Silence-Violence Cycle of Perception Expression: A Historical Study of Tibetan Refugee Minority in...

Aryal Achyut et al., SJIR, 2014, 2(3), 1-28 Research article Available online www.sjoir.blogspot.com ISSN: 2350-8728

Scientific Journal of International Research

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Silence-Violence Cycle of Perception

Expression: A Historical Study of Tibetan Refugee Minority in Nepal

Achyut Aryal

Abstract-This is a research article on study of silence-violence cycle of perception expression, a historical study of Tibetan refugee minority in Nepal. Through survey and content analysis this study explores the rise of the spiral of violence trend in the underrepresented and historically silent community, here the Tibetan refugee of Nepal. It is clear that fear of isolation of minority community force them to remain almost silent (even in existing press) and such behavior compels them to express their voices through series of protest after certain time frame (period), and it comes with spiral of violence form. It may go again in silence and the cycle (silence-violence) continues as perception expression model. Keywords- Silence-Violence cycle, Perception expression; Minority, Tibetan refugee.

INTRODUCTION OF THE STUDY The Chinese People's Liberation Army launched its first ‘invasion’ into Tibet in 1949 which is now the autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China. In the years that followed the Dalai Lama's efforts to make peace with the Chinese leadership failed. On the night of March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama took flight towards India, hoping to appeal to the international community to take action against Chinese ‘aggression’ in Tibet. On March 31, 1959, exhausted and seriously ill, the Dalai Lama crossed onto Indian soil. All hope for the survival of Tibet's 2,000 year old civilization lay in India with the Dalai Lama and 100,000 refugees living in India and Nepal (Siwakoti, 2003; Aryal, 2011a, 2012b). At the end of 1989, Nepal stopped registering Tibetan refugees. Of the remaining registered refugees, some 12,000 live in Kathmandu’s Bouddha or in Pokhara, Baglung, and other places. China considers these refugees as illegal immigrants. From 1986 to 1996

approximately 25,000 Tibetans have taken refuge in India increasing the exile population by more than 18%, 30% are children seeking placement in an exile school. Refugees must travel for days in waist-deep snow, there is nowhere to find shelter, food or water in the mountain passes; many suffer frostbite, injury, death. It has been a consistent policy of Nepal that Tibet is an integral part of China. Sino-Nepal relations in political, economic and cultural spheres have grown from heights to heights since diplomatic relations was established in 1955. Occasionally, Nepal faces criticism from the U.S and some European countries as regards to its Tibetan refugee policy. (Bhatia et al., 2002; Banki, 2004; McGranahan, 2005; Mills and other, 2005; Dumbaugh, 2008; Benedict and other, 2009; ICT, 2009; Free Tibet, 2010). An estimated 20,000 Tibetan refugees in Nepal arrived between 1959 and 1989(Bhatia et al., 2002; Balakin, 2005; Banki, 2004; Kharel, 2008; Pandey, 2007; Conboy and Morrison, 2002; Siwakoti, 2003; Mc Granahan, 2005; Dulaney and Cusack, 1998; Mills et al., 2005; Dumbaugh, 2008; Benedict et al., 2009; Conway, 1975; ICT, 2009; Free Tibet, 2010; Aryal, 2011a). Since the early 1980's, when China-Tibet opened to trade and tourism, a second exodus of Tibetan refugees have joined the Tibetan exile community in Nepal India and fleeing religious persecution, political repression, aggressive sanitization and cultural genocide (Siwakoti, 2003; Balakin, 2005; Pandey, 2007; Dumbaugh, 2008; Benedict et al., 2009; ICT, 2009; Free Tibet, 2010; Aryal, 2011a, 2012b). According to the latest United States State Department Human Rights Report for 2009, Tibetans repatriated from Nepal reportedly suffered torture, including electric shocks, exposure to cold and severe beatings and were forced to perform heavy physical labor. Tibetan refugees in Nepal also witnessed curtailment of freedom of expression as police imposed restrictions on demonstrations and sometimes detained demonstrators. In this context these the objectives that can be outline as:

- To know the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee in Nepalese society.

Moreover, researcher in spiral of silence tradition reached just to ‘fear of isolation leads towards spiral of silence’. Nobody has gone further, what happens after




spiral of silence? Fear of isolation just creates spiral of silence or it goes further? No research has been found on such relation, this is main gap I got after reviewing available literature. This gap encouraged this researcher to carry out this study ‘silence-violence cycle of perception expression: A historical study of Tibetan refugee minority in Nepal’. The following research question has been addressed in this study: -What is the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee in Nepalese society? LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY This study has several limitations. First, perceptions expression pattern of Tibetan refugee may not equate actual situation of the specific media coverage as well as Tibetan refugee’s condition. Second, data were collected on a specific group of people and belonging to a specific work environment. Third, because of the legal procedure (foreign policy of Nepal is One-China) during the survey period, data were collected from Kathmandu and three refugee settlements only by using volunteer researcher. Lastly, the scope of this study is also limited in terms of budget and time available for this kind of study, so was focused only in the content analysis of 3 newspapers of 6 years time frame before and after restoration of democracy. The research has some other limitations: The study includes only content analysis of three broadsheet daily English newspaper from Kathmandu, As compared to the total number of the potential print, the sample size is small. The survey study includes only of three Tibetan refugee camps of capital city Kathmandu (Boudha, Swyambhu and Jawalakhel). As compared to the total number of the potential respondents, the sample size is small. The study gives more focus to the quantitative study than qualitative study. Further for data analysis only the Microsoft Word 7 has been used; and data are calculated through simple tables, figures, percentages, frequencies etc. For testing, only the correlation and mean value used.

NEPALESE PRESS, PUBLIC & THE TIBETAN REFUGEE

The restoration of multi-party democracy in 1990 ushered in a new era of liberalism, freedom and pluralism in the public sphere. Following the promulgation of the new constitution, sweeping legislative and legal reforms have been introduced,

ensuring freedom and dignity of the fourth estate (Adhikari, 2006).

In general, the Nepali press upholds the Anglo-American ideals of the press (Pokhrel, 1998). The press often claims itself to be the "Fourth Estate," and given its pivotal role in waging a campaign against the autocratic Panchayat Regime (1970-1990) and subsequently contributing greatly in the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Nepali mainstream press holds significance in the political development in Nepal. American media scholar Carey (1999) observed that journalism and politics cannot be thought as two separate independent domains of activity; rather, they are related actively, symbiotically; and they can only be known via their mutual and active adaptations which are cooperative and antagonistic by turns; one can only be known in the light of the other” (p. 51). “Carey’s observation holds true in case of Nepal. But few realize Carey’s remark that without journalism there cannot be democracy, and without democracy there cannot be journalism either” (p. 51). Kathmandu’s press-- after all more than half of the 800 plus dailies, weeklies and other periodicals in the country are published in this city-- is preoccupied more with Lippmannian ideal of centralization (national standards, national politics, national economy, and national culture) than with Deweyian ideals of decentralization (local standards, local politics, local economy and local culture). With the exception of a few newspapers, almost all dailies, even two-page tabloids of seemingly local nature, prefer to attach in their mastheads the "prestige" phrase "the national newspaper." So much so that Sandhyakalin, the largest selling and the popular local tabloid, claims to be "the national daily" although a cursory glance would suffice to determine it’s very local taste (Adhikari, 2006).

Kathmandu’s nine broadsheet national dailies-- actually national in scope--do spare one page each for local issues and this space is regularly devoted to straightforward factual reporting. While private owned media tend to be creative and innovative in some respects, the government owned publications, which include two national dailies, a weekly, and four magazines, devote their entire resources for government propaganda and national politics. The official media are numerically small but very influential and resourceful. In contrast, the private press is numerically superior, free and assertive but deficient in resources. They have to compete among themselves for a limited readership and subsist largely on market sales. One of the reasons for low readership




is that Nepal is still predominantly an oral culture, and with literacy rate less than forty per cent and private sector media just over a decade young, Lerner and Schramm’s (Belbase & Murphy, 1980) observation that Nepal’s communication system is in the initial stage of development may still hold true (Adhikari, 2006).

Consciousness-raising involves awareness of an issue’s existence and meaning. Traditionally, news media have played a major role at this stage of public opinion. As agenda builders, the media have, though unconsciously, helped set the agenda of the community or nation they are placed into. The second stage, "working through," is described as confronting the need for change and options for actions, such as reducing issues to choices, plumbing to core values, spelling out the costs and consequences of each choice. The news media's contribution at this stage could be bridging the expert-public gap, facilitating deliberation, and promoting civility. The final stage, resolution, is the actual making of a stable, responsible choice. Basically, eagerness to learn, active participation in the affairs of the communities, willingness to change is central to public judgment. There is no doubt that Nepal, and struggling democracy, is in dire need of such refined public opinion. Unfortunately, given the peculiar nature of Nepali public opinion, it will be long, if not impossible, before public judgment is achieved in abundance (Adhikari, 2006).

Kirkpatric (1793) “the first Englishmen to visit Nepal in the late 18th century described Kathmandu as a city with "nearly as many temples as there are houses and as many idols as there are inhabitants." Now at the turn of the 21st century, the capital of Nepal may be described as a city with nearly as many newspapers as there are illiterate people and as many political parties as there are social problems. In fact, if democracy were a matter of number, Nepal’s surging news media would reflect the growth of a democratic journalism (Adhikari, 2006).

Charity (1995) says “it would be much better if the community facing these problems could decide which problem(s) require(s) immediate attention. However, more than being specific problems, the problems I cite here are unrefined and broad problems; or to borrow from Charity, they are "clusters of problems" (p. 9). Actually, the problem is there are so many problems. But this should not be disappointing. There are positive trends as well, and the newspapers can cover them vigorously. For instance, street crime rates are lower compared to many other world cities, tourism has

boosted the economy of the city during peace times, and Kathmandu has been recognized regionally for its well-preserved traditions and cultures amid modernization (Adhikari, 2006).

Kharel (2006) write “with the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, the media environment in Nepal took a dramatic turn” (p. 154). “The issue of freedom of speech and expression first found specific recognition in the country’s first Constitution in 1948 but it was never implemented. All subsequent four constitutions in 1951, 1958, 1963 and 1990 made similar recognition with varied wordings and provisions. The acts that followed were of different nature and pattern however” (p. 159). The interim constitution 2006 has followed the same pattern of before (Aryal, 2012b). Refugees are legally defined under Article 1 ‘a’ of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees as:

Any person who owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his/her nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself/herself of the protection of that country(Stevenson, 2005).

Mel (1991) elaborates “the refugee problem has existed since the emergence of the nation state. The process of nation-building and state-building has been itself responsible for producing a vast number of refugees. Beside war, famine and political oppression have been the other reasons contributing to population displacement” (p. 485). From a theoretical perspective, there are six broad casual factors responsible for refugee creation by Noilot (1987) namely (i) anti-colonial wars and self-determination movements; (ii) international conflicts; (iii) revolutions, coups and regime changes; (iv) ethnic, communal and religious conflicts; (v) creation and restructuring of state boundaries, and (vi) population transfers” (p. 109-121). However, Muni and Baral ed. (1996) identify three broad categories of refugee- generating factors in south Asia (p. 9-18) which obviously applies to Nepal as well. The numbers of Tibetan asylum seekers had decreased from apx.3, 621 in 1994 to 2448 in 2002. It is also dangerous for refugees to return; a Tibetan who has been to Nepal or India risks interrogation, harassment,




work and travel restrictions (Siwakoti, 2003). A number of changes occurred at the UNHCR run Tibetan Reception Center in Kathmandu. In recent years, there have always been over 2,000 new arrivals annually, but only 596 came in 2008. This can be put down to tighter border security, the Olympic Games and clampdowns in Tibet. Those who came into Nepal received food, medical care and counseling facilities at the Reception Center. Staff here also dealt with the processing of the Special Entry Permit from the Indian Embassy and the exit permit from Nepal. This was followed by allocation of subsistence allowances and transportation to New Delhi by bus. New procedures put in place at the Center improved the service provided to new arrivals. LWF Nepal assisted in completing these tasks, providing trauma counseling and using volunteers. In addition, a volunteer community outreach officer looked after unaccompanied children (Kharel et al., 2008). Both Nepal and India are not the party to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and neither to the 1967 Additional Protocol. Additionally, none of these countries have enacted any refugees’ law to govern the growing mass exodus. The protection refugees are based on the traditional hospitality and the deeply ingrained culture in the host community. The host governments are operating refugees’ response on ad-hoc basis thus there is no any legally binding instruments to guarantee the refugee protection. Thus, whenever there is any change in the governments or power equation in the host governments, the refugee communities undergo a tremendous psychological pressure about their safety, security, human rights and the possibility for safe and dignified return (Siwakoti, 2003; Aryal, 2011a, 2012b). Tibetan refugees have no legal status in Nepal, but they move freely, work in the local economy, utilize local facilities, and farm land that was purchased for them in the 1960s by the Nepal Red Cross. In Katmandu, some have dispersed among the local population (Banki, 2004). All the available research on Tibetan refugee in Nepal focused their research angle on humanity, health, camp management in relation to superpower nations supports and the political dilemma. No researchers till focused on the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee available in Kathmandu.This research will hope to fulfill this gap. METHODOLOGY METHOD I: CONTENT ANALYSIS

To this end, the study design used in the research work for data collection was content analysis. Importantly, communication research content analysis is regarded a formal system which is systematic and objective for extracting all forms of communication contents. According to Berelson (1952), content analysis is a research technique for the objective systematic description of manifest content of communication. Similarly, Kerlinger (2000) defines content analysis as a method of studying and analyzing communication in a systematic, objective and quantitative manner for the purpose of measuring variables cited in Wimmer and Dominick (2009). Therefore, content analysis was used in this study as a tool to extract data from the content of the selected newspapers of respective years. This was done by analyzing the frequency and prominence or importance as well as direction/slant of news on Tibetan refugee activities as content categories. More so, the unit of measurement and news analysis included features, news stories, editorials, special reports and sources of news, etc. For the purpose of this study, 6 different years (1959, 1974 and 1989 of before restoration of democracy and 2004, 2008 and 2012 of after restoration of democracy) were selected by chance; 15 years differences for pre-1990 and 4 years for post 1990. Further, 3 national dailies, of each year, totally 9 from pre-1990 and similarly 9 from post-1990, of each year 3, totally 18 were selected. It is assumed that the declaration of democracy in 1990 heavily affected Tibetan refugee News coverage and further people’s movement in 2006 and end of monarch also affected Tibetan refugee news coverage by Nepalese press. The reasons for the selection of these newspapers were based on their national coverage, popularity, readership rating and large extent of specific positions on national issues. More so, a probability sampling technique was adopted for the selection of the years to be studied each 3 from two phases, pre and post 1990 time frame. This is because the sampling technique allows every unit of the population an equal chance of being selected from the sample. For the purpose of emphasis, the years selected were arrived at using the format. Essentially, all the years of two phases were assigned identical cards, for the selection of the sample. The identical cards were placed in enclosed containers (two) making them in ball shape with a lid whenever the balls were reshuffled. As the first container was opened after been




reshuffled, the first ball that was picked was 1959 followed by 1974 which was the second card. Same had been done with second container of after 1990. This particular method is referred to as ‘hand drawing balloting’. The method/technique gives equal opportunity or chance to issues selected each year without any form of bias. METHOD II: SURVEY The study was based on quantitative methods, but it also applied qualitative methods to cross check the findings received from the quantitative methods. The sampling population for this study was comprised of Tibetan refugee community of different camps. Total Population of the Tibetan refugee living in Nepal as per Tibetan Demography survey in exile done in the year 2009 (TDS) is 13514 consisting of total male 6543 and female 6971. But certain media and organization says that Tibetan population in Nepal is around 20000. Total population of the demography survey done in the year 1998 is 12224 with male population 6319 and female population 5905. According to the Demography survey 2009, there are altogether 3265 Tibetan household in Nepal, number of normal household is 3083 and 182 household consist of institutional household like (school, monastery, institution, elders home etc). The required sample size for each domain was estimated using the following expressions (Kalton, 1983) with the assumption of a 95 percent confidence interval (z), 4 percent margin of error (e) and 50 percent prevalence rate (p).Where, z is the factor needed to achieve the 95 percent level of confidence (1.96), p is the prevalence rate for the key indicator (0.5) and e is the margin of error to be tolerated (0.06). Under these assumptions, the total number of required samples turns out to be 376 and rounding this figure upward becomes 400. But, during the pretest time response rate was 60 % after caring pretest and its response rate thus, altogether 700 samples were drawn from different groups of respondents from three refugee camps. So that proper result will be carried out to get generalization. This number was allocated to different camps and geography. The study was conducted in Nepal, specifically in the Kathmandu. The Kathmandu Metropolis constitutes the capital city of Nepal and therefore the political and

administrative nerve center of the country and this was where the activities of the researcher were concentrated. The target subjects for the research were Tibetan refugee living now in Kathmandu. This was because my research demands them to opine their perception expression pattern. Through convenience sampling technique, three out of 18 Tibetan refugee camps in Nepal were chosen; these are: Baudha, Jawalakhel and Swyambhu. Data collected for use in this research were collected through content analysis, questionnaire and other documentary sources. RELIABILITY The entire news articles of two newspapers were coded and double-coded by the researcher himself to determine intra–coder reliability. Moreover, Mrs. Trishna Acharya, a MA student in Department of Journalism, Tribhuban University coded a random sample of 10% of newspapers to evaluate the inter coder reliability. In this connection, Holsti’s formula: (2M/N1+N2) was applied to measure inter - coder reliability.

Table no. 1 Inter-coder reliability

Where: Number of coding decisions on which the two coders agreed. N1= Number of coding decisions made by the coder 1 (Researcher) N2= Number of coding decisions made by the coder 2

Coverage Pattern The Himalayan Times National Daily 2012 AD Inter Coder 1

Inter Coder 2

Perception/ Quotes of TR in news

Quotes of TR

D.L. & E.G.

14 15

General TR

1 0

Without TR 92 92

Total 107 107




In the following table 1 & 2 stands for interceder and intra coder reliability. The researcher himself as inter coder-1 carried out content analysis of 10% newspapers among 18 populations. Mrs. Trishna Acharya, as a inter coder-2, a MA student in Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Tribhuban University coded a random sample of 10% of newspapers to evaluate the inter-coder reliability. When it was applied by the researcher in the light of Holsti’s formula, it was found that inter-coder agreement was (0.9999) 99.99 Percent. Similarly all the news of the newspapers were coded and double coded by the researcher himself in order to determine intra coder reliability. After the assessment of coding -1 and coding -2, it was calculated news (144) from two newspapers.107 from The Himalayan Times National Daily 2012 AD and 37 from Gorkhapatra National Daily 1974 AD; 10 % newspapers out of 18 populations of total selected 6 different years. Selection was done with random sample method. Difference of coding decision was found only in one story (But not on all variables). According to the calculation intra coder reliability was found (0.9999) 99.99 percent.

Table no. 2 Inter-coder reliability

VALIDITY Validity is related to reliability, but they are not the same thing. A measure can be reliable but not valid. It cannot be valid if it is unreliable. Validity presumes reliability; external validity-the ability to generalize-presumes internal validity. Reliability guarantees that a measure is consistent, stable, and dependable; internal validity establishes whether measures are actually measuring what they are intended to measure. To make a case for the internal validity of their measures, researcher use one or more assessment techniques (Buddenbaum & Novak: 2005, p. 109). Wimmer and Dominick (2005) say “validity is intimately connected with the procedures used in the analysis. If the sampling design is faulty, if category overlaps, or if reliability is low, the result of the study probably possess little validity. Additionally, the adequacy of the definitions used in the content analysis bears directly on the question of validity” (p. 159). Several different methods are used in content analysis to assess validity. The most common is face validity, which is appropriate for some studies. It is recommended, however, that the content analysis also examine other methods to establish the validity of a given study (Wimmer and Dominick 2005). Wimmer and Dominick (2005) say “face validation technique assumes that an instrument adequately measures what it purports to measure if the categories are rigidly and satisfactorily defined and if the procedures of the analysis have been adequately conducted” (p. 160). A measurement instrument is valid when the conclusion from the scores of that instrument is in agreement with the measurement aim of that instrument. When two different measurement instruments with the same measurement aim lead to the same conclusions in the same situations, this can be taken to be a strong indication of the validity of the scale used (Grift & Houtveen, 1999). Panel of Experts: Validity of the research instruments was carried out sharing the instruments among the panel of experts. During the piloting, the questionnaire was sent to six experts and practitioners including thesis supervisor for their comment and recommendations. Based on their suggestions, the questionnaire was revised. It helped in enhancing the content validity of the instruments.

Coverage Pattern Gorkhapatra National Daily 1974 AD

Inter Coder 1

Inter Coder 2

Perception/ Quotes of TR in news

Quotes of TR

D.L. & E.G.

1 1

General TR

0 0

Without TR 36 36

Total 37 37

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national daily; also found with previous trend, almost all Tibetan refugee remained silent in press. In 1990 a democratic change has occurred in Nepal. It has been calculated the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee in Nepalese press with different sampled particular cases. Of 2004 AD; The Himalayan Times national daily, The Rising Nepal national daily and The Kathmandu Post national daily were studied. Result was same, Tibetan refugee remained silent in Nepalese press after restoration of democracy in 1990 too. Again 0f 2008 AD, as particular cases The Himalayan Times national daily, The Rising Nepal national daily and The Kathmandu Post national daily were studied. Result remained here to the same, Tibetan remained silent in Nepalese society. At last of 2012 AD, three particular press, The Himalayan Times national daily, The Rising Nepal national daily and The Kathmandu Post national daily were studied. Amazingly Tibetan here too found remained silent as like previous 50 years! In each and every individual cases Tibetan refugee were remained silent, almost all of the long 50 years. And conclusion is that, as minority they feel fear of isolation in Nepalese society, and remained silent always. The whole evidences of different particular cases prove- it is spiral of silence, as theorized by Elizabeth Noelle Neumann in 1974 AD. Deductive Reasoning (Deduction) Deductive reasoning here used in this research when inductive conclusion has been found not matched with historical development of Tibetan refugee attribute in Nepalese society. During content analysis a different map had been identified, after Lhasha plight in 1959 Tibetan refugee influxes in Nepal. In 1974, a Khampa War was occurred. In 1989, when Dalai Lama got Nobel Peace Prize, refugee started protest. In 2004 also they started protest. Again in 2008, refugee all over the world raised voices against Beijing Olympic, it was violent. In 2012 Tibetan refugee started self-immolation all over the world; including in Nepal. So, situation seems quite opposite from what theory suggest. This research, started deductive method to analyze general spiral of silence notion on newly developed circumstances. Finally, it is got with content analysis and survey, that Tibetan refugee express their voices violently.

Historically, the same pattern was seen when they opine it in society. Here, new theory has been proved that; fear of isolation of minority community leads them to spiral of violence situation. It is not spiral of silence as assumed by Elizabeth Noelle Neumann. It is spiral of violence. A cycle of silence- violence situation has been found after the use of induction and deduction reasoning for the study. Finally, the results have been interpreted and analyzed with the help of different tables, graphs and statistical tools. TIBETAN REFUGEE’S PERCEPTION EXPRESSION Kharel (2006) says ‘the media gives voice to various sections of society through one channel or another. They attract public attention, persuade people, influence their behavior and help define many issues. Access to media is an important factor for enhancing media access to readers, listeners and viewers’ (p. 89). And it is possible only in democracy. Here is a survey result of Tibetan refugee, willingness to express in Nepalese press, exactly in democracy:

Table no. 3 Willingness to express in Nepalese press

Perceptions of TR Positive

Negative

Willingness to express in Nepalese press

85.86 % 14.14 %

Tibetan refugee, who stays now in different camps in Nepal, will to express in Nepalese press. Survey result shows 85.86% Tibetan refugee will to express the voices in Nepalese press. Tibetan refugee 14.14 % says they are not interested. But the result of content analysis indicates not only in autocracy, even in democracy Tibetan refugee remained silent. They never covered as quotes in comparison to their will to express in the press. Here is a table of data which reveals about Tibetan refugee’s perception in Nepalese press in authoritarian era and in democracy both:




Table no. 4 Perception expression pattern

The available data proves that Tibetan refugee community in Nepal is not speaking in front of Nepalese press. Nepalese press quote except Tibetan refugee while dealing with Tibetan refugee news. Nepalese media are reporting the Tibetan refugee matter without quotes from concerned sector? Is it fair? Why it is happening? Who are responsible for it? Do Tibetan refugees speak in Nepalese press? Or presses are being biased for quoting them? What is the reality? As a media researcher I felt responsibility to search it. The following quote pattern results definitely forces everyone to search why?

Figure no. 2: Perception expression variety

Kharel (2006) says ‘Use of quotes is a very widely accepted practice among journalist. Without quotes, news stories are generally not complete; they add life to a news item’ (p.80). In case of Tibetan refugee reporting this does not apply. Another result more surprisingly presents the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee in Nepalese press:

Figure no. 3: Perception expression comparison

Prajapati (2011) showed that The Rising Nepal has used 0 quote of Tibetan refugee in 2008 (p. 46). The same result I’ve got during my content analysis of whole editions of 2008. Moreover the figure above says perception of general Tibetan refugee were very few in comparison to Dalai Lama and exile government. It is amazing result in itself. Tibetans are interested a lot express the perception in Nepalese press but media are not given priority to them, why? What is the reason behind it? Let us look on experience of Tibetan refugee voice ever taken in Nepalese press:

Table no. 5 Voice on Media

News with a TR quote

News without a TR

quote

2012 12.33% 87.67%

2008 10.17% 89.83%

2004 6.14% 93.86%

1989 7.84% 92.16%

1974 1.96% 98.04%

1959 4.77% 95.23%

0%10%20%30%40%50%60%70%80%90%100%

% of P

erception

Perception Pattern/Quotes of Tibetan Refugee in Nepalese Press

Quotes of Dalai Lama and Exile

government

Quotes of General Tibetan refugee

2012 10.96% 1.37%

2008 8.48% 1.69%

2004 5.26% 0.88%

1989 7.84% 0%

1974 1.96% 0%

1959 4.77% 0%

0.00%5.00%10.00%15.00%20.00%25.00%30.00%35.00%40.00%45.00%

% of p

erception

Comparison between Perception within Tibetan Refugee

Year A.D.

Perception Pattern/ Quotes of Tibetan Refugee(TR) in Press Total news with a quotes on TR Total

news without TR quotes

Quotes of General TR

Quotes of Dalai Lama and Exile Govt. representative

1959 0 3 60 1974 0 1 50 1989 0 4 47 2004 1 6 107 2008 6 30 318 2012 2 16 128 Total 9 60 710

Perceptions of TR Positive Negative

Voice ever taken in media

0 % 100 %




Tibetan refugee staying now in Nepal says, their voices were never taken by the media. Tibetan refugee 100% said, their voices never been taken by Nepalese press. Again question remains the same, if they are interested to talk with media but voice were never taken, why? Is it so, because Tibetans do not use news media? Let us look:

Table no. 6 Use of News Media

There are 85.57 % Tibetan refugee who use news media to see activities of exile government and politics worldwide. Another 14.43 % Tibetan said they are neutral on it. They use media by different way. This indicates majority refugee available in Kathmandu is interested in activities of exile government. Exile government network available in Nepal engaged in protest, campaign and violence activities always. They involved in Free Tibet movement, which is against law in Nepal. From above explanation and data it is proved that very few perception from Tibetan refugee is being covered in press. In few too, belongs to the head of the exile-government, Dalai Lama and exile-government representatives. Where are other general refugees who are in greater number? Why such few general refugees are being quoted in press? What is the reason behind it? Why they are not speaking in both periods; in dictatorship and in democracy or in other word before 1990 and after 1990’s restoration of democracy? Following section is for it: Effects of Democracy on Perception: A Test On the basis of data available for quotes the expected frequency corresponding to the number time period and types of news quotes would be 14.615. The χ2 analysis of news with Tibetan refugee quotes table data of between before and after restoration of democracy in 1990 results ∑ (Oij-Eij)/Eij) = 4.164. Where 69 news with a TR quote, and 710 news items without a TR quote s with total 779 examined. Here in this case

degree of freedom is (c-1) (r-1) = 1; and the table value of χ2 for 1 degree of freedom at 5% level of significance is 3.841. So, the calculated value of χ2 is much higher than this table value which means that the calculated value cannot be said to have arisen just because of chance. It is significant. Hence, the H0 hypothesis doesn’t support. This means that H1: the proportion of news with Tibetan refugee’s expressed perception after restoration of democracy in 1990 will be greater than the proportion of news with Tibetan refugees expressed perception before 1990. And the proportion of news without Tibetan refugee’s expressed perception after restoration of democracy in 1990 will be greater than the proportion of news without Tibetan refugees expressed perception before 1990 (H1 = µ < µ2) has been accepted. Why Tibetans Do Not Speak? Restoration of democracy in 1990 is useful (effective) in case of Tibetan refugee to express their perception in Nepalese press as coverage, then why they are not speaking? Why they are not being quoted in press? What is the reason behind it? Theory: Is it Spiral of Silence? The concept of the ‘Spiral of silence’ derives from a larger body of theory of popular opinion that was developed and tested by Noelle-Neumann (1974:1984:1991) over a number of years. The relevant theory concerns the interplay between four elements: Mass media: Interpersonal communication and social relations: Individual expression of opinion: and the perceptions which individuals have of the surrounding ‘climate of opinion’ in their own social environment. The main assumptions of the theory (Noelle-Neumann, 1991) are as follows:

• Society threatens deviant individuals with isolation.

• Individuals experience fear of isolation continuously.

• This fear of isolation causes individuals to try to assess the climate of opinion all at times.

• The result of this estimate affects their behavior in public, especially their willingness or not to express opinions openly.

Perceptions of TR Positive Neutral

Negative

Use of the news media to see what’s going on in exile-Government and politics

85.57 %

14.43 %

0 %




Core Assumptions and Statements The phrase "spiral of silence" actually refers to how people tend to remain silent when they feel that their views are in the minority. The model is based on three premises: 1) people have a "quasi-statistical organ," a sixth-sense if you will, which allows them to know the prevailing public opinion, even without access to polls, 2) people have a fear of isolation and know what behaviors will increase their likelihood of being socially isolated, and 3) people are reticent to express their minority views, primarily out of fear of being isolated. The closer a person believes the opinion held is similar to the prevailing public opinion, the more they are willing to openly disclose that opinion in public. Then, if public sentiment changes, the person will recognize that the opinion is less in favor and will be less willing to express that opinion publicly. As the perceived distance between public opinion and a person's personal opinion grows, the more unlikely the person is to express their opinion. What Next: The End? Why Tibetans are silent in press? After different evidence and tests, the answer is: it is spiral of silence. My questions here again are- it is the end? Is it final? Is there nothing after spirals of silence? Is there any side effect that a spiral of silence does have? Nobody ever has searched on this direction, even the past scholars who’d involved in spirals of silence test and moreover media effects on minority’s perspective. If spiral of silence is an end then why perceptions of Tibetan refugees who are in different camps of Kathmandu are came like this? It is recent perception of 2012:

Table no. 7 Spiral of Silence: Survey Result

There are 15.29 % Tibetan refugee who are interested to stop freedom movement in Kathmandu. The cause behind it is that to live and stay fearlessly in Kathmandu. Against it, 84.71 % Tibetan refugee are not interested to do so. It means they want freedom movement in any cost in Kathmandu. It indicates, Tibetan refugee living in Nepal want violence in the name of freedom. There are 14.43% Tibetan refugee who are agreed on not to speak against government and its foreign policy, even in press. But 71.43 % Tibetan are not ready to do so. What does it mean? They want violence in any cost. Doesn’t it? There are 86.14% Tibetan refugees, staying in Kathmandu said; they are disagreed to remain silent within Tibetan camps. Very few are agreed on it, but it is very low in number 13.86 %. It indicates that Tibetan refugee available in Nepal, in majority, wants violence here in the name of freedom. All Tibetan refugees are agreed on not to going against locals of Kathmandu. 100 % are agreed on local people’s support for freedom movement. They want to make good relationship with locals. It indicates that they have a fear of isolation, fear of isolation from the Nepalese community. Tibetan communities available in Kathmandu are not silent but they seem violent. Their desire is to express violence in collective manner. In any cost Tibetans are


Neutral

Negative

To live and stay fearlessly in Kathmandu we should stop freedom movement

15.29 %

0 % 84.71 %

Stay fearlessly in Kathmandu better not speak against government and its policy in press

14.43 %

14.14 %

71.43 %

Stay fearlessly in Kathmandu better should remain silent within community

13.86 %

0 % 86.14 %

Remain safe in Kathmandu better not go against local community and people

100 %

0 % 0 %




interested to express too much for freedom. The following section provides with evidences, it is not recent development. There was a historical tradition of Tibetans who collectively expressed themselves time and again. What is collectively Expressed Aggression? My research during content analysis revealed that: after remaining certain period as in silent mood, they’d gradually start to speak and that is not in press but with collectively in open society. This has been being heavily covered by Nepalese press time and again in their news and views genres. Some of the major collectively expressed evidence found from content analysis in between pre and post restoration of democracy in 1990 was outlined like this:

Table no. 8 Collectively Expressed Aggression by Tibetan Refugee S.N. Year Collective Perception 1. 1959 AD Tibet Uprising & plight for

Exile 2. 1974 AD Khampa war, Mustang 3. 1989 AD Tibet Uprising-II & Celebration

of Nobel Peace Prize 4. 2004 AD Free Tibet Movement & Protest

in Kathmandu began 5. 2008 AD Beijing Olympic & Tibet

Uprising( Free Tibet) 6. 2012 AD Self-Immolations (Apx. 200) After such amazing result I‘ve raised some major questions in my research: now again what is it? Is spiral of silence not the end? Or what, is it the beginning? Yes, the evidence says it is the beginning not the end. Imposed wish by self-compelled them to express their individual perception collectively after certain time frame, usually when they felt safe for the opinion climate. Most on those periods Nepal seems to be near on serious internal affairs (crisis). The picture was like this:

Table no. 9 Aggression by Tibetan Refugee, Linkage with Internal

Crisis of Nepal S.N. Year Internal crisis

1. 1959 AD King Mahendra vs. political parties for Panchayat

2. 1974 AD King vs. political Parties for Referendum

3. 1989 AD King Birendra vs. political parties for restoration of democracy

4. 2004 AD King Gynendra vs. political parties for Republic

5. 2008 AD CA Election and new constitution

6. 2012 AD Failure of CA & with impunity The following survey results also indicate the spiral of silence is not the end but it is a good beginning. Minority perception does not stop only being spirally silence but it starts from there to reach at violence. Here are recent perceptions available how it takes formation to circle from spiral of silence to spiral of violence, a continued cycle:

Table no. 10 Spiral of Silence

There are 15.29 % Tibetan refugee who are interested to stop freedom movement in Kathmandu. The cause

Perceptions of TR Positive Neutral

Negative

To live and stay fearlessly in Kathmandu we should stop freedom movement

15.29 % 0 % 84.71 %

Stay fearlessly in Kathmandu better not speak against government and its policy in press

14.43 % 14.14 %

71.43 %

Stay fearlessly in Kathmandu better should remain silent within community

13.86 % 0 % 86.14 %

Remain safe in Kathmandu better not go against local community and people

100 % 0 % 0 %




behind it is that to live and stay fearlessly in Kathmandu. Against it, 84.71 % Tibetan refugee are not interested to do so. It means they want freedom movement in any cost in Kathmandu. It indicates, Tibetan refugee living in Nepal want violence in the name of freedom. There are 14.43% Tibetan refugee who are agreed on not to speak against government and its foreign policy, even in press. But 71.43 % Tibetan are not ready to do so. What does it mean? They want violence in any cost. Doesn’t it? There are 86.14% Tibetan refugees, staying in Kathmandu said; they are disagreed to remain silent within Tibetan camps. Very few are agreed on it, but it is very low in number 13.86 %. It indicates that Tibetan refugee available in Nepal, in majority, wants violence here in the name of freedom. All Tibetan refugees are agreed on not to going against locals of Kathmandu. 100 % are agreed on local people’s support for freedom movement. They want to make good relationship with locals. It indicates that they have a fear of isolation, fear of isolation from the Nepalese community.

Table no. 11 Challenge to fear of isolation

Perceptions of TR Posit

ive Neutral

Negative

It is better to remain silent then to be depart from Kathmandu leaving Tibetan community here

14.86 %

0 % 85.15 %

It is better that community with less population should never speak in press that is functioning in majority’s community

0 % 0 % 100 %

There are 85.15 % Tibetan refugee who don’t want to remain silent and depart from Kathmandu living rest of the community here in Nepal. Few are agreed on it, the 14.86 % just. It indicates that, in any cost Tibetan refugee want to stay in Kathmandu, speaking and raising voices living with community as a whole. There are no refugees ready to remain silent in press where majority Nepalese are in society. 100 % refugees

are disagreed on ‘It is better that community with less population should never speak in press that is functioning in majority’s community.’ It indicates Tibetan in Kathmandu is against silence. In any cost this minority wants to speak. Theory of spiral of silence failed here in reference to Tibetan refugee community in Nepal. They remained silent never in majority community. They never want to be even. Why so? What are causes behind it? Following section reveals it in detail: Why Tibetans Express Anger as Perception?

Table no. 12 Sufferings after Dominating the Voice in Self


Neutral

Negative

When a person suppress their feelings and wish they suffer a lot, when a person suppress their opinion and remain silent also suffer a lot

85.61 %

0 % 14.43 %

Suppression of feelings and voice hurts and anger appears

71.42 %

0 % 28.58 %

There are 85.61 % Tibetan refugee who said they are fully agreed that ‘when a person suppress their feelings and wish they suffer a lot. When a person suppress their opinion and remain silent also suffer a lot’. Few refugee, 14.43 are disagreed on it. But they are less in number. Again, 71.42 % Tibetan refugee said they are agreed ‘when they suppress their feelings and voice day by day it hurts them and they become angry.’ Less, 28.58 % are disagreed just. It indicates dominating the perception wish of Tibetan refugee made them violent day by day. The main reason behind Tibetan aggression was the domination on perception by refugee themselves due to different reason. The main one was fear of isolation.




Table no. 13 Speak Anyhow

There are 57.57 % Tibetan refugee who said for security reason, they try to remain without speaking. But here too, 28.43 % disagreed and other 14 % remained neutral. On the other hand, 83.86 % Tibetan refugee don’t want to be isolated from Nepalese community. They have a fear of isolation. They try to remain silent, but only for few times, not always. But not all; 16.14 % are not afraid with isolating from the Nepalese community; they are ready to depart even. It is more violent. There are 86 % refugees who can’t remain silent in unjust condition long time. Remaining 14 % can tolerate it. Means, majority never tolerate injustice over them. There are 43.57 % Tibetan refugee seek opportunity or chance to express their anger. Another 13.57 % remain neutral on it and rests of the 42.85 % Tibetan refugee are never seeking opportunity. This indicate, in any cost, Tibetan refugee available in Kathmandu want to speak. They want to run protest and fight for freedom here in any cost. They want violence.

Table no. 14 Preparation for Violence: How it takes place?

Preparation Positive

Neutral Negative

Start protest alone 0 % 0 % 100 %

Began to make other conscious which supports to conduct

55.86 %

0 % 44.14 %

protest together Began campaign by giving leadership

28.43 %

28.71% 42.86 %

Try to gather groups from community who can understand common feelings

41.57 %

29.57% 28.86 %

If opinion meets then try to make it organize/ institutional

85.57 %

0% 14.43 %

At last speak in group together

55.57 %

29.29 %

15.14 %

On such situation, all refugee 100 % are against to begin protest alone. Tibetan refugees never are interested to run the protest single. Then what will be the option? There are 55.86 % Tibetan refugee who engage to make other conscious which they suppose to support the conduction of protest together. But 44.14 % Tibetan denied it. There are 28.43 % Tibetan refugee who are ready to give leadership to the other for violence. 28.71 % refugee remained neutral to give leadership for the protest. Another 42.86 % refugee is against giving leadership for the movement. It indicates that in any cost some are interested to provide leadership even. And, the result is movement took place. Leaders are few always, no? There are 41.57 % Tibetan who try to gather other community member who can understand the situation and vision. 29.57 % remained neutral and rests are disagreed. It means leaders of Tibetan community try to make organizational for violence in the name of freedom and protest. There are 85.57 % Tibetan refugee who are agreed on instructional formation for the movement. Rests of the 14.43 % are not ready to do so. But the value of majority indicates in any cost the movement takes place. There are 55. 57 % Tibetan refugee they said they speak in group together after such a long formation and background. 29.29 % refugee are neutral on such and rest of the 15.14 5 are against it. They are not ready to speak in group. But it doesn’t matter, because the majority 55. 57 % wants to speak in group. In this way, a violent movement occurred in the name of freedom and justice.


Neutral

Negative

For security try to remain without speaking some time

57.57 %

14 % 28.43 %

Don’t want to be isolated from existing community

83.86 %

0 % 16.14 %

Can’t remain silent in unjust condition long time

86 %

0 % 14 %

Always seek opportunity/chance to express this anger

43.57 %

13.57 %

42.85 %




Table no. 15

Toleration Injustice Injustice Toleration

Positive Neutral Negative

100 years 0 % 0 % 100 %

50 years 0 % 0 % 100 %

25 years 0 % 0 % 100 % 12 years 0 % 0 % 100 %

6 years 0 % 0 % 100 %

3 years 0 % 0 % 100 %

1 months 0 % 0 % 100 %

No refugees are ready to tolerate injustice, for just 1 month even. There are 100 % disagreements on tolerating injustice. From 100 years to months they are not ready to do it. It means all Tibetan refugees waiting for expressing against injustice over them. And definitely it takes the violent form. It is logical even.

Table no. 16 Violence Intention

Perceptions of TR

Positive Neutral Negative

Free Tibet 100 % 0 % 0 % Run exile-Government

100 % 0 % 0 %

Protest/ Self-immolations for Free Tibet

70.14 %

0 % 29.85 %

There are 100 % Tibetan refugee who want Free Tibet. Again 100 % Tibetan refugee want continuation of exile government. There are 70.14 % Tibetan refugee who said they love self immolations as protest technique for Free Tibet dream. Such intention of Tibetan refugee indicate, in any cost Tibetan refugee needed Free Tibet. If it is not given, they are ready to be violent, such violent, world had seen it after 2012 in the form of self immolations. More than 200 refugees burned themselves for Free Tibet worldwide. It is dangerous state of spiral of violence since 1959 AD.

Table no. 17 Demand of Freedom on Violence Intention

Perceptions of TR Positiv

e Neutral

Negative

China should stop torturing Tibetans in Tibet & let them protest non-violently

100 % 0 % 0 %

Nepal Government shouldn’t control Free Tibet protest in Kathmandu

85.15 %

14.86%

0 %

Tibetan refugees demand the freedom on ‘China should stop torturing Tibetans in Tibet & let them protest non-violently’. There are 100 % Tibetans wants it. And further 85.15 % Tibetan refugee demand ‘Nepal Government shouldn’t control Free Tibet protest in Kathmandu’. They want Free Tibet movement without anyone’s interfere. The neutral share 14.86 % also indicate, all Tibetan refugees intended to run Free Tibet movement without restriction.

Table no. 18 Nature of Participation in a Protest

Perceptions of TR

Single Small group

Whole community

Participation in a protest with

11.57% 16.57% 71.86%

At last, 71.86 % Tibetan refugee wants to participate in Free Tibet movement or protest with whole community. Another 16.57 % are interested to make small groups, various to do demonstration. And interested on single participation is 11.57 %. In this way on any form all Tibetan refugee are interested to do demonstration for Free Tibet. Need to Evaluate The Spiral of Silence Again? Scheufele and Patricia Moy (2000) wrote an analysis of the spiral of silence spanning 25 years of its existence in public opinion research and discourse. The comprehensive contents of Schefele and Moy’s article explored the numerous theoretical and conceptual perspectives that other writers have penned since Noelle-Neumann’s 1974 introduction of the spiral of silence. The article also offered suggestions for future research that had not been examined at the time of the writing (Neill, 2009).

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unconscious mind which is ‘enigmatic’ part of human behaviors. So, silence does not mean the total wordlessness. Silence has bigger and serious realm of expression that they kept inside all the time. Analyzing such different behavioral factors, we could confirm that the human beings have meaningful approach of relating the events and experiences. In this case, Freud has declared that “nervous symptoms arise from a conflict between two forces-on the one hand, the libido (which has as a rule become excessive), and on the other, a rejection of sexuality, or a repression which is over-severe” (353). Amidst these two forces human behavior is regulated. Whereas in the case of repression, the pattern of repression becomes more serious as it grows with a strong personality type. In this pattern ‘mental events’ are regulated with ‘pleasure principle’. It is believed that different tension gets higher with the repressed psychic event which is an un-pleasurable tension. Freud claims that “it takes a direction such that its final outcome coincides with a lowering of that tension-that is, with an avoidance of un-pleasure or a production of pleasure” (595). Here we find the pleasure principle is succeeded with reality principle which brings the mode of un-pleasurable experiences. So, the mode of repeated violent activities of Tibetans could be analyzed in the form of reality principle which is the outcast of pleasure principle i.e. intensity with their real need of nation. The outburst is not only the factor of social provocation but the need of the individual’s psychic reality. We need to remember that they always remain silent as they could not expressed their voices openly which is more complex like the pleasure sense of their unconscious mind. Now, they move in mass to keep it safe and less critical as it could not be internalized. It Tibetans are forced to maintain their anxiety as the different defense mechanisms have controlled their presence. In such context their behavioral patterns are related to anxiety too. More-over, we could focus upon the anxiety level of Tibetans which has given them a silenced manner of reactions. It begins with their state of unconscious mind where the painful and guilty sensation of feelings is repressed. Lois Tyson has described that the unconscious gives the repressed feeling a “force by making them the organizers of our current experience: we unconsciously behave in ways that will allow us to ‘play out,’ without admitting it to ourselves”. It creates a fear within and makes us behave differently. Lois Tyson presents such fear as:

[F]ear of intimacy—fear of emotional involvement with another human being—is often an effective defense against learning about our own psychological wounds because it keeps us at an emotional distance in relationships most likely to bring those wounds to the surface: relationships with lovers, spouses, offspring, and best friends. By not permitting ourselves to get too close to significant others, we “protect” ourselves from the painful past experiences that intimate relationships inevitably dredge up (Aryal, 2012 b).

Here we find psychological factor of fear that keeps human being distanced as it bears that the person could not get too close as it could be harmful to him and the social consequences as well. In this sense the defense mechanism functions which keeps them safe in the mode of relational matter. But the situation gets break that we could not resist the painful feelings which outbreaks. Lois Tyson calls it the state of anxiety and explains as, “sometimes our defenses momentarily break down, and this is when we experience anxiety. Anxiety can be an important experience because it can reveal our core issue”. So, the case of violent episodes of Tibetans is the mode of anxiety which expresses their fear of intimacy and fear of abandonment both. They want to keep themselves here as their need is to secure their mother land. The violent episode is followed with their silence responses as a way to express their needs to remain here. Besides, as it has been discussed about the psychological framing of violent behavior of Tibetans, we should not avoid the concept of violence which is expressed as:

There are at least two ways to become the dupes of violence that should be of paramount concern. First, there is the tendency to expect too much from violence, to look to violence either to express a decisiveness of purpose, or to provide a proof of authenticity that violence cannot in fact sustain. […]. Second, there is a tendency to come to expect too little from violence, to believe that violence will simply wither away, due either to the weight of our moral vigilance or the effectiveness of the political, legal, social, or ethical instruments that we employ in the hope of avoiding the destruction of war (Aryal, 2012 b).




In this concept of violence, we could trace the psychological behavior of Tibetans’ way of relaying the abrupt behavioral consequences of revolution. To sum up psychoanalytical framing for the silenced but revolutionary behavioral factors, we need to notice the essence of voices in silence. There is the outburst of anxiety, the shadow images of pleasure principle and a different mode of violence. The above part of the study analysis that I’d made in my research supports the claim. Data Analysis The research question “What is the perception expression pattern of Tibetan refugee in Nepalese society?” The summary of result of this research question is as follows: Among 779 news items of before and after restoration of democracy 11.59% belongs to news with a Tibetan refugee quotes before 1990 and the after 1990’s share is 88.41%. Likewise news without a Tibetan refugee quote had been found 22.11% of before 1990 and 77.89% belongs to after 1990. 86.67% news of Nepalese press had been found with quotes of Dalai Lama and exile-government regarding to Tibetan refugee news after 1990 similarly 13% news had been found with Dalai Lama and Tibetan Government in Exile’s quote before 1990. General Tibetan refugee’s quote had been started to use by Nepalese press just after restoration of democracy in 1990. No quotes had been found before restoration of democracy in News of Nepalese press. Before 1990 there is 4.85 % quotes or perceptions of Tibetan refugee had been published in Nepalese press as coverage but after 1990 quote of Tibetan refugee in news had been found slightly in change as 9.93% in share. It’s a great shift in opinion priority of Tibetan refuge by Nepalese press. There was 95.15% news of Tibetan refugee that had been found without a quote from Tibetan refugee before 1990 but the rate had gone changed after 1990 with figure 90.07% quote of others then the Tibetans in Tibetan refugee news. After 1990 share on quote of Dalai Lama and exile-government representative had been found 85.25% but the rate was very high 100% before 1990. It means Total share of had been under Dalai Lama’s voice before 1990 on Nepalese as Tibetan refugee’s voice, no

other general Tibetan used to get chance to quoted by Nepalese press before. 1990’s restoration of democracy was significant event for Tibetans in this aspect. There had been found 0% quotes of general Tibetan refugee before 1990’s democracy in Nepalese press while covering the news. Shift had been found on quote of general Tibetan refugee with figure 14.75% on total share of quotes by refugee. This indicates Tibetan refugee’s perceptions had gone slightly up as coverage volume in Nepalese press after 1990. Tibetan refugee, who stays now in different camps in Nepal, will to express in Nepalese press. Survey result shows 85.86% Tibetan refugee will to express the voices in Nepalese press. Tibetan refugee 14.14 % says they are not interested. Tibetan refugee staying now in Nepal says, their voices were never taken by the media. Tibetan refugee 100% said, their voices never been taken by Nepalese press. There are 30.43% Tibetan refugee who tolerated injustice but a huge majority 69.57% did not enjoyed it. They never tolerated the injustice. There are 86.71% Tibetan refugee who have experience of participating in a protest. Another 27.57% refugee said they have no experience of participating in a protest ever. The data result indicates that, Tibetan refugee available in Nepal is interested to express perception in press but they did not have had the chance to do so. They never got coverage, in other word. Again, Tibetan refugee in majority level said they never enjoyed injustice. And the result was that 86.71% refugee participated in protest. A violent move time and again. There are 85.57 % Tibetan refugee who use news media to see activities of exile government and politics worldwide. Another 14.43 % Tibetan said they are neutral on it. They use media by different way. This indicates majority refugee available in Kathmandu is interested in activities of exile government. Exile government network available in Nepal engaged in protest, campaign and violence activities always. They involved in Free Tibet movement, which is against law in Nepal. There are 15.29 % Tibetan refugee who are interested to stop freedom movement in Kathmandu. The cause behind it is that to live and stay fearlessly in




Kathmandu. Against it, 84.71 % Tibetan refugee are not interested to do so. It means they want freedom movement in any cost in Kathmandu. It indicates, Tibetan refugee living in Nepal want violence in the name of freedom. There are 14.43% Tibetan refugee who are agreed on not to speak against government and its foreign policy, even in press. But 71.43 % Tibetan are not ready to do so. What does it mean? They want violence in any cost. Doesn’t it? There are 86.14% Tibetan refugees, staying in Kathmandu said; they are disagreed to remain silent within Tibetan camps. Very few are agreed on it, but it is very low in number 13.86 %. It indicates that Tibetan refugee available in Nepal, in majority, wants violence here in the name of freedom. All Tibetan refugees are agreed on not to going against locals of Kathmandu. 100 % are agreed on local people’s support for freedom movement. They want to make good relationship with locals. It indicates that they have a fear of isolation, fear of isolation from the Nepalese community. There are 85.15 % Tibetan refugee who don’t want to remain silent and depart from Kathmandu living rest of the community here in Nepal. Few are agreed on it, the 14.86 % just. It indicates that, in any cost Tibetan refugee want to stay in Kathmandu, speaking and raising voices living with community as a whole. There are no refugees ready to remain silent in press where majority Nepalese are in society. 100 % refugees are disagreed on ‘It is better that community with less population should never speak in press that is functioning in majority’s community.’ It indicates Tibetan in Kathmandu is against silence. In any cost this minority wants to speak. There are 85.61 % Tibetan refugee who said they are fully agreed that ‘when a person suppress their feelings and wish they suffer a lot. When a person suppress their opinion and remain silent also suffer a lot’. Few refugee, 14.43 are disagreed on it. But they are less in number. Again, 71.42 % Tibetan refugee said they are agreed ‘when they suppress their feelings and voice day by day it hurts them and they become angry.’ Less, 28.58 % are disagreed just. It indicates dominating the perception wish of Tibetan refugee made them violent

day by day. The main reason behind Tibetan aggression was the domination on perception by refugee themselves due to different reason. The main one was fear of isolation. There are 57.57 % Tibetan refugee who said for security reason, they try to remain without speaking. But here too, 28.43 % disagreed and other 14 % remained neutral. On the other hand, 83.86 % Tibetan refugee don’t want to be isolated from Nepalese community. They have a fear of isolation. They try to remain silent, but only for few times, not always. But not all; 16.14 % are not afraid with isolating from the Nepalese community; they are ready to depart even. It is more violent. There are 86 % refugees who can’t remain silent in unjust condition long time. Remaining 14 % can tolerate it. Means, majority never tolerate injustice over them. There are 43.57 % Tibetan refugee seek opportunity or chance to express their anger. Another 13.57 % remain neutral on it and rests of the 42.85 % Tibetan refugee are never seeking opportunity. This indicate, in any cost, Tibetan refugee available in Kathmandu want to speak. They want to run protest and fight for freedom here in any cost. They want violence. On such situation, all refugee 100 % are against to begin protest alone. Tibetan refugees never are interested to run the protest single. Then what will be the option? There are 55.86 % Tibetan refugee who engage to make other conscious which they suppose to support the conduction of protest together. But 44.14 % Tibetan denied it. There are 28.43 % Tibetan refugee who are ready to give leadership to the other for violence. 28.71 % refugee remained neutral to give leadership for the protest. Another 42.86 % refugee is against giving leadership for the movement. It indicates that in any cost some are interested to provide leadership even. And, the result is movement took place. Leaders are few always, no? There are 41.57 % Tibetan who try to gather other community member who can understand the situation and vision. 29.57 % remained neutral and rests are disagreed. It means leaders of Tibetan community try




to make organizational for violence in the name of freedom and protest. There are 85.57 % Tibetan refugee who are agreed on instructional formation for the movement. Rests of the 14.43 % are not ready to do so. But the value of majority indicates in any cost the movement takes place. There are 55. 57 % Tibetan refugee they said they speak in group together after such a long formation and background. 29.29 % refugee are neutral on such and rest of the 15.14 5 are against it. They are not ready to speak in group. But it doesn’t matter, because the majority 55. 57 % wants to speak in group. In this way, a violent movement occurred in the name of freedom and justice. No refugees are ready to tolerate injustice, for just 1 month even. There are 100 % disagreements on tolerating injustice. From 100 years to months they are not ready to do it. It means all Tibetan refugees waiting for expressing against injustice over them. And definitely it takes the violent form. It is logical even. There are 100 % Tibetan refugee who want Free Tibet. Again 100 % Tibetan refugee want continuation of exile government. There are 70.14 % Tibetan refugee who said they love self immolations as protest technique for Free Tibet dream. Such intention of Tibetan refugee indicate, in any cost Tibetan refugee needed Free Tibet. If it is not given, they are ready to be violent, such violent, world had seen it after 2012 in the form of self immolations. More than 200 refugees burned themselves for Free Tibet worldwide. It is dangerous state of spiral of violence since 1959 AD. Tibetan refugee demand the freedom on ‘China should stop torturing Tibetans in Tibet & let them protest non-violently’. There are 100 % Tibetans wants it. And further 85.15 % Tibetan refugee demand ‘Nepal Government shouldn’t control Free Tibet protest in Kathmandu’. They want Free Tibet movement without anyone’s interfere. The neutral share 14.86 % also indicate, all Tibetan refugees intended to run Free Tibet movement without restriction. At last, 71.86 % Tibetan refugee wants to participate in Free Tibet movement or protest with whole community. Another 16.57 % are interested to make small groups, various to do demonstration. And

interested on single participation is 11.57 %. In this way on any form all Tibetan refugee are interested to do demonstration for Free Tibet. Perception Expression Pattern of Tibetan Refugee Tibetan refugee will to express the voices in Nepalese press but their voices were never taken by the media. Tibetan refugee available in Nepal is interested to express perception in press but they did not have had the chance to do so. They never got coverage, in other word. Again, Tibetan refugee in majority level said they never enjoyed injustice. A violent move happened time and again. Majority refugee available in Kathmandu is interested in activities of exile government. Exile government network available in Nepal engaged in protest, campaign and violence activities always. They involved in Free Tibet movement, which is against law in Nepal. Tibetan refugees want freedom movement in any cost in Kathmandu. It indicates, Tibetan refugee living in Nepal want violence in the name of freedom. Tibetan refugee available in Nepal, in majority, wants violence here in the name of freedom. Tibetan refugees have a fear of isolation, fear of isolation from the Nepalese community. In any cost Tibetan refugee want to stay in Kathmandu, speaking and raising voices living with community as a whole. There are no refugees ready to remain silent in press where majority Nepalese are in society. It indicates Tibetan in Kathmandu is against silence. In any cost this minority wants to speak. Dominating the perception wish of Tibetan refugee made them violent day by day. The main reason behind Tibetan aggression was the domination on perception by refugee themselves due to different reason. The main one was fear of isolation. In any cost, Tibetan refugee available in Kathmandu want to speak. They want to run protest and fight for freedom here in any cost. They want violence. Some are interested to provide leadership even. Leaders of Tibetan community try to make organizational for violence in the name of freedom and protest. A violent movement occurs in the name of




freedom and justice. All Tibetan refugees are waiting for expressing against injustice over them. And definitely it takes the violent form. It is logical even. Tibetan refugee needed Free Tibet. If it is not given, they are ready to be violent, such violent, world had seen it after 2012 in the form of self immolations. More than 200 refugees burned themselves for Free Tibet worldwide. It is dangerous state of spiral of violence since 1959 AD. In this way on any form all Tibetan refugee are interested to do demonstration for Free Tibet. CONCLUSION Due to fear of isolation Tibetan refugee in Nepal do not speak even in press; whether the condition is favorable or unfavorable to them. Even in full democracy they are being afraid to speak in press and express their opinion freely. Such behavior of Tibetan refugee creates/produces a mass silent of minority community Tibetan in Nepal. And further it pinches them within self-day by day. The struggle happens within for not expressing the thoughts, opinions and feelings as perception compels them in situation of mass anger after certain time frame; which releases as a anger after certain time, even though demonstrations , which may go violent some time. Such phenomena creates spiral of Violence in a long time frame which effects society, media and Tibetan community themselves on various aspects. Fear of isolation doesn’t lead towards spiral of silence but it leads toward spiral of violence. And the violence effects society, media and minority community on different aspects and sectors. So, spiral of violence is the output of fear of isolation. Fear of isolation of minority community force them to remain almost silent (even in existing press) and such behavior compels them to express their voices through series of protest after certain time frame (period), and it comes with spiral of violence form. It may go again in silence and the cycle continues. And in its replacement spiral of violence theory can be outlined. Model can be presented as following:

Figure no. 5: Silence -Violence Cycle GENERALIZATION AND FURTHER RESEARCH Fear of Isolation of minority community force them to remain almost silent (even in existing press) and such behavior compels them to express their voices through series protest after certain time frame(period), and it comes with spiral of violence form; which affects: media, society and the minority community themselves. This generalization can be applied on other different minorities worldwide, like:

1. Bokoharaam (Nigeria) 2. Taliban (Afghanistan) 3. Uiguer (China) 4. Red Indian (USA) 5. Hamas (Middle East) 6. Chechen (Russia) 7. Bhutanese Refugee (Nepal) 8. Madhesi (Nepal) 9. Gorkha (India) etc.

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Achyut Aryal (30 March 1987), the author of this research is a prominent communication theorist in Nepal. He has conceptualized nearly half-dozen of theory on different disciplines (M-Theory, M-Theory of Communication, Multi-Dimensional Interactional Literary Criticism Approach, Middle-Way Research Approach, Unemployment Management, and Non-Labor Management etc.). Through this thesis he has given ‘Spiral of Violence Theory’; an anti-thesis of ‘Spiral of Silence’ by Elizabeth Noelle Neumann (1974). He himself is engaged in experimentation of cycle of Silence-Violence notion on minority perception for his further D.lit. Author has developed anti-Marxist tradition, where he crushed the Communist flag blaming they are bourgeois. He has defined ‘Non-Workers’ are a pure proletariat of post-postmodern era, who does have nothing to

lose actually. Author teaches Biblical Communication & Media (BCM) of Seoul Theological University (STU), Journalism & Mass Communication of Tribhuban University and Purvanchal University, and Research Methodology for MA, MBS, M. Phil & PhD students of various universities. He is research external at Kathmandu University (KU), where he helps to defend dissertations. He has published more than 30 research articles on high impact factor journals from Nepal, India and USA. He has several books. He is a spiritual leader; with ‘Shramaatit Moksha’ title he is now preaching Last Testament/ Full Testament. He says’ This is my last birth, the mission accomplished; there is no reason to come again.’ You can reach with him through: [email protected] (e-mail), [email protected] (face book), shramaatitmoksha (Twitter) & +977-9741060086 (cell).

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