Some remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian «Dark Age» coin series

25
SOME REMARKS ON THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE PARTHIAN ‘DARK AGE’ COIN SERIES Ruben Vardanyan T he so-called ‘Parthian Dark Age’ problem chronologically embraces a period from the end of the 90s to the middle of the 50s B.C., that is, from the last years of Mithradates II’s reign or his death till the accession of Orodes II. As a rule, epigraphic documents and the coins of Parthian kings represent the dynastic name Arsakes ; only in exceptional cases we can find personal names of Parthian kings on the coins. As the Parthian throne passed from a king to his successor and there were no other claimants or co- rulers, the attributions of series, supported by the evidence of classical sources, are usually cor- rect. The above-mentioned peculiarity of Parthian coins causes serious problems in attributing when we have to deal with the coins of this unstable and troubled period. For that period, the classical sources provide four personal names of Parthian kings : Sinatrukes and his son Phraates (III) ; Mithradates (III) and Orodes (II), the sons of Phraates (III) ; and also Darius, a ruler of Me- dia Atropatene. The dated cuneiform tablets from Babylon mention two other names : Gotarzes and Orodes. The coins do not give other personal names except for Phraates (III) and Mithradates (III) on two latest issues of this period (S41.1 and S41.17). Thus, the main problem and the ultimate aim of numismatists’ research is the attribution of at least 9 series (S29-37). More than hundred years numismatists have been racking their brains over the following ques- tions : 1. correct sequence of series ; 2. simultaneous series, if any ; 3. several series, which only one king, but not many different kings, is responsible for ; 4. absolute chronology of series ; 5. attribution of series. None of these questions has an unambiguous and comprehensive answer. 1 As a result there is a diversity of theories suggested by the scholars. Suffice it to look at the Appendix 1 to be con- vinced of how knotty the problem is. There is no consensus about the interpretation of other sources either. In some key points the scholars translate and interpret the Babylonian tablets in different ways, which seems to be an im- portant source providing names and dates. Hence different quantity of years for their reign, and different absolute dates are given to the kings. 2 There are difficulties in dating and in interpreta- 1 There are much more questions posed by the coins, in- deed, and we can hardly answer them precisely. Here are some of them : 1. Why did not Mithradates II strike tetradrachms any longer after doing it at the beginning of his reign ? 2. What kind of symbol was the royal tiara, why did some kings wear it and why did not the others, or why was one and the same king represented now with tiara, now bear- headed ? Why did the tiara appear at the end of Mithradates II rule, disappear after Phraates III reign and reappear in the second half of the i century ad ? 3. What do the symbols in the centre of tiara signify ? What do the crests on some tiaras symbolize ? Are they sym- bols of different brunches of Arsacid dynasty, or religious symbols, or either ? Is there any sense in different patterns of dotted-linear arc-shaped ornamentation of tiara ? 5. Why were the kings of this period, beginning from Mi- thradates II, depicted with a hooked nose, except for S36 and 37 ? Why did this ‘fashion’ of nose change in S40 onwards ? 7. Why were the different titles «King of Kings Great Ar- saces », «King Great Arsaces », «King of Kings Arsaces » used and what was their real content ? Why is there not the title ‘Great’ on S29, then from S43 onwards ? 8. What’s the real content of the epithets «Teopator », «Filopator » and «Eupator », in view of the presence of these epithets on the coins of parricides Mithradates III and Orodes II as well ? 9. Why is the ‘archer’ the sole reverse type of tetradrachms from Mithradates II to Phraates III, and why was it replaced by other types from S39 ? 10. Why are not there monograms on drachms S28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 ? 11. What does the spiral torque and its various ends, or the necklace with round or square medallion symbolize ? Why does the one and the same king wear different types of these on some series ? Do these differences come from the coining authority or from the die-engravers fancy ? 2 Minns 1915, xxxv, pp. 34-41 ; Debevoise 1938, 48-53, 270 ; Si-

Transcript of Some remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian «Dark Age» coin series

SOME REMARKS ON THE ARRANGEMENTOF THE PARTHIAN ‘DARK AGE’ COIN SERIES

Ruben Vardanyan

The so-called ‘Parthian Dark Age’ problem chronologically embraces a period from the end of the 90s to the middle of the 50s B.C., that is, from the last years of Mithradates II’s reign or his death till the accession of Orodes II.

As a rule, epigraphic documents and the coins of Parthian kings represent the dynastic name Arsakes ; only in exceptional cases we can fi nd personal names of Parthian kings on the coins. As the Parthian throne passed from a king to his successor and there were no other claimants or co-rulers, the attributions of series, supported by the evidence of classical sources, are usually cor-rect. The above-mentioned peculiarity of Parthian coins causes serious problems in attributing when we have to deal with the coins of this unstable and troubled period. For that period, the classical sources provide four personal names of Parthian kings : Sinatrukes and his son Phraates (III) ; Mithradates (III) and Orodes (II), the sons of Phraates (III) ; and also Darius, a ruler of Me-dia Atropatene. The dated cuneiform tablets from Babylon mention two other names : Gotarzes and Orodes. The coins do not give other personal names except for Phraates (III) and Mithradates (III) on two latest issues of this period (S41.1 and S41.17). Thus, the main problem and the ultimate aim of numismatists’ research is the attribution of at least 9 series (S29-37).

More than hundred years numismatists have been racking their brains over the following ques-tions :

1. correct sequence of series ;2. simultaneous series, if any ;3. several series, which only one king, but not many diff erent kings, is responsible for ;4. absolute chronology of series ;5. attribution of series.None of these questions has an unambiguous and comprehensive answer. 1 As a result there is

a diversity of theories suggested by the scholars. Suffi ce it to look at the Appendix 1 to be con-vinced of how knotty the problem is.

There is no consensus about the interpretation of other sources either. In some key points the scholars translate and interpret the Babylonian tablets in diff erent ways, which seems to be an im-portant source providing names and dates. Hence diff erent quantity of years for their reign, and diff erent absolute dates are given to the kings. 2 There are diffi culties in dating and in interpreta-

1 There are much more questions posed by the coins, in-deed, and we can hardly answer them precisely. Here are some of them :

1. Why did not Mithradates II strike tetradrachms any longer after doing it at the beginning of his reign ?

2. What kind of symbol was the royal tiara, why did some kings wear it and why did not the others, or why was one and the same king represented now with tiara, now bear-headed ? Why did the tiara appear at the end of Mithradates II rule, disappear after Phraates III reign and reappear in the second half of the i century ad ?

3. What do the symbols in the centre of tiara signify ? What do the crests on some tiaras symbolize ? Are they sym-bols of diff erent brunches of Arsacid dynasty, or religious symbols, or either ? Is there any sense in diff erent patterns of dotted-linear arc-shaped ornamentation of tiara ?

5. Why were the kings of this period, beginning from Mi-thradates II, depicted with a hooked nose, except for S36 and 37 ? Why did this ‘fashion’ of nose change in S40 onwards ?

7. Why were the diff erent titles « King of Kings Great Ar-saces », « King Great Arsaces », « King of Kings Arsaces » used and what was their real content ? Why is there not the title ‘Great’ on S29, then from S43 onwards ?

8. What’s the real content of the epithets « Teopator », « Filopator » and « Eupator », in view of the presence of these epithets on the coins of parricides Mithradates III and Orodes II as well ?

9. Why is the ‘archer’ the sole reverse type of tetradrachms from Mithradates II to Phraates III, and why was it replaced by other types from S39 ?

10. Why are not there monograms on drachms S28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 ?

11. What does the spiral torque and its various ends, or the necklace with round or square medallion symbolize ? Why does the one and the same king wear diff erent types of these on some series ? Do these diff erences come from the coining authority or from the die-engravers fancy ?

2 Minns 1915, xxxv, pp. 34-41 ; Debevoise 1938, 48-53, 270 ; Si-

106 Ruben Vardanyan

tion of parchment documents from Avroman. 3 Nobody can say exactly what king is mentioned in the ostrakon from Nisa, dated 91/90 bc, where his genealogy is given ; the views on this point are also diff erent. 4 The classical sources are too scarce and barely the information they provide could be accepted as incontestable. This all indicates that studies of sources should be continued for making a rather reliable historical reconstruction possible.

I believe that other sources may be used in studying the coinage of this period, as much as they correspond to the information provided by the coins, which are for the present the only offi ciall source. It is necessary to drive all possible data from the coins and this is what several genera-tions of numismatists have been doing. Defi nite achievements have been made by W. Wroth, D. McDowell, G. Le Rider, A. Simonetta, N. Waggoner, K. Dobbins, O. Mørkholm, S. Loginov and A. Nikitin and other researchers (see References), and a number of argumentations retain their value from the numismatic standpoint. We owe D. Sellwood a greater part of contribution done in the fi eld of Parthian numismatics, including this period.

The problem is so complicated that the abundance of opposite theories, particularly historical ones, is not surprising. In this article, I have no intention to reveal all above mentioned numis-matic problems – for this purpose a voluminous monograph would be needed. Now we have some new numismatic material in our disposal and we can use possibilities of analyzing which have not been applied or fully applied yet. In this article only the fi rst out of above mentioned questions – sequence of series – is under consideration.

This study only deals with the details of obverse and reverse design or iconography, which ei-ther have not been paid due attention to, or have not been properly evaluated, or the information containing in the changes or links of these details have not been adequately used for asserting the position of some series in their sequence. It regards the details of the royal portraiture and legend of coins in particular, which may seem insignifi cant at fi rst sight. In the lately published numismatic material there are also some remarkable specimens such as ‘mule’ drachms for ex-ample or specimens having some deviations from the normal issues or deliberately altered coins. There are some interesting coins of this type in the collection of History Museum of Armenia still unpublished.

The most obvious peculiarity of the coinage of this period which diff ers it from the previous and subsequent periods is the existence of two various patterns of portraiture : bear-headed (S27, 30, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41) and with tiara (S28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 39). The bear-headed diademed portrait springs up at the time of Mithradates I, and replacing the portrait type with the satrapal headdress (kirbasia), endures until 140s ad. In the course of this long period, it was subjected to a number of iconographical and stylistic changes. For the period under discussion, if we are guided only by comparative analysis of this group of portraiture, we can obtain the sequence of series thanks to the fact that the royal portraits reveal certain heredity. Every innovation in the iconography and style of bear-headed portraiture has its defi nite place in the successive range. Such particularity of this series of the royal portrait is more clearly seen in the changes of king’s hairstyle and the ways of its representation on S30 tetradrachms, which is fi rst noted by Dobbins (1975, 27-28), and then, by Mørkholm (1980, 36-37).

We cannot say the same about the portrait with tiara as here we have rather diff erent portraits and it is diffi cult to classify them only on the basis of the iconography and style. Even the whole complex of arguments seems insuffi cient for a defi nite solution. Though the evolution of the se-ries bearing portraits with tiara is visible enough, yet there are some diffi culties in determination of the sequence of S29, 31, 32, 33 and 34, and their places in the coinage of the discussed period, as well as their connections with the bear-headed portrait series and the character of their rela-

monetta 1966, 18-21, 39 ; Dobbins 1975, 19-25 ; Sellwood 1976, 24-25 ; Assar 2000, 12-22. See also Appendix 2.

3 Debevoise 1938, 47-48, note 70 ; Dobbins 1975, 21, note 10 ;

Arnaud 1987, 135, note 10. G. Assar even passes by in silence this document, Assar 2000, pp. 14 and 16.

4 D’jakonov, Livšic 1960, 20-21, 113 ; 1966, 143, note 28 ; Bickerman 1966 ; Chaumont 1968, Koshelenko 1976.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 107

tions. These are the main reasons why the fi ve above-mentioned series appear in diff erent posi-tions in the classifi cation schemes. It looks as if each of the types with tiara appeared and then disappeared having somehow a connection with bear-headed types that compose the principal axis of coinage. But this main distinction between the two groups – presence or absence of tiara – and almost all other features (iconographical, stylistic, metrological and technical) are in gen-eral common for these two groups and have the same trend of evolution.

S30, which is the most abundant by diff erent issues series, takes the central place in the coinage of this period. It plays the key part in determining the sequence of series since by a number of points it is linked with the previous and the subsequent series, and very likely, with the simultane-ous ones. Certain common monograms on this and other series, some ‘mule’ drachms and sec-ondary details, which are rather habitual or inherited than deliberate, confi rm this suggestion.

The direction of left side word in the legend of drachms S27, 28, 29, 32, 33 is from top to bottom , while S30, 31 and 34, having the same direction for left side word, present also from bottom

to top variety . The latter one does not appear any more on other series. On the other hand, for S30, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43 and following series the word or words at the bottom of the legend are directed from right to left , as on all previous series. In these series, however, there are also issues where the words at the bottom are written from left to right . Thus, on the strength of this particularity two large and one intermediate (S30, 31, 34) groups emerge where S30 acts as a link, since it is presented in the second large group as well.

When arranging the series by another peculiarity of secondary character – the position of words in the upper left corner of the legend – one can obtain the following groups :

S28, 29, 30, 33 S30, 34 S31, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41 and so on.

Here, there are also two large and one intermediate group, where S30 is connected only with S34 and links with the fi rst group, while S31, in this case, comes to be in the second large group.

The design of the legend, which applies more to the conscious than to the customary fi eld and depends more on the minting authority and quantity of king’s titles, gives the following groups :

S27, 28, 30, 32, 33 S29, 30 (‘campaign’ coins) and 34 S31, 35, 36, 40, 42, 43, 45 5

We can see that according to this peculiarity the series may be divided into two big and one in-termediate group as well. This latter group represents, in the main, S29 and 34, and the S30 if in-cluding ‘campaign’ issues where on the right side is added a place name (NISAIA, TRAXIANE, etc.). So here, S30 also partially reveals its role of an intermediary. It is noteworthy that S31 comes to be again in the second undoubtedly later large group.

Finally, we can notice some regularity in the position of words on the right side of the leg-end :

BASILEWN S27, 28BASILEWN ARSAKOU S29MEGALOU S30, 33MEGALOU ARSAKOU S34ARSAKOU S31, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, etc.ARSAKOU MEGALOU S41

Here, S30 also links with S33 and is closer to S34, which takes some intermediate position and links with S30 (Shore 1993, no. 148), while S31 yet again is connected with the later series.

5 The design of legend on S38 and S39 almost the same as on second large group, the only diff erence is that at the bot-tom misses a word.

108 Ruben Vardanyan

These considerations let us come to the conclusion that S30 is really a key series closely related to S29, 31, and 34, and what is more, S29 and 34 tend more towards the earlier series, while S31 – to the later ones.

In the long series of Mithradates II’s coinage the evolution of king’s portrait is clearly seen. On his coins the king is represented in youthful, then in mature and, on his latest series, in venerable age. Besides ageing his face changes the shape of his nose which becomes more and more aqui-line and, fi nally, prominently hooked. The hair style remains the same, but the beard, shown very short on his earliest series, grows gradually and becomes very long and hairy with his moustache growing down (S28).

The iconography of king’s portrait type I on S30 tetradrachms (see below) is in the main similar to that on Mithradates II’s earliest series S23 tetradrachms : youthful face, slightly aquiline nose, approximately the same hairstyle, very short beard. On consequent series the physique features of the king, such as nose, shape of beard and moustache, showing age specifi cities, alter. There-fore, the further evolution of the portrait is manifested more in the changes of hairstyle.

The tetradrachms of S30 present a range of king’s portraiture in which fi ve successive types are distinguished. Every portrait type associates with specifi c features on reverse.

i type. Bust of king with youthful features and aquiline nose. The hair is shown revealing the ear ; the locks above the diadem are drawn in two rows of thin lines. He has a very short beard and little moustache. The knot of diadem behind the head is shown as a dot. Pellet border.

On the reverse, the front leg of the throne is not shown (except for Figure 1 : 1, perhaps the fi rst issue). Monograms in the exergue (Fig. 1 : 1-2).

ii type. Bust of king with youthful features (but diff erent than on type I) and aquiline nose. The hair is shown covering the ear, the diadem depicted above in two ranges of thin wavy lines ; the locks below the diadem are drawn in four rows of short wavy lines. He has a short beard and a growing down moustache. The knot of diadem is shown as a dot. Pellet border or dotted border.

On the reverse, the front leg of the throne is not shown. Monogram SUM in exergue (Fig. 1 : 3) – in association with pellet border on obverse, and two others, above the bow – in association with dotted border on obverse (Fig. 1 : 4-8).

iii type. Bust of king with mature features and aquiline nose. The hair covers the ear, depicted above the diadem in thin wavy lines ; the locks below the diadem are shown in two short and one long range of dense and thin wavy lines ending at the bottom by a range of ringlets. Short beard, growing down moustache. The knot of diadem is shown as a dot. Dotted border.

On the reverse, the front leg of the throne is not shown. Monogram above the bow (Fig. 2).iv type. Bust of king (elongated pattern) with mature features and aquiline nose, mainly similar

to previous type, but the eye is depicted with an outstanding convex pupil. The hair covers the ear, and the locks, below the diadem, are drown as on Type iii, but above the diadem they are treated in short thin lines. Short beard, moustache almost horizontal, barely grown up. The diadem is broader and its knot is shown like a little loop. Dotted border.

On the reverse, the front leg of the throne is not depicted. Monograms above the archer’s bow (Fig. 3).

v type. Bust of king with mature features, aquiline nose, and an outstanding convex pupil. The hair covers the ear ; the locks below the diadem are depicted in four rows of curls and the hair above the diadem is drowning in double parallel lines. He has a short beard, shown in two rows of curls, and a growing up moustache. Broad diadem has a prominent loop behind the head. Dot-ted border. King’s dress has a more conventional design than on the previous types, treated in a number of vertical parallel rows of dots sometimes between parallel lines.

On the reverse, the front leg of the throne is fully depicted (except for Figure 4 : 1, perhaps the fi rst issue with this portrait type). Monograms above the bow, below the bow, above and below the bow (Fig. 4).

As we have seen, the evolution of S30 royal portrait together with other typological details makes it possible to set up the sequence of issues in this series. Being a key and considerable

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 109

Fig. 1.

length of time coinage, in S30 there are defi nite links with other series, some of which have al-ready been pointed out by the scholars discussing them. Now, taking into account the existence of above revealed group of issues, we will examine those series which have connections particu-larly with S30.

110 Ruben Vardanyan

Fig. 2.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 111

Fig. 3.

112 Ruben Vardanyan

Fig. 4.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 113

S34. The tetradrachms with portrait types i and ii are the earliest issues of S30, two of which (Fig. i.3 and i.5) have in the reverse exergue the monogram SUM. The same monogram is seen on the tetradrachm S34, at the same position. Noting this connection, N. Waggoner has correctly con-cluded that S30 and S34 must have approximated each other in time to some degree, and that S34 to be placed between S30 and S31 (Waggoner 1974, 24-25). This observation has not been accepted by most of the scholars though (see Appendix 1).

We may adduce some additional arguments corroborating N. Waggoner’s remark. The front leg of the archer’s throne on the tetradrachms with portrait types i-iv of S30 series is not shown.6 Precisely in the same manner the throne on S34 tetradrachm is depicted. Such rendering of the throne is no longer met on the other tetradrachms of this period (Fig. 5). And as far as the mon-ogram SUM occurs only on the S30 issues with portrait types i and ii and on tetradrachm of S34, the latter must be considered as contemporaneous to those (Fig. 1).

A ‘mule’ drachm from F. Shore ex-collection (Fig. 1 : 13), cut with reverse die of S34 drachm, has on obverse a king’s portrait corresponding to portrait type ii of S30 drachms (see the manner of representation of the hair above the diadem) indicating thus again that S34 to be closer to the earliest two issues of S30.

Another detail as intersection MEGA LOU, for which there are also rather responsible die-en-gravers, as in the case of the throne, than mint authorities, after examination a lot of specimens, we fi nd only on S30 and S34 drachms (Fig. 7 : 3 and 4, Table 2). The correlation of the words in the upper left corner of the legend, , occurs only on S34 and on some specimens of S30.

S31. D. Sellwood, in two editions of his Coinage of Parthia, mentions S31/3 (1971) and S31.4 (1980) issues of tetradrachms that have monogram on the reverse, below the archer’s bow. I have not met any specimen of this in the publications, but the double mention of the existence of S31 tetradrachm with this monogram should witness that there is no mistake. The same monogram,

, is also found on S30.9 issue, above and below the archer’s bow (Fig. 4 : 3-4). 7 We have seen above that S31, by a number of its typological indications, is undoubtedly closer to later series. Hence the appearance of an identical monogram on the last issues of S30, bearing portrait type v, and on S31 is not accidental. This is not the only link between these two series. The represen-tation of the throne on S31 tetradrachms has its sole parallel on S30.11 tetradrachm with the title « Euseb » (Fig. 4 : 9 and Fig. 5), one of the latest issues of this series. It should be reminded that by the design of its legend, , this series links with the later ones, S35, S36, S40, S42, etc., and again we fi nd such a strange form of correlation of words in the upper left corner of the legend as on S35, S38 and S39. On drachms, the archer is depicted smaller ; the line under his feet is not as clearer as on earlier series. Another detail, the right collar of the king’s robe shown in a dotted row on S31 tetradrachms seems to be also diagnostic since we fi nd the same on S36 tetradrachms, coming just after S30.

All considered we may ascertain that S31 is contemporaneous or close in time to the latest is-sues of S30 and that S31 has obviously appeared after S34.

S34 and S31. There are patent links between these two series as well. All scholars have, in any case, noted this relationship, but their conclusions were not always adequate. Actually, the com-parison of iconography of royal tiaras of these two series provides us with the evidence that S34 has preceded S31. On S34 the king bears a tiara whose distinctions are so-called ‘fl eur-de-lys’ sym-bol and a crest with a range of pairs of pellets on stalks. The drachms present two types of ti-ara – S34.i and S34.ii. On S31 tetradrachms and most of drachms the king bears a tiara with a star on the side (S31.i), without a crest. This kind of tiara is decorated with three dotted rows as S34.i. Fewer specimens show a tiara with ‘fl eur-de-lys’ symbol, ornamented with four rows, one of which is represented in bigger pellets (S31.ii). This ornamentation is exactly similar to S34.ii as well as by the ‘fl eur-de-lys’ symbol on the side (but on S31 without crest of pellets).

6 With the exception of S30.13 (Fig. 1 : 2) that may be re-garded as the fi rst issue in this series.

7 The monogram of Figure 4 : 2 is diff ered from this rep-resenting a D inserted into H.

114 Ruben Vardanyan

Tetradrachms Drachms Drachms

S34 ‘fl eur-de-lys’ / tiara ii ‘fl eur-de-lys’ / tiara i ‘fl eur-de-lys’ / tiara ii

S31 star / tiara i star / tiara i ‘fl eur-de-lys’ / tiara ii

It is noteworthy that the king’s tiara on all issues of S34 is adorned with ‘fl eur-de-lys’ symbol while S31 presents only a small issue of drachms having this symbol (S34.4, 5), and on all other issues of tetradrachms, drachms and bronzes the tiara is decorated with a star. It point out that when

Fig. 5.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 115

striking the S31 drachms, the pattern of the tiara of the former series was possibly used before establishing a new one or it was necessary for the king responsible for S31 to show this relation.

Finally, it is to be mentioned also the cases of partial or complete erasing from the obverse die of S34 drachms the distinctive symbols of this series : a crest with a range of pellets on stalks and ‘fl eur-de-lys’ adorning the tiara and an anchor placed behind the king’s head (S34.5-8). The ob-verses of the drachms cut with these dies tended to be similar to those of S31, especially S34.8 on which the anchor, pellets and fl eur-de-lys are erased from the die. There can be diff erent explana-tions concerning the author and aim of these alterations, 8 nevertheless this is an additional argu-ment for S34 being earlier than S31.

S37. There are many fi rm indications showing a close relation between S37 and latest issues of S30. One of the most evident is the presence of the letter B below the bow on the reverse both of S30.1, with the portrait type v, and S37 (Fig. 5). There are some other indicators that are linked on the one hand with S30, and on the other hand with S36 and consequent series. It is only on S37 that any tiara-wearing portrait has long hair (treated as on S30, portrait type v, and S36) that is visible from beneath the tiara on the neck. The embroidery of king’s robe on the right shoulder and on the chest is conventionally treated in vertical parallel lines of dots that we can see only on the portrait type v of S30. The right side collar of king’s robe is shown in two lines as on the portrait types iv and v of S30. We also fi nd this detail on S39 and S44. The loop of the diadem is a detail which occurs on S30 (portrait type v), S36, S44 and, to a certain extent, on S38. We fi nd the round edge of the tiara, shown in two dotted rows, only on S39 tetradrachms and on some drachms. In its physical features this portrait is closer to S36 and S44 (straight nose, short mous-tache). The titulature of king, the design and arrangement of the words of the legend is identi-cal to S36. The correlation of the words in the upper right side of the tetradrachm legend, , is related to those of S30 (portrait type v), S36 and S39 (see Table 1).

S33. This, undoubtedly early, series after long wanderings in diff erent parts of classifi cation lists has fi nally found its place owing to the new studies and new evidence. On the basis of the die-en-graver sequence for the Parthian drachms, D. Sellwood placed this series after S29 (Sellwood 1976, 7). A drachm, published in Triton vii, represents on the obverse a portrait which is much similar to that of Mithradates II’s portrait on S28, with the characteristic nose, cheeks, long beard and sharply growing down moustache, but wearing a tiara that we see on S33. 9 The legend is also that of S33. In the commentary to this coin, G. Assar has legitimately concluded that it must be one of the earliest issues of S33. 10 The same author, in one of his papers, mentions two more drachms, one of which has S28 reverse and S33 obverse, while the other one, also with S33 reverse, has an S30 obverse, I well hope, with one of the earliest portrait types of this series. 11

S31 obverse and S33 reverse. In the Parthian collection of History Museum of Armenia there is a drachm (Fig. 7 : 1) that has S33 reverse and a portrait type of obverse similar to S31, whose sym-bol adorning the tiara is not visible. The stamping of obverse is clear enough and it is evidently struck with a fresh die while the reverse is struck with a worn one. The king’s portrait in its phys-ical aspects and the shape of the beard is closer to that on S31 than S33. However, at the lower part of the tiara, to the left, near the diadem we can see a dot that cannot be found on any other specimens of S31. The distance between the top of the tiara and the dotted border is rather big while on any other specimen of S31 it is not the case. This all together – the dot, the absence of the symbol, the great distance between the tiara and the border – indicates that the crest in range of stags has been obliterated from the die in order to make it similar to S31 portrait.

This drachm shows once more that S33 is earlier than S31, but it is also evident, as it has been proved above, that between the two series there is at least S34. 12

8 Simonetta 1966, 34 ; Sellwood 1971, 34 ; Assar in Triton vii, 2004, 117.

9 I have seen another similar exemplar in the Parthian col-lection of the Fitzwilliam Museum (inv. no. 8-1948). I am tak-ing the opportunity to thank Adrian Popescu, the assistant keeper of ancient coins.

10 In Triton vii, 2004, 116, no. 428.11 Assar 2000, p. 18. Both drachms are from D. Sellwood

Collection.12 S39 obverse and S31 reverse. S. Loginov and A. Nikitin

adduce a specimen, apparently struck from recut obverse die, as an argument demonstrating that S33 follows S31, Logi-

116 Ruben Vardanyan

These ‘mules’ are very useful in attempting to determine the sequence of series. However we cannot always apprehend them in the right way if other components of coin design are not tak-en into consideration. It is to be noted that in a case if an alteration is needed, it always the ob-verse die that was altered. Either it was changed by a new one (struck with S30 obverse and S34 reverse die) or was subjected to iconographic ‘editing’ (struck with S33 altered to S31 obverse die and S33 reverse die ; with S31 altered to S39 obverse die and S31 reverse die). It seems that in such cases the reverse was not paid much attention to because its appearance was identical on drachms of all kings, diff ering only by titles and their arrangement in the legend. This latter fact could be remanded imperceptible for the overwhelming majority of subjects since barely many of them were literate in Greek. However, the ‘mule’ and altered drachms are exceptions caused by some forced circumstances.

S29. S28 harmoniously comes after S27, then most of the scholars place S29, known only by drachms. The king’s effi gy having much resemblance to S28 and the presence of ‘king of kings’ title, seem a solid ground for attributing S29 to Mithradates II. However, there are some impedi-ments for such attribution. First of all, the fact that on S27 and S28 Mithradates II is shown in ex-tremely old age, with very long beard, emphatically hooked characteristic nose (on many speci-mens resembling a question-mark, turned upside-down) gives rise to doubts. Though on S29, the king’s beard is long, it is considerably shorter than on S28 and the nose, if it is not straight, is not so hooked as on S27 and S28. The portraiture on S29 is smaller, narrower and elongated. By these characteristics, S29 resembles more S33. If S29 is attributed to Mithradates II, this kind of sharp changes seems strange for a king whose coinage had regular and consistent development.

S32. May be the most diffi cult case is fi nding a place for this in the sequence of ‘Dark Age’ se-ries (Fig. 4 : 11 and Fig. 7 : 2). The king is shown with narrowing to the point beard, growing down moustache, with rather straight than aquiline nose and wearing a tiara with a star in the centre. A strictly profi le torso, a palm branch on the reverse fi eld right and a monogram placed behind the archer can only be seen on S24 tetradrachms of Mithradates II. On the series of the discussed period the torso was depicted more or less in ¾ position. By physical appearance of the king (a nose, a beard, a tiara with a star, profi le torso) S32 matches S29 more than any other series. How-ever the design of the legend is singular, whereas the titulature is the same as S34 and S38, but on latter ones EUERGETOU precedes EPIFANOUS FILELLHNOS, and that is the diff erence. The fi rst three words of the legend have the same position – two fi rst above, and the third on the right – as on S31. Another riddle is a crude type S32 unique drachm, the blundered legend of which presents similar titulature and arrangement of words as on S30. As we may notice, this se-ries has diff erent links with both early and late issues. This might be either considered as the fi rst issue of tetradrachms after durable intermission in coinage of this denomination or, as a later ‘old-fashioned’ issue, in close proximity to fi nal issues of S30 and S31.

Certain issues of drachms have on the reverse, below the archer’s bow, combinations of three Greek letters (S38.15, S40.16), (S38.16, S39.14) and (S39.15, 16). N. Waggoner, considering that on Parthian drachms the letter M is often written as P, suggested interpreting them as dates according to the Seleucid era. The following conclusions were drown from this interpretation : 1. two series of Phraates III, S38 and S39, with too diff erent obverse and reverse types, were struck in a very short period of time, even in the same year ; 2. and what is more, the series S40, that most scholars ascribe to Mithradates, son of Phraates III was also struck in the same years. Such point of view essentially changes adopted notions about Parthian coinage practice, in general, and under co-regency conditions, in particular. N. Waggoner has proposed the following explana-

nov, Nikitin 1996, p. 41, fi g. 18. According to them, the ob-verse die was modifi ed and rows of stags along the crest of the king’s tiara were added, making it similar to S33 tiara. However, the star in the middle of the tiara has not been replaced by a horn. It is undoubtedly a hybrid coin, but its

obverse is related with S39 rather than S33. A die-cutter from some eastern mint tried giving the obverse portrait of S31 appearance of S39 by adding a crest by irresolutely engraved row of stags. This interpretation is fully in accordance with other evidence indicating that S31 goes after S33.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 117

13 The fi rst and third letters on Figure 7 : 10 drachm of the same series are carelessly written. This combination may be interpreted either GPS or ~PS.

Fig. 6.

tion : ascending the throne, Phraates III appointed his son Mithradates as co-regent and they two simultaneously began striking coins. It is surprising that two synchronous series of Phraates III were issued with diff erent portrait types – bareheaded and with tiara, while the legend of these drachms were identical. The fact that the father and the son had the same « King Great Arsaces » titles is not less interesting. Some scholars, accepting that these letters might show a certain suc-cession, since the left-side letters are altered in alphabetical order, do not still regard them to be dates. Among the specimens of this group of drachms from the collection of the History Muse-um of Armenia, presented in Figure 7, is especially worth of note Figure 7 : 9 S40 drachm having a new variation of letters – , i.e. ~MS, the year 246 of the Seleucid era, or 67/66 bc. 13 If the theory of interpretation of these letters as dates is correct, while the probability of this seems to be great, it may promote the understanding of character of right and practice of minting in the Parthian kingdom.

118 Ruben Vardanyan

Fig. 7.

Another similar example is the coinage of Pacorus I during the reign of Orodes I, when the son, probably having a status of co-regent, struck drachms with his effi gy and, what is once again surprising, with exactly the same titulature as his father, including « King of Kings » title. Fortu-nately, the numismatic evidence about these two cases is somehow supplied by literary sources. One would suggest then that the order of co-regency and the practice synchronous coinage of two reigning kings might have been in use during the fi rst three decades of the i century bc as well. The character of links between some coin series does not seem to exclude such possibility.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 119

Tab. 1.

120 Ruben Vardanyan

Tab. 2.

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 121

Nevertheless, the lack of epigraphic and literary evidence of the relationship between the kings who issued these series deprives us of an opportunity to argue over in what case we deal with co-regents, and in what case with adversary kings.

In my opinion, we should abstain from ascribing some of coin series of this period defi nitely to this or that king. In view of complicacy of absolute chronology (see Appendix 2) we are unable to give names to the kings who are responsible for the series between S28 of Mithradates II, on the one hand, and S38, S39 of Phraates III and S40, S41 of Mithradates III, on the other hand.14 It does not seem much proper to diff erentiate the kings by their epithets as well, say, ‘theopator nikator’, ‘autokrator philopator’, etc., hence for the time being the most convenient is to contin-ue using D. Sellwood’s number of types.

Tetradrachms Drachms

At least until 91 bc 15 S28 Mithradates II S33 S29 S30, PT. i S34 S34 S30, PT. ii S30 S30, PT. iii S30 S30, PT. iv S30 S30, PT. v S30 S31 S31 S37 S36 S36 S35From 71/70 bc S38 S38 Phraates III S39 S39 Phraates III S40 Mithradates III S41 S41 Mithradates III

Thus we may observe two accumulations of series, one by the end of Mithradates II’s reign and immediately after his death, and the other, by the end of S30 king’s reign and after him. Un-fortunately, we have to summarize this discussion of series rather by questions than by defi nite conclusions. S33 and S29 well settle down between S28 and S30, but there is no decisive evidence showing which one was the direct successor of S28, though it seems more probable that it was S33. Did the king of S30 start emanating tetradrachms in Babylonia, when the king of S33 issued drachms in Iran or its beginning coincides with S29 ? Was the king of S30, right from the start, an independent ruler or was he for some time a younger co-regent of a king ruling in Iran ? S34 series appeared in the initial years of the reign of the king S30, and S31 – in the fi nal part of his reign. It seems that when striking the tetradrachms with portrait types ii to iv inclusive, the po-sition of the king of S30 was, at least in Babylonia, rather stable which allowed him to take ac-tions in the north-eastern provinces, where the infl uence of Scythian tribes was considerable. Was there any break in S30’s coinage between the tetradrachms with portrait types i and ii when S34 appeared ? And then, was another intermission between the coinage of tetradrachms with the portrait types iv and v. May we place the considerably abundant S31 series in this gap or any oth-

14 One may notice that when attributing a series there is a tendency to ascribe a king only one type of tiara. Howev-er it is worth remembering here a specimen of S28 drachm of Mithradates II whose tiara is decorated with an anchor instead of a star – cng 36, 1995, no. 101 –, or the tiaras of S31 adorned with a star or a fl eur-de-lys. In addition, it is not a too far parallel that Tigranes II of Armenia was represented on most of his coins bearing a tiara decorated with a star between two eagles (Antioch, Artaxata mints), but he also struck coins on which the tiara had on its side a star and

one eagle (?) (Damascus mint), a comet (uncertain mint) or a single star (only on copper coins, uncertain mint), Bedou-kian 1978, 47-68 ; Foss 1986, 38-41 ; Nercessian 2000. Perhaps we may refer to some Sasanian kings as well, fi rst of all to Artashir I, who was depicted on his coins with fi ve diff erent tiaras and crowns. See, for instance, Sellwood, Whitting, Williams 1985, 51-52.

15 This is the date of the last cuneiform tablet from Baby-lon referring to Mithradates II as « Arsaces king of kings ».

122 Ruben Vardanyan

16 See also Loginov, Nikitin 1996, but with S35, S36, S37 sequence.

17 When starting to work on this subject, at the end of last millennium, I had diffi culties with the necessary litera-ture. Then I received strong support from Antonio Inverniz-zi who was kind enough to send me photocopies of some important articles. Later, forced by some circumstances, I had to delay my research. Last year, I received an invitation

to be 2005 Robinson Visiting Student from Mark Blackburn, on behalf of the Fitzwilliam Museum and the University of Cambridge. I express my most heartfelt gratitude to him. It was very much to the point, since this visit permitted me to continue and complete my study in excellent libraries of Cambridge. I am sincerely grateful as well to Zaven Yegavi-an, Calust Gulbenkian Foundation, for his permanent inter-est and support of numismatic researches in Armenia.

er time when tetradrachms of S30 with the portrait type v were issued or even after this ? There are certain common features between S34 and S31 portraits, so whether it was one and the same king who was responsible for these two series. Was the youthful king shown on S37 the co-ruler of the king S30 at the end of the latter’s reign, becoming later a sole king issued S36 series ? If S37, S36 and S35 are not the Phraates III’s early issues as G. Assar suggests (2000, 2004) ? 16 Where S32 series must be placed ? It seems that the tetradrachm inclines much to an early date, before S30, while the drachm, if it has indeed a relation to this tetradrachm, testifi es that it should somehow be a contemporary of S30. And as to S44, if we are guided by the character of typological details, it might be close to S36.

Finally, I want to express my agreement with O. Mørkholm’s conclusions, stated twenty fi ve years ago, about real possibilities to study the coinage and the chronology of this period : « ...the coins and the other historical sources cannot be interrelated. It is precisely the desire to harmonize the coinages with the disjecta membra of the written evidence which has led to utter confusion. The web of conjectural attributions must be removed, and the coinages allowed to tell their own tale. Then the sequence of issues becomes reasonably clear, but the attribution to diff erent rul-ers will still be a matter of speculation ». At the same time, one ought not to give up, as a com-pletely hopeless case, the study of all kinds of sources of this period since one may be able to fi nd possibilities and approaches which have not been employed so far. We may also hope that new evidence such as still unknown varieties of coins, intact coin hoards, epigraphic records or other historically informative materials, especially from well stratifi ed archaeological excavations, will come to light. 17

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 123

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54/5

3

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 125

Appendix 2

Babylonian tablets according to Dobbins 1975 (left column) and Assar 2000 (right column)

110/109, Arsakes king (iii, p. 20)–108/107, Arsakes king of kings (v, p. 20)–––––––––––––––91/90, Arsakes king of kings (vi, p. 20)?, Arsakes king, whose name is Gotarzes (ix,

p. 20)90 March, Arsakes king, who has expelled Gotarzes,

Asiabatum his wife, lady, etc. (x, p. 20)89/88, Arsakes king, who has expelled Gotarzes,

Asiabatum his wife, lady, etc. (xi, p. 21)88/87, Arsakes king, who has expelled Gotarzes,

Asiabatum his wife, lady (xiii, p. 21)87/86, Arsakes king, who has expelled Gotarzes,

Asiabatum his wife (xiv, p. 21)86 Oct., Arsakes king (xv, p. 21)86/85 or 85/84, Arsakes king (xvi, p. 21)84/83, Arsakes king (xvii, p. 21)––81/80, Arsakes king (xviii, p. 22)80/79, Arsakes king, who has expelled Orodes

king (xix, p. 22)–––76/75, Arsakes king of kings and Izbubarza his

sister, queen (xxi, p. 22)–––––70/69, Arsakes king (xxii, p. 22)

91 May, Arsaces king of kings (p. 14)91/90, Arsaces who is called king Gotarzes (p.

14)

The last Babylonian text referring to Gotarzes I and his queen Ashiabatara, corresponds to the April 87 (p. 16)The next Babylonian text, July-August 87 bc, refers to a king «...who sat on his throne».

80 April, Arsaces, who is called Orodes (p. 18)

He is later associated with Ispubarza, his sister-queen, in the following tablets down to December 76-January 75 (p. 18)

February-March 69, king Arsaces (p. 18)69/68, king Arsaces in association with his

queen, Piruztana (p. 18)

126 Ruben Vardanyan

68/67, Arsakes king and Piritana his wife, queen (xxiii, p. 22)

68/67 king Arsaces in association with his queen, Piruztana (p. 18)

66/65, Arsaces, king of kings in association with a queen whose name has not survived (p. 20)

64/63, Arsaces, king of kings (p. 20)63/62, Arsaces, king of kings accompanied by

his queen, Teleonike (p. 20)––––March 58, Arsaces, king of kings (p. 20)

References

Arnaud P.– 1987, Les guerres des Parthes et de l’Arménie dans la première moitie du premier siècle av. n.è. : problèmes de chro-

nologie et d’extension territoriale (95 B.C.-70 B.C.), « Mesopotamia », xxii, 129-145.Assar G. R. F.– 2000, Recent Studies in Parthian History : Part i, « The Celator », 14 : 12, 6-22.– 2004, commentaries for Parthian kings in Triton VII, Classical Numismatic Group Auction Catalogue, Ses-

sion 2, January, 114-121.Bedoukian P. Z.– 1978, Coinage of the Artaxiads of Armenia, London.Bickerman E.– 1966, The Parthian ostracon No.1760 from Nisa, « Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis », 23, 15-17.Chaumont M. L.– 1968, Les Ostraca de Nisa. Nouvelle contribution à l’histoire des Arsacides, « Journal Asiatique », 256, 11-35.Debevoise N. C.– 1938, A Political History of Parthia, Chicago.D’jakonov I. M., Livšic V. A.– 1960, Documenty iz Nisy I veka do n.e. Predvaritel’nye itogi raboti, xxv Meždunarodnyj Kongress Vostokove-

dov, Moskva, Izdatel’stvo vostocnoj literatury.– 1966, Novie nakhodki dokumentov v Staroj Nise (« Peredneaziatskij sbornik », 2), Moscow, 135-157 and pls. ii-

xvia.Dilmaghani J.– 1986, Parthian Coins from Mithridathes II to Orodes II, « The Numismatic Chronicle », 146, 216-214.Dobbins W.– 1975, The Successors of Mithadates II of Parthia, « The Numismatic Chronicle », 15, 19-45.Foss C.– 1986, The Coinage of Tigranes the Great : Problems, Sugg estions and a New Find, « The Numismatic Chroni-

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va, 31-37.Le Rider G.– 1965, Suse sous les Séleucides et les Parthes. Les trouvailles monétaires et l’histoire de la ville (« Mémoires de la

Mission Archéologique en Iran », xxxviii), Paris.Loginov S. D., Nikitin A. B.– 1996, Parthian Coins from Margiana : Numismatics and History, « Bulletin of the Asia Institute », 10, Studies

in Honor of Vladimir A. Livshits, 39-51.McDowell R. H.– 1935, Coins from Seleucia on the Tigris, Ann Arbor.Minns E. H.– 1915, Parchments of the Parthian period from Avroman, « The Journal of Hellenic Studies », xxxv, 22-65.

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Mørkholm O.– 1980, The Parthian Coinage of Seleucia on the Tigris, c. 90-55 B.C., « The Numismatic Chronicle », 20, 33-47.Nercessian Y. T.– 2000, Silver Coins of Tigranes II of Armenia, « Armenian Numismatic Journal », xxvi, 43-108.Newell E. T.– 1938, The Coinage of the Parthians, in A Survey of Persian Art, i, 475-492.Sellwood D.– 1971, An Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia, London.– 1976, The Drachms of the Parthian “Dark Age”, « The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society », 2-25.– 1980, An Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia, 2nd edn., London.Sellwood D., Whitting Ph., Williams R.– 1985, An Introduction to Sasanian Coins, London.Shore F. B.– 1993, Parthian Coins and History : Then Dragons Against Rome, Quarryville (pe).Simonetta A.– 1966, Some Remarks on the Arsacid Coinage of 90-57 B.C., « The Numismatic Chronicle », 6, 15-40.Simonetta A. H., Sellwood D. G– 1978, Again on the Parthian Coinage from Mithridates II to Orodes II, « Quaderni Ticinesi di Numismatica e

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Key to Figures

Figure 1 1. S23.2. Triton v, 2002, no. 1603. 2. S30.13. Naville 1926, no. 2172. 3. S30.12. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 3 :6. 4. S30.34. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 3 :5. 5. S30.10. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 3 :7. 6. S30.3. Naville 1926, no. 2169. 7. S30.3. sng Dania, no. 54. 8. S30.4. cng 58, 2001, no. 756. 9. S30.4. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 3 :8. 10. S30.4. Naville 1926, no. 2173. 11. S30.15. Peus 324, 1989, no. 292. 12. S30.16. Malter 72, 1997, no. 114. 13. S30/S34. Shore 1993, no. 148. Figure 2 1. S30.2. bmc Parthia, Pl. viii :12 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :10. 2. S30.2. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :11. 3. S30.2. Naville 1926, no. 2177. 4. S30.2. Naville 1926, no. 2178. 5. S30.2. Hirsh 192, 1996, no. 332. 6. S30.2. Peus 374, 2003, no. 143. 7. S30.2. Baldwin’s 43, 2005, no. 2062. 8. S30.2. Triton vii, 2004, no. 432. 9. S30.2. Pars Coins 2005. 10. S30.2. Pegasi, Auction xii, 2005, no. 215. 11. S30.16. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 18344/27, 3.24 g, 21.7 mm, 11 h.

128 Ruben Vardanyan

12. S30.17. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 18896/74, 3.42 g, 21.0 mm, 1 h. 13. S30.16. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 4969, 4.07 g, 20.1 mm, 11 h. Figure 3 1. S30.2. Florange 9, 1925, no. 1214 = Peus 311, 1984, no. 411. 2. S30.2. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :12. 3. S30.7. Peus 1975, no. 311 = Peus 333, 1992, no. 421. 4. S30.7. bmc Parthia, Pl. viii :11. 5. S30.7. Shore 1993, no. 130 = Leu 83, 2002, no. 417. 6. S30.7. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :15. 7. S30.7. Naville 1926, no. 2174. 8. S30.7. Naville 1926, no. 2175. 9. S30.7. Florange 9, 1925, no. 1215. 10. S30.-. sng Dania, no. 53 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :14. Figure 4 1. S30.2. Naville 1926, no. 2176. 2. S30.-. Naville 1926, no. 2170. 3. S30.9. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :17. 4. S30.9. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 16290, 15.48 g, 31.2 mm, 1 h. 5. S30.1. bmc Parthia, Pl. viii :10 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :18. 6. S30.1. Naville 1926, no. 2169. 7. S30.-. bmc Parthia, Pl. ix :1 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 4 :13. 8. S30.-. Shore 1993, no. 129 = Leu 83 (2002), no. 416. 9. S30.11. Naville 1926, no. 2179 = sng France, no. 3015. 10. S31.2. sng Dania, no. 53. 11. S32.1. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 3 :1. Figure 6 1. S37.1. Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 5 :19. 2. S36.1. Naville 1926, no. 2214. 3. S36.3. Shore 1993, no. 149. 4. S38.1. bmc Parthia, Pl. x :8 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 5 :22. 5. S38.1. Naville 1926, no. 2192. 6. S39.1. Naville 1926, no. 2197 = Mørkholm 1980, Pl. 5 :23. Figure 7 1. S31/S33. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 13498, 4.04 g, 19.5. mm, 11 h. 2. S32.2. Naville 1926, no. 2207. 3. S30.16. Shore 1993, no. 135. 4. S34.2. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 20000, 3.39 g, 20.5 mm, 12.h. 5. S38.15. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 16634/12, 3.81 g, 19.8 mm, 12 h. 6. S38.15. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 18344/40, 3.90 g, 19.0 mm, 12 h. 7. S39.14. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 13823, 3.29 g, 21.0 mm, 12 h. 8. S39.15. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 4919, 4.08 g, 21.1 mm, 11 h. 9. S40.-. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 4971, 3.64 g, 19.3 mm, 12 h. 10. S40.?. History Museum of Armenia, inv. 12282, 3.86 g, 20.6 mm, 12 h.

Catalogues referred

Baldwin’s : Ancient coin auction catalog.bmc Parthia : W. Wroth, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the Brithish Museum. Parthia, London, 1903.cng : Classical Numismatic Group, Inc., Auction.Florange : L. Ciani, J. Florange. Monnaies grecques provenant des collections de Colonel Allotte de la Fuÿe, 17-21

Feb 1925.Hirsh : Gerhard Hirsh, Münzen und Medaillen antiken, Auktion.Leu : Bank Leu. Auktion.Malter 72 : Malter Galleries’ Auction of Ancient Coins and Antiquities - Greek Coins - Celts in Britain, 23 Nov 1997,

Auction 72.Naville 1926 : Naville-Ars Classica xii : Catalogue de Monnaies Grecques et Romaines Composant les Collections de

Remarks on the arrangement of the Parthian ‘Dark Age’ coin series 129

feu E. Bisson, de Jules Wertheim, de Sir John Evans, de la Serie Parthe de feu Alexandre de Petrowicz. 18-23 Oc-tober 1926

Pegasi : Pegasi Numismatics. Auction.Peus : Dr. Busso Peus Nachf. Auktion Katalog.sng Dania : Sylloge Nummorum graecorum : The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals, Danish National Museum,

39, Parthia-India, Copenhagen, 1965.sng France : France. Bibliothèque Nationale. Cabinet des Médailles. Collection Jean et Marie Delepierre, Paris,

1983.Triton v : Triton v, January 2002. Classical Numismatic Group auction in conjunction with the 30th annual New

York International.Triton vii : Triton vii, January 2004. Classical Numismatic Group auction in conjunction with the 32th annual New

York International.