sampling approach in the selection of head teachers, deputy head teachers, teachers, and students at the school level. It was at first considered that the sample of students should include primary 4-6 and secondary 1-3 (hereafter referred to as P4-6 and S1-3), and these classes were selected for the pilot study at Kanyinya CFS. However, the pilot study found that there was a low level of understanding and very limited English among P4 students, so only P5-P6 and S1-3 students were included in the case study schools. The students participating in the study were chosen by the head teachers.

The study sample was designed to include 240 students (30 in P5 and P6, and 30 in S1-S3), four DEOs, four head teachers, four deputy head teachers, and all teachers and representatives of PTCs available at the time of the visits. The population of the four schools was of 5,333

students in total (2,558 boys and 2,775 girls). Of these 267 participated in the survey – 137 boys and 130 girls. The study also included 81 teachers (43 men and 38 women), four DEOs, four heads, two deputy heads, and eight PTC members, making a total of 366 informants. Table 2 sets out the numbers of participants actually sampled in the survey by school, sex, category, and research instrument used.

An attempt was made to include equal numbers of boys and girls, men and women in the sample as it was considered necessary to understand the perceptions of both sexes on the phenomena being measured in the study.

Table 1.8. Composition of respondents by school, gender, category, and research instrument

District Gakenke Rubavu Rutsiro Nyagatare Total School St Joseph Umubano II Kigeyo GS Nyagatare

Rural, less successful

Urban, successful

Rural, successful

Urban less, successful

M F M F M F M F M F All Questionnaires

Students 39 31 18 23 40 37 40 39 137 130 267 Teachers 13 8 7 9 10 10 13 11 43 38 81 Total 52 39 25 32 50 47 53 50 180 168 348

Questionnaires/interviews DEOs 1 1 1 1 3 1 4

HTs 1 1 1 1 3 1 4 DHTs 1 1 2 0 2 Total 3 1 1 1 1 3 8 2 10

Focus groups PTC members 1 1 2 2 2 6 2 8 Grand total 56 39 27 35 53 48 58 50 194 172 366

Key: DEOs-district education officers DHTs-deputy head teachers

HTs-head teachers

3.4 Data collection and analysis

Two questionnaires were designed for students and teachers, consisting of four sections covering enrolment, retention, achievement, and school management/community involvement. Unstructured interviews were conducted with DEOs, head teachers, and deputy heads. Issues discussed included girls’ education in the schools, language of instruction, student absenteeism and dropout rates, contributing factors, and possible ways of retaining girls in school proposed by policy-makers, stakeholders, parents, teachers, and the community.

The guidelines for the FGDs were based on the interview instrument and FGDs were conducted with PTC members to seek their understanding of their CFS and any enabling and inhibiting factors related to girls’ education in their school. Further, their inputs on



the ideal model to maximise CFS interventions and its impact on girls’ education were requested.

Most of the data on students’ enrolment, retention and achievement, teachers, and school facilities and equipment was obtained from head teachers and by examining school records. In addition, data on CFSs in each district was collected from the DEOs. This information was used to complement the data obtained by the research tools. In addition, observational reports from each school were noted.

After the field-testing in the four schools, the research team analysed the data collected, using SPSS version 16.0 statistical software to identify gaps that emerged during the data gathering process. After employing appropriate weights, the study was considered representative of CFSs at the national level.

3.5 Limitations of the study

The study had some limitations. A major challenge was communication in English, even among teachers. English language was made the language of instruction in Rwandan schools in 2009, and many teachers and students are still finding it very difficult to gain proficiency. In the rural schools, some students and teachers were not able to read or answer the questionnaire in English. The research team therefore had to guide students by reading and explaining the questions in their local language, Kinyarwanda. Almost all respondents answered in Kinyarwanda apart from a few students and teachers from Nyagatare CFS who were proficient in English.

Despite the study criteria that all schools recommended for the study be 9YBE schools with both primary and lower secondary students, Umubano ll CFS was found to be a P1-P6 school with no secondary component. This was a setback as Umubano ll was the most successful of the schools at primary level and it was not possible to determine the transition rate of P6 students at the school.

The sample depended on the availability of subjects to participate. Additionally, in order to enlist the support of the head teachers and not disrupt school organisation, the research team complied with the students and teachers chosen by the head teachers to participate in the study. As it proved difficult for head teachers to organise visits of PTC members to the school during

the research days, only a small sample of eight PTC members in total participated. Only two of the deputy heads in the four schools were available to participate in the study.

While there was a reasonable gender balance among students and teachers, only three women were interviewed among the 23 DEOs, head teachers, deputy heads, and members of PTCs in the sample. Of these, there were two women among the eight PTC members and just one among the 10 school managers interviewed. One of the two PTC members at Umubano ll CFS scarcely spoke during the FGD, and the female DEO was not available at the time of the visit and could only be contacted by telephone. The female perspective on school management and community involvement was therefore largely absent.

Record keeping in district offices as well as CFSs was extremely weak. Only very little gender-disaggregated data was available. As comprehensive statistical data was not available at the CFSs to analyse trends, this research has taken a snapshot view of the case study schools as they operated in 2011. An examination of trends would have been more enlightening.

4. Research findings

4.1 Area of the study

4.1.1 Umubano ll CFS, Rubavu district, Western Province – urban, successful

The district. Rubavu is a district in Western Province with its capital in Gisenyi. The district lies on the shores of Lake Kivu, around the city of Gisenyi, and just across the border from the city of Goma in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is also close to Mount Nyiragongo, an active volcano. Umubano ll CFS is located in the urban area of Gisenyi. Parents are mostly business people and tend to appreciate the need for good schooling.

There are five CFSs in the Western Province among 79 primary schools, 23 secondary schools, and two universities. The DEO considered there had been a considerable impact on the education of girls in all CFSs, with a marked difference to students’ performance in state examinations in the district. The CFSs were thus considered successful, especially Umubano II, ‘one of the best schools in the district with good teachers and good students’. Although Umubano ll was not selected



to be one of the 24 9YBE schools in the district, almost all P6 students at this school passed national examinations and qualified to proceed to secondary school. The four other 9YBE CFSs were all slated to become 12-year basic education (12YBE) schools from 2012.

There were fewer female teachers in both primary and secondary schools in the district. At secondary level, only 19.4 per cent of all teachers were women (Table 1.9). The lack of female role models was an issue for girls, particularly in the sciences. Teachers were said to be well trained, more so than teachers in other schools, and received specific training on teaching methodology and English language, which contributed to improved student performance.

Table 1.9. Teachers in Rubavu district by gender, 2010

School level Men % Women % Total Primary 692 57.1 518 42.9 1,210 Secondary 413 80.6 99 19.4 512 Total 1,105 64.2 617 35.8 1,722

Overall in Rubavu district, more girls than boys were enrolled in primary school, while more boys (55 per cent) were enrolled in secondary school than girls (45 per cent) (Table 1.10).

Table 1.10. Students' enrolment in Rubavu district by gender, 2010

School level Boys % Girls % Total Primary 38,961 49.7 39,415 50.3 78,376 Secondary 8,472 54.5 7,054 45.4 15,526 Total 47,433 50.5 46,469 49.5 93,902

The DEOs reported girls’ absenteeism in the district was higher than boys’, and this in part was attributed to parental perceptions that girls should stay at home to help with domestic chores and to help on the farm. Although boys, too, were enlisted to look after cattle, parents placed greater importance on educating boys. Menstruation was not considered a major cause of absence as one female teacher in each school was assigned to provide assistance to girls during their monthly period and MINEDUC provided necessities such as sanitary pads, soap, and toilet paper to maintain hygiene.

While full records on dropout rates by sex at district level were unavailable, the DEO reported that 849 students had dropped out of primary and secondary schools in 2010. Girls in the district were reported to drop out of school as early as in P1. At the time of the study, about 10,000 students were enrolled in P1 and about 8,000 in P2, indicating a dropout rate of 20 per cent. This was attributed to the low capacity of young children, who were enrolled by ’ambitious’ parents at as young as five years of age. Given the lack of quality pre-primary school facilities for young children in the district, many of these children were unable to cope and were withdrawn from school by their parents, often returning at the age of seven.

Other reasons for dropout in the district include poverty, perhaps the severest constraint faced by both rural and urban parents; early marriages, affecting girls in P5 and P6, although the culture had been changing slowly over the past five years; school-age girls and boys finding work in tea and coffee plantations and factories or selling farm produce at the market and to earn a living for their families’; and parental attitudes that assigned girls heavy domestic responsibilities. Although girls did return to study and were reintegrated, in some cases even after eight years of absence, re-entry had been problematic because of students’ low self-esteem and lack of support to welcome them back into the school system.

One serious challenge reported in the district was that in primary schools, the head teacher takes on the role of financial manager and pedagogical manager, creating a heavy workload. More support was required for head teachers.

The school. There were more girls (518) than boys (485) enrolled in the P1-P6 classes at Umubano II the time of the study. The school had no secondary level classes. The PTC reported that successful students are sent to neighbouring 9YBEs for placement in secondary classes after their P6 examinations although there were no records of numbers of successful students.

There was good infrastructure as well as separate toilets for teachers, although water supply was a problem. There was also a hygiene room and sanitary pads for girls. UNICEF has provided buildings for the



school and has also trained the teachers, especially in the English language. The school has electricity and will be included in the next one-laptop-per-child programme. There were facilities for football, basketball and other sports that were observed to be in use at the time of the study. The school’s girls’ basketball team was reported to have won a trophy in a regional competition. PTC respondents cited extra-curricular activities such as the cultural club, anti-AIDS club, dance club, environmental club, and Tuseme club and noted that these clubs encouraged girls to stay in school.

The school has a female head teacher who plays multiple roles as administrator, finance manager, and pedagogical manager.

4.1.2 GS Nyagatare CFS, Nyagatare district, Eastern Province – urban, less successful

The district. MINEDUC was said to have made remarkable progress in promoting EFA by building more than 378 classrooms in the district over the two years preceding the study. Students were no longer learning outdoors under trees. UNICEF education partners had built 14 new classrooms at each CFS. In addition, 19 classrooms had been reconstructed, water tanks supplied, and toilets built. However, there was a lack of sports facilities in schools, and sports for girls were inadequate and needed to be promoted.

Education partners provided training for teachers in order to sharpen their skills, especially in sciences, mathematics, and English language, all of which helped student achievement. Since English had become language of instruction in 2009, there had been considerable progress in communication and writing in English. The district had recently created a sector education officer position to assist the DEO in the administration of schools at the sector level and to improve school performance.

The DEO reported there was no longer a significant difference between enrolments in P6 and S1 in the district because of the 9YBE schools. As all students were encouraged to progress from P6 to S1, there was much less dropout inP6 than before introduction of the 9YBE programme. Of the 6,020 students in P6 in 2010, about 4,000 had enrolled in S1 in these schools, with the 2,020 higher achieving students being admitted to boarding schools across the country.

It was noted that GoR, with the support of NGOs, has contributed greatly to improving girls’ education through their commitment to policies on girls’ education. However, there was room for improvement. While girls’ enrolment in the district was higher than boys’ at both primary and secondary levels, girls still needed to be sensitised, encouraged, and supported by their families, communities, and peers, including boys, and protected from violence so they could stay in school. In the past, girls dropped out in P1, but more recently the dropout rate had been higher, in P4 and P5. Although statistics on the dropout rate among girls were not available, parents’ lack of awareness on the value of girls’ education was seen as a key contributing factor to dropout, together with poverty and social problems.

Factors contributing to dropout were similar to some of those noted in Rubavu district. Parents assigned girls heavy domestic duties, including childcare, believing this was girls’ responsibility. Early marriages still contributed to dropout for girls, although in Nyagatare district, too, the culture had been changing slowly over the past five years. While parents often contributed to girls dropping out, some girls between the ages of 12 and 15 years took the decision to leave school in the quest for freedom when they reached puberty. Boys left school to rear cattle or to work on rice plantations, especially during the seasonal trade period. Some stayed away for just three months then return to school. In addition, school-age girls and boys finding work in tea and coffee plantations and factories or selling farm produce at the market and to earn a living for their families. The DEO observed that some girls would come back to school after three years’ absence as they witnessed the progression of their peers who continued their education. For this reason, some students in P6 were over the age of 18 years.

The school. Groupe scolaire Nyagatare CFS is located in the urban region of Nyagatare district in the Eastern Province of Rwanda and is one of four CFSs in the district. The DEO considered that all four schools had benefitted greatly from the CFS programme and were successful, although Nyagatare CFS was not at the same standard as the others. The success of the CFSs was attributed to the extra facilities and teachers provided by UNICEF, as well as the room they had for expansion.

The school became a CFS in 2006. Although GS Nyagatare CFS was categorised as a less successful



school for this study, the head teacher considered that the school was successful and cited the 2010 primary school leaving examinations results where 43 out of 83 students passed. Of these, 24 were girls. The DEO, too, considered that it was a better school than most other non-CFSs in the district. The head teacher and deputy head are both university graduates, and there are six graduates and two diploma holders among the secondary level teachers. Examination results are improving steadily.

There were 12 toilets in the school, with separate toilets for boys and girls. Teachers’ toilets were in the same block as the students’, which was considered unsatisfactory by the staff. UNICEF had contributed to school infrastructure by constructing a computer laboratory, a staffroom, and three additional classroom blocks. There were 12 visually challenged students at the school (seven girls, five boys),of whom two were at secondary level.

4.1.3 Kigeyo CFS, Rutsiro district, Western Province – rural, successful

The district. The common age at which the majority of girls dropped out of school in Rutsiro district was said to be 12 years (P5 level). Although many girls were not happy about leaving school, the conditions under which they left often made it difficult for them to return. The DEO noted that contributing factors to girls’ low retention and high dropout rates in Rutsiro included poverty; lack of sanitary facilities, especially for girls during their monthly period; lack of awareness among parents coupled with patriarchal attitudes; domestic duties that kept girls out of school; and lack of awareness on government policy on girls’ education. Poverty, leading to lack of school uniforms and books; domestic activities; and menstruation was also cited as major contributors to girls’ absenteeism.

The school. Kigeyo CFS became a CFS in 2003 and is the only one in Rutsiro district. It is located in a very remote mountainous rural area with difficult access, but was recommended as it is considered a more successful school than others in the district. It was reported that since the school became a CFS, it had experienced a considerable reduction in girls’ dropout rates, and both teachers and parents were working to bring out-of-school girls back to school. No statistics were provided on girls’ enrolment or achievement at district level or at the CFS.

The research team travelled more than three hours along difficult roads through Karongi district to get to the school, which prevented them from meeting with the students attending morning classes. However, data were obtained from children who attended the afternoon shift from 12:40-5pm.

There were 32 teachers and 2,025 students at Kigeyo CFS. There was no electricity at the school. Some solar energy was in use but the common practice was for families to purchase a small quantity of petrol, which could light one room for a short period but could not light every room. This meant there were no lights at the school and children had no lights for studying at home at night. GoR had committed to providing electricity rapidly but there was no proposal as yet to bring water to the sector. Children arrived school late because they had to fetch water and sickness was rife among children because of hygiene problems. However, a female teacher was responsible for any health issues and to provide girls with sanitary pads. No teacher housing was provided; teachers were living in the homes of community members. The head teacher had the only laptop computer in the whole school but was unable to get power or an Internet connection in the area.

4.1.4 St Joseph Munyana CFS, Gakenke district, Northern Province – rural, less successful

The district. Statistics held by the DEO showed that girls’ enrolment in the district was higher than that of boys’ at both primary and secondary levels (Table 1.11). There were slightly more female than male teachers in primary schools, but at secondary level, 70.5 per cent of the teachers were men (Table 1.12). As in other districts, there were very few female science teachers.

Table 1.11. Enrolment in Gakenke district by gender, 2010

School level Boys % Girls % Total Primary 37,845 49.0 39,355 50.9 77,200 Secondary 6819 47.6 7,500 52.4 14,319 Total 44,664 48.8 46,855 51.2 91,519

Table 1.12. Teachers in Gakenke district by gender, 2010

School level Men % Women % Total Primary 651 48.9 679 51.1 1,330 Secondary 544 70.5 228 29.5 772 Total 1,195 56.9 907 43.1 2,102



According to the DEO, girls in this district started dropping out of school at P4 level, but the majority of dropouts were at the end of primary schooling after P6. This was attributed to limited places in secondary schools. In 2010, there were 7,000 students in P6 in the district with only 5,000 places available in secondary schools for 2011. In total, 823 girls and 901 boys dropped out of primary schools and 261 girls and 287 boys dropped out of secondary schools in 2010.

While poverty was one of the causes of dropout, joblessness among school leavers was said to discourages students from continuing their schooling. There were very few vocational education and training schools that could help more students find employment after they complete school.

On the positive side, there was a catch-up programme for girls who returned to school after having dropped out to work in the market selling farm produce. Domestic work was no longer a barrier preventing girls from attending school. In addition, each school now had teachers in charge of educating girls about reproductive health, so menstruation no longer had such a major impact on attendance.

The DEO noted that the 108 primary school PTCs and 46 secondary school PTCs across the district were not working well and needed support to fulfil useful roles.

Major challenges faced by schools in the district were cited:

• Unqualified teachers: Only two out of 19 secondary teachers had degrees, and only 80 primary teachers had graduated from education colleges.

• Insufficient didactic materials.

• The change in the language of instruction in secondary from Kinyarwanda(taught from P1-P4 and French (P5-P6) to English. Teachers had not mastered this change and had very little formal training – just two weeks per year.

• Limited training for district and school managers, who needed to have greater proficiency in management, statistics, finance, information technology, the English language, and teacher supervision.

The school. St Joseph’s Munyana school became a CFS in 2008 and is the only one in Gakenke district. The

school is in a remote mountainous area and is located 31km from the main road on a very bad road that is difficult to reach during the rainy season. The head teacher had recently been replaced following problems with the community. St Joseph’s was recommended for this study as a less successful rural school because very few students performed well in the state examinations. Nevertheless, the DEO considered that being in the CFS programme had had a positive impact on the school, especially for girls, although progress was slow.

There were more girls (577) than boys (451) enrolled at this school at nursery, primary, and secondary school levels. The school had three teaching blocks housing six classrooms each, a library, a teachers’ room, an office for the head teacher, and a counselling room. Three other blocks housing eight classrooms each existed before the new UNICEF blocks were built. There were two buildings for toilets and some mobile toilets, which were separated for girls and boys. However, teachers and students shared toilets. There were two big rainwater storage tanks and although the water was not fit for drinking, it could be used for cleaning. Fetching drinking water was a big problem that was exacerbated during the dry season. The PTC noted the greatest needs at the school were for school materials (books, school uniforms, computers), a science laboratory, electricity, more classrooms, and teacher housing.

The school was friendly to physically challenged students. Three students in P1 (two boys and one girl) were hearing impaired, while one boy in P5 had a physical disability. There were two teachers responsible for hearing impaired students. One of these teachers complained that there were inadequate facilities for deaf students, parents keep their deaf children out of school, and it is difficult for her sensitise all parents in the village on the importance of sending their physically challenged children to school.

There was a basketball court and a football pitch where boys and girls practice sports. However, the new head teacher confirmed that the basketball court had not been used since he joined the school two months before the study. He also said that boys were more active in sports than girls. The only club at this school was a media club where students learn about events occurring around them. There was no Tuseme club where students could have the opportunity to express their views on issues that affect them.



4.2 Demographic aspects of participants

Gender. The schools visited were all mixed schools serving both boys and girls. Both sexes participated in the survey, but as regards students, teachers generally selected slightly more boys than girls to respond to the questionnaires. As noted, of the 81 teachers in the study, 43 were men and 38 were women.

Age. The schools were all day schools with both primary and lower secondary classes. The exception was Umubano II, which consisted of only primary classes. Nearly 81 percent of the girls and 70 per cent of the boys surveyed reported that they started primary school by age seven, which is a normal starting age for primary school pupils in Rwanda (Figure 1.16). Nevertheless there were more boys (24 per cent) than girls (18 per cent) under the age of 15 in the five classes (P5-S3) in each school. Nearly 27 percent of girls were aged 15-17, as against 20 per cent of boys (Figure 1.17). This suggests that the girls participating in the survey took longer to progress through primary school and early secondary classes than boys.

Half of the teachers were under the age of 30, while nearly 20 per cent were over the age of 40.

Figure 1.16. Age of students starting school by gender, 2011

Enro

lmen

t

Perc

ent

Markers show Percent

Perc

ent

0.0%

20.0%

30.0%

40.0%

<6or6> 7 8 9

Girl

Boy

10 11 12

50.0%

10.0%

0.0%

20.0%

30.0%

40.0%

50.0%

10.0%

Figure 1.17. Age of students by gender, 2011

Boys Girls

Fre

qu

en

cy

<10 11 120

10

20

30

40

13 14 15 16 17 <18

Travel to school. About 97 percent of students walked to school, the majority (64 per cent) taking less than one hour. Most students at Umubano (urban) school took 15 minutes to walk to school, but students at the two rural schools and Nyagatare urban school all walked long distances. Some 36 percent walked one hour or more to school (Figure 1.18). This indicates that one third of students spend more than two hours every day walking to and from school, often along difficult, mountainous roads in rural areas.

Figure 1.18. Length of time taken to get to school, by CFS, 2011

Munyana

Umubano

Kigeyo

Nyagatare

Total

15 mins0.0

5.0

10.0

15.0

20.0

25.0

30.0

35.0

30 mins 45 mins 1 hour > 1 hour

Teacher qualifications. Apart from the head teachers and deputy heads, only 6 per cent had a bachelor’s degree. All of these were at Nyagatare, where students had the best results. In addition, 44 per cent of teachers had a diploma, 37 per cent had a certificate,



and 13 per cent had only studied to S6. Twenty-one per cent had been teaching at their school for a year, 63 per cent for three years, and only 5 per cent for seven years.

4.3 Enrolment

Respondents confirmed that gender balance in primary and secondary enrolments had improved, and this was further confirmed by official data. Girls’ enrolment was higher than that of boys in the four CFSs visited (Table 1.13). However, it is worth noting that the figures below indicate the number of children on the school register and provides no information on their attendance, retention, achievement, or of the quality of learning they receive at school.

Table 1.13. School enrolment by gender, 2011

School Boys (%) Girls (%) Total Umubano II 485 19 518 19 1,003 GS Nyagatare 605 24 661 24 1,266 Kigeyo 1,010 39 1,027 37 2,037 St Joseph Munyana 458 18 569 20 1,027 Grand total 2,558 100 2,775 100 5,333

*Most recent data available

Enrolment figures presented by Nyagatare CFS in particular showed that girls outnumbered boys at both primary and secondary levels. Notably, at secondary school level there were 217 girls and 168 boys enrolled in S1-S3. Only in P2 and P3 was there no remarkable differences in enrolment between the sexes Over 96 per cent of teachers considered that girls and boys had the same opportunities to enrol at school. DEOs also affirmed that girls’ enrolment had greatly improved across all schools in the region. DEOs, head teachers, deputy heads, and members of PTCs attributed this improvement to the following: • The education reform that abolished school fees

in 2003, although in the survey, the school fees for teachers, uniforms, and materials were still being collected at schools and were considered a problem for poor families.

• Transfer of resources directly to schools in different districts since 2005 on the basis of the number of students.

• The mandatory 9YBE programme introduced in 2009 to counter dropout rates, especially among girls.

• Creating PTCs and encouraging a higher level of parental and community participation in school management.

• Mandating double-shift classes in order to ease overcrowding and improve teacher-pupil ratios in classrooms.

• Scaling up classroom construction and building separate toilets for girls and boys.

However, at St Joseph’s Munyana school where more girls were enrolled than boys, parents attributed this to the demography of the population, which consists of more females than males.

Student respondents at the four CFSs highlighted some of the difficulties they face in starting school (Figure 1.18). While 63 percent of students indicated they had no problems, 18 per cent cited the lack of school materials, 14 per cent referred to financial difficulties in relation to school fees, and 5 per cent indicated they were disadvantaged because they were orphans.

Figure 1.19. Problems students faced starting school, 2011

NyagatareMunyana UmubanoName of the school

Kigeyo

Freq

uenc

y

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Problems students faced getting started at school:

No school equipmentNo parents

School feesNo problems

4.4 Retention School environment. Given the relationship between retention and a holistic school environment, the study invited students to assess their school environment. Over 97 per cent of responses were positive. More girls (1.5 per cent) than boys (1.1 per cent) had negative perceptions, but this was not statistically significant.

All the CFSs visited had big, bright classrooms, separate toilets for girls and boys, playgrounds and a teacher resource centre. However, about 18 per cent of children



involved in the study reported they had been poorly prepared for learning when they started school; they did not have appropriate early childhood development, care, and support. Some 57 per cent of students ranked the teaching style as the most appreciated element of the school environment. More than 20 per cent mentioned the games played at school and the equal utilisation of the playgrounds by both sexes. The remaining 22 percent gave varying responses, ranking school environment, peer groups, and use and access to textbooks in descending order of importance.

About 33 per cent of students did not report anything that they did not like in their school. However, another 33 per cent highlighted the geographical location of schools in relation to their homes and the long distance as a major challenge. About 15 per cent mentioned lack of cleanliness, especially in the toilets; 9 per cent ranked noise in classrooms; 9 per cent recorded abuse among students; and about 5 per cent reported poor playgrounds.

The presence of Tuseme clubs was reported in all schools visited apart from Munyana, although only 17 per cent of all students said they were members.

According to head teachers, the construction of new and separate toilets for boys and girls has played an important role in keeping students in school. However, apart from Umubano II, the schools visited lacked clean drinking water. Instead, they had some rain water storage tanks, although the water stored was unfit for drinking and was used for cleaning. As a result, students had to bring their drinking water from home.

Absenteeism. Students’ absenteeism rates were high for both boys and girls. About 34 per cent of students missed school weekly, with some students missing up to two weeks in a month. While 35 per cent of teachers did not believe that girls’ absenteeism was higher than that of boys, the remaining 65 per cent believed girls were more often absent from school than boys. In fact, the number of boys missing school was higher on average than that of girls, although this was not statistically significant.

Absenteeism was understood by respondents as contributing to dropout rates. Girls specifically mentioned their parents’ lack of knowledge on the importance of education as a hindrance to school attendance. Parents assigned girls domestic duties and also engaged them in income-generating activities (e.g. going to the market), which kept them from attending school regularly. Some girls sought ways to overcome these hindrances, such as engaging in community awareness efforts designed to sensitise parents and community leaders on the value of girls’ education. Of the teachers who believed that girls registered high absenteeism rates, 33 per cent cited domestic activities as the primary reason why girls failed to attend school, while 13 per cent cited menstruation. PTC respondents at Kigeyo CFS concurred with the view that girls’ absenteeism was higher than boys’ because of their menstrual cycle, while at GS Nyagatare, where it was reported that absenteeism had reached a very low level for both girls and boys, girls’ periods were not considered to pose a problem as girls now had access to a sick room and there was a female teacher on hand to provide support during their period.

As regards their menstrual cycle and availability of sanitary products, approximately 33 per cent of girls reported that they had reached menarche. Out of this group, 24 per cent were given sanitary products at home, while 6 per cent used traditional methods. Another 3 percent obtained sanitary products from their school, while less than 1 per cent of the girls received these products from friends. There was a strong relationship between girls’ source of sanitary products and their appreciation of the school environment.

Dropout. Teacher respondents reported that 60 per cent of girls dropped out of school in P5 and P6, and 24 per cent at the age of 12. The PTC at St Joseph’s Munyana school considered that boys had better school attendance than girls and that more girls dropped than boys, although there were no statistics to support this.

More than 14 per cent of the 267 students who took part in the study reported having dropped out of school at some point. This accounted for 6 per cent of girls and more than 8 per cent of boys. Figure 1.20 shows a statistically significant difference between the underlying distributions of the dropout rates of boys and girls.



Figure 1.20. Dropout rate at four CFSs, 2011

8

7

No

Yes

P1 P2 P3 P4Grade

Dropout FrequenciesError bars: 95% CI

8 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 88 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 88 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 88 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 88 6 4 2 0

P6 S1 S2 S3

7

No

Yes

8

8

8

7

No

Yes

7

No

Yes

Boy

Girl

Students gave the following reasons for dropout: lack of basic school necessities, e.g. uniforms, books, pens, and school fees (11 per cent); loss of parents (1 per cent); sickness (1 per cent); and job opportunities in urban areas (1 per cent). More than 33 per cent of those who dropped out did so in P1 (14 per cent boys and 19 per cent girls), 15 per cent in P2 and P4, 13 per cent in P3, 8 per cent each in P5 and P6, and 3 per cent in S2. About 28 per cent of these students dropped out at age 7 (11 per cent boys and 17 per cent girls).

While the study produced little statistical information on the extent of school dropout, DEOs, head teachers, deputy heads and PTCs noted that girls began dropping out at P4-5 levels. These school managers cited the following reasons behind girls’ low retention:

• Poverty. Schooling was one of the most pressing financial demands on family budgets and was a constant source of anxiety at all social levels. Poor parents could not afford the basic supplies needed to pay teachers’ allowances, PTC fees for building projects, uniforms, books, pens, and manual work equipment. Further, some families felt that they could not afford the ‘cost’ of losing girls’ labour.

• The persistence of cultural attitudes. While these attitudes were changing, gender bias was pervasive and played a role in the number of dropouts among girls. Girls continued to get married and become pregnant at a young age, and some families still favoured boys’ schooling over girls', the latter being considered less important.

• Poor sanitation. Lack of separate toilets for girls, decent sanitary products, and clean water during monthly periods.

• Absence of guidance and education on adolescents’ reproductive health, rights, and life skills.

• Lack of a safe and secure school environment. Girls experienced sexual harassment at school and on the way to school.

Teachers cited the following reasons: poverty (40 per cent), early marriage (16 per cent), lack of awareness among parents (6 per cent), peer influence (6 per cent), cultural beliefs (5 per cent), and puberty(5 per cent). In particular, teachers noted that lack of awareness of the value of education resulted in parents giving little priority to educating their children, preferring to engage them in domestic and agricultural work instead. They also reported that girls were taken out of school because of early marriage or left school because of poor hygiene or unplanned pregnancy. Concerning the girls who had dropped out of school in 2010, teachers gave the following major reasons: unwanted pregnancy (33 per cent, highest at Nyagatare), loss of parents and having to take up household responsibilities (14 per cent), taking up work in towns (11 per cent), lack of financial resources (6 per cent), and sickness (5 per cent). At St Joseph’s Munyana school, girls’ return rate after dropping out was reported to be very limited, with an estimated three girls out of 20 who had dropped out being likely to come back to pursue their studies later on. At Kigeyo CFS, girls who dropped out due to pregnancy were said to be willing to return to school after giving birth, but did not get support to do so, while at GS Nyagatare, some girls did return to school after giving birth when assistance was provided for this. At this school, although girls’ dropout rate had decreased, in part due to fewer incidences of early marriage, 13 girls dropped out in 2010. At secondary level, dropout occurred primarily in S2 and S3.

Among the specific school problems identified, dropout was ranked highest by 33 per cent of students in all CFSs visited. This was followed by lack of sanitary facilities and products (about 24 per cent), unplanned pregnancies (18 per cent), lack of adequate health facilities (14 per cent), bullying (7 per cent), sexual harassment (4 per cent), and gender-based violence (1 per cent) (Figure 1.21).



Figure 1.21. Problems experienced by students in CFSs, 2011

Fre

quen

cy

Unwanted pregnancies Lack of sanitary padsSexual harassment Bullying

Gender based violenceDropping out of schoolLack of enough toilets and othersanitary facilities

NyagatareMunyana Umubano Kigeyo0

10

20

30

Poverty was also cited by students as being the greatest cause of dropout and other problems identified by students, followed by illiteracy of parents (Figure 1.22). A strong statistical correlation emerged between girls’ dropout on one hand and, on the other, poverty in their families and parents who are illiterate and do not value their daughters’ education as much as their sons’. Figure 1.22. Causes of dropout and other problems experienced at school, 2011

PovertyIlliteracy

School environmentCultural beliefs

Freq

uenc

y

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

NyagatareMunyana Umubano Kigeyo

At Umubano II urban school, P5 and P6 students linked poverty to early pregnancy as a major cause of dropout. Girls in urban areas who lacked financial resources were more attracted to men who offered money, clothes, and mobile phones in exchange for sex. For boys in the urban setting, a major challenge was drug abuse. At St Joseph’s School, Munyana in Gakenke District, S1-S3 students said poverty caused some girls

to leave home and find work as servants. Girls who had not gone to school and instead worked on farms had more money than those who had gone to school and were now jobless, inciting more girls to leave school to do the same with their parents’ encouragement. PTC members at this school concurred with the view that parents encouraged their daughters to stay at home and help with domestic and farming chores or leave school to earn a living by selling their farm produce at the market. At Kigeyo CFS, too, PTC respondents blamed parents for girls’ dropout as they were concerned with the family livelihood and it was easier to engage girls in domestic work and employment on tea plantations than boys who typically shunned such work. However boys, too, dropped out of school to find work in town and these out-of-school boys were said to be more attractive to girls and responsible for many unplanned pregnancies among schoolgirls, causing further dropout.

On the positive side, given the focus on gender equality in Rwanda, the treatment of boys and girls had changed. Students said that many parents now treated boys and girls equally at home, although girls were still given more domestic work than boys. Boys and girls were also treated equally at school and performed at the same level.

As regards students’ goals, more than 96 per cent of students (100 per cent of the girls) said that they wished to stay at school until they graduated. About 4 per cent of them (all of them boys) said they wanted to become businessmen. Teachers also considered that girls could become their own change agents and advocates, being empowered by sharing their experiences with each other, accessing peer support, and understanding that their culture does not have to hold them back. Life skills were considered especially important for girls because of the risks and challenges they face in society that hinder them from complete their schooling.

4.5 Achievement Over 96 per cent of teachers said girls and boys had equal opportunities to participate in class and in the playgrounds, and had equal performance. Boys and girls were said to participate equally in class exercises, correction of homework, cleaning of classrooms and blackboards, and working in school gardens. ‘The performance of both girls and boys prove that neither of them is excluded in any way,’ said one respondent. Responses from students confirmed this perception.



Although a larger number of boys than girls sought to have excellent results in their first term examinations in 2011, on average, girls performed better than boys (Figure 1.23). However, this was not statistically significant.

Figure 1.23. Performance of girls in relation to boys, 2011

0

2

4

6

80

2

4

6

8

Boy

Girl

Excellent

P5Education level:P6

S1S2

S3

Good Poor

Nyagatare

Munyana

Um

ubano

Kigeyo

Nyagatare

Munyana

Um

ubano

Kigeyo

Nyagatare

Munyana

Um

ubano

Kigeyo

Boys’ and girls’ perceptions of girls’ performance in relation to boys’ performance showed that boys believed the performance of girls increased substantially between P4 and P6, while girls said this was between P4 and P5. Perceived differences in performance declined from P6 to S3 (Figure 1.24).

Figure 1.24. Students’ perception of girls’ performance in relation to boys, 2011

0

10

20

30

400

10

20

30

40

P5P4 P6 S1 S2 S3 P5P4 P6 S1 S2 S3

GirlBoy

Yes

No

Sex of the students

Education level

Among the reasons students gave for good achievement were revision (57 per cent), teachers (25 per cent), parents (7 per cent), brothers and sisters (6 per cent), and their guardians (1 per cent). Four per cent did not indicate any reason. There was no statistical significance between gender and reasons given for good achievement.

More than 49 per cent of students said they did not face any problems that hindered their performance. However, others said they had no time for revision due to domestic activities (28 per cent), the school lacked equipment (12 per cent), and the teaching style was poor (3.1 per cent). Poor school environment and absence of electricity, laboratories, and computer technologies were seen by some students as obstacles in their daily schooling. Again, there was no statistical significance between gender and the problems hindering students’ performance.

Boys in S1-S3 said that the affirmative action policy of lower grades for girls discourages them from studying rather than encouraging them. This was seen as the reason for the high number of girls who do not perform well in secondary school.

School achievement is affected by teaching style. Almost 97 per cent of students appreciated their teachers’ teaching style, while only 2 per cent did not. The availability of good role models can also support school achievement. More than 98 percent of students said they had teachers or peers who they aspired to be like in the future. Less than 1per cent said they did not have any role models in their school.

Teachers detailed the challenges they faced in ensuring the success of CFS programmes and reaching high student achievement. In all schools studied, the lack of training (20 per cent) and teaching materials (19 per cent) were major challenges. Teacher respondents also complained about the constant changes in teachers’ programmes and curricula (16 per cent), insufficient knowledge about the CFS programme (14 per cent), student absenteeism (10 per cent), the geographic location of schools in relation to homes (6 per cent), poverty (4 per cent), and language barrier (3 per cent).

4.6 Community involvement

The establishment of PTCs has had an important place in the development of CFSs. Head teachers and deputy



heads appreciated the role that parents play in their schools, particularly in improving the school climate and increasing connectedness between schools, families, and communities. Teachers considered that the PTCs’ major role was to support school management and develop action plans (30 per cent),ensure that all children go to school (22 per cent), and change parents’ mentality towards girls’ education (20 per cent). Other functions considered to be of importance were discipline of students, ensuring that students have a conducive environment for learning, and participating in raising and monitoring the funds involved in school management (all 7 per cent).

At Umubano II, the PTC was composed of seven adults, comprising three men, four women, and two student representatives (one boy, one girl). This was is in line with the government policy of having at least 30 per cent representation of women in decision-making positions. There was a president, a vice-president, a secretary, a treasurer, and two administrators. PTC members were selected by the parents themselves, and all PTC members in the study had between two and five children in the school.

Parents held meetings once a month where they had the opportunity to discuss students’ academic performance and offer solutions or suggestions regarding challenges militating against students’ achievement and performance. The PTC also met regularly once a term to deliberate on matters that affect students and the management of the school. For example, there had been a problem at the school of street boys who used the school playground to sell and use drugs in the evenings, posing a danger to students. Parents took the initiative to construct a fence around the school to protect the students, girls especially, and to ensure a safe environment. The PTC had also submitted a proposal to MINEDUC to request additional funds needed for the fence. In addition, as the role of PTCs in school governance was considered important, more literate members were being sought in order to add value to the role of these committees throughout the district.

The three PTC members from Umubano II who took part in the study considered the school’s success was due to its proximity to the city. As parents lived nearby

and knew many of the students, they tended to question them if they were seen out of school or arriving at school late. The high level of academic achievement reported by the head teacher, teachers, and DEO was

attributed by PTC members to the involvement of parents and community in school management.

PTC respondents at this school cited a number of challenges existing at the school. Changes to school programmes and curricula were made without due consultation with school management and affected students’ performance and retention. For example, the introduction of English as the compulsory language of instruction was too sudden. The English training programme for teachers, organised and conducted by MINEDUC once a year, was inadequate; such training should be continuous. Teachers’ salaries were very low and not commensurate with other professional salaries or the time and effort put in by teachers. Two teaching shifts were run throughout the week from 7:00-11:40am and from 12:4-5pm. These shifts were taught by the same set of teachers and created a heavy workload. Furthermore, many students who attended the morning shift went to amuse themselves in town all afternoon until late evening. Concurrently, girls were frequently kept at home by their parents in the mornings to do household chores and were tired when they attended the afternoon shift. Finally, there were no sources of income for the school other than what was provided by MINEDUC and UNICEF, although the PTC was seeking grants from other sources to meet the increased rates of inflation.

At Nyagatare CFS, two PTC members took part in the study – the advisor and the chairperson. Overall, the committee included two female members serving as vice chairperson and treasurer, as well as the head teacher and two teachers from the school. The PTC played a support, advisory and monitoring role in school management. Respondents considered they also had a role to play in raising families’ and girls’ awareness of equal rights and opportunities between the sexes, including the opportunity to be educated. They observed teachers’ pay was very low and suggested that MINEDUC increase salaries. PTCs were reported to have been very supportive in school administration throughout Nyagatare district. For instance, they contributed to teachers’ salaries paid by GoR, which had helped reduce turnover among teachers. The DEO considered PTCs now served as a best practice to emulate for school improvement.

The head teacher at Kigeyo CFS was a member of the PTC and took part in the study, along with the deputy head and two parents. The PTC encouraged parents to support their children in the learning process,



particularly secondary students. It was reported that throughout the district, the role of PTCs was advisory, participatory, and consultative. PTCs engaged with the community on the importance of girls’ education and encouraged gender sensitivity; challenged parents to provide school materials and send their children to school; participated in school management by providing advice and motivating teachers who had a responsibility to be role models and display gender-sensitive behaviour; and took part in consultations on the proposals for projects to be carried out at the school. However, insufficient funds were a major challenge for PTCs.

At Kigeyo CFS in particular, communication was a challenge. Given the geographical locality, parents did not live near the school and it was hard for them to attend meetings. Poverty was also a problem because parents did not have the capacity to pay for school uniforms and learning materials, although the school was patient and parents were given time to pay. Parents were required to pay RWF 4,000(US$7) in expenses for primary level students and RWF 8,000(US$14) for secondary level students. In addition, all parents had been asked to pay RWF 5,000(US$9) to help to build more classrooms. MINEDUC was assisting the school by providing cement and roofing. Finally, the school was experiencing problems with some students who were consuming local alcohol. Parents were worried about this problem and looked to local leaders for support.

At St Joseph’s Munyana school, there are just two women on the 11-member PTC. The committee meets four times a year to deliberate on matters affecting the school and to recommend means of improvement. Parents meet once a month to discuss challenges affecting both boys and girls, as well as strategies that could move the school forward. The PTC’s role in school management also involves presenting reports on the students; monitoring students’ performance and recommending means of improvement; identifying sources of financial support; and designing projects that could improve the status and overall functioning of the school; and proposing projects to MINEDUC for funding. The committee also mobilises parents and students to contribute to the growth and improvement of the school.

Four members of the PTC took part in the study at this school. Of the four, only the president of the PTC was community representative. The other three were school representatives: one primary level teacher,

one secondary level teacher, and one student. They complained of a number of challenges at the school, including poverty among parents and community members, which militates against them sending their children, especially girls, to school or paying for learning materials. There were inadequate study materials for students (books, school uniforms, school shoes).Many students lived far away and have to walk long distances to and from school, which had a negative impact on their performance. As noted, St Joseph’s Munyana is located on a mountain and access is thus difficult for students and teachers who mostly have to walk to school.

5. Conclusions and recommendations

The four key areas examined in the study were considered important in improving girls’ education: enrolment, retention, achievement, and school management and community involvement. Based on the data collected on each of these dimensions, the most successful school appeared to be Umubano ll CFS. However, as this was only a primary level school, limited comparison could be made with the three other 9YBE CFSs that had secondary school students. Although the four schools had been recommended for study as either successful or less successful in both rural and urban areas, the study found that respondents from all the schools shared similar views and all schools faced similar challenges. The positive outcomes observed in girls’ education in the four CFSs indicate that the CFS programme has had an impact in all four of the research areas.

5.1 Conclusions

The study examined girls’ experiences in CFSs, provided evidence on the impact of CFSs on girls’ education, and established that the promotion of gender equality in these schools is in line with national and international education targets.

5.1.1 Enrolment: Are CFSs available and accessible to girls?

Despite the history of discrimination against girls in education in Rwanda, the research team found that in the four CFSs studied, there were more girls enrolled at the primary level than boys. Stakeholders attributed the improved enrolment of girls to the impact of the CFS programme. As expected by GoR, the introduction of 9YBE has resulted in a significant improvement in the enrolment of girls at secondary level, although the statistics reflected a slight reduction of the



girls’ enrolment rates achieved at primary level. The challenge now appeared to be centred on the retention of the enrolled girls in school. In relation to accessibility, two rural schools – St Joseph’s CFS and Kigeyo CFS – were located on mountains and children who lived far away had to walk long distances to school. Parents were more concerned about the safety of their daughters walking these distances than they were about their sons. It was important for schools to be accessible to students, although this was clearly difficult in rural areas.

5.1.2 Retention: Do girls drop out more than boys in CFSs?

The four schools reflected reduced absenteeism and dropout rates for girls since they became CFSs. However, most study respondents reported that girls still dropped out more than boys. The DEO of Rubavu district reported girls dropping out as early as in P1. This was in some cases because they were enrolled as early as five years of age and were withdrawn from school when their parents realised that their daughters could not cope with schooling at such a young age. These younger children often returned to school at age seven. The DEO said one of the reasons for the low capacity of younger children was the lack of or inadequate pre-primary school facilities for young children. Even though there were a few pre-schools in the towns, there were very few in rural areas. PTC members nominated P4-P6 and ages 12-15 as the critical levels and ages when girls dropout. Several issues that negatively affect retention were identified in the research

Poverty. The major cause of girls’ absenteeism and subsequent dropout was household responsibilities: domestic chores and farm work, especially in rural areas. Although boys were kept away from school to look after cattle when there was economic pressure on their families, boys were still given priority over girls when it came to schooling. In rural areas, many children arrived at school hungry, which affected their learning. Some families could not afford to purchase notebooks, pencils, or school uniforms, and this lowered the self-esteem of students who considered that they did not comply with the school regulations and practices.

Attitudes. DEOs and head teachers reported a reduction in the previously strongly held cultural beliefs and practices concerning early marriage for girls and the importance of the dowry to the family. Nevertheless, PTC members observed that the majority of children who did not complete their education were still girls.

In some rural areas, particularly at Kigeyo CFS, students themselves decided they wanted to leave school to earn money working on the tea or coffee plantations, in factories, and at the market. Some PTC members noted that when students saw their peers who had completed school unable to find work, they were not convinced that the extra years of schooling would result in a good income. Although girls who dropped out did not normally return to school, at Kigeyo CFS there was a formal catch-up programme with approximately three out of every 20 students returning to school after dropping out, some up to eight years later. However, re-entry had been problematic because of lack of self-esteem and lack of support for re-integrating these students back into the school system.

Teachers’ salaries and working conditions. In all four schools, there were complaints about the low level of remuneration teachers received (RWF30,000/US$51 per month)despite teaching a double shift from 7:00-11:40am and from 12:40-5pm, and travelling long distances to school. In some schools, parents were charged an additional levy to contribute to teachers' remuneration. Teachers’ housing at all schools, and especially at St Joseph’s, was well below acceptable standards.

Extra-curricular activities. Involvement in school clubs and outdoor games helped keep children enrolled in the most successful schools. Umubano ll CFS had several clubs that gave girls incentive to stay in school, including the Tuseme club. There was also a well-planned programme of extra-curricular activities including sports and music. St Joseph’s had a media club to make students aware of events going on around them, but there was no Tuseme club. It was suggested that life skills clubs would be valuable for girls, and perhaps additional guidance could be provided to girls at secondary level outside of school hours on specific academic areas to ensure their success and to maintain their motivation to stay in school. In addition to tutoring, meetings could include training in job-related skills for upper secondary school girls, and presentations by women leaders. Each school had a girls’ soccer team, but girls were not observed to be using the sports grounds or playing ball games with the same vigour or frequency as boys. At St Joseph’s Munyana, the head teacher reported that he had not witnessed students using the basketball court since he joined the school two months earlier. Given teachers’ obligation to teach two shifts every day, there was little time for them to organise extra-curricular activities.



Menstruation. Menstruation and the lack of sanitary pads were no longer a major cause of girls’ absenteeism and dropout. All four schools had a dedicated girls’ room, one or two teachers in charge of supporting girls’ health and hygiene, sanitary pads, soap, and toilet paper. They also had separate girls’ toilets to facilitate girls’ good hygiene and comfort during their monthly period.

5.1.3 Achievement: Do girls achieve more in CFSs and transit to secondary at the same rate as boys?

Girls at Umubano II CFS and Nyagatare CFS were achieving extremely well in comparison with boys. However, while some informants said that girls and boys performed equally well and that sometimes girls even outperformed boys, it was clear from the schools’ national examination results that there was room for improvement in girls' performance at secondary level in the schools studied. The two rural schools, St Joseph’s Munyana CFS and Kigeyo CFS, had low performance in state examinations in comparison with neighbouring schools.

School organisation. None of the schools in the study had feeder pre-schools, which would likely have had an impact on student achievement, and none had neighbouring technical and vocational education institutions offering training geared towards employment for either boys or girls. The double shift at both primary and secondary levels had a negative impact on the quality of teaching and on learning outcomes for children.

School funding. There had been an increase in the prices of all goods purchased for the school as a result of inflation. Apart from the MINEDUC capitation grant and school fees, there were few other sources of income for the schools studied, although PTCs did seek other grants. Additional resources could favourably influence student achievement.

Curriculum. Changes in school programmes (e.g., the change from general to subject teachers) and curricula (e.g., the introduction of English as the language of instruction) without due consultation with school management was considered to be affecting both student performance and retention negatively.

Language. The English language had not been mastered by all teachers and was poorly understood by students and teachers at both primary and secondary levels. In two of the schools, neither secondary students nor

teachers participating in the study were able to answer the survey questionnaires in English. Although most teachers in this study underwent a two-week training course in English each year, they were not competent in the language, an indication that the yearly training they received was not sufficient.

Facilities and equipment. Respondents reported that with improved infrastructure, students’ overall academic results had improved and this served as motivation for better performance. Although classroom blocks and toilet blocks had been built by UNICEF in each of the CFSs, there were still some severe challenges at the schools. Only Umubano ll CFS had access to electricity, while Kigeyo relied on solar energy. Munyana (rural) and Nyagatare (urban) did not have an electric supply, and this impacted negatively on the teaching of science courses and on students’ performance. GoR and UNICEF had provided water tanks for the schools, but there was still insufficient clean water for students, and some children had to carry drinking water from their homes to school. Insufficient water supply was a particular problem at Munyana because of its geographic location amid rocky hills. This was worse during the dry season when rainfall is limited. Libraries/resource centres with adequate teaching materials were limited. Two schools had resource centres, but they were not well stocked. Science and ICT laboratories were non-existent and secondary school students were studying science without equipment and IT without computers. In two schools, the only computer available was the head teacher’s, and in three schools the head teachers were unable to use Internet facilities while at the school. The head teachers of two schools relied on handwritten records of school attendance and achievement. Record keeping was far below standard. Finally, there was an absence of simple furniture and equipment such as cupboards, bookshelves and filing cabinets.

Role models. Girls lacked role models at the secondary level as there were few women teachers in the schools. Several informants suggested that additional support from female mentors would stimulate better achievement among girls.

5.1.4 School management and community involvement: Are head teachers trained in school management, and are community members involved in CFSs?

Three of the DEOs in the present study were graduates of the Kigali Institute of Education (KIE), whereas one



was a graduate of the National University of Rwanda. All the DEOs had served between three and five years in their current positions and had attended management training programmes to enhance their skills in school management, computing, English, and other areas. On the other hand, very few head teachers and deputy heads had bachelors’ degrees or diplomas. Most had had limited in-service training, and many teachers were untrained. Head teachers in particular needed more support for their joint roles as pedagogical and financial managers. UNICEF was providing some school-based training in CFSs, but there was a pronounced need for more pre-service and in-service training. It was observed that particular effort was needed in school management and record keeping for head teachers, deputy heads, and DEOs, and in teaching in English for teachers.

One of the greatest outcomes of the CFS programme was found to be the introduction of PTCs. In recent years, the composition of PTCs had changed to include more literate members, and this had added value to their roles. PTCs said they assisted in school management; helped head teachers identify sources of financial and other support for the school; designed projects; approached MINEDUC for funding that could improve the status and overall functioning of the school; sensitised parents/students to contribute towards the effective growth and improvement of the school; presented reports on students; monitored students’ performance; and recommended ways of improvement. At Umubano ll CFS, parents met on a monthly basis to discuss the performance of students. At the other schools, parents met on a quarterly basis.

Many parents were not involved in the school, especially in poor areas where farming activities left them little time. It was reported that some rural parents did not discipline their children or check on their performance at school. Not all of the PTCs had the required 30 per cent of women in decision-making positions, and in the case of student representatives, in all four schools these were boys, with girls acting as vice representatives. Despite these challenges, the four PTCs seemed to be working fairly well. Parents at Umubano ll had decided to build a fence around the school to protect students. Boys using drugs had been congregating at the school at night, restricting students, especially girls, from staying at school to study. The PTC at St Joseph’s paid a small levy to improve the school grounds.

5.2 Recommendations

The study brought out a number of recommended strategies and interventions aimed at increasing access, retention, achievement, transition, and completion rates for all children, especially girls, at all levels of education. Such interventions could include the abolition of school fees; incentives such as school-feeding programmes; access to clean and healthy schools, not least to clean water and adequate sanitation; well-managed schools; and procedures that protect girls from sexual harassment by teachers and male students. The use of mother tongue languages in the classroom and locally recruited female teachers who are trained in first and second language development are vital in making schools inclusive for disadvantaged groups, especially girls. Enhancing motivation so that girls and their families see that their education will lead to jobs and an income will lead them to value their schooling. Additional training and strong female role models are also important, as is parents’ participation in schools, which can increase the accountability of both teachers and students.

Study respondents believed the future prospects for CFSs in Rwanda were good. These schools were seen as ensuring quality education to both boys and girls; generating good academic performance; providing students with good prospects for their future; enhancing students’ contribution to the country’s development; ensuring child-friendliness; and providing role models.

The present study thus has implications for policy-makers and NGOs who are collaborating with GoR to implement CFSs in Rwanda. Below are a number of recommendations aimed at GoR, MINEDUC, partner organisations and school management.

5.2.1 The Government of Rwanda/MINEDUC

To ensure the successful implementation of the CFS model in Rwandan schools, GoR, and MINEDUC should consider the following:

• Put in place a monitoring and evaluation system to regularly evaluate the implementation of the CFS programme, as well as the implementation of the National Girls’ Education Policy.

• Continue addressing economic development in rural areas.

• Establish and monitor school feeding programmes, particularly in food insecure areas, and supply basic school materials for poor children.



• Increase teacher remuneration and improve teacher housing in rural schools.

• Provide induction and mentoring programmes for new teachers, and quality pre-service and in-service training for all teachers in English language instruction, gender-sensitive teaching methodologies, and curriculum development to build new competencies, strengthen capacities, and increase morale.

• Provide continuous professional development on school management and good governance for district education officers, head teachers, deputy head teachers, and PTCs.

• Ensure more women are trained in science and technology subjects.

• Ensure there is a gender balance of school managers by increasing the target from 30 to 50 per cent.

• Replace gender-biased textbooks with materials that are inclusive of both sexes.

• Conduct a review on the effectiveness of double shifts so that students can be in school throughout the day and teachers can have more time for lesson preparation and marking.

• Build schools closer to the communities they serve and/or establish boarding facilities.

• Provide electricity, clean water, science and computer laboratories, and libraries in all schools.

• Provide separate toilets for boys and girls, sanitary pads, and clean water in all schools.

• Encourage girls who had dropped out to return to school and complete their education, and sanction those who make girls pregnant and jeopardise their schooling.

• Establish pre-schools as part of CFSs.

• Cater for students with disabilities by providing them with appropriate learning materials and ensuring that teachers are adequately trained to meet their needs.

• Provide literacy and numeracy programmes for parents and the community.

5.2.2 Recommendations for partner organisations

• Support GoR in implementing school feeding programmes for poor children to increase school retention and performance.

• Develop sensitisation and awareness programmes

for all stakeholders to educate them on the specific needs of girls and the importance of girls’ attendance and retention.

• Make good practice in CFSs more visible by preparing fact sheets and manuals on what works best in school improvement.

• Extend the First Lady’s Imbuto Foundation programme that rewards best performers girls to the district and sector levels.

5.2.3 Recommendations for school management

• Develop income-generating activities, including school gardens to provide staple foods, and other entrepreneurial initiatives.

• Provide new teachers with in-service training on learner-centred methodologies.

• Encourage greater involvement of parents in their children’s learning and school governance by establishing effective PTCs.

• Raise academic standards by ensuring teachers' give students tests, homework; following up on progress; and providing support for students to study at school after classes.

• Implement programmes that will sensitise PTCs, parents, and community leaders on issues affecting girls’, including the benefits of educating girls and the challenges that girls face in schools.

• Engage teachers and parents in sensitisation of girls, parents and community members.

• Implement programmes that boost girls’ self-esteem so that they too can successfully study science and IT subjects and contribute to national development.

• Ensure activities such as Tuseme and other clubs, and introduce sports and music to increase interest in school attendance.

• Increase the proportion of women in PTCs from 30 to 50 per cent, and encourage female teachers to undertake leadership roles.

• Educate girls on reproductive health and rights, and encourage open discussions on issues relating to menstruation in school, at home, and in the community.

• Establish tutoring, mentorship, guidance, counselling and skills training services, particularly at secondary level.

• Recognise and reward girls’ achievement.



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Higher education:

Mainstreaming gender to increase female participation



Higher education is one of the most important sectors of human resource formation in today’s global economy. With the specialised knowledge, skills, research and innovative capacities they impart to learners, these institutions could be considered the primary agents driving social, political and economic progress. The current global economy is knowledge-intensive and requires labourers with high-level skills. Higher education has been charged with the responsibility not only of producing such high-level skilled labour, but also of producing and using knowledge for economic development.

While there has been a push to increase the number of higher education institutions in Africa, there has not been enough visible effort to increase female participation and achieve greater gender equality, despite calls to broaden access and improve the participation of women across all levels of education. Although national policies addressing these issues as well as declarations on gender equality in all levels of education have been adopted, inequalities persist.

Focusing on specific universities, the research in this section investigates problem areas that still require attention and proposes policies to optimise gender mainstreaming in institutions of higher learning. In response to indicators from Kenyatta University in Kenya that challenges faced by women during the course of their studies curtail their learning and achievement, the research proposes solutions and policies to make higher education more inclusive. In like manner, the research at Covenant University in Nigeria investigates female under-representation in such fields as accounting and mathematics, and suggests areas for policy intervention.

The research papers argue for the institution of more inclusive gender policies that will attract and retain women in higher education institutions. If cultivating human capacity necessitates the inclusion of all sectors of the population, it cannot be achieved without the full participation of women.

Mainstreaming gender to increase female participation



1 INTRODUCTION

Gender inequity continues to be one of the most significant challenges that many higher education institutions in the world face today (World Bank, 2001). The situation is particularly critical in sub- Saharan Africa, where only a third of all students enrolled in university are women (Morley, 2005; Bunyi, 2008; Oanda, 2008). While the gender gap has narrowed at primary levels of education through Universal Primary Education (UPE) policies, reforms in higher education do not seem to have made a significant impact (Bunyi, 2008). Widening access to primary education through UPE policies in most developing countries involves strategies that make education at this level compulsory, eliminate school costs, and provide textbooks and school meals. Yet, higher education has emerged in recent years as a major agent for globalisation, wealth creation, and general development for most African nations. Advocacy for the participation of women in higher education is not only premised on human rights grounds, but also on the benefits of educating women at the higher education level. While women’s education in general has multiple impacts on a society’s development in relation to their family members’ education, fertility, and income, higher education empowers women to participate in the social, economic, and political lives of their communities and countries as leaders in businesses, professions and politics (GOK, 2006; Morley, 2003). Consequently, women’s access to higher education is not only a pre-requisite for gender equity and equality in society, but an important strategy for poverty alleviation in African countries (GOK, 2006).

The impact of gender equity policies and programmes on the participation of female students in Kenya’s public university education4

Higher education empowers women to participate in the social, economic, and political lives of their communities and countries.

Institute for Research, Science and Technology, Kenyatta University, Kenya



African governments and higher education institutions have put in place gender equity interventions in the form of policies and programmes to improve female students’ access to higher education. Women have been the target of these strategies owing to the educational barriers they encounter at the lower education levels that limit their chances of competing for the limited places in tertiary education. Affirmative Action (AA) policies that entail lowering university admission entry requirements for female students is one strategy adopted by most African governments (Bunyi, 2008). In addition, individual higher education institutions have adopted gender mainstreaming1 (GM) strategies, which have their roots in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action of the fourth International Women’s Conference, as a gender equity measure. Gender mainstreaming in higher education involves deliberate efforts by the institutions to make women’s, as well as men’s, specific concerns and experiences an integral dimension of education policies and programmes, so that men and women benefit equally from higher education and inequity is not perpetuated. Given that women have been disadvantaged in comparison to men, most gender equity strategies focus on equalising women’s opportunities in higher education in terms of access and retention, and include the formulation of gender policies, the provision of scholarships for women, pre-science remedial programmes, and integration of gender in the curriculum (Guanawardena, 2005; UNESCO, 2002).

While there is limited empirical evidence of the application of GM in Ugandan and Tanzanian universities, the experience of Kenya, where the gender gap in higher education stands at 20 per cent, is yet to be documented. Furthermore, where AA policies and GM strategies have been adopted in the East African region, in many cases they do not incorporate monitoring and evaluation, which could determine their effectiveness and pinpoint areas of change to maximise the equity opportunities for female students (Guanawardena, 2005). In fact, preliminary discourse analysis on the issue of GM points to controversial and problematic implementation processes that require change in the male-dominated, rigid, bureaucratic structures as well as capital from already strained African university budgets (Guanawardena, 2005; Morley, 2005). In response to this gap in the literature, the current study sets out to document the impact of gender equity

programmes and policies in Kenya by analysing the influence of the strategies aimed at to levelling the playing field for women. It examines gender differences in enrolment and performance at the university level, as well as the gendered experiences of the students. In addition, it offers strategies that can maximise the impact of gender equity strategies.

1.1 Historical background of women’s participation in higher education in Kenya

Like other African countries, Kenya faces issues related to the participation of women in higher education. Under-representation of women in higher education in Kenya has its roots in the historical development of higher education in the country. To highlight the position of women’s participation in higher education in Kenya, a review of developments in institutions of higher learning is imperative. The growth and development of university education in Kenya, which began with one university in 1970, can be understood by reviewing three critical phases that reflect the socio-political context of the country during specific periods (Chege and Sifuna, 2006; GOK, 2006). The period between 1960 and 1970 was characterised by efforts to decolonise and break away from the foreign legacy where education, inter alia, had been distributed along racial lines. Consequently, universities had a major role in the production of human resourses for Africanisation and development in general (Chege and Sifuna, 2006; GOK, 2006). As a result, they received a lot of acceptance and support, propelling the growth of higher institutions of learning within Kenya. The government expanded university institutions after independence by creating new faculties and departments to accommodate more students of diversified academic specialisations in the University of Nairobi, the first Kenyan university in the country (Mwiria et al., 2007). However, given that the education of girls lagged during the post-colonial period, very few women had the qualifications to take up the emerging opportunities in university education (Chege and Sifuna, 2006).

One gender scholar analysed the historical roots in the gendered career paths in Kenya through the education system. The extract below encapsulates the post-independence policy frames that perpetuated colonialism-based Victorian ideals regarding gender roles and careers.

1 Gender mainstreaming is a controversial concept, given that it entails the consistent application of the gender perspective in the decision-making process at all stages of policy, project and programme development and implementation rather than simply adding a women’s component to existing structures. Its application therefore implies a total transformation of existing policy and implementation structures, which is often difficult to do. This study investigates the lengths to which the gender mainstreaming perspective has been taken on board from policy to practice.



Postcolonial policy makers also used gender as a criterion to provide or limit academic opportunities leading to further segregation of careers along gender lines. In 1968 the ministry of education published a career information booklet titled ‘Helping you choose a career’ that listed employment opportunities in the public and private sector. Out of 150 careers, two were listed as ‘girls only’ (these were secretarial and nursing) while 112 were listed as ‘boys only’ (these required physics and mathematics) (Kagume, 2010, p. 10).

This account supports the argument that gendered access to academic courses and related careers are deeply rooted cultures that have their origin in Kenya’s colonial legacy.

Lack of concern by the government for gender inequality in university education can be explained by the need to focus on seemingly more pressing issues at independence. These included the elimination of hunger, poverty, and disease (Chege and Sifuna, 2006; Bunyi, 2008). But more substantially, the historical colonial marginalisation of women in education was perpetuated by the few poor quality missionary schools with gender-biased curricula that categorised girls and women as mothers and home-makers (Chege and Sifuna, 2006; Bunyi, 2008).

The second phase in the development of Kenya’s higher education sector coincides with the economic regression that was experienced by the country during the 1980s and 1990s. During this period, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank introduced the structural adjustment programmes that advocated for the liberalisation of prices and market systems. These structural adjustment programmes led to the privatisation of universities, the under-funding of the higher education sector, and the introduction of privately sponsored students as an income-generating measure for public universities. Notwithstanding, these reforms in education increased access and opportunities for students, who had attained the required grades for university admission but had been locked out of the system due to the limited university capacity that was pegged onto government funding. At face value, these two developments in university education positively impacted the participation of women in higher education given that women comprised the majority of those who joined the new programmes (GOK, 2006; Mwiria et al., 2007). However, these programmes were targeting

women from relatively affluent backgrounds who could afford fees in private universities both locally and abroad. Furthermore, the female students enrolled in arts and humanities courses, which have fewer openings in the employment sector, thus mitigating the equity purpose the programmes were also destined to serve (Oanda, 2008).

The last phase in the development of the higher education sector in Kenya overlaps with the country’s expansion of the social and political democratic space as a whole. In response to both international and local pressure, Kenya embraced multi-party democracy and passed laws to allow freedom of expression. This democratic opening up was extended to universities and was responsible for several reforms and innovations that were undertaken at the time. These include the appointment of chancellors, the unionisation of teaching and non-teaching staff, and the election of deans and even heads of departments in some public universities (GOK, 2006; Mwiria et al., 2007).

Unfortunately, most of these posts are occupied by men. Issues that affect girls’ participation in education at the lower levels of the education ladder had not been addressed to ensure equitable involvement of women at this stage of higher education. The outcome is the notable absence of women leaders in Kenyan universities, with implications for the level of women’s contribution to the governance of universities, as well as the lack of role models that female students can identify with (Onsongo, 2009).

In terms of gender equity, the Ministry of Education (MoE), informed by international frameworks like the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action and the 1998 UNESCO World Education Conference on Higher Education in Paris, has made efforts to mainstream gender into the operations of public universities in Kenya. University activities towards this end are guided by the MoE gender policy of 2006 that provides guidelines for the implementation of gender mainstreaming (Onsongo, 2008).


The Government of Kenya decided to lower the university entry points for women by one point in 1992 (Nungu, 1997). Yet, while university AA policies in favour of women implemented by the Government have been in operation for over 15 years, they have not been subjected to any empirical study to establish



their impact. There is need to investigate the impact of such policies that target women’s access into higher education and how these equity impacts affect female students from low socio-economic backgrounds. In addition to government policies, universities have, over the years, instituted policies and programmes to improve the participation of women in their institutions. The impact of GM strategies and similar programmes targeting access and retention of women in Kenya have to date not been evaluated. Such information is crucial for the formulation of policy and gender equity strategies by governments, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and other stakeholders.

1.3 Objectives of the study

This study aims to document the policies and programmes in place that address gender imbalances in university education in Kenya. It investigates the impact of higher education transformations on the gender equity agenda and on women’s participation in university education. Taking the critical method approach, the study focuses on the impacts of strategies that relate to the changes in the culture of selected higher education institutions, and compares enrolment and achievement of female and male students in science and technology courses. Furthermore, the study hopes to report on conditions and processes that encourage positive applications of these policies and programmes in universities.

• To document the gendered enrolment and performance patterns, by course specialisation, of selected public universities in Kenya.

• To research the impact of gender equity policies and programmes on female students’ participation in public university education in Kenya.

• To recommend strategies for maximising on existing gender equity policies and programmes in Kenyan public universities.

1.4 Literature review and significance of the study

Generally, research on gender equity in higher education has been the domain of the West, with low-income countries being informed by some gender disaggregated statistics and a few quantitative studies often funded by international organisations (Lund, 1998; World Bank, 2001). Although some lone and unfunded projects on the subject exist, they remain in the unpublished grey literature that is not easily accessible (Nungu, 1994; Morley, 2005). This study endeavours to build up the scarce qualitative literature and provide explanations

to the existing gender disaggregated data in the low-income nations in general and Kenya in particular.

There has been improved access to university education over the years. Increased female participation in higher education has resulted from an increase in the number of institutions, the introduction of flexible curricula, and access to higher education loans and scholarships. However, this has made minimal impact, given that women make up only 34-38 per cent of total university enrolments in most countries (Akodulu and Oanda, 2010). Further, critical analysis of the data reveals limited access of women to science and technology courses, which leads to strategic and marketable careers (Akodulu and Oanda, 2010; Chege and Sifuna, 2006; GOK, 2006; Morley, 2003; Njeru, 2003; Rathgeber, 2002; Masinja, 2001). There is need for an in-depth investigation into the nature of the science courses offered, whether general or specialised, and the academic achievements (i.e. graduation rates) of the students. In addition, analysis of the gendered university experiences in terms of how women are treated by the opposite sex and by lecturers in the classroom is critical.

The second concern in the gender equity debate in sub-Saharan Africa is access and how it translates into other related equity indicators of success. It has been argued that access to higher education for women should not be seen as an end in itself, but as a chance for women to enjoy enriching experiences that enhance their capabilities and aspirations (Oanda, 2005). In this regard, achievement and completion become important indicators of success for women. Poor performance of women in university examinations has come under attack against the backdrop of gender insensitive curricula and hurdles that girls face in the course of their academic lives at university (GOK, 2006; Morley, 2003; Rathgeber, 2002; Masinja, 2001). Another area in need of analysis and clarity is a comparative study on the academic performances of men and women enrolled in marketable science and technology courses, given that both groups compete for the same employment opportunities after graduation.

In a bid to improve women’s access to university education, some efforts from the scholarly and policy spheres have gone into documenting strategies that enhance access for women at this level (Onsongo, 2010 and 2006; Morley, 2003; Bunyi, 2003). The literature reports several efforts have been made in favour



of women, ranging from broader equity reforms to specific gender equity policies and programmes. These include gender policies, scholarships for women, pre-science remedial programmes, and the integration of gender into the curriculum (Guanawardena, 2005; UNESCO, 2002). However, the lack of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for most of the programmes jeopardises the replication process for interested institutions on the continent (Onsongo, 2010 and 2006; Morley, 2003; Bunyi, 2003). Consequently, more information is needed to explain the conditions under which each strategy can work best and its impact on female participation in university education in Africa. The study will examine the existing data in order to investigate the effectiveness of current gender equity interventions. The study will also document policy and other structural frameworks that address the gender differences in university education and their impacts on enrolment and academic achievements.

1.5 Theoretical framework

Using the social relations theoretical framework, the study explains the changes that have or have not occurred within higher education institutions since the introduction of gender equity programmes in Kenya. The social relations theory is based on the basic assumption that development is a process of increasing human wellbeing. Applied to the present study, development is understood in terms of the quantitative and qualitative participation of women in higher education, both in terms of numerical strength and rewarding social and academic experiences. This framework further postulates that institutions are important avenues through which the reproduction and maintenance of social inequalities, especially gender inequalities, occur. Social relations are engendered by the allocation of resources, the rules and policies that guide institutional operations, and the existing power relations that shed light on who has power and whose interests are served when decisions are made (Kabeer, 1994). Formal, planned, structural changes in universities in the form of policies and programmes on gender equity always assume that institutions are gender neutral and do not therefore need adjustments. Yet, organisations also have gendered systems, practices, and norms that are informal and hidden. Given that social relations determine people’s rights and responsibilities within a social setting, the study seeks to understand the underlying social relations between men and women in universities, and how

these have affected the implementation and impact of gender equity interventions. Consequently, one of the key aspects of the theory was the analysis of university gendered resources. Also, the social and academic experiences of university students in their interactions with male and female lecturers and administrators are a major analytical point of the study. This is because effective and sustainable progress in terms of change can only occur when deliberate efforts are made to alter underlying cultures (built around social relations between male and female individuals) of institutions that adopt gender equity interventions (Tsikata, 2008; Morley, 2005).

This study examines structural formal aspects (policies and programmes) as well as the non-formal aspects (deeply held institutional assumptions, norms, and values) of universities that produce situations of gender inequity. Further, in agreement with the social relations framework, the study endeavours to decipher ways in which existing programmes and policies can be improved to benefit women’s participation in university education.

1.6 Methodology

The study employed a mixed method approach to data collection using qualitative and quantitative methods to produce comprehensive data on the impact of gender equity interventions on female participation in Kenyan universities. Quantitative methods provided the otherwise non-existent data on the actual impact of these strategies. They include gender disaggregated enrolments and academic performance patterns by area of specialisation and graduation trends. Qualitative methods assisted in teasing out the meanings and processes behind the emergent statistical patterns and trends in the universities under study. Utilising the case study design, data was drawn from public universities in Kenya, a site where government policies and programmes had been instituted. Purposive stratified sampling was used to select two institutions out of the seven public universities in Kenya that offered science and arts-based courses. The two cases represented institutions with the lowest (Kenyatta University -KU) and the highest (Jomo Kenyatta University of Science and Agriculture-JKUAT) gender gap in public university enrolments. This enabled the comparability of the social, environmental, and systemic factors responsible for these differences.



The study population included male and female students, and key members of the university community. Data for the study was collected from interviewees who included two university administrators and four directors of gender-related programmes. They provided information on enrolment and graduation, as well as on the gender-related policy innovations instituted by the university. This was triangulated with data from 420 students (both male and female), who also provided their gendered experience on university academic life amidst the policy and structural changes that had occurred in their respective universities. The views of 16 male and female lecturers provided information on teachers’ expectations of male and female students. They also gave recommendations on how to maximise on the benefits of the existing gender equity strategies in operation in Kenyan universities.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with male and female lecturers. Four focus group discussions were held per gender per university to collect information from students, with the aim of establishing consensus and divergence on issues surrounding their academic experiences. The interviews were tape recorded, and the tapes transcribed into written form to facilitate the analysis process. Also, to investigate the gender impacts of gender equity strategies at the university level, students filled out questionnaires to inform the analysis of the impact of these policies on women’s participation in university education. Table 2.1 gives a summary of the sampling frame that was utilised by the study.

Table 2.1. Sampling frame of the study

Instrument Target population Sample Male Female Total Questionnaire Students 210 210 420 Focus group discussion

Students 24 24 48

Interview guides Lecturers 8 8 16 Programme directors 4 4

Totals 242 246 488

Information from the university community was analysed against documentary data from university websites, strategic plans, annual reports, and university gender policies. Qualitative and quantitative tools of data analysis were used to analyse the data collected from individual institutions, emerging trends and patterns were teased out, and conclusions along the thematic areas of the study were made. Using the SPSS computer software, responses to questionnaire

items, together with enrolment and graduation data, were quantified in terms of frequencies and percentages to make gender comparisons. Similarly, the Atlas-ti software was used to organise and code the data from the interviews and focus group discussions. Quotes representing the dominant views of the respondents on specific thematic areas were used to answer research questions and support quantitative evidence.

2. RESEARCH FINDINGS

The research findings are reported according to thematic areas modelled along the research objectives of the study.

2.1. Enrolment and academic performance trends in selected universities

One of the established ways of assessing the impact of gender equity interventions is to conduct a gender audit to determine the levels of provision for each sex. In the case of access to university education, the gendered enrolment trends of the two universities under study between 2006 and 2011 are given in Table 2.2.

Table 2.2. Student enrolments at KU and JKUAT by

gender, 2006-2011Year K U JKUAT

Male Female Total %

female

Male Female Total %

female

2006 -

2007

13,084

9,898

22,987

43

1,803

719

2,522

29

2007 -

2008

13,953

9,974

23,927

42

1,174

499

1,673

29

2008 -

2009

15,168

10,921

26,090

42

1,184

415

1,599

26

2009 -

2010

17,617

12,874

30,497

42

1,505

632

2,137

29

2010 -

2011

21,964

16,404

38,374

43

_ _ _ _

Source: University records

From Table 2.2, although female enrolments have remained constant in the two universities (except for a decrease for JKUAT in 2008/2009), gender parity was not reached over the four-year period. However, both universities maintained their average of 43 per cent (KU) and 28 per cent (JKUAT) female representation.



Although KU showed better results, with a 15 percentage point margin above JKUAT, the difference lay in the nature of the courses on offer at each university. More females were attracted to Kenyatta University because it offered mainly arts, humanities, and education courses. In comparison, JKUAT offered predominately science and technology courses. Tables 3 and 4 give a breakdown of enrolments by gender and their distribution among course specialisations in the two universities.

The data in tables 2.3 and 2.4 conform to the common trend in university course participation in Africa in general, and in Kenya in particular, where female students are attracted to the arts, social sciences, and humanities (Oanda and Akudolu, 2010; Mwiria et al., 2007). Going by the latest figures from the two

universities, engineering attracts the least number of female students (15 per cent), closely followed by computer sciences (23 per cent in both universities), and the pure and applied sciences (25 per cent average for both universities). The majority of female students enrol in education (49 per cent), and in humanities and social sciences (49 per cent). Women obtain low scores in secondary school examinations in the science subjects, which are a prerequisite for admission into engineering, computer science, and pure and applied science courses. This explains the low enrolment figures. Consequently, strategies that aim to improve access of women to science and technology courses at the university must begin at the lower levels of the education system, where attitudes and inclinations towards subjects and careers are formed.

Table 2.3. Enrolments by course distribution and gender at KU, 2007-2011

Course 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011

M F T M F T M F T M F T (% F)

Education 7,225 6,016 13,241 7,381 6,340 13,722 7,316 6,696 14,043 771 7,351 15,123(49)

Humanities & Social Sciences 1,034 768 1,802 1,038 764 1,802 1,129 953 2,082 1,556 1,455 3,011(48)

Engineering 1,183 258 1,441 1,206 233 1,439 1,391 247 1,638 1,453 247 1,700(15)

Economics/Business 1,889 1,089 2,978 2,456 1,281 3,737 3,740 1,935 5,675 4,272 3,089 7,361(42)

Agriculture 1 0 1 22 10 32 88 41 129 334 137 471(29)

Pure & Applied Sciences 1,245 466 1,711 1,295 477 1,772 1,627 539 2,166 2,243 791 3,034(26)

Health Sciences 456 332 788 513 392 905 631 443 1,074 847 536 1,583(34)

Source: Kenyatta University Admissions Office records.

Table 2.4. Enrolments by course distribution in JKUAT by gender, 2006-2010

Course 2006-2007 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010

M F T (%F) M F T (%F) M F T (%F) M F T (%F)

Engineering 326 59 385(15) 262 27 289(9) 400 75 475(16) 372 77 499(15)

Agriculture 56 21 77(27) 58 17 75(29) 55 33 88(38) 151 63 214(29)

Sciences 263 132 395(33) 210 83 293(28) 216 90 306(29) 257 81 338(23)

Computer Sciences 187 32 219(38) 73 12 85(14) 174 53 227(23) 205 41 246(20)

Humanities & Social Sciences 572 350 92(38) 268 163 413(39) 43 28 71(39) 229 223 452(49)

Source: JKUAT Admissions Office records.

Further insights into course selection were provided by interviews with students and university lecturers involved in the respective areas of specialisation. It was found that female students were intimidated by the pedagogical approach employed by the science and technology teachers, the long, uninterrupted laboratory sessions, and calculations and laboratory work, which is perceived as difficult and therefore a challenge

for women. Female students were deterred by the unfeminine laboratory coats, the use of specimens and chemicals with strong odours and the prospect of having to lift heavy items such as metals. It appears that most female students tend to avoid science and technology courses in further education, and some of those who do selected such courses withdraw and enrol instead in arts and humanities courses.



Attitudes along this line are formed early in life. Socialisation that occurs at home through interaction with parents and significant family members instil in children gendered roles and expectations that are reinforced later in life by the school system and observations of societal occurrences. Moreover, career stereotypes dictate that women are more suited for art and social science subjects because they are easier to handle and understand.

2.1.2 Gender trends in academic performanceApart from determining the university access patterns of the selected institutions, this study also investigated the achievement levels of the students by gender. The aim was to establish whether students of both sexes were being offered a physical and psychological learning environment that ensured the acquisition of the relevant skills and knowledge required to compete in the labour market. It was important to establish

the achievement levels of female students compared to males in the Kenyan context because academic credentials form the basis of assigning employment opportunities to individuals after they complete their training. Consequently, the chances of females getting ahead in a patriarchal society heavily depend on the grades they achieve. At the university level in Kenya, academic achievement in each subject area is measured by examinations in each course taken at the end of every semester. The cumulative results of the examinations taken over the study period are then calculated and divided into four categories of achievement. Students with exemplary performance obtain a first class honours degree, which is followed by a second class honours that is classified as either upper or lower division. Those with mediocre performance are given a pass. Tables 2.5 and 2.6 present findings of students’ performance by gender in the two universities selected for the study.

Table 2.5. KU students’ academic performance profiles by gender, 2006-2010

Course 2006 2008 2009 2010 M F %F M F %F M F %F M F %F Education 1st & Upper Lower Pass

507 550 58 520 722 53 - - - 577 671 58

361 403 42 636 644 47 - - - 487 489 42

Engineering 1st & Upper Lower Pass

54 9 75 12 3 60 80 15 63 20 3 25 15 2 40 53 8 37

Humanities & Social Sciences 1st & Upper Lower Pass

33 19 70 21 18 62 21 32 76 138 82 75 6 8 30 22 11 38 17 10 24 69 28 25

Econ/Buss 1st&Upp Lower Pass

27 26 79 142 97 66 76 66 59 128 78 51 11 7 21 92 49 34 52 46 41 131 75 49

P& App Sc 1st&Upp Lower Pass

13 6 86 119 55 66 - - - 97 46 47 13 1 14 57 28 34 - - - 96 52 53 1 0 0 25

Health Sc 1st& Upper Lower Pass

0 2 100 53 80 62 6 6 86 89 48 100 0 0 0 71 50 38 7 1 14 7 0 0

2007 M F %F 402 446 61

255 286 39 115 56 68 51 26 32

87 81 51 84 66 49 78 33 61 43 21 39 6 33 81 86 11 13 14

Key: 1st & Upper – first class and second class honours upper division; Lower – second class honours, lower division. Source: Kenyatta University records.



Table 2.6. JKUAT students’ academic performance profiles by gender, 2006-2010

Key: 1st & Upper – first class and second class honours upper division, Lower – second class honours, lower division. Source: JKUAT records.

Data from the two universities generally indicate that women’s performance is relatively good given that as many as 87 per cent in agriculture courses get top grades. Their scores were classed under the first class and upper second degrees awarded by the two universities, even in the traditionally male-dominated science and technological courses. In general, half the women who enrol for science and technology courses attain the top grades. These findings indicate that given the chance, women can achieve just as well as their male counterparts, even in science and technology courses. These findings should be understood against women’s university completion rates. Given that the number of female students has been noted to decrease as women near graduation due to the challenges they face, there is need for more data on completion trends for women and the factors that affect these trends in order to have a better understanding of female academic achievement patterns.

2.2 Impact of gender equity strategies on women’s participation in university education

Strategies that have been put forth to improve the participation of women in university education can be assessed in terms of their qualitative or quantitative impacts. For this study, impacts are gauged by statistical indicators of improvement as presented by enrolment and performance patterns. Since this study shows that women still lag behind men in the areas of science and technology, it is imperative that the

schooling processes be documented, monitored and evaluated in order to inform future actions, policies, and programmes.

2.2.1 Affirmative action policy for female university admissions

In Kenya, AA has been used as a strategy for equalising opportunities by lowering academic scores for female students entering university by one point. This is done by the Joint Admissions Board (JAB), a government body responsible for distributing government subsidised university places to secondary school graduates who meet the university admission requirements of a grade C+ in the Kenya Certificate of Secondary School Examinations. Since there are limited resources to subsidise university education, JAB selects entrants based on the availability of physical and human resources. Consequently, the cut-off points are pegged on the existing capacity of public universities and denies university admission to many students who do qualify for entry, and thus the chance to pursue their aspirations. The lowering of entry requirements by one point for girls therefore allows more girls to join university. Unfortunately, the efficacy of the AA strategy in Kenya has come under scrutiny because it is not rooted in the law and is therefore surrounded by uncertainty in relation to its use in the long-term. This also limits its provision for amendment if and when such a requirement arises (Onsongo, 2009). In addition, AA strategies have been faulted for portraying women

Course 2006 2010 M F %F M F %F

Agriculture 1st & Upper Lower & Pass

82 38 75 108 93 87 33 13 25 145 11 13

Computer Sciences 1st & Upper Lower & Pass

158 138 76 194 493 86 83 43 24 213 79 14

Engineering 1st & Upper Lower & Pass

71 6 60 120 22 63 60 4 40 77 13 37

Humanities and Social sciences 1st & Upper Lower & Pass

Sciences 1st & Upper Lower & Pass

67 20 48 142 74 45 46 22 52 95 91 55

2007 M F %F 113 60 69 95 27 31 188 124 43 133 67 57 101 8 40 48 12 60

112 63 53 61 55 47

2008 M F %F 126 31 55 79 25 45 195 128 66 124 65 34 88 21 75 81 7 25

168 60 51 113 57 49

2009 M F %F 117 40 60 85 27 40 230 138 65 217 83 35 116 28 82 63 6 18

14 19 76 318 253 69 3 6 24 231 113 31

84 64 81 32 15 19

100 113 70 57 48 30

255 220 72 130 85 28

244 137 63 174 81 37



as academically inferior because they need assistance to get ahead. The study confirmed this perspective, as exemplified by this male respondent: ‘It [AA] just seems to confirm that women are weak and must be helped to join university’ (Male lecturer, KU, 2011).

Women participants held contrary views, which reflected the gender imbalances in the distribution of educational resources (in favour of males) that are prevalent in the country. This dominant view is expressed by one female respondent: ‘AA helps.

Women have been disadvantaged historically. At least the lowering of one point encourages them’ (female lecturer, JKUAT, 2011).

In addition, the study also aimed to examine the impact of an AA programme that has been in operation for several years in terms of the subjects that female students were admitted to and the quantitative impact this was having on their access to university. Table 2.7 provides the results between 2005 and 2011.

Table 2.7 indicates that except for the period 2007-2008, there was a steady increase in the number of female students benefiting from the AA programme. However, the programmes’ overall contribution to women’s access to university is minimal. For example, 895 students accounts for only 9.9 per cent of the total 9,048 female students who qualified to enrol in public universities in the 2010/2011 academic year. The AA strategy seems to be perpetuating the existing trend in career paths for women. Additionally, the majority of female students were admitted to pursue arts, humanities, and social science subjects. Also, the programme attracts women to general science courses (Bachelor of Science) that do not lead to specific professions. Moreover, the programme does not address the fact that women obtain low grades in science-oriented subjects at the secondary school

level. Consequently, when entry points are slightly lowered, this does not improve their chances of joining competitive science-based programmes. More appropriate strategies should target the secondary school level and aim to change culturally-shaped attitudes towards science and technology subjects at an early age.

2.2.2 Government gender policiesThe Government of Kenya has acknowledged the need to equalise opportunities in education for students of both sexes at all levels of the education system through its policies and education commissions over the years. Specifically, sessional paper n° 1 of 2005, which is the current guiding policy document for all educational operations in Kenya, proposes to address inequalities in access to and retention in university by providing

Table 2.7. Female students admitted to public universities on JAB’s AA programme by course specialisation, 2005-2011 Course 2005-2006 2006-2007 2007-2008 2008-2009 2010-2011 B. Science 90 84 42 204 394 B. Arts 110 120 143 273 429 B. Education 82 99 70 222 78 B. Commerce 14 B. Environmental Sciences

1 9 3 20 2

B. Psychology 2 3 B. Social Work 1 10 B. Music 4 B. Library Sciences 1 B. Purchasing & Supplies B. Agriculture Bus. 1 B. Hotel & Tourism 4 5 B. Performing Arts 1 9 B. Business Management B. Journalism 1 Totals 289 321 263 728 930



scholarships based on the needs of the economy. The study did not find any indication that this was being implemented on the ground in the selected universities.

The Government’s commitment was supported by the launch of the gender education policy by the MoE in 2007 to formalise the rights and responsibilities of higher education institutions in their efforts to eliminate gender discrimination in their institutions. The focus areas include: mainstreaming gender in all policies and programme activities including budgeting, gender responsiveness in the curriculum and training processes, increased participation of women in management and governance, improved gender participation in science and technology, and elimination of gender-based violence (GOK, 2006). Universities were supposed to use these guidelines to develop policies and plans of action for mainstreaming gender into their institutions, and this study endeavoured to investigate the extent to which this has been done in the selected universities. The results are reported in the following sections.

2.2.3 University gender policies

In accordance with the MoE’s gender policy requirements, both KU and JKUAT had developed gender policies to act as a framework for the principles and strategies in pursuit of gender equity in their institutions. The two policy documents were related and comprehensively covered the principles and goals related to gender issues. These issues, which were related to 12 areas of university operations, included academic programmes, information and communication technology (ICT), participation and performance in science and technology courses, gender-based violence, and sexual harassment. Furthermore, the conceptualisation of both policies takes into consideration implementation procedures that are well elaborated in a section of each policy document that stipulates the implementation structure. The terms of reference for a gender and monitoring centre, as well as the human resource requirements, are well articulated. KU has gone a step further by developing a related policy on gender-based violence and sexual harassment that provides guidelines and procedures for handling incidences of these in the university.

However, the field data indicate poor dissemination of policies from the MoE and those developed by universities, undermining their effectiveness as tools that guide the operations and behaviour of the university community in gender-related matters. Figure 2.1 gives

student questionnaire results on the gender policy awareness levels of students in the two universities.

Figure 2.1. Student’s awareness of university/government gender equity policies

0%Male

Yes No

Female % within gender policies awareness

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

10%29% 29%

21% 21%

42%

58%

Figure 2.1 indicates that a high percentage (42 per cent) of students of both sexes were not aware of the existing university or government policies that address gender equity. This collaborates with data from interviews with lecturers, which indicated that 35 per cent were not familiar with these policies. This points to the inefficiency of policy dissemination mechanisms in universities, which limits their impact on student participation in university.

2.2.4 University gender policy implementation and monitoring centres

As mentioned earlier, university gender policies require that institutions of learning set up implementation centres to realise the vision and plans articulated in the policy. Both universities under study had operational offices in place. Planned activities that are crucial to areas of gender equity in relation to retention and access at the university level had been put in place. These included monitoring students’ progress through university programmes, including female student dropout, difficulties in completing their programmes, female-only scholarships, and gender-based mentoring. Activities in both universities also included policy sensitisation and gender enrolment auditing, which was conducted yearly in JKUAT and quarterly in KU. Nevertheless, the gender programmes in the two universities have a long way to go. The current implementation has been impeded by lack of funds and trained personnel.



KU, where the office had been set up three years earlier than at JKUAT, was far ahead in terms of implementing the programmes. Not only was KU implementing the gender policy and the gender-based violence and sexual harassment policies, it was also using the gender disaggregated data collected to inform university management on the university’s progress towards achieving gender equity. In addition, a gender week was organised every year to further its sensitisation efforts. The gender office also spearheaded efforts to mainstream gender into crucial university activities like curriculum development and allocation of scholarships. The Director of Gender sits on the board of the Financial Aid Committee, which decides on how scholarships are allocated and has ensured a gender balance in allocations. However, students’ low self-esteem, coupled with lack of awareness of the existence of these scholarships, hinders the utilisation of such opportunities by female students, as is demonstrated by their minimal scholarship applications. For instance, only 38 per cent of the applications for scholarships targeting orphans and vulnerable students (OVSs) were from female students. These scholarships pay 40 per cent of students’ tuition fees. Interviews conducted preceding the scholarship allocations indicated that female students were more vulnerable than their male counterparts, yet they fail to take advantage of existing gender mainstreaming programmes and activities because they are unaware of the existence of these programmes.

The KU gender office has also made efforts to introduce gender into the curriculum by training university curriculum officers and having representation on the different boards and in the various departments and faculties responsible for implementing new programmes. Despite this, a review of the courses offered by the school of agriculture, the most recent school to be set up by university, did not reveal any gender inclinations. This indicates that the impact on gender imbalances is insufficient. Similarly, while the university has made efforts to reduce gender-based violence in KU through the introduction of a confidential mobile phone line where victims of sexual violence can report incidents and receive assistance, interviews with students still indicated that most cases go unreported because of fear of victimisation.

2.2.5 University AA policy for courses of study

As an off-shoot activity to gender auditing in university enrolments at KU, the gender office recommended AA in admitting students to all university courses and programmes, specifically for courses where female students were fewer than males. Consequently, course admission requirements for female students were lowered by two points. Although the impact of this measure has not been closely evaluated to determine whether it has improved women’s enrolment in science and technology programmes, the study did find some indicators of improved enrolment trends in the school of health sciences, where the focus is on pharmacy and medicine. The testimonial below from a female student studying pharmacy confirms the impact the internal AA policy at KU was having for female students interested in pursuing science courses by improving the access of female students to predominately male-dominated science courses: "When I joined the university I was admitted to another course that I didn’t like but I was able to apply for a transfer, which allowed me to join the pharmacy class. Initially I had 44 points instead of the 46 points needed for the course but because of the university policy, this was lowered by two points and I enrolled for pharmacy." (KU female student, 2011).

2.3 Challenges affecting female students’ academic experience

In order to gauge the actual impact of the various policies and programmes targeting gender equality in higher education, the study examined the experiences of both female and male students on key areas that affect learning in a college setting. Teaching methods, challenges related to sexual harassment, unplanned pregnancies, and childbirth, and access to sexual and reproductive services and information were thus investigated. These are other challenges faced by students affect their learning, and sometimes end in student dropout. Figure 2 sums up the challenges faced by female students in their academic pursuits.

Teaching methods

Students identified teaching approaches as a major impediment to their attendance, especially in the science and technology courses. In this regard, interviews with lecturers revealed that they used methods that discouraged female students to contribute to class



activities, thus limiting their chances of absorbing the learning material, especially when they did not understand it. When asked which of their students – male or female – participate more in class, two male lecturers gave the following responses: ‘… girls have to be forced to talk. They are shy and have no confidence. They are sometimes overwhelmed by how fast the boys think.’ (KU, male lecturer, History, 2011). ‘Boys ask the most questions in class; only one lady tries.’ (JKUAT, male lecturer, Engineering, 2011).

As female students lack confidence to speak in public, the question and answer methods of teaching, which is dominant in the two universities, is not suitable for them. This finding corroborates work on gender and teaching pedagogy by Stofflett (1994) and Twoney (1993), who, based on the constructivism theory, recommend the use of innovative teaching methods to promote equity in science teaching. Consequently, it is more effective to combine this method with other gender-sensitive approaches, such as group work. One lecturer who used group work as a teaching method reported success in this approach: ‘When laboratory assignments are done in groups, the ladies are forced to participate’ (KU, female lecturer, Engineering, 2011). However, the use of the term ‘forced’ indicates some level of reluctance on the part of women students, calling for an exploration of gender-sensitive teaching methods, especially in the areas of science and technology.

Accommodation and sanitation

In one college, students with children had to seek accommodation in slums outside the college, which was unsafe. One female student stated, ‘Once they give birth, girls relocate off campus to take care of their babies’ (KU, female student, 2011). This student lived with a newborn baby in slum accommodation that lacked clean water and adequate sanitation facilities, putting her health and that of her child at risk. Many girls in both universities find themselves in similar situations. In fact, students reported the inadequacy of accommodation facilities for female students with families, and recommended separate, more spacious alternatives to make life more tolerable for them.

With regard to sanitation, girls naturally preferred to use toilets that were clean, especially during their menstrual periods. At times of water shortage,

students spent a lot of time looking for clean toilets. Also, students from poor households could not buy monthly supplies of sanitary towels, and this strain affected their academic performance.

Security

Another area of concern for female students in both universities that directly affected their studies was insecurity experienced by students living off campus. In one university where accommodation on campus was very limited, security was a major concern because crime was rampant around the campus area. This was an issue especially for female students, who were not comfortable attending evening classes for fear of being attacked.

Sexual harassment

The study found that although the gender polices aimed to curtail sexual offences, students confirmed that sexual harassment was still a reality, especially for first-year students. As noted, the majority of students indicated they were unaware of university polices that outlined their rights and responsibilities, and the steps to follow in cases of harassment. Victims of sexual abuse undergo stress that may result in missing classes, unplanned pregnancies, and/or giving birth while in college.

Family responsibilities

While pregnant students have to take time off from school for medical check ups, those with young children miss classes to attend to their children.

Sexual and reproductive health services

Accommodation issues were not the only cause of interruption to female students’ attendance. Access to sexual and reproductive health services and utilities also led to absenteeism. Students from both universities reported that although contraceptives such as condoms were available in the hostels, female condoms and morning after pills had to be sourced from a facility situated a long way from the hostels. It was also reported that students seen going to this facility was labelled ‘loose’, meaning they were of poor moral standards. As a result, it was not uncommon to find female students requesting morning after pills from friends or buying these from shops off campus. One male student stated, ‘Most mornings, girls end



up looking for morning after pills in the shops outside the campus because they are not found in the campus shops’ (JKUAT, male student, 2011). It is important for female students to feel comfortable in their personal lives outside the classroom given that psychological stability plays a big role in enhancing learning.

Figure 2.2 Challenges affecting university student’s academic participation by gender

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8% 8% 8%

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%

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2.4. Lessons to maximise the impact of gender equity programmes and policies

After examining the existing policies and programmes that the government and sampled universities have put in place to address gender inequalities in university education, the study derived some lessons that could be used to inform future activities in this area.

2.4.1. Entrenching gender issues in institutional policy structures

Entrenching gender considerations in organisational policy frameworks, which in most cases is the strategic plan, legitimises and prioritises this agenda and its related activities by ensuring that both budgetary and

human resource requirements are planned for and met. This was well demonstrated in the study on KU, whose relatively higher achievements in attaining gender equity in enrolments was attributed to the fact that gender issues were integrated in the university agenda as articulated in the vision statement, strategic plan, and gender and sexual harassment policies. This sends a clear message to the university community that gender equity is an important issue to the institution and that efforts to achieve this should be supported by all members.

2.4.2. Regular monitoring and evaluation of gender equity indicators for students

The study found that conducting gender audits by researching and documenting sex disaggregated data on enrolments, retention, and performance had a meaningful impact when such information was used to inform gender equity interventions. At KU, where data on enrolments was collected on a quarterly basis, the results were used to introduce an internal AA programme, through which entry requirements for all courses were lowered by two grade points for female students.

The literature also suggests that scorecards be used as tools to monitor the access of women to various courses at a given institution. A zero score would mean no female students were admitted to the institution for a particular course in a given period (NCST, 2010). The scorecard can therefore be used to inform policies and strategies aimed at improving women’s access to specialised courses in given institutions. Findings indicate that there are issues concerning women’s academic progress, as they may take longer to complete their studies than men and in some cases drop out completely. It is thus important for universities to keep records of transition trends from one academic year to the next to determine whether women complete their studies with the same cohort of students with whom they began their studies.

2.4.3. Dissemination and sensitisation of policies and programmes

The study uncovered various policies and programmes by institutions and the government aimed at reducing gender inequalities in university education in Kenya. However, these were poorly disseminated and there was a lack of sensitisation among students and staff.



Yet, policy awareness among policy stakeholders is critical for effective implementation and intervention. Experience indicates that programmes are successful when the stakeholders are involved from the formulation stage. The university community thus needs to be aware of the policy frameworks in place to allow students to take advantage of available opportunities. For example, if students are aware of the existence of sexual harassment policies, they might report perpetrators to the relevant offices and seek justice. In this light, therefore, sensitisation efforts should be intensified to introduce students and staff to the existing programmes and explain how they can benefit from them.

2.4.4. Targeting policies and programmes to specific needs of female students

The study findings indicated that existing programmes do not meet the specialised needs of female students, and therefore do not make significant impacts. For example, while research has shown that women’s full participation in university education is hindered by issues such as child care and unwanted pregnancy, there are no policies in place to address issues related to access to sexual and reproductive health information and services. Such policies and programmes could include separate and appropriate accommodation services for students with children, and improved access to family planning and sanitary services for women.

Another area in need of intervention is improving women’s access to science and technology courses. Given that the current government AA programme does not sufficiently facilitate women’s access to science and technology university courses, programmes aiming to upgrade the science skills of female secondary school graduates, for example, pre-university science programmes while still in school or just before entry to university, could be one approach. Another strategy would be to introduce scholarships for female students interested in studying science and technology courses at university. Similarly, the negative attitude towards science subjects, which is a major cause of girls’ poor performance in science-related subjects in secondary schools, can be tackled through effective gender- and career-based programmes like mentoring, role modelling and career counselling to build their knowledge, self-esteem and confidence in relation to the available courses.

3. Conclusions

3.1 Importance of findings on educational policy and practice

This study found a limited number of policies and programmes addressing gender inequalities in higher education, which suggests that the sector does not receive enough attention or support from NGOs and the government in this regard. Given that higher education empowers women to actively participate socially, politically, and economically in their community, as leaders in business, professional circles and politics, women’s access to higher education is a prerequisite for gender equality and equity in society (GOK, 2006). Yet, the limited impact of policies and programmes at the higher institutions of learning studied attest to the persistence of gender inequalities.

The study suggests that the government’s AA policy, which has been in operation for almost two decades, is making minimal contributions to women’s access to and retention in higher institutions of learning. Not only does this call into question the relevance of existing programmes, it also points to the lack of monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that ensure efficiency. If not checked, this situation may lead to inefficient use of government and institutional resources, and a waste of efforts on programmes that lack focus and do little to improve women’s participation in higher education in Kenya.

Existing strategies have been concentrated on access to university education at the expense of retention and students’ academic success. Findings also indicate that women face challenges during the course of their university studies, which hinders their effective participation in learning. Given that women perform as well as men academically, they should be given adequate opportunities and training at the university level to enable their participation in the labour market, where they are visibly absent. To redress this gender imbalance, the hurdles that hamper women’s participation in higher education need to be removed if they are to compete with males on an equal footing.

Finally, the findings show that girls bring to higher education stereotypical attitudes that are nurtured and developed in secondary school. To redress this, programmes such as mentoring and pre-university



science programmes that focus on attitude change at an early age should be implemented to enhance girls’ chances of entering and succeeding at university. The study recommends the measures below to improve female access to and retention in higher institutions of learning in Kenya and beyond.

3.2 Policy recommendations

3.2.1 Short-term recommendations

1. Governments and universities should broaden the AA polices to make them more holistic in order to address issues affecting women’s access to university education. The AA policies should also be revised to ensure that more women join science and technology courses.

2. Universities should forge links with secondary schools to encourage female participation in science skills by designing programmes that target both the affective and cognitive domains of learning. Peer mentoring programmes linking secondary school girls with female university students’ would be useful.

3. The MoE and individual universities should enhance dissemination of and sensitisation on gender policies and programmes in order to improve their impact in addressing inequalities in access to and retention

in university. Monitoring and evaluation of existing strategies are also a prerequisite for positive results.

4. Universities should prioritise gender issues by making gender equity an integral component of the institution’s agenda to be reflected in its mission and vision statements, strategic plans, and budgets.

5. Non-governmental organisations and other interest groups should provide sanitary facilities and products as well as sexual and reproductive health services and information to university students.

3.2.2 Long-term recommendations

1. Scholarships and pre-science courses aimed at motivating and upgrading the skills of girls interested in pursuing science programmes should be implemented.

2. Universities should improve the environments within which female students pursue their academic goals by making them more gender-friendly. Specifically, access to sexual and reproductive health services, secure and spacious accommodation services, financial aid to students from poor socio-economic backgrounds, and mentoring and counselling services should be instituted.

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Abstract

This study analysed the trend of gender enrolment and factors influencing the career choices of accounting students in universities in the six geo-political zones in Nigeria. It examined the enrolment pattern of accounting students in 36 universities from 2004/2005 to 2009/2010. It also examined the factors influencing the career choices of undergraduate accounting students using data collected from sampled universities through questionnaires and focus group discussions. The results revealed a gap in enrolment between male and female accounting students, with fewer femalestudents in the northern zones than in the southern zones. Factors influencing career choices of accounting students included job security, job availability and high salaries. It was also discovered that females perceived accounting to be rule-based, boring, stressful and narrow. The researchers recommended among others that the Nigerian Government formulate a comprehensive gender policy for tertiary education in favour of females in the northern part of Nigeria. It was also recommended that tertiary teaching staff should make accounting more interesting for students by using practical and case study methods.

Gender gap: Enrolment and career choices of accounting students in Nigerian universities5

African universities have a critical role to play in the social and economic transformation of African societies.

Covenant University



1. Background of the study

Girls’ educational opportunities in many countries are limited both in absolute terms and in comparison with those of boys. Also, striking differences have been observed between female and male enrolment at primary and secondary levels, particularly in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, with a wider gap at tertiary level. This situation leads to questionable continuity in female education at tertiary level. According to Randell and Gergel (2009), ‘If we educate a boy, we educate one person. If we educate a girl, we educate a family and a whole nation.’ Despite recommendations of international conferences, a majority of countries across the African continent have so far fallen short of meeting the United Nations (UN), Education for All (EFA) and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Most African countries seem not to have embraced women’s rights in the formulation of their educational policies (Adeyemi and Akpotu, 2004). Women in developed countries such as the USA, Canada and France are benefiting from expanded educational opportunities, while in Africa, cultural and economic barriers prevent women from accessing the same range of educational opportunities as those offered to men (Onokala and Onwurah, 2001). Over the past decades, the United Nations has made efforts to promote girls’ and women’s rights and opportunities. The United Nations’ World Conferences on women held in Mexico (United Nations, 1975), Copenhagen (United Nations, 1980), Nairobi (United Nations, 1985) and Beijing (United Nations, 1995) called for the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) led the global Education for All (EFA) movement aimed at meeting the learning needs of all children, youth and adults.

Gender inequalities in tertiary education have also been a recurring issue in much policy-making research in Africa (Onokala and Onwurah, 2001; Bunyi, 2003; Nyaigotti-Chacha, 2004; Omoike, 2010). In Africa, the contemporary education inherited from the Western world has been principally based on gender-neutral and co-educational methods of learning and knowledge production.

African universities have a critical role to play in the social and economic transformation of African societies.

In this era of globalisation, women’s participation in higher education is crucial if they are to acquire the knowledge and skills needed to lead meaningful lives. Reflecting the colonial model, tertiary institutions in Africa, particularly universities, have been historically male-oriented. However, since the 1960s, tertiary institutions have expanded in line with the increase in population, resulting in higher enrolment.

In an attempt to equalise educational opportunities in Nigeria, the government implemented the free Universal Basic Education (UBE) system,which covers primary and junior secondary education.This policy hassignificantly improved female enrolment at primary and secondarylevels. The Federal Office of Statistics (1999) reports that female enrolment at primary level rose from 43.2 per cent to 44.5 per centbetween 1990 and 1998, and at secondary level from 42.7 per cent to 47 per cent. According to Adeyemi and Akpotu (2004), while enrolment at the first two levels of education is moving towards greater gender parity,examination of higher education,especially university level, seems to indicate the reverse.The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) was primarily established to regulate examinations for admission to tertiary institutions in Nigeria for first degree courses. It was instituted in response to the need for a fair admission system so as to ensure an equitable distribution between sexes of the available spaces in tertiary institutions. However, JAMB does not makeany special provision for female students.

Although accounting is one of the most popular courses in social sciences, prior studies have shown that there has been a decline in student enrolment in accounting programmes world-over in recent years (Gungorus and Uyar, 2010). Accounting is an important profession that could be enriched by more female participation. Naturally, low female enrolment may lead to a shortfall in the number of women available in the accounting workforce. If girls are less inclined to study this discipline, their enrolment and career choice may be impaired.

1.1 Statement of the problemStudies have shown that there is no gender equity in university education in Africa, and there is need to ensure adequate representation of women in higher education (Assie-Lumumba, 2006b). Nigeria and other developing countries find it difficult to achieve equality in access



to tertiary education, especially in universities (Adeyemi and Akpotu, 2004). In Nigeria, tertiary education was reported to be almost exclusively a male affair in the late 1990s (Alao, 1998). According to Omoike (2010), globally higher education is being aligned with the wider demands of sustainable development and increased modernisation. Increasing participation in higher education has become a policy thrust and a priority of the Nigerian Government. However, there does not seem to be a comparative increase in female enrolment to that of males. Onokala and Onwurah (2001) highlighted that gender-equitable access to higher education must be an integral part of any strategy to promote long-term development in universities. Therefore, universities must be sensitised to the issue and take deliberate steps to redress the imbalance.

Female enrolment in science-based courses in Nigeria is generally low, while it is higher in the humanities. Omoike (2010) noted that ‘female access and equality in university education has not been given enough sensitisation for meaningful contribution to sustainable development in Nigeria and admission to higher education has continued to be tilted in favour of males.’ There is generally a wide gender gap in university enrolment in Nigeria, but the gap is wider in the sciences and science-based disciplines than in the humanities (Adeyemi and Akpotu, 2004), Similarly, it was found that there is variation in the trend and pattern of gender enrolment in the nation’s universities across the geo-political zones, with wider differences existing in the northern parts of the country, which could be attributable to the cultural and religious disposition of the people. Generally, gender inequity in the Nigerian education system has been traced to a number of factors, which include the exclusion of women from career development opportunities, prejudice against women (particularly mothers), gender violence and prejudice about girls’ academic abilities.

Women remain significantly under-represented in such fields of study as accounting, mathematics, applied science and engineering in the northern part of Nigeria. Eshun (1995) observed that gender inequity is a common problem in universities in both developed and developing countries, and that there is frequently a large difference in the choice of subjects between males and females. In Ghana, Ardayfio-Schandorf (1995) noted that most of the girls and women who reached university often enrolled in faculty of arts and social sciences. In Nigeria,

Onokala and Onwurah (2001) found gender disparity in various fields of study. Bunyi (2003) also discovered that the majority of tertiary institutions in Africa do not have any form of gender equality policies or interventions to increase female student enrolments.

Accounting is an important profession that requires a gender mix of male and female participants. Some studies on enrolment in this discipline were conducted about a decade ago, the bulk of which identified and reported various gender patters in enrolment and factors influencing career choices (Simons, Lowe and Stout, 2003). However, these findings have not given us a clear picture of the Nigerian context. Despite the available literature, to the researchers’ knowledge none has been able to give a comprehensive picture of accounting students’ enrolment and career profiles in Nigeria. There is therefore a need to re-examine this issue in order to see how female enrolment in Nigerian accounting programmes is changing, if at all.

1.2 Significance and objectives of the studyThe present study provides usable data on enrolment that allows practitioners and policy-makers to address gender gaps when formulating and implementing policy.This research will unveil the factors that influence the career choices of female accounting students in Nigeria. This should enable policy-makers to implement a curriculum in the universities that takes into account the ideologies of female accounting students.There is a need to investigate students’ perceptions of accounting in order to develop appropriate strategies and guidelines for the formulation of educational policy in Nigeria that could attract female students to study accounting. The study is also important in that it informs accounting lecturers and career counsellors on how students perceive accounting. This will help them to motivate the students and change their perception.

The objectives of the study are to:1. Determine if there is a gender gap in the enrolment of

accounting students in Nigerian universities.2. Uncover the factors that influence the career choice

of female accounting students in Nigeria.3. Understand students’ perceptions of accounting as a

career choice.4. Develop an advocacy programme for an education

policy that can influence female career choices and encourage female admission to Nigerian universities.



1.3 Research hypothesesThe following alternative hypotheses were tested:Hypothesis 1: There are gender imbalances in enrolments in Nigerian universities.

Hypothesis 2: Male and female accounting students regard accounting courses and the accounting profession differently.

Hypothesis 3: Male and female accounting students regard the factors that influence their career choices differently.

Answers were thus sought to the following research questions:

1. To what extent is gender inequality an issue in undergraduate students’ enrolment in Nigerian universities?

2. How do students perceive accounting and the accounting profession?

3. What are the factors that influence the career choices of female accounting students in Nigeria?

1.4 Limitations of the study

The study focuses on accounting students in 36 universities in Nigeria. It might therefore be difficult to generalise the findings of the study on enrolment and career choices of accounting students to all Nigerian universities. A sample including students from other universities might result in different outcomes. Considering the opinions of non-accounting students could also result in different responses. This does create opportunity for further research. This work could be extended to include more students from other disciplines in different universities.

2. Literature review

2.1 Nigeria and tertiary education

Nigeria is located in West Africa, bordered on the north by Niger, on the west by Benin, and on the east by Chad and Cameroon. It is the most populous nation in Africa and gained independence from Britain in 1960. Since then, there has been a drive towards economic development. The country has experienced a tremendous increase in its population and in its tertiary education institutions. At the time of independence, the population of Nigeria was estimated at 39.2 million but the last census conducted in 1996 revealed a figure of around 140 million (71.7 million males and 68.3 million females).

The first tertiary education institution, University of Ibadan, was established in 1948. At independence in 1960, Nigeria had only two universities. Substantial expansion of tertiary education in Nigeria has widened access, especially given the increased private sector participation.Presently, the country has 117universities: 36 federal, 36 state and 45 private (NUC, 2011). Yet, an increasing number of students are demanding access to university education (Emodi, 2010).

The Nigerian Government has put policies in place to address the problem of inadequate access to university education. Admission to a higher education institution in Nigeria involves passing theUnified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME)exam and post-UTME exam in the candidates’ choice of institution. The cut-off mark for each discipline is based on the average performance of students in the exam, and JAMB, the central body in charge of admission to tertiary institutions in Nigeria, then produces the list of admitted candidates. JAMB recognises three criteria for admission to federal institutions: merit (45 per cent), catchment (35 per cent) and educationally less-developed states (20 per cent).

There are other means of gaining admission into tertiary institutions, which include obtaining a diploma, or pre-degree or direct entry. Admission through a diploma is at the discretion of the higher education institutions. Universities’ individual admission procedures permit admission officers to admit students based on their compliance with the other entry requirements. However, university entry through a diploma is more expensive than admission through JAMB. Private and state-owned universities also have their own policy guidelines for admission (Asein and Lawal, 2007).

2.2 Women in Nigerian universities

In support of increased female enrolment, some African countries have adopted intervention mechanisms to ensure that females stand an equal chance of being admitted to tertiary institutions in the course of their choice. These interventions have included affirmative action in public universities to lower required admission scores by one point for women (Kwapong, 2007). Similarly, Bunyi (2004) discusses an intervention in African universities to lower admission cut-off points for femalestudents since few females attain marks that are high enough to compete with their male counterparts.



Nigeria currently operates a quota system with respect to enrolment in undergraduate programmes in universities. Yet an observable gap in the admission policies mentioned above is that gender is not considered a priority in selection criteria. Gender could be factored into admission criteria for diploma courses, known as foundation courses in some Nigerian universities. However, as diploma admission is more costly than admission through JAMB, where female students have adequate financial support, enrolment through a diploma may not be a feasible option.

Omoike (2010), Adeyemi and Akpotu (2004), Onokala and Onwurah (2001) discuss gender equality in tertiary education enrolment in Nigeria and intervention strategies to deal with gender inequality.

According to Omoike (2010), there has been a growing belief that the rate of admission of candidates to universities through JAMB has been tilted in favour of males. As of 2005, the total female undergraduate enrolment in Nigerian universities was 285,179 out of 780,001 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2009). This has serious implications for policy-makers because it implies that only 36.6 per cent of the students enrolled in 2005 were female. Overall enrolment is guided by the limits approved by the National Universities Commission (NUC), which conforms to the 70:30 science/arts ratio recommended by the Federal Government (Asein and Lawal, 2007).

Onokala and Onwurah (2001) found that gender inequity is an issue in all faculties in Nigerian universities, implying that undergraduate student enrolment in Nigerian universities is not equally distributed between the sexes. They noted that in Nigerian universities, the highest percentages of female enrolments were in the faculties of Science, Arts, Education and Social Science. However, their study found that males dominated in scientific and technical fields, which were most likely to lead to high paying and powerful positions. On the other hand, more females were found in the education and arts faculties, which could be considered to follow the traditional conception of the role of women as mothers and wives. Similarly, in relation to public universities, Ahmad (2009) found that although female enrolment increased from the year 1995 through 2000, 2005 and 2007, females were more inclined to specialise in courses traditionally considered more suitable for women, such as arts and education.

Adeyemi and Akpotu (2004) examined gender disparity in university enrolment in selected disciplines according to geo-political zones. The findings revealed a gap between female and male students in the science-based disciplines and between northern and southern zones, with lower female enrolment in the north than in the south.

Fennema, Wolleat, Pedro and Becker (1981) identified the prerequisites for increasing opportunities for women in scientific and technological careers. Female students must obtain the high school mathematics requirement that prepare them for entry to mathematics-related occupations, as well as appropriate secondary school knowledge in book-keeping and accounting. They should also have guardians and counselors to shape their development. This implies a need for more qualified accounting teachers in secondary schools.

Bunyi (2003) argued that there are three dimensions to the problem of low enrolment for female students compared to males: overall low enrolment; even lower enrolment at higher degree levels; and low enrolment in science, mathematics and technology subjects. With respect to low overall enrolment, Fletcher (2006) proposed an intervention strategy to expand scholarship and loans programmes funded by the federal and state governments, or by individual colleges and universities to offer financial support to students.

Kwapong (2007) noted that the distance education mode, as proposed in Ghana, might enable more women to gain access to tertiary education through offering greater flexibility and solutions to time and other constraints that women typically struggle with. This study showed that, in Ghana, 63 per cent of distance learning students were female against 37 per cent males, implying that distance education favours the enrolment of females in tertiary institutions.

2.3 Accounting at tertiary level in Nigeria

TheNigerian university system has aligned itself to wider demands of economic development (Omoike, 2010). This has led to the development of the accounting profession (Aruwa, 2008). Accounting as a discipline has a vital role to play in the economic development of any nation. During the colonial era, before the 1960s, Nigerian accountants were mostly based abroad; there were very few accountants within the country. Accountants were



in high demand by business organisations. Accounting did not appear as a university course until 1960 when the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, was established. Presently, a total of 53 universities are offering accounting courses in Nigeria.Polytechnic colleges also offer accounting courses.

Accounting is also a professional course. For this reason, there are educators outside tertiary institutions that train candidates in preparation for professional accountancy exams. In Nigeria there are two professional accounting bodies: the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria and the Association of National Accountants of Nigeria. Members of these bodies have tutored and trained many students even though they are not degree-awarding institutions. This group of institutions is not the focus of this research.

One of the challenges of accounting at tertiary level in Nigeria is that not every institution offers it as a course. Currently, accounting in tertiary institutions is a four-year course, during which students undertake studies in auditing, management accounting, financial accounting, public sector accounting, taxation and other special areas such as forensic accounting and oil and gas accounting.

2.4 Students’ perceptions of accounting as a career choice

Simons, Lowe and Stout (2003) did a comprehensive study on research focusing on factors influencing students’ choice to pursue accounting. They stated that several factors have been proposed in both theory-based and non-theory-based studies as influencing students’ choice of accounting as a major. The results of this study revealed that the relative importance of factors affecting choice of major are mixed and somewhat difficult to compare because different studies used different terms for what appear to be the same or similar factors.

Students’ perceptions of the accounting profession are myriad and diverse. These are classified according to several attributes using the following six categories (Sugahara and Boland, 2006): perceived skills needed for success in accounting professions; human influences; intrinsic value; career prospects; job market factor; and opportunity cost of becoming accountants.

These attributes and categories were mainly selected from previous literature regarding both career choice within the accounting profession and students’ choice of majoring in accounting.

Applying Super’s theories to accounting, DeCoster and Rhode (1971) and Buckley and McKenna (1973) discovered that accounting students regard accountants more positively and favourably than do the general public. However, Taylor and Dixon (1979) found that non-accounting business students have a generally less positive image toward the accounting profession compared to students who study accounting majors.

Cohen and Hanno (1993) used the theory of planned behaviour (TPB), which specifies the relationships between beliefs about outcomes, social pressures and behavioural control, and reported that these variables helped predict choice of major. They found that accounting students ranked high earnings and advancement, and having a career in an exciting field as the main motivating factors in choosing accounting as a major. Furthermore, having mathematical skills and being successful in accounting courses were identified by students as determinant factors in choosing accounting as a major.

Adams, Pryor and Adams (1994) conducted research on career choice among 238 accounting and non-accounting major students from a single institution. The results revealed that the most significant factors influencing the choices of students majoring in accounting included job opportunities, high earning potential, and genuine interest in the subject; while for students majoring in non-accounting subjects only genuine interest in the subject was selected as a primary influencing factor. Less emphasis was placed on earning and/or job opportunities.

Accounting professional bodies and academia have struggled to understand why the accounting profession remains unpopular among the brightest business students (Sugahara and Boland, 2006). Hermanson, Hermanson and Ivancevich (1995) investigated the effectiveness of influential factors on students’ career choices and concluded that the greatest influential power basically derived from students’ perceptions of the accounting profession.



In studies by Saemann and Crooker (1999), students were found to be more likely to find the accounting profession interesting when they did not perceive it to be rule-oriented, highly structured or solitary. Students were also much more likely to choose an accounting major when they considered accounting to be interesting. Mauldin, Crain and Mounce (2000) stated that the primary factors influencing choice of subject major are interest in the subject’s career opportunities, instructor, parents and money. Of these factors, the instructor in principles of accounting was viewed as the most influential.

AICPA’s Taylor Group Report (Taylor, 2000) identifies the factors causing a downturn in number of accounting majors and the need to devise means to reverse this trend. The study found that most students were ignorant of the career opportunities available to accounting majors and had limited knowledge of the work performed by accountants. It also found students’ interest in accounting to be low. Students also had negative perceptions about the nature of accounting work itself. They viewed accountants as boring and tedious, and their work as monotonous, solitary number-crunching. Albrecht and Sack (2000) conducted research to determine what factors have affected enrolment in accounting programmes. They concluded that potential accounting candidates are usually misled by guidance counsellors and teachers, and that accounting courses should be blamed for shortages in accounting majors.

In a study carried out by Belski, Richmond and Brozovsky (2003), the lack of prestige attached to the accounting professions was considered to be a dissuading factor for students. However, prior education or greater information dissemination about accounting as a discipline might entice more students to show an interested.

2.5 Women and accounting

Some of the studies mentioned above (Adams, Pryor and Adams, 1994; Saemann and Crooker, 1999; Mauldin et al., 2000; Taylor, 2000; Albrecht and Sack, 2000) lack theoretical basis and do not consider gender issues. Indeed, few studies have explored the influencing factors in relation to gender (Lowe, Lowe and Simons, 1994 and 1995; Lowe and Simons, 1997; Leppel, Williams and Waldauer, 2001; Thibodeau and Usoff, 2002; Heiat and Brown, 2007).

Lowe et al. (1994) investigated the role of gender in choosing a career in accounting. They found that the intrinsic rewards of the profession were more important to female accounting majors, while their male counterparts are more attracted by the extrinsic rewards. Lowe and Simons (1997) conducted a more elaborate survey among business students (accounting, marketing, finance and management majors). The factors influencing career choice included earning potential, association with others in the same professional field, parents, the cost of education, social status, job satisfaction, years of education, aptitude, teachers, peers, work experience and job availability. Accounting majors were distinctive in placing most emphasis on future earnings and career options. In addition, they found that female accounting majors ranked the inherent nature of the subject matter as more important than their male counterparts. These findings are in line with previous studies carried out by Lowe et al. (1995), who discovered that female accounting majors cited interesting subject matter as the paramount factor.

Heiat and Brown (2007), in their study on the underlying factors affecting the choice of major, found that students are most strongly influenced by a genuine interest in the subject matter regardless of both subject and gender. Both sexes were neutral regarding their perception of public accounting as an interesting profession. However, regarding availability of employment, males were more strongly influenced than females. This was attributed to the fact that society still tends to look upon males as the primary source of support in a family, and that more women leave the work force than men to bear and raise children.

Leppel et al. (2001) found that a professional father has more influence (in the sense of giving female students advice and direction) on female students than a professional mother, though the opposite was the case for males. Thibodeau and Usoff (2002) found that career opportunities were the top reason given by both male and female accounting students for choosing accounting as a career, but while males listed future earnings in second place, females cited interesting subject matter. These findings corroborate with those of Lowe et al. (1994) and Lowe and Simons (1997).

Belski, Richmond and Brozovsky (2003) found that female accounting students viewed accounting as a more prestigious profession than did their male counterparts.



They claimed that female students have developed a more favourable impression of the accounting profession over the past year than male students.

The common perception that accounting is demanding, boring, unimaginative, asocial and related to science and mathematics courses may discourage female candidates from choosing accounting as a career pathway (Shackleton, 1980). Some of the common beliefs about the difficulties that such a professional environment creates for women are undoubtedly true. For instance, the heavy workload can mean long hours during busy seasons, while increasing specialisation in areas including accountancy, management consultancy, audit and assurance services, tax consultant, forensic accounting and accounting information systems means increased travel, which is difficult and demanding, particularly for women with family obligations. Profitability issues are important to all firms, especially in light of reduced growth rates and legal liability pressures. This environment nurtures a work ethic, for which long working hours and heavy workloads have traditionally set the standard.

Thus, it has been concluded (Hooks and Cheramy,1994)that high turnover among women continues to be a result of their personal decision to withdraw from a demanding career environment. The authors further support this conclusionas gender parity seems solid at the entry level.The research was part of a study conducted by the Women and Family Issues Executive Committee of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA). Some partners perceived that one can assume that since women have constituted about half of the new recruits in public accounting in recent years, the problems that can be influenced by individual firms’ behaviour have been resolved (Hooks and Cheramy,1994). However, many partners believed the primary remaining issues—turnover and retention—were beyond their control because it resulted from women’s personal choices regarding their career and family. Survey data collected in another phase of the study suggested that this and other misperceptions actually might contribute to the remaining upward mobility problems. Such data are important because firm leaders who are misinformed about the status and attitudes of half of those entering the profession may not always be able to attract and retain some of the profession’s most talented people.

3. Social cognitive theory of gender development

Canadian psychologist Albert Bandura pioneered social cognitive theory (SCT) in 1963. Social cognitive theory posits that individuals contribute to their self-development and social change through their agentive actions within the interrelated systems of influence (Bandura, 1977; 1986; 1997). It developed out of the social learning theory of Miller and Dollard (1941), which failed to take into account the creation of new responses or the processes of delayed and non-reinforced imitations.

SCT views human behaviour as a triadic, dynamic and reciprocal interaction of personal factors, behaviour and the environment (see Figure 2.3). These three factors are constantly influencing one another and all work together to create learning. SCT posits that individuals have a self-system that makes them exercise a measure of control over their thoughts and actions. This self-system houses individuals’ affective and cognitive structures, which enable them to learn from others, plan alternative strategies, regulate their own behaviour and engage in self-reflection to achieve an expected outcome. It also explains how people acquire and maintain certain behavioural patterns while also providing the basis for intervention strategies (Bandura, 1997).

Figure 2.3. A triadic reciprocity

PERSONAL FACTORS ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

BEHAVIOUR

Adapted from Bandura, 1986.

The contribution of SCT as a relevant theoretical framework for understanding career development can be found in various studies (Lent, Brown and Hackett, 1994; Hackett, 1995; Lent and Maddux, 1997). Its contributions to gender development can also be found in the work of Bussey and Bandura (1999). Bandura’s social cognitive approach to learning has formed the crux of this study’s theoretical framework. Environmental and personal factors influence gender development, while societal sub-systems (parents, peers, media, educational practice and occupational systems) impact on gender development. The factors are as illustrated in Figure 2.4 and discussed thereafter.



Figure 2.4. Conceptual model: Social cognitive theory, career choice and gender

Behaviour

Environmental factor

Personal factor

Parents

Societal sub-systems

Peers

MediaGenderDevelopment

Occupationalsystems

EducationalPractices

3.1 Environmental factors

Environment is one of the factors that can influence a person’s behaviour. Bandura believes that people are both products and producers of their environment (Bandura, 1986). An individual’s behaviour will determine the aspects of their environment to which they are exposed, and behaviour is, in turn, modified by that environment (Bandura, 1989). Bussey and Bandura (1999) expounded on the concept of environmental structures and gender development based on the distinction in SCT between three types of environmental structures, including the selected environment, the constructed environment and the imposed environment (Bandura, 1997). Selected environments are choices of activities, associates and educational pursuits (Lent, Brown and Hackett, 1994). Constructed environments are constructs of social and institutional systems through their generative efforts (Maccoby, 1990), while imposed environments are certain physical and socio-structural conditions, e.g. mandated academic curricula. These environments (selected, constructed and imposed) partly determine which forms of one’s behaviour are developed and activated (Bandura, 1999).

In SCT, gender development in any environment is promoted by three major modes of influence and the way in which the information they convey is cognitively processed (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). These modes of influence are: (i) modelling; (ii) enactive experience; and (iii) direct tuition. These different modes of influence operate in complexly interactive ways and they are oriented toward promoting the traditional forms of gendered conduct.

A great deal of gender-linked information is illustrated by models in one’s immediate environment, including

parents, peers, mass media, teachers, and other significant persons in social, educational and occupational contexts (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). SCT characterises learning from exemplars as modelling. Modelling is the most powerful and pervasive means of conveying thoughts, values, attitudes and patterns of behaviour (Bandura, 1986; Rosenthal and Zimmerman, 1978). Modelling serves a variety of functions in gender development. Most theories of gender development assign a major role to modelling in gender-role learning (Bandura, 1969; Kohlberg, 1966; Mischel, 1970). Under forced exposure to a single model, children attend to and learn equally the behaviour of same-gender and other-gender models. When children can select the models with which to associate themselves, the selective association produces even greater differences in what is learned observationally (Bandura, 1986).

Enactive experience is defined as learning gender-linked behaviour through certain situations. Enactive experience can also be seen as the process by which gender-linkage of conduct can be discerned from the outcomes resulting from one’s actions (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). The range of enactive experience can vary from explicit reactions to less direct reactions. Gender-linked behaviour is heavily socially sanctioned in most societies. Evaluative social reactions act as important sources of information for constructing gender conceptions. People generally have views about what is appropriate conduct for boys and girls. The wider the type of people and social systems a person is exposed to and interacts with, the more diverse the types of outcomes he/she experiences for various types of gender-linked conduct (Zimmerman, 1989).

Direct tuition is a mode of influence on gender conceptions that is derived from the tutelage of persons in one’s social environment. It is when a child about gender through a tutor. Gender roles and conduct can be affected positively or negatively by direct tutoring. It is a means of informing people about different styles of conduct and their linkage to gender. Direct tuition is most effective when it receives widespread social support and is based on shared values. Models, most of the time, do not practice what they preach. The impact of direct tuition is undermined when what is being taught is not in consonance with what is modelled (Rosenhan, Frederick and Burrows, 1968; Hildebrandt, Feldman and Ditrichs, 1973).



3.2 Personal factors

Personal factors regulate attentional processes, schematic processing of experience, motivation, emotional activation, psychobiological functioning and the efficacy with which behavioural and cognitive competencies are executed in daily life transaction (Bandura, 1999). SCT posits that, in the course of development, the regulation of behaviour shifts from predominately external sanctions and mandates to gradual substitution of self-sanctions and self-direction grounded in personal standards (Bandura, 1986 and 1991a). To exercise self-influence, people have to monitor their behaviour and the situational circumstances in which they find themselves. As children become aware of the social significance attached to gender, they increasingly attend to this aspect of their behaviour (Serbin and Sprafkin, 1986). In mixed-sex groups, children are more likely to monitor behaviour according to its gender linkage. According to Martin (1993), girls monitor their behaviour on the gender dimension more closely than boys because they are more likely to be reproached for conduct that deviates from their gender.

From the agentive socio-cognitive point of view, ‘people are self-organising, proactive, self-reflecting, and self-regulating not just reactive organisms shaped and shepherded by external events’ (Bandura, 1999). According to Bandura (1997), human agency in social cognitive theory, people base their actions on self-efficacy in risky situations. People avoid potentially threatening situations and activities basically because they are of the opinion that they will not cope with the risky situation. Self-efficacy represents the confidence one has in exercising control over challenging situations such as resisting temptation, coping with stress, and mobilising the resources required to meet the situational demands.

According to Bussey and Bandura (1999), occupational pursuits are extensively gendered. Female students have efficacy for female-dominated occupations, but are less efficacious in educational and occupational pursuits traditionally male gendered. In contrast, male students have a comparable sense of efficacy for both traditionally male-dominated and female-dominated requirements and job pursuits (Betz and Hackett, 1981; Bussey and Bandura, 1999). According to Matsui, Ikeda and Ohnishi (1989), women that are highly feminine usually lack confidence in their quantitative capabilities

and believe that there are few thriving female models in traditionally male-dominated occupations. Perceived beliefs about gender-determined efficacy contribute more heavily to occupational preferences than beliefs about the benefits attainable by different pursuits. Wheeler (1983) commented that some women base their occupational preferences even more heavily on their perceived efficacy than on the potential benefits that the vocations yield. Women need to develop high efficacy in science-related and demanding careers such as accounting along with family responsibilities (Betz and Hackett, 1981).

Junge and Dretzke (1995) highlighted that gender differences disappear when women judge their effectiveness to perform the same activities as men in everyday situations in stereotypically feminine tasks rather than in male-dominated occupations. Women’s beliefs about their capabilities and their career aspirations are shaped by undermining social practices within the family, the education system, peer relationships, the mass media, the occupational system and the culture at large (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). The practices of these societal sub-systems are further discussed in greater detail below.

3.3 Societal sub-systems

In this theoretical perspective, gender conceptions and roles are the products of a broad network of social influences operating interdependently in a variety of societal sub-systems. As children mature, they are cognitively adept at discerning the gender linkage of interests and activities as their social world expands. This section discusses the influential role played by each of the various societal sub-systems in the differentiation of gender attributes and roles. These sub-systems are parents, peers, media, educational and occupational practices.

3.3.1 Impact of parents

Parents play an active role in setting the course of their children’s gender development by structuring, channelling, modelling and reacting to gender-linked conduct. Parents are primarily children’s role models. As children develop, parents instruct their children in gender-linked conduct and roles. Thomas and Neal (1978) emphasised that parents and gender influence the choice of career and occupation of their children. Some parents judge school to be more difficult for their



daughters than for their sons, even though they do not differ in actual academic achievement (Phillips and Zimmerman, 1990). Steinberg (1996) emphasised that family plays an influential role in children’s success in school. Children’s beliefs in their efficacy, their academic aspirations and perceived occupational capabilities are influenced by their parents’ sense of efficacy to promote their children’s development. Eccles (1989) found that parents generally subscribe to the cultural stereotype that boys are more naturally endowed than girls for quantitative subjects.

3.3.2 Impact of peers

Peers are sources of much social learning. As children’s social world expands outside the home, peer groups become another agent of gender development. In social cognitive theory, the peer group functions as an interdependent sub-system in gender differentiation, not a socially disembodied one (Bandura, 1986). Peers are both the product and the contributing producers of gender differentiation. They model and sanction styles of conduct and serve as comparative references for appraisal and validation of personal efficacy (Schunk, 1987; Bandura, 1997). In the social structuring of activities, children selectively associate with same-sex playmates and pursue gender-typed career interests and activities (Huston, 1983). Bussey and Bandura(1999) concur that it is socially instilled orientations that lead peers to instate gender differentiation by favouring same-sex playmates and making sure that their peers conform to the conduct expected of their gender.

3.3.3 Impact of the media

The media is another primary setting for developing gender orientation. Thomson and Zerbinos (1997) claimed that children are continually exposed to models of gender-linked behaviour in readers, storybooks, video games and representations of society on television. Males are generally portrayed as directive, adventurous, enterprising and individuals that pursue engaging occupations and recreational activities. In contrast, women are usually shown as acting in dependent, unambitious and emotional ways (Bassey and Bandura, 1999). Male and female televised characters are also portrayed as differing in agentic capabilities. Men are more likely to be shown exercising control over events and pursuing careers of high status, in contrast to women who tend to be more at the mercy of others and are largely confined to domestic roles or employed in low status jobs (Durkin, 1985). For both sexes, these

occupational representations neither fit the common vocations of most men nor the heavy involvement of women in the workplace in real life (Seggar and Wheeler, 1973).

3.3.4 Impact of educational practices

The school is the place where children expand their knowledge and competencies and form their sense of intellectual efficacy, which is essential for effective participation in the larger society. The self-beliefs and competencies acquired during this formative period carry especially heavy weight because they shape the course of career choices and development. Even as early as in secondary school, children’s beliefs in their occupational efficacy are rooted in their patterns of perceived efficacy (Bandura et al., 1999). Stereotypic gender occupational orientations are very closely linked to the structure of efficacy beliefs. Boys perceive themselves to be more apt for careers in science-related courses, while girls judge their occupational efficacy to be more for service, clerical, nursing and teaching jobs.

3.3.5 Impact of occupational systems

The gendered practices are also exhibited in organisational structures and practices. These include extensive segregation of jobs along gender lines, concentration of women in lower-level positions, inequitable wages, limited opportunities for upper-level mobility and glass ceiling barriers (Stockard and Johnson, 1992). Women are entering the workforce in large numbers, not merely for economic reasons but as a matter of personal satisfaction and identity. Many have the personal efficacy, competencies and interests to achieve distinguished careers in occupations traditionally dominated by men. However, women are also represented in the informal sector. While the constraints to gaining entry into such careers have loosened, women still face obstacles in their professional progression (Jacobs, 1989). Women in traditionally male-dominated occupations are evaluated more negatively than women in traditional occupations or men in female-dominated occupations (Pfost and Fiore, 1990). They are not viewed as positively or as competent as men of comparable skill in the same positions (Alban-Metcalfe and West, 1991). The challenge in changing gender roles lies in how to strike a balance between family and professional demands for women who enter the workforce. More equitable systems require personal as well as socio-structural changes. Given the pervasive negative sanctions for males performing domestic activities



from the symbolic play in childhood to adulthood, these gender socialisation practices produce males with low perceived efficacy to manage the combined demands of paid work and parenthood (Stickel and Bonett, 1991). Most elude the difficulties of juggling these roles by staying clear of housework and childcare.

4. Research methodology

4.1 Research design

The study used a combination of quantitative (survey) and qualitative (focus group discussions) approaches. The sampling for the survey was done using a purposive approach under the framework of the stratified random sampling technique. The sampling frame for this study consisted of 117 universities divided into 36 federal universities, 36 state universities and 45 private universities. The selection was made based on the geo-political zones in Nigeria, type of university (federal, state and private) and age of the university – i.e. universities of five years or over. Nigeria is made up of six geo-political zones, each of which is taken as a stratum. The geo-political zones in the north are north-east, north-west and north-central, while those in the south are south-south, south-east and south-west. Thirty-six universities were selected for data collection, while seven were randomly selectedin the north and south for the fieldwork – four federal, two state and one private.

Table 2.8. List of sampled universities and their abbreviations

AAU Ambrose Alli University

AkwaIbom State University of Science and Technology

AL-HIKMAH Al-Hikmah University Babcock University

Bayero University Bells University of Technology

Bingham University

Benson Iadahosa University Bowen University

Benue State University Caritas University

Covenant University Delta State University

Enugu State University of Technology Gombe State University

Imo State University Kaduna State University Lagos State University

Niger Delta University Novena University

Nasarawa State University ObafemiAwolowo University OnabisiOnabanjo University

Rivers State University of Science and Technology

Redeemers University UsmanuDanfodio University

University of Ado-Ekiti University of Abuja

University of Benin University of Illorin

University of Lagos University of Maiduguri University of Port Harcourt

University of Uyo University of Nigeria

AKSUTECH

BABCOCKBAYEROBELLSBINGHAM

BIUBOWENBSUCARITASCOVENANTDELSUESUTECHGSUIMSUKASULASUNDUNOVENANSUOAUOOU

RSUSTRUNUDUUNADUNIABUJAUNIBENUNIILLORINUNILAGUNIMAIDUNIPORTUNIUYOUNNWUKARI Wukari Jubilee University

AAU Ambrose Alli University

AkwaIbom State University of Science and Technology

AL-HIKMAH Al-Hikmah University Babcock University

Bayero University Bells University of Technology

Bingham University

Benson Iadahosa University Bowen University

Benue State University Caritas University

Covenant University Delta State University

Enugu State University of Technology Gombe State University

Imo State University Kaduna State University Lagos State University

Niger Delta University Novena University

Nasarawa State University ObafemiAwolowo University OnabisiOnabanjo University

Rivers State University of Science and Technology

Redeemers University UsmanuDanfodio University

University of Ado-Ekiti University of Abuja

University of Benin University of Illorin

University of Lagos University of Maiduguri University of Port Harcourt

University of Uyo University of Nigeria

AKSUTECH

BABCOCKBAYEROBELLSBINGHAM

BIUBOWENBSUCARITASCOVENANTDELSUESUTECHGSUIMSUKASULASUNDUNOVENANSUOAUOOU

RSUSTRUNUDUUNADUNIABUJAUNIBENUNIILLORINUNILAGUNIMAIDUNIPORTUNIUYOUNNWUKARI Wukari Jubilee University

4.2 Study instruments and sources of data

Primary data was collected through three study instruments – two designed questionnaires and a field guide containing open-ended questions for the focus group discussions (FGDs). The first questionnaire was completed by the registry department or academic planning unit at each of the universities. The second questionnaire was completed by undergraduate students in the department of accounting in 2010/2011 across all academic levels. The second questionnaire was designed to determine the factors that affect students’ choice of accounting as a career. One section consisted of students’ biodata, while the other consisted of enrolment numbers from academic years 2004/2005 to 2009/2010. The questionnaire also featured sub-sections capturing factors related to perceptions regarding the characteristics of accounting as a discipline; the benefits of a career in accounting; the constraints of a career in accounting; discrimination in the accounting profession; and career choice motivation; as well as career aspirations after graduation. Respondents were asked to rate these factors or attributes on a five point likert scale.

The field guide was used to facilitate two focus group discussions consisting of female students in two of the seven selected universities – in the south-south and south-west geo-political zones at the University of Benin (UNIBEN) and Covenant University. The



research team had intended to conduct an FGD session in three universities, this became very difficult as a result of political upheaval in the geo-political zones in the northern part of Nigeria during the fieldwork.The FGDsfeatured questions pertaining to the perceptions of accounting as a discipline, the perceived benefits of accounting as a career, the perceived constraints of accounting as a career, the perceived discriminations within the accounting profession, factors influencing students’ choice to pursue a career in accounting and career aspirations after graduation.

Secondary data for academic years 2004/2005 to 2009/2010 on the gender pattern of undergraduate students’ enrolment in Nigerian universities was collected from the NUCand JAMB headquarters in Abuja; the registrar’s office, academic planning unit and accounting departmental student filein each of the seven universities studied; and the Federal Ministry of Education in Abuja.Enrolment data was collected from these multiple sources to ensure data validity, while the focus group discussions were also used to improve the external validity.

5. Findings of the study

This section is divided into three parts—the first presents data on enrolment; the second presents findings on career choice; while the last part presents a summary of findings.

5.1 Enrolment by geo-political zone, gender, university type and institutionTable 2.9 shows the enrolment of female students in accounting programmes in 36 Nigerian universities between the 2004/2005 and 2009/2010 academic sessions. In the 2004/2005 academic session, eleven

institutions had over 50 per cent female enrolment in their accounting programmes. Of these, three had more than 70 per cent female enrolmentin accounting. The following academic year, the number of institutions with over 50 per cent female enrolment in accounting programmes rose to 13, with two of these admitting more than 70 per cent female to their accounting programmes. For the 2006/2007 academic session, only one university had more than 70 per cent females enrolled in accounting programmes, while a further 13 had 50 per cent or more female accounting students.In 2007/2008, the number of institutions with over 50 per cent female enrolment in accounting studies reached 22, with five of these recording more than 70 per cent female students in accounting programmes.The following academic session – 2008/2009 – the number of universities with women representing 50 per cent or more of enrolments in accounting dropped to 14, with just one of these reaching over 70 per cent of female enrolment. In 2009/2010, a total of 23 universities had at least 50 per cent female enrolment in accountings programmes, with four of these reaching more than 70 per cent female enrolment.

The data show a gender gap in favour of male students in enrolment of accounting students in universities in the northern part of Nigeria. This may be due to some religious and cultural restrictions against girls in certain parts of the north, especially among the Muslims population, whichin some cases is quite resistant to western education, particularly for girls. In addition, thedata reveals that more females enrolled in accounting programmes in private universities. This could be because private universities provide better infrastructure, regular academic sessions, and conducive learning environments, among other advantages, and therefore girls find them more attractive.



Table 2.9. Enrolment by geo-political zone, gender, university type and institution, 2004/05-2009/10

Type

20

04/2

005

2005

/200

6

2006

/200

7

2007

/200

8

2008

/200

9

2009

/201

0

Gran

d to

tal

F

M

T F

M

T F

M

T F

M

T F

M

T F

M

T F

M

T N

orth

-cen

tral

1 BS

U

S 37

13

8 17

5 55

96

15

1 26

95

12

1 56

12

6 18

2 60

12

6 18

6 69

17

1 24

0 30

3 75

2 1,

055

2 UN

IILLO

RIN

F

55

62

117

38

31

69

143

166

309

77

86

163

5 8

13

43

58

101

361

411

772

3 N

SU

S 23

65

88

19

46

65

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

37

58

95

13

42

55

57

97

154

149

308

457

4 UN

IABU

JA

F 10

5 10

6 21

1 94

14

9 24

3 38

56

94

12

4 14

2 26

6 12

18

30

12

3 13

2 25

5 49

6 60

3 1,

099

5 BI

NGH

AM

P N

/A

N/A

N

/A

2 3

5 8

7 15

18

17

35

32

29

61

5

5 10

65

61

12

6 6

AL-H

IKM

AH

P N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

10

8

18

24

30

54

37

30

67

6 9

15

77

77

154

Nor

th-e

ast

7 U

NIM

AID

F 43

11

4 15

7 N

/A

N/A

N

/A

20

39

59

62

112

174

46

82

128

17

18

35

188

365

553

8 G

SU

S N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

4

12

16

5 14

19

5

44

49

17

36

53

31

106

137

9 W

UKAR

I P

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

1 3

4 4

15

19

0 3

3 N

/A

N/A

N

/A

5 21

26

N

orth

-wes

t 10

K

ASU

S

N/A

N

/A

N/A

5

22

27

6 13

19

9

9 18

13

46

59

8

42

50

41

132

173

11

BAY

ERO

F

18

64

82

19

63

82

20

76

96

28

95

123

34

95

129

38

84

122

157

477

634

12

UDU

F

6 17

23

5

22

27

11

24

35

10

33

43

7 36

43

5

27

32

44

159

203

Sout

h-e

ast

13

ESU

TECH

S

129

82

211

58

40

98

124

76

200

120

52

172

83

46

129

139

80

219

653

376

1,02

9 14

C

ARIT

AS

P 52

21

73

22

16

38

33

24

57

42

20

62

14

5

19

3 3

6 16

6 89

25

5 15

U

NN

F

N/A

N

/A

N/A

30

48

78

75

10

1 17

6 12

14

26

58

62

12

0 10

7 96

20

3 28

2 32

1 60

3 16

IM

SU

S 12

9 46

17

5 58

49

10

7 84

66

15

0 34

18

52

15

1 78

22

9 71

38

10

9 52

7 29

5 82

2 So

uth

-sou

th 17

U

NIU

YO

F 96

75

17

1 19

12

31

34

56

90

45

65

11

0 22

43

65

32

36

68

24

8 28

7 53

5

18

AKS

UTE

CH

S 78

73

15

1 10

0 69

16

9 16

7 91

25

8 15

4 78

23

2 67

33

10

0 69

48

11

7 63

5 39

2 1,

027

19

NDU

S

76

112

188

21

60

81

33

48

81

46

70

116

53

59

112

N/A

N

/A

N/A

22

9 34

9 57

8 20

D

ELSU

S

59

74

133

17

43

60

23

36

59

17

16

33

41

43

84

16

18

34

173

230

403

21

AAU

S

26

30

56

27

49

76

91

100

191

66

71

137

145

145

290

N/A

N

/A

N/A

35

5 39

5 75

0 22

U

NIB

EN

F N

/A

N/A

N

/A

52

88

140

63

90

153

68

70

138

70

76

146

108

115

223

361

439

800

23

UN

IPO

RT

F 51

53

10

4 64

66

13

0 54

48

10

2 55

45

10

0 52

41

93

61

43

10

4 33

7 29

6 63

3 24

R

SUST

S

25

30

55

37

35

72

81

70

151

36

36

72

44

59

103

33

35

68

256

265

521

25

NO

VEN

A P

3 3

6 12

6

18

N/A

N

/A

0 34

21

55

12

8

20

6 2

8 67

40

10

7 26

B

IU

P N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

17

18

35

44

24

68

15

18

33

35

25

60

11

1 85

19

6

27

OAU

F

26

14

40

1 1

2 34

57

91

96

11

9 21

5 41

83

12

4 72

11

2 18

4 27

0 38

6 65

6 28

U

NIL

AG

F 57

78

13

5 30

37

67

61

77

13

8 30

63

93

32

51

83

47

57

10

4 25

7 36

3 62

0 29

C

OVE

NAN

T P

66

79

145

44

15

59

88

37

125

71

33

104

78

50

128

81

40

121

428

254

682

30

UN

AD

F 18

9 20

6 39

5 68

61

12

9 59

90

14

9 59

95

15

4 53

50

10

3 10

7 11

2 21

9 53

5 61

4 1,

149

31

LAS

U

S 13

1 17

0 30

1 76

11

0 18

6 52

10

9 16

1 64

62

12

6 N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

32

3 45

1 77

4 32

B

ABCO

CK

P 59

37

96

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

33

34

67

28

34

62

73

68

141

55

60

115

248

233

481

33

BO

WEN

P

37

23

60

20

15

35

54

30

84

70

52

122

104

59

163

50

33

83

335

212

547

34

RUN

P

6 2

8 18

19

37

22

27

49

21

17

38

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

36

16

52

103

81

184

35

BEL

LS

P N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

24

18

42

20

16

36

5 6

11

49

40

89

36

CAL

EB

P N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

N/A

N

/A

11

12

23

20

19

39

34

23

57

65

54

119

1,

582

1,77

4 3,

356

1,01

1 1,

271

2,28

2 1,

569

1,78

4 3,

353

1,70

1 1,

842

3,54

3 1,

512

1,67

1 3,

183

1,55

5 1,

677

3,23

2 8,

930

10,0

19

18,9

49,

Sout

h-w

est



Table 2.10 depicts enrolment by geo-political zone and gender from 2004/2005 to 2009/2010 while Figure 2.5 shows enrolment of female students in the seven zones for the same period. The south-east consistently had more than 50 per cent female accounting students over the entire period, with a high point of 67.5 per cent female students in 2004/2005. The south-south and south-west zones fluctuated between 45 and 53 per cent female enrolment over the period, with the other geo-political zones well below the 50 per cent mark and, in many cases, below 30 per cent. The enrolment dataindicate that female students are marginalised in the north-central, north-east and north-west zones, while males are disadvantaged in the south-east, south-west and south-south zones.

Figure 2.5. Female enrolment by geo-political zone, 2004/05-2009/10

NC

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

2005/62004/5 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9 2009/10

NE

NW

SE

SS

SW

Table 2.10. Enrolment by geo-political zone and gender, 2004/05-2009/10

GE

OP

OL

ITIC

AL

Z

ON

E

Y

EA

R

2004

/05

2005

/06

2006

/07

2007

/08

2008

/09

2009

/10

G

rand

Tot

al

F

MT

FM

TF

MT

FM

TF

MT

FM

TF

MT

%

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T

Nor

th-c

entr

al

220

371

591

208

325

533

225

332

557

336

459

795

159

253

412

303

472

775

1,45

1 2,

212

3,66

3

%

13.9

1 20

.9

37.2

20

.6

25.6

39

14

.3

18.6

40

.4

19.8

24

.9

42.3

1.

5 15

.1

38.6

19

.5

28.1

39

.1

16.2

22

.08

39.6

1

Nor

th-e

ast

43

114

157

0 0

0 25

54

79

71

14

1 21

2 51

12

9 18

0 34

54

88

22

4 49

2 71

6

%

2.71

8 6.

43

27.4

0

0 0

1.59

3.

03

31.6

4.

17

7.65

33

.5

3.37

7.

72

28.3

2.

19

3.22

38

.6

2.51

4.

911

31.2

8

Nor

th-w

est

24

81

105

29

107

136

37

113

150

47

137

184

54

177

231

51

153

204

242

768

1,01

0

%

1.51

7 4.

57

22.9

2.

87

8.42

21

.3

2.36

6.

33

24.7

2.

76

7.44

25

.5

3.57

10

.6

23.4

3.

28

9.12

25

2.

71

7.66

5 23

.96

Sou

th-e

ast

310

149

459

168

153

321

316

267

583

208

104

312

306

191

497

320

217

537

1,62

8 1,

081

2,70

9

%

19.6

8.

4 67

.5

16.6

12

52

.3

20.1

15

54

.2

12.2

5.

65

66.7

20

.2

11.4

61

.6

20.6

12

.9

59.6

18

.2

10.7

9 60

.1

Sou

th-s

outh

41

4 45

0 86

4 34

9 42

8 77

7 56

3 55

7 1,

120

565

496

1,06

1 52

1 52

5 1,

046

360

322

682

2,77

2 2,

778

5,55

0

%

26.1

7 25

.4

47.9

34

.5

33.7

44

.9

35.9

31

.2

50.3

33

.2

27.4

53

.3

34,5

31

.4

49.8

23

.2

19.2

52

.8

31

27.7

3 49

.95

Sou

th-w

est

571

609

1,18

0 25

7 25

8 51

5 40

3 46

1 86

4 47

4 50

5 97

9 42

1 39

6 81

7 48

7 45

9 94

6 2,

613

2,68

8 5,

301

%

36.0

9 34

.3

48.4

25

.4

20.3

49

.9

25.7

25

.8

46.6

27

.9

27.4

48

.4

27.8

23

.7

51.5

31

.3

27.4

51

.5

29.3

26

.86

49.2

9

Gra

nd t

otal

1,

582

1,77

43,

356

1,0

111,

271

2,28

21,

569

1,78

43,

353

1,70

11,

842

3,54

31,

512

1,6

713,

183

1,55

51,

677

3,23

28,

930

10,0

1918

,94

9

Sou

rce:

JA

MB

; uni

vers

ity

acad

emic

pla

nnin

g re

cord

sS

ourc

e: J

AM

B; u

niv

ersi

ty a

cad

emic

pla

nn

ing

reco

rds



Enrolment in accounting programmes by university type and gender for the period 2004/2005 to 2009/2010 is shown in Table 2.11 and Figure 2.6. In four out of the six academic sessions under study, enrolment in accounting programmes was highest in state universities for both male and female students, although federal institutions took the lion’s share of enrolment in the 2009/2010 session. However, while total enrolment in accounting programmes was lowest in private universities for the entire period under study, there were more female than male accounting students at these institutions in each of the academic years. Federal universities systematically enrolled more male students in accounting programmes than female students.

500

600

700

800

900

1000

400

300

200

100

Private State Federal

2004

/5

2004

/5

2005

/6

2005

/6

2006

/7

2006

/7

2007

/8

2007

/8

2008

/9

2008

/9

2009

/10

2009

/10

0

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

Figure 2.6. Enrolment by university type and gender, 2004/05-2009/10

Table 2.11. Enrolment by university type and gender, 2004/05-2009/10

UN

IVE

RS

ITY

T

YP

E

YEAR

200

4/0

5

20

05/

06

20

06

/07

20

07/

08

200

8/0

9

20

09/

10

G

rand

Tot

al

F

MT

FM

TF

MT

FM

TF

MT

FM

TF

MT

%

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T F/

∑F

M/∑

M

F/T

F/∑F

M

/∑M

F/

T

Pri

vate

22

3 16

5 38

8 11

8 74

19

2 26

6 18

8 45

4 39

1 29

3 68

4 40

5 30

5 71

0 31

6 22

2 53

8 1,

719

1,24

7 2,

966

%

14.1

9.

3 57

.4

11.7

5.

8 61

.5

16.9

5 10

.54

58.6

22

.99

15.9

57

.2

26.7

9 18

.3

57.0

20

.3

13.2

58

.7

19.2

12

.4

58

Sta

te

713

820

1,55

3 47

3 61

9 1,

092

691

716

1,40

7 64

4 61

0 1,

254

675

721

1,39

6 47

9 56

5 1,

044

3,67

5 4,

051

7,72

6

%

45.1

46

.2

45.9

46

.8

48.7

43

.3

44.0

4 40

.13

49.1

37

.86

33.1

1 51

.4

44.6

4 43

.1

48.4

30

.8

33.7

45

.9

41.2

40

.4

47.6

Fede

ral

646

789

1,43

5 42

0 57

8 99

8 61

2 88

0 1,

492

666

939

1,60

5 43

2 64

5 1,

077

760

890

1,65

0 3,

536

4,72

1 8,

257

%

40.8

44

.5

45.0

1 41

.54

45.5

42

.08

39.0

1 49

.33

41.0

39

.15

50.9

8 41

.5

28.5

7 38

.6

40.1

48

.9

53.1

46

.1

39.6

47

.1

42.8

Tot

al

1,58

21,

774

3,37

61,

011

1,27

12,

282

1,56

91,

784

3,35

31,

701

1,84

23,

543

1,51

21,

671

3,18

31,

555

1,6

773,

232

8,93

010

,019

18,9

49

Source: JAMB; university academic planning records



5.2 Perception and career choiceA total of 400 questionnaires were distributed to each of the seven universities chosen as primary data sites. The response rate per university is shown in Table 5.12 and Figure 2.7. Out of the 2,800 questionnaires

administered in total, 2,047 were returned completed and found usable for the analysis. This amounts to an overall response rate of 73.1 per cent. In addition, FGDs were conducted at University of Benin and Covenant University to gather additional qualitative data.

Figure 2.7. Response rate of respondents at seven selected universities

050

100150200250300350400

Covenant U

nivers

ity, O

ta

Univers

ity of B

enin, Benin

Usmanu D

an Fodio Unive

rsity

, Sokoto

Adamawa S

tate

Unive

rsity

, Mudi

Ebonyo S

tate

Unive

rsity

Bayero

Unive

rsity

, Kano

Univers

ity of I

lorin, I

lorin

The gender mix of respondents was 44 per cent female and 56 per cent male accounting students. Within this overall female to male ratio of 44:56, datarevealed that in southern Nigeria accounting students are predominantly female, while the reverse is the case in northern Nigeria.The highest female participation was in Covenant University in the south-west zone with 26.3 per cent females, while the lowest was from Usmanu Dan Fodio University in the north-west zone with 31 (3.5 per cent). This may be due to the religious and cultural beliefs of the people.

The respondents were accounting studentsfrom all academic levels – from 100 level to 400 level. This was

broken down as follows: 23.8 per cent of respondents were level 100 students;27.4 per cent were level 200;24.6 per cent were level 300; and 24.2 per cent were level 400 students. Thirty three per cent of the respondents were aged 15 to 20 years, 48.2 per cent were aged 21 to 25, 18.8 per cent were aged 25 and over. Most of the female respondents (442) were aged 15 to 20 years.

Ethnicity data showthat 15.8 per cent of the respondents were Ibo, 27.2 per cent were Yoruba and 16.6 per cent were Hausa. The remaining 40.4 per cent included Fulani, Margi, Edo and Ibibio minority groups. The ethnic group with the highest number of female respondents was the Yoruba tribe, while that with the least number of female participants was the Hausa tribe.

5.2.1 Perceived characteristics of accounting as a disciplineRespondents were asked to score 20 variables related to the perceived characteristics of accounting as a discipline. The Mann-Whitney U tests revealed significant differences in seven of the 20 variables – interesting, verbal, imagination, practical, dynamic, not stressful and new ideas. The most important characteristics indicated by female students are established rules (49.5 per cent strongly agreed, 41.6 per cent agreed), mathematical (42.5 per cent strongly agreed, 49.1 per cent agreed), and practical (47.9 per cent strongly

TOTAL

University Geo-political zone

Type of university

No.questionnaires distributed

No.questionnaires retrieved

Response rate

Covenant University, Ota South-west Private 400 329 82.25% University of Benin, Benin South-south Federal 400 333 83.25% Usmanu Dan Fodio University, Sokoto

North-west Federal 400 179 44.75%

Adamawa State University, Mudi

North-east State 400 379 94.75%

Ebonyi State University South-east State 400 146 36.5% BayeroUniversity,Kano North-west Federal 400 400 100% University of Ilorin, Ilorin North-central Federal 400 281 70.25%

2,800 2,047 73.1%

Table 2.12. Response rate of respondents at seven selected universities



agreed, 36.6 per cent agreed). For male students, the most important factors were practical (54.6 per cent strongly agreed, 36 per cent agreed), established rules (50 per cent strongly agreed, 41.3 per cent agreed), and interesting (50.3 per cent strongly agreed, 41.6 per cent agreed). Female respondents at the University of Ilorin, Usmanu Dan Fodio University, andBayero University, all in the northern zones of Nigeria, also indicated that accounting as a discipline was demanding. This may be one reason why the accounting programme is dominated by men. Neither female nor male perceive accounting not to be boring or unimaginative, but both considered it to be stressful.

Conversely, however, the focus group discussions conducted in two selected universities revealed that nearly all participants perceived accounting as boring, demanding, narrow, quantitative, rules-based, and lacking in room for creativity and innovation.

5.2.2 Perceived benefits of a career in accountingAs regards the perceived benefits of accounting as a career, Mann-Whitney U tests reveal significant differences in three of the variables – short-term earnings, social status and ability to specialise. However, female and male students’ perceptionsdid not differ significantly as regards other career benefits. The most important perceived benefit for both the female and male respondents was job security, with a mean score of 4.60 and 4.57 respectively. The result is in line with the studies of Chagelosi et al. (1995) and Bundy and Norris (1992), who identified job security as the most important benefit that influenced the choice of accounting as a career. Other highly perceived benefits by female and male students were job availability (female mean = 4.45, male mean = 4.38), high earnings (female mean = 4.39, male mean = 4.32) and ability to specialise (female mean = 4.47, male mean = 4.48). The least influential factor for female and male respondents was short-term earnings (female mean = 3.32, male mean = 3.20). 5.2.3 Perceived constraints of a career in accounting Significant differences were noted in the responses of male and female respondents for five of the nine variables related to the perceived constraints of a career in accounting. These were the cost of qualifying as a chartered accountant, low earnings, job inadequacy, cumbersome work activities and family responsibilities.

No significant differences occurred for the other four variables. The factor having the greatest negative influence in thechoice of a career in accounting for both female and male respondentswas the time required toqualify as a chartered accountant (female mean = 4.37, male mean = 4.33). The second strongest negative influence for females and males alike was the financial cost of qualifying as a chartered accountant (female mean = 4.333, male mean = 4.20), while the third strongest negative factor was principled career (F mean = 4.16, M mean = 4.12).

In the FGDs conducted in two selected universities, the perceived constraints affecting women within the accounting profession included a rigid work system and conditions.

5.2.4 Perceived discrimination in the accounting professionAs regards perceived discrimination in the accounting profession, significant differences occurred between female and male responses in two out of the four variables. Neither female nor male respondents strongly believed that there is discrimination in the accounting profession. The mean of the four variables for both sexes ranged between 2.36 and 2.85. However, a higher proportion of females strongly agreed that women are less preferred by employers than men (female = 17.9 per cent, male = 14.5 per cent); that women are not promoted as quickly as men in the work place (female = 12.3 per cent, male = 8.3 per cent); and that women are refused benefits and other privileges that their male counterparts receive (female = 11.5 per cent, male = 7 per cent).

During the FGDs conducted at University of Benin and Covenant University, the perceived discrimination affecting women in the accounting profession included the traditional belief that women are meant to stay at home, marital responsibility and recruitment policies that favour male accountants over their female counterparts.

5.2.5 Career choice motivation As regards factors influencing career choice, Mann-Whitney U tests revealed significant differences between male and female respondents in all the variables except for self-interest, which emerged as the most influential career choice factor for both female and male respondents, with means of 4.29 and



4.24 respectively. The majority of respondents gave affirmative responses regarding this variable (female = 84.6 per cent; male = 84.8 per cent). The second and third most influential factors for both male and female respondents were the chance to make a contribution and awareness of professional bodies. The three least influential factors for female respondents were culture, peer pressure, and friends of family, with the average for the sample standing at 2.17, 2.19 and 2.41 respectively. Similarly, culture, peer pressure, and parental pressure were least influential for male respondents, with average responses of 2.72, 2.83 and 2.92 respectively.

During the two FGDs, participants cited prestige, affluence of the profession, job availability, self-interest, parents’ advice and teacher or career counsellors as the major factors that influenced their career choice.

5.2.6 Career aspirations after graduationThe factor most frequently chosen by female and male respondents in relation to career aspirations after graduationwas the desire to become a chartered accountant (female = 96.4 per cent,male = 95.7 per cent). The other mostly frequently chosen factorswere thedesire to start an accounting career when they graduated and the desire to reach their peak in the accounting profession. The least popular aspiration among both male and female respondents (female mean = 1.70) was to teach accounting. Other less popular accounting specialisations included insolvency (male mean = 2.00), forensic investigation (female mean = 1.82, male mean = 2.08), and taxation (female mean = 1.82, male mean = 2.09). A significant difference between responses from female and male studentswas noted for 10 out of the 15 variables. It was also noted that more female respondents than males desired to work as accountants in the industry, whereas more males than females desired to specialise as auditors. This suggests that accounting professional bodies should advocate for programmes that encourage female students by informing them of the benefits that accrue to various areas of specialisation, particularly auditing, bankruptcy, forensic accounting and taxation, which are distinctive areas of specialisation in the accounting profession in Nigeria.

The FGDs at University of Benin and Covenant University also revealed that almost all female participants had the desire to continue to pursue a career in accounting.

5.3 Summary of findingsThe study found that the universities owned by private investors and state governments enjoy the highest female enrolment in accounting in Nigeria.

According to the primary data, accounting studentsin southern Nigeria (south-east, south-west and south-south) are predominantly female, while the reverse is the case for northern Nigeria (north-central, north-east and north-west). This is in line with the findings of the secondary data on enrolment.Universities in the country’s north-east and north-west geo-political zones in particular are characterised by low enrolment of female students in accounting. The north-central zone is whereAbuja, the federal capital,is located. This may explain why this zone does notsuffer from the same low level of female enrolment affecting the north-east and north-west noted above. As observed earlier, girls in the northern zones experience religious and cultural restrictions, especially among those Muslimcommunities that reject western education, particularly for girls.

Female accounting students perceivedthe discipline to be rules-based, mathematical, boring, unimaginative and stressful. Accounting was also perceived as demanding, narrow, quantitative and rules-based. Nevertheless, the most important benefit of a career in accounting for female respondents wascited as job security. Other perceived benefits were job availability and high earnings, whileperceived constraints were the length of time required to qualify as a chartered accountant and the cost implication of qualifying. As regards factors influencing career choice, the most influential factor for female respondents was self-interest, followed by the chance to raise awareness among professional bodies. Other factors influencing career choice were cited as prestige, affluence of the profession, parents’ advice and teacher or career counsellor. Most female respondents desired to become chartered accountants and work as accountants in the industry. However, they did not want to teach accounting.

6. Conclusion and recommendations

Despite the gradual increase in female enrolment in accounting programmes in Nigerian universities, it was observed that enrolment of female students varied for private, state and federal universities. Private investors and state governments have the highest



female enrolment in accounting in Nigerian universities whereas federal universities have the lowest female enrolment. Universities in the north-east and north-west geo-political zones are predominantly responsible for this low enrolment. There is no substantial gender difference in the perception of female and male accounting students towards accounting. Most of the females perceive accounting to be rules-based, boring, unimaginative, stressful and narrow. They prefer to work in the industry as accountants rather than in the professional practice of accountancy. These responses can be linked to students’ self-efficacy, self-concept and environment, as advocated by Bandura (1986).

Empirical evidence shows that gender disparity is an issue in tertiary education enrolment in Nigeria. Strategies are required to increase women’s participation in higher education in Nigeria and for the achievement of EFA and MDGs by 2015. In addition, policies must enable the less privileged to have access to quality education provided by national and state education authorities as the tuition fees at private universities are very high and thus unaffordable for many.

1. A comprehensive national gender policy in tertiary educationthatsupports female enrolment, particularly in the northern zones, should be established in Nigeria to complement the existing National Gender Policy for basic education as follows:i. Increase opportunities for female students

through the provision of an admission quota system, particularly in favour of female accounting candidates.Since JAMB, which is the central body in charge of admission to tertiary institutions in Nigeria, has recognised educationally disadvantaged states and groups, with 20 per cent of the candidates admitted in each session to

belong to these groups, 5 per cent of this should go to female and male applicants in the north and the east zones, as they constitute a disadvantaged group due to cultural and religious factors, among others.

ii. Government at all levels should develop strategic plans for gender in tertiary education.

iii. Programmes such as mentoring and counselling, which can help female students to make informed career choices consistent with their self-image, should be established

The Federal Ministry of Education, JAMB and the Nigeria University Commission would be the vehicles for the delivery of this policy. Its implementation should be premised on existing related policies and on the Nigerian Constitution.

2. A quota system should be introduced that will favour female candidates in gaining admission into federal universities in Nigeria.

3. Tertiary institution teaching staff should make accounting more interesting for students. Accounting courses should be taught practically, and case studies should be used.

4. The accounting departments in Nigerian universities should amend the accounting curriculum to make room for innovation and creativity.

5. Professional accounting bodies in Nigeria should sensitise students on various specialisations in accounting practice. This will enable the students to know the various directions in which they could go after graduation and tailor their aspirations appropriately.



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Conclusion and recommendations for policy and practice

The research in this volume provides clear evidence that it is possible to improve gender equality in education if the right policies and interventions are put in place, and if the interventions are evaluated on the basis of gender-disaggregated data.

Evidence generated from this body of research also supports FAWE’s mission to create positive societal attitudes, policies and practices that promote equity for girls in terms of access, retention, performance and quality by influencing the transformation of African education systems.

Gender-responsive schooling practicesWhat happens in teaching and learning processes in the classroom plays a big role in determining how well girls and boys participate in education, and whether they stay in school and do well in their studies. Because teachers are central to the teaching and learning processes, their understanding and awareness of gender-responsiveness is key to the effective participation of girls and boys in learning processes.

The research in this volume builds on this notion by addressing gender-responsiveness in selected formal schools in three African countries, and highlights the hurdles that continue to stand in the way of girls’ full inclusion in formal schooling institutions.

In Liberia, an examination of the barriers that dissuade women from becoming teachers highlights the patrilineal assumptions woven into the cultural fabric of society. Such assumptions that girls are more resourceful in the home than in public institutional roles lead to fewer girls completing education, and thus fewer girls being available to become teachers. Policies that make schools more gender-sensitive will increase the number of female students in schools, and by extension the number of potential female teaching professionals.

In the same vein, the two analyses on the impact of child-friendly schools argue that girls’ achievement in school is not only highly dependent on the quality and sensitivity of teachers, but is also highly influenced by the presence of women in leadership positions. There is now, more than ever, a need to sensitise key stakeholders, to articulate the needs of female students, and to create educational avenues to allow women to take up leadership positions within their various communities.

Higher education, a site for knowledge productionHigher education systems have been characterised by deeply ingrained gender inequality, yet they are one of the most important sectors of resource formation. While higher education plays a vital role in knowledge production and information dissemination for developmental purposes, the lack of adequate female representation and participation in tertiary education accounts for the absence of women in positions of leadership within their various communities. While African women are key contributors to economic and social production, they have limited opportunities to contribute to or make major decisions. The research papers in this series challenge policy-makers to re-think and re-conceptualise higher education based on a policy of inclusiveness. They do this by developing strategic plans for gender mainstreaming at all levels, and in particular for providing gender-responsive environments to allow full participation of girls in tertiary education. In order for women to play an active role in the social and scientific development of their nations, specific measures have to be implemented to redress the glaring under-representation of women in higher education institutions. Such measures could include instituting gender mentoring and counselling programmes for support and guidance, making the curriculum more gender-responsive to attract and retain female students, and providing safe learning spaces for women to allow them to develop a sense of belonging in these institutional environments.

To influence more inclusive education policies that cater to the needs of girls, FAWE intends to use such evidence in its continuous engagement and dialogue with national governments, institutions of learning, and stakeholders in education. Gender equality matters as an instrument for development. Because education is the engine that drives development, it is critical that women be given adequate space and resources to enable them to reach their full potential to contribute both to their individual development and to that of their societies.



Gender equality in education is an integral instrument for economic growth. In global and national discourses, education is framed as an engine of growth that fuels national economies and sustainable development. Yet gender gaps in education persist as girls continue to lag behind their male counterparts in access, opportunities, and achievements.

This second volume of the FAWE Research Series unpacks issues in girls’ education in Africa, and highlights the need to remove barriers that prevent girls from reaching their full potential. In shedding light on some of the hurdles that stand in the way of girls’ education, the research looks at gender parity issues from multiple perspectives.

Using the child-friendly/girl-friendly school models, the research focuses on select institutions and their efforts in making formal schooling environments gender-responsive. While it investigates the extent to which schools are endowed with appropriate infrastructure, the research also looks at the policies and support programmes in place that make for safe, nurturing and gender-responsive learning environments.

This volume of the FAWE Research Series also highlights gender-responsive practices in institutions of higher education. Universities serve as sites where knowledge for economic growth and development is generated. How inclusive of women are these institutions that play a crucial role in generating new ideas and in accumulating and transmitting knowledge for sustainable development?

In its continuous dialogues and engagements with governments, policy-makers, and development partners, FAWE hopes to generate research that not only adds to the scant research on girls’ education but supports policy and advocacy efforts aimed at narrowing gender gaps in education and contributing towards gender equality in education and development.

©FAWE 2012 www.fawe.org

The Impact of Girl Friendly Schools in Rwanda

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