Seasonal Settlement Dynamics and the Role of the Fletcher Site in the Woodland Adaptations of the...

SEASONAL SETTLEMENT DYNAMICS AND THE ROLE OF THE FLETCHER SITE IN THE WOODLAND ADAPTATIONS OF THE SAGINAW DRAINAGE BASIN

WILLIAM A. LOVIS

Abstract. An overview of the later evolution of the Saginaw River system is presented with a focus on wetland dynamics. It is noted that attainment of modern basin elevations resulted in aquatic environmental changes including shifts in habitat composition, distribution, and abundance. This data is related to the archaeology of the Fletcher site (20BY28), a prominent Early, Middle, and Late Woodland site between the lower and middle basins, and to existing models of Woodland settlement in the Saginaw Valley. It is concluded that a tripartite seasonal locational strategy focusing on the flexible use of broad zones best accommodates existing data for the early Late Woodland Wayne period. The model incorporates the Saginaw Bay coastal zone, the junctures of the lower, middle, and upper basins, and the surrounding uplands into an integrated seasonal round.

INTRODUCTION

The Saginaw Valley of Michigan was one of the most intensively occupied areas of the state throughout some 13,000 and more years of prehistory. Because of this intensity of native use and the unique and productive environmental setting it afforded prehistoric occu- pants, the Saginaw region has piqued the curiosity of numerous archaeologists. Its lure as a focus of research has, over the past century, resulted in the accumulation of massive volumes of data spanning primarily the Late Archaic through Late Woodland periods. It is against this data set that other areas of Michigan are compared, and it is against the backdrop of the Saginaw Valley Ts chronological and cultural framework that the prehistory of most of lower Michigan is interpreted.

Despite, or perhaps even because of, its tenure as a focus of archaeological research and the role it continues to play as a template for regional interpretation, the Saginaw Valley nonetheless plays host to continuing debate on a variety of topics. It also, like other research areas, suffers from its share of subregional bias, thus raising the potential for skewed interpretations of the role different subregions played with respect to changing prehistoric adaptations. Such is clearly the case with the lower drainage of the Saginaw River system, that is, the baymouth and lower river itself.

There have been a number of significant discussions of Woodland adaptations in the Saginaw River drainage basin, including

Fitting (1969, 1971, 1972, 1975; ed. 1972), Fitting and Cleland (1969), and Ozker (1982). Peebles (1978) provides a comprehensive overview of the state of archaeological knowledge of Saginaw County. Despite the number and quality of these contributions, however, the broad settlement- subsistence interpretations of the region generally fail to adequately in- corporate the lower Saginaw drainage basin. This is attributable primarily to a lack of professional attention. Although there have been several cogent contributions by both professional and amateur archaeologists (e.g., Crumley 1973; Fitting and Butterfield 1971; Carstens 1972), this lower area of the drainage basin has received relatively less attention than the upper portions. The data disparity that prohibited detailed incorporation of the lower drainage into regional interpretations was partially addressed by excavation of the Fletcher site (20BY28) by Moreau Maxwell during 1967 and 1968 and James Brown in 1970. This transitional Archaic through eighteenth century occupation is located on the first major southward bend of the Saginaw River in Bay City, Michigan. The combined research at the Fletcher site resulted in excavation of 12,300 ft2 in the most intensively occupied areas of the site. To date, however, the substantial data set from the Fletcher site has primarily been used in the study of prob- lems related to eighteenth century social organization and biophysical adaptation (Main- fort 1979; Sauer 1974; Tordoff 1972) and has been only minimally employed in efforts to

William A. Lovis, University Museum and Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824-1045

ARCTIC ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 153-170, 1985

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154 Arctic Anthropology 22:2

clarify the relationship of the lower basin to the Woodland adaptation in the region (Brashler 1973, 1981).

This paper has several goals with regard to the Fletcher site in particular and the Saginaw Valley region at large. First, the relationship of changing aquatic environments to interpretations of regional productivity will be reviewed and assessed. Second, models of Woodland subsistence and settlement will be critically evaluated in light of recent data from both the Fletcher site and other locales. Third, the role of the Fletcher site will be discussed relative to incorporation of the lower basin into a revised model of Woodland subsistence and settlement for the Saginaw basin.

CHANGING AQUATIC ENVIRONMENTS AND REGIONAL PRODUCTIVITY

Although there were subsequent rises in lake level, the valley was never again as rich for hunting and gathering populations as it had been at the Nipissing high stage (Fitting 1972:268).

The view that post -Archaic hunting and gathering populations were either contending with a less productive regional environment, or were unable to develop strategies capable of exploiting equivalent volumes of foraged foodstuffs, or both, inappropriately conditions our views of the evolution of local subsistence- settlement systems of the Saginaw Valley. It places undue weight on the value of deeper water coastal environments relative to the value of shallow water coastal and riverine contexts as a premise, rather than a hypothesis, for prehistoric adaptation to the region at large. The position taken here is that long-term reductions in the elevation of the Huron basin resulted in a different kind of environment, with different and greater productivity, a greater exploitable area, and potential shifts in the spatial positions of zones of greatest productivity .

The prehistoric adaptations to the Saginaw drainage basin are intimately linked to the evolutionary development of wetland environments which, in large part, are and have been controlled by lake level fluctuations and stabilizations of varying duration and periodi- city. Changes in the coastal and aquatic environments of the upper, middle, and lower Saginaw drainage basin (see Frostic 1918) from the Middle Archaic through Early Woodland periods correlate well with known adaptive transformations (Lovis 1984).

During the late Middle Archaic Dehmel Road phase (c. 5000 to 6000 B.P.), there were inundations of established forest communities and the creation of an impounded waterbody known as the Shiawassee Bay or Embayment,

which was actually a specialized lakeshore and coastal environment (see Papworth 1967). This habitat was effectively exploited from c. 5000 to 3200 B.P. by early Late Archaic populations with a clear aquatic subsistence orientation.

Subsequent reductions in the elevation of the Huron basin initiated the successive creation of vast tracts of wetland in the upper, middle, and lower basins. These were associated with emergent lakeshores newly available for human occupation and exploitation. The newly created wet prairies were exploited by terminal Late Archaic populations and, subsequently, by Woodland peoples who, by the time of Euroamerican contact, were seasonal, semisedentary agriculturalists with a major supplementary hunting /fishing /plant gathering component in their diet.

Among the more significant aspects of the environmental change is that the lower Saginaw drainage was a relatively new area incorporated into the broader settlement-subsistence economy. By 3200 B.P., the surface elevations of the Huron basin had reached about 595 ft a.m.s.l., thus exposing the lake bottom bars and other features submerged by preceding higher lake stages. The upper basin, south of Saginaw, Michigan, experienced reduced water levels. The lower basin, in the vicinity of Bay City, and the moraine upon which it is situated became a series of lowlying sand- bars, channel levees, and island habitats in- laid in a mosaic of riverine, coastal, lacustrine, and impounded backbeach wetlands and perched marshes with emergent aquatic vegetation and associated fauna. Habitable land of the Algoma stage was at elevations above 597-600 ft a.m.s.l. With the exception of buried alluvial deposits (see Larsen and Demeter 1979), therefore, the prehistory of the lower Saginaw basin does not predate c. 3200 B.P.

By most estimates, modern elevations in the Huron basin were attained about 2480±120 B.P. (Speth 1972; Wright 1964; Griffin 1965, M-1432) and were associated with the onset of the ceramic-producing traditions that herald the Early Woodland period. With attainment of modern lake elevations in the 580 ft a.m.s.l. range, large tracts of coastal habitat became available associated with backbeach and nearshore wetlands in abundance. While considerably altered by contemporary development, large parcels of these wetlands remain today. Elevations of about 600 ft a.m.s.l. and 580 ft a.m.s.l. only became available for occupation after c. 2500 B.P. and, in the lower basin, are in proximity to wetlands such as Tobico Marsh to the northwest, the Quanicassee wetlands to the north, and the Saginaw Flats /Cheboyganing Creek wetlands to the south and the southwest. Riverbank wetlands fringed much of the lower Saginaw basin into the 1870s, when industrial lumbering



Lovis: Settlement Dynamics in the Saginaw Drainage 155

began to encroach markedly on these shoreline habitats. Despite this, much intact wetland was present along the lower river as late as 1919 (USGS Bay City Quadrangle, 1919).

While it is clear that the lower Saginaw basin in the vicinity of Bay City could only be occupied after about 2500 B.P., its importance as an integral component of the indigenous adaptation to the region is demonstrated by increasingly intensive prehistoric use through the thirteenth century A.D. and by its incorporation as a substantial series of reserve lands in the Saginaw Treaty of 1819. Large segments of the east bank and the entire west bank of the Saginaw River in Bay City were designated as reserve lands. This same treaty negotiation also set aside reserve parcels at regular locations on the Flint, Cass, Tittabawas- see, and Shiawassee rivers, specifically on the fringes of the upper basin where the Flint and Cass rivers drop from the surrounding morainic uplands into the poorly drained wetlands of the Shiawassee Flats, and in upland locations on the Flint and Shiawassee rivers. As Cleland (1983) has shown, initial reserve land choices were highly reflective of the needs of regional subsistence economies and habitat preferences. In the Saginaw Valley, a tripartite system is reflected by locational choice, with lower riverine wetlands, upland margins proximal to wet prairies, and upland locales composing the spatially separated components of an integrated subsistence strategy.

The preceding discussion leads to some im- portant considerations regarding the richness of post-Nipissing environments for Woodland regional adaptations. After the Nipissing stage, available wetland in the Saginaw Valley increased by approximately 100%, more than doubling exploitable palustrine emergent habitats. While open water conditions may have remained in some areas, the only expansive habitat of this type would have been in Sagi- naw Bay. There was, therefore, a significant shift in habitat type, abundance, and spatial location after the reduction of lake levels to their current stage. While the Shiawassee Embayment undoubtedly contained emergent wetland, this would have been confined to areas with about 1 m of water depth, i.e., primarily where tributaries entered the Embay- ment.

Palynological studies by Jones and Kapp (1972) on the northern edge of the basin, at Tobico Marsh, have shown that there were sharp increases in Typha (cattail), Betula (birch), and Populus (poplar) pollen for the post-Algoma succession. As conditions became drier, succession to communities including Fraxinus (ash), Ulmus (elm), and Quercus (oak) can be documented. Recent studies of wetland habitats in the Saginaw Valley reveal that Typha dominates while, in shallow areas, sedges, smartweed, and willow (Salix spp.)

become common. In open water areas ranging up to 1.75 m deep, abundant macrophytic growth is currently present, including several edible species such as Nymphaea tuberosa (water lilies). Seasonal water level variations result in almost complete surface coverage by midsummer under current climatic conditions.

Wetlands such as swamp and marsh have the highest annual net primary productivities (npp) of any terrestrial or aquatic habitat, averaging 2500 g/m/yr"1. This is twice the average for temperate forest and five times the average for lakes and streams. Of these three habitats, wetlands rank a close second in average bio- mass (Whittaker and Likens 1973). For certain temperate marsh systems, npp can be as high as 4000 g/m^/yr"1 (see Ricklefs 1979: 775). Keenefs recent (1981) discussion of available food species used during the Archaic, as well as other studies (e.g., Cleland 1966), reveal the diversity of mammals, birds, and fish regularly exploited by prehistoric occu- pants of the valley. These studies indicate considerable reliance on the highly productive wetlands of the Saginaw basin from the Late Archaic through the Woodland periods (Fitting 1975). The position taken here is that the distribution of wetlands may have conditioned the settlement transformations of the basin.

MODELS OF WOODLAND SUBSISTENCE AND SETTLEMENT

IN THE SAGINAW VALLEY

Models of regional subsistence and settlement for the Woodland adaptations of the Saginaw Valley have been periodically re- assessed as major new data and orientations have arisen. The goal of this discussion is to update several of the more recent attempts (e.g., Ozker 1977; Peebles 1978) to refine our understanding of this regional adaptation and to take a more contemporary view of certain established interpretations (e.g., Fitting 1971).

The dominant view of the Early Woodland adaptations to the Saginaw Valley is expressed by Ozker (1977, 1982) in her discussions of the Schultz site occupations. She argues that the introduction of cultigens, specifically Cucurbita pepo (squash), and the intensive processing of nut oils involving the use of ceramic technology meant that Early Woodland scheduling and spacing of subsistence activities were somewhat different from those of the Late Archaic. Thus, the Schultz site Early Wood- land occupation is interpreted as centered on the months of June and October.

The central role of the Schultz site cannot be disputed, but as flotation is increasingly used to gain information, it has become clear that the incorporation of nut foods into the diet of the Saginaw Valley people has greater time depth than the Early Woodland, going bac*




at least to the early Late or late Middle Archaic (Lovis 1983). This calls into question the in- ference that ceramics are ultimately related to nut processing and that Early Woodland timing and spacing strategies undergo transformation as a response to the incorporation of nut oils in the diet. Moreover, the potential for de- ferred processing of nuts (i.e., storage until spring) , while not substantially changing the seasonal assignations of the occupation, might argue for altered timing characteristics and associated site activities.

As pointed out by Peebles (1978:120), there are few sites that represent the remainder of the seasonal round. The Kantzler site (20BY30) in Bay City (Crumley 1973) is considered a potential warm season camp (Ozker 1982; Peebles 1978) and, therefore, places the downstream segments of the lower basin in a complementary seasonal configuration to the Schultz site.

The Schultz site appears to have had an even more central role in the Saginaw Valley during the succeeding Middle Woodland period when the site area was used for the construc- tion of a mound group and a circular "enclo- sure;" the site demonstrates occupation throughout the Middle Woodland period (Fitting 1972; Peebles 1978). Despite substantial excavation at other occupation sites in the Saginaw Valley, no other Middle Woodland site similar to the Schultz site has been located. This is true despite the presence of other mortuary locales with Middle Woodland interments such as the Bussinger and Bugai sites (Halsey 1976) or 20LP98 on the margin of the basin (Lovis 1979). These latter sites, moreover, are perhaps the best evidence for the in situ development of a resident population and strategy from the Late Archaic through the Middle and Late Woodland periods. Since these have been interpreted as formal, bounded cemetery sites, they may apparently be reflective of lineal descent groups (Kingsley 1985), corporate groups (Goldstein 1981), or perhaps both. Other evidence for Middle Woodland architecture is available only from the Kantzler site (Crumley 1973).

There are several positions regarding the seasonally of different Middle Woodland site components (see Peebles 1978:120-121). Generalizations about apparent shifts in patterns of exploitation and processing include the hunting of a restricted range of large mammals, an increasing emphasis on large fish such as pike and sturgeon, and the increased collection of edible seeds with a consequent reduction in nut meats and oils as part of the diet (Peebles 1978:121). Cultigens are significantly absent from any of the plant assemblages for this period and, indeed, from Peebles1 hypothesized trends. This raises serious questions about the inferred role of cultigens during the Early Woodland (cf. Ozker 1982), particularly their hypothesized central role in system transformation. Even without cultigens, population

does appear to have increased during this Middle Woodland period (Fitting 1969, 1975), though the larger systemic relationship between the Schultz site at Green Point and the lower basin remained stable.

Interpretation of the Late Woodland adaptation to the Saginaw Valley hinges on several factors: (1) the degree to which one is will- ing to accept the presence of a "resident" population in the region; (2) the degree of system organization one will accept as present among settlements; and (3) the degree of primacy food production holds in the subsistence strategy of Late Woodland populations. That some transformation of the system was in progress can be illustrated by the Late Woodland occupations at the Schultz site. In fact, Fitting (1972:266) views these as sporadic extractive locales related to some larger settlement located elsewhere in the valley; his evidence is sharp decreases in ceramic and feature densities from the Middle Woodland to the early Late Woodland. Fitting (1970, 1971) takes the position that there was a transient, nonresident series of populations that scheduled their use of the Saginaw Valley. While certain of his "ecotypes," specifically the Miami and Ottawa, might have employed domesticates in their overall subsistence patterns, Fitting (1975:169) does not maintain that any of the Saginaw Val- ley Late Woodland sites were agricultural vil- lages. His position is that these subsistence strategies emphasized foraging.

A slightly different position is taken by Halsey (1976) who, based on analysis of the Bussinger and Bugai sites, argues for continuous occupation of the area from the Late Archaic through about A.D. 1300. Halsey also argues for a successful hunting/fishing/gathering subsistence economy in a basically egalitari- an society. This stance on the continuity of residence is supported by a recent analysis of ceramics (Brashler and Holman, this volume). In concert, the two studies isolate a major flaw in other interpretations: the treatment of the entire Late Woodland period as a single phe- nomenon .

The most recent attempt to interpret the Late Woodland (Peebles 1978:122-125) uses con- cepts of resident population, food production, and a tripartite concentric division of the Saginaw Valley organized around the Shiawas- see Flats. Using Level IV at the Schultz site as a model, the inner ring, on the Flats, is a proposed focus of organized marsh-edge, riverine, and lacustrine exploitation. Deer, elk, beaver, sturgeon, and pike should dominate the food remains, with little evidence of either a large residential unit, storage, or maintenance. The middle ring, on the Algon- quin /Nipissing shoreline of Shiawassee Bay, should have two site categories. The first includes large permanent settlements (Peebles uses the Tyra and Bussinger sites as examples)




with houses, pits, complex "activity areas," domesticated foods such as corn, and burial areas. The second site category includes "farmsteads" (e.g., the Mahoney site), smaller agricultural camps, and specialized settlements (e.g., Fosters and Stadelmeyer sites). The outermost ring includes upland hunting /gathering locales. While the model is imbued by Peebles with a certain degree of flexibility, it is nonetheless more constrained than either Fittingfs or Halseyfs models.

Evidence of domestic food production is critical to the adoption of Peebles* model or any model that relies on agriculture as a focus of Late Woodland adaptation in the Saginaw Valley. While it has been adequately demonstrated that squash arrived relatively early (Ozker 1982) and that maize arrived in south- eastern Michigan by c. A.D. 600 (Stothers and Yarnell 1977; Krakker 1983), Late Woodland evidence of domesticates in the Saginaw basin is scant (Table 1) and certainly does not support the primacy of food production in the subsistence strategy. In fact, flotation of two features from the Wayne component at the Weber I site suggests that Chenopodium and other seeds may well dominate plant remains for the Wayne period (Lovis 19á3). This evidence supports the notion that a seasonally directed foraging strategy dominated subsistence during the early Late Woodland. This position is further corroborated by the evidence of various nut species at the Fosters, Stadel- meyer, and Mahoney sites (Bigony 1970) and at the Birch Run Road site (Clark 1985).

Continuous occupation of the Saginaw Valley can be demonstrated only through about A.D. 1300, based on the work of Halsey (1976), Brashler and Holman (this volume), and Lovis (1979). This argues in favor of a division of the Late Woodland interpretive framework, rather than the wholesale application of subsistence- settlement models to the period at large. In this vein, it is notable that the majority of the data used by Peebles are from the pre- A.D. 1300 period. This is unfortunate, given the lack of architectural remains (an identifying criterion of middle ring permanent settlements) from any of these Late Woodland sites. In concert with a general paucity of recovered maize, the ability of this model to adequately explain the archaeological remains must be questioned. It should be pointed out, however, that sites such as Birch Run Road (Clark 1985), with low feature densities, a lack of architecture, and disposal of the dead in a nonformal, nonsegregated space, appear to fit the expectations of the outermost ring.

In summary, an analysis of the various models of Late Woodland settlement and subsistence patterns and a consideration of non- conforming data suggest several generalizations. First, the Late Woodland period in the Saginaw Valley must be treated as two segments: one

from about A.D. 600-1200/1300 and one from post-A.D. 1200/1300-Contact. Second, current evidence would indicate that for the earlier of these periods there was a resident population practicing low boundary maintenance (Luedtke 1976; Brashler and Holman, this volume) and that for the later period there was periodic and transient use of the region. Third, there was a transformation in the structure of the system prior to A.D. 1000 reflected by the decreasing importance of the Schultz site at Green Point. Fourth, there is currently little support for an agricultural adaptation in the period A.D. 600-1200/1300 in the Saginaw Val- ley; the evidence suggests that a hunting/ fishing/gathering adaptation persisted and dominated. It remains to view the Fletcher site in the context of these generalizations.

THE FLETCHER SITE

The Fletcher site (20BY28) was initially brought to public and professional attention in July, 1967, when excavation of a sediment retention basin on Fletcher Oil Company property by the U.S. Army Corps of Engi- neers unearthed substantial numbers of human remains and historic and prehistoric artifacts. Dr. Moreau Maxwell of Michigan State Univer- sity responded to this situation by performing salvage excavation at the site through July, August, and September of that year, return- ing in 1968 for two and one half months of additional work which he partially underwrote. An additional 10 weeks of field investigation was conducted in 1970 under the direction of Dr. James Brown, then of Michigan State University, adding substantially to the volume of data on the prehistoric and eighteenth century occupations of the site as well as augmenting the information on depositional history and environmental context of the site.

While the Fletcher site received considerable excavation, it is in fact only one of a series of sites reported along the lower Saginaw River in Bay City by Smith (1901), Schmidt (1916), Hinsdale (1931), McCormick (1883), and others, The density of these sites reveals an almost continuous occupation of the entire riverbank. Of these, the Kantzler site (20BY30; Crumley 1973) has provided the best synthesis of culture history and subsistence -settlement data for this downstream area, although it has received relatively minimal excavation. Prelimi- nary analysis of the Fletcher site ceramics provides complementary information (Brashler 1973).

The Fletcher site is on the west, or left, bank of the Saginaw River at the first major bend to the south where the river cuts through the so-called Bay City moraine (Fig. 1). It is on the outer, or cut, bank of the bend with a surface elevation of c. 583-585



158 Arctic Anthroplogy 22:2

TABLE 1. LATE WOODLAND CULTIGENS FROM THE SAGINAW BASIN.

ft a.m.s.l., only a few feet above the base elevation of Lake Huron. This elevation may have been subject to periodic inundation related primarily to seasonal and long-term fluc- tuation of the Lake Huron basin rather than the river system. The maximum surface elevation of 585 ft a.m.s.l. means that the Fletcher site would have been just offshore of the Algoma beach (595 ft a.m.s.l.) in Bay City, which has evidence of terminal Late Archaic occupation. The Fletcher site became available for occupation only with the onset of the Early Woodland period.

The stratigraphic sequence at the site (Fig. 2) reveals that the majority of occupation occurs on and in a series of water-laid sand deposits which were apparently part of an offshore bar and channel complex during the Algoma stage. These sand deposits are under- lain by offshore gravels which are sorted and cross-bedded, suggesting that their deposition was the result of higher energy hydraulic processes. Where water-laid sands are thin, prehistoric occupation material is found in primary context in these gravels. The deposition at the site supports the contention that the Fletcher site area was occupied almost imme- diately after its exposure, when water levels dropped to modern elevations. The occupation midden at the site is of substantial thickness, approaching 1 m in some areas. This zone has a substantial silt content and is highly organic. The composition of the matrix is indicative of overbank deposition and cultural processes en- hancing the offshore bar or levee on which the site is located.

The environment in the vicinity of the Fletcher site can be reconstructed from nine- teenth and twentieth century maps and re- flects the relict channel context of the riverbank. Among the better displays of this context is an 1856 map (J. Macomb et al.) that shows marsh and wetland extending south and west of the site proper. This would be the zone between the south end of the Fletcher site and the northward trending Algoma beach line. The latter is displayed on the Macomb map as a prominent ridge. The riverbank and river edge are noted as being mud and sand and of considerable depth (in excess of 6 m in

the 1856 channel) , with the river channel itself being only a short distance from the bank. The 1970 excavations at the Fletcher site defined the position of the original river - bank in the so-called Southeast Trench (Fig. 3; Brewster 1970), revealing the extent of riverfront modification. The opposite side of the river, on the inside edge of the bend, displays considerable shoaling. Open woodland is signified inland of the Fletcher site and on the remnant Algoma beach line. The vegetation in this area is identified as oak in a sketch map made in 1838 by Douglas Houghton, who thereby recorded a hardwood component in proximity to the riverbank prior to intensive lumbering and urban industrial development. This is consistent with presettlement vegetation reconstructions (Veatch 1976) based on the 1839 surveys of this area.

A preliminary assessment of the prehistoric culture sequence of the Fletcher site has been made by Brashler (1973, 1981), who focuses on analysis of ceramics. A summary of her find- ings lends continuity to this discussion of the position of the site at large within the broader regional adaptation. Brashler notes that there is limited ceramic evidence for extensive Early or Middle Woodland occupation of the Fletcher site, despite the presence of Marion Thick/ Schultz Thick (see Ozker 1982), Shiawassee Wares, and Green Point Wares. There is a substantial early Late Woodland Wayne component at the site as inferred from ceramic densities, whereas the later Late Woodland is poorly represented in the ceramic assemblage (Table 2).

Although there is as yet no complete analysis of the lithic assemblage from the site, several generalizations can be made based upon analysis of the 1967 and 1968 materials (Table 3). Specifically, the vast majority of the assemblage is manufactured from locally available Bay port chert; in fact, only 15 of 414 chipped stone artifacts are of nonlocal, or nonBayport materials such as Flint Ridge, Onondaga, Upper Mercer, Norwood, or Kettle Point cherts. All stages of stone tool reduction are present in the lithic assemblage from intact nodules of Bayport chert, through cores and core fragments, several stages of bifacial

Site Item Age Reference

Hart maize kernel Late Woodland Cowan and Smart 1981

Birch Run Road maize cupule early L. Woodland Clark 1985

Caseville Airport maize impression in c. A.D. 1000 Holman et al. 1984 pottery

20SA620 squash early L. Woodland Brunett 1984




Figure 1. Location of the Fletcher Site, 20BY28.



!60 Arctic Anthropology 22:2

Figure 2. Stratigraphy of the Fletcher Site (at 90L10 to 100L10).

reduction, to completed artifacts. As shown in Table 3, drills and scrapers are of low frequency relative to other artifact categories. It is also noteworthy that relative to other artifact classes, preforms or "knives" in various stages of reduction are more abundant. The Kramer, Adena, and Meadowood projectile points demon- strate greater Early Woodland than Middle Wood- land use of the locale. Styles such as Jack's Reef and Raccoon notched and other small notched points, along with a Lamoka-like group diagnostic of the Middle to Late Woodland transi- tion, dominate the classifiable lithics; this is consistent with the ceramic assemblage. Later Levanna and Madison types occur in low frequency. Overall, the projectiles suggest an early Late Woodland (c. A.D. 600 to A.D. 900-1000) occupation apex at the Fletcher site.

Analyses of the features at the Fletcher site provide the best indicators of occupational intensity. The three seasons of excavation recorded a minimum of 543 prehistoric pits of two types, numerous postmolds, some of which display partial structural patterns, and more than 100 eighteenth century interments in addition to three animal burials, one cenotaphic feature, and three prehistoric interments. These enumerations are treated as minima for the excavated area because of the extensive disturbance, primarily of the historic but also of the prehistoric components_. In addition, pit densities were so great (X density = 0.044/ft2) in certain parts of the site that almost continuous overlap occurred, prohibiting the isolation of individual prehistoric endeavors and forcing the identification of pit "complexes" (Fig. 4).

Among the more obvious aspects of the feature and postmold densities within the excavated area at the Fletcher site is the spatial

distribution. Treated as a single unit, the site area displays marked differences in pit densities, and the distribution of postmolds is peripheral to the main part of the pit field at the site. There are three pit "complexes" that signal high density feature areas, and pit densities fall off from these centers. The main pit field is located on the highest part of the channel levee on which the site is located. In fact, the only statistically significant spatial characteristic discovered to date is that densities /unit area increase toward the original riverbank (Weihl 1985). Areas with structural remains occur on the northeast part of the site. It should be noted that pit complexes consisting of similar kinds of pits with similar variability are not uncommon on other Saginaw Valley Late Woodland sites (see Crum- ley 1973; Bigony 1970; Fitting 1970; Carstens 1972; Prahl, personal communication re Tromb- ley House prehistoric components) .

While there are some potentially suggestive vertical distinctions among pit features, the majority have few contents (Zamek 1984). The conservative view here is that, after the stored items were removed, the pits became filled with generalized midden refuse. In a few instances (e.g., Feature 545), quantities of fish bone were found associated with broken jars, and, in other cases, intact but empty jars were found at the base of pits (e.g., Feature BB/ 28). This suggests that jars were employed in pits for storage (cf. Bigony 1970). The activities are distinct from discard behaviors involving no vessels and selected animal body parts or the intentional interment of animals (e.g., Features 34, 281; B47).

The few (n = 3) Late Woodland human interments at the Fletcher site were not confined to a formal disposal area, but were scattered




Figure 3. Location of 1967, 1968, and 1970 Excavations and the Southeast Trench, Fletcher Site.




TABLE 2. FREQUENCY OF CERAMIC TYPES AT THE FLETCHER SITE.*

Compiled from Brashler 1973.

throughout the extensive pit field. This is consistent with other Late Woodland sites in the Sagina w Basin, such as Trombley House (Prahl, personal communication) and Rflarquette Viaduct. It may even call into question the "boundedness" of cemeteries associated with long-term, repeated reoccupation , such as at the Bussinger site, favoring the idea that it is the village locus that receives interments rather than a discrete specialized space.

Faunal remains, while not abundant, were recovered from numerous contexts during the three seasons* excavation at the Fletcher site. Analysis of the assemblage still continues and, given different recovery methods, it would be premature to suggest the relative importance of species in the diet. It is interesting to note, however, that walleye pike (Stizo- stedeon vitreum) dominates both bone frequen- cies and number of independent provenience

occurrences at this stage of the analysis. Birds are currently not well represented (Table 4). A noteworthy omission among the fish specimens is the sturgeon, an early spring spawning fish which holds some promi- nence in the later Schultz site fauna.

To summarize, the Fletcher site displays occupation from the Early Woodland through Contact periods, but, based upon both ceramic and lithic assemblages, the peak of occupation was during the early Late Woodland Wayne period (c. A.D. 600 to 1000). Early and Middle Woodland use of the locale was sporadic and low density. The lithic assemblage displays a full range of reduction, with broken bifaces or preforms dominating, and a paucity of nonlocal material. The internal organization of the settlement separated architectural features and other activities involving pits and hearths, which themselves cluster

Frequency of Percent of Minimal Vessels Minimal Vessels

Early Woodland 1

Schultz Thick 1 0.18

Middle Woodland 17

Tittabawassee Ware 2 0.37

Green Point Ware 12 2.19

Miscellaneous untyped 3 0.55

Late Woodland 529

Wayne Ware 292 53.38

Riviere Ware 20 3.66

Bois Blanc Ware 4 0.73

Mackinac Ware 2 0.37

Traverse Ware 1 0.18

Ontario Iroquois 1 0.18

Miniature untyped 13 2.38

Miscellaneous 8 1.46

Unidentifiable 188 34.37

Total 547 100%



Lovis: Settlement Dynamics in the Saginaw Drainage

TABLE 3. CHIPPED STONE FROM THE FLETCHER SITE: 1967 AND 1968 SEASONS.

Artifact Type 1) Projectile Points

Early Archaic large serrated bifurcate

Transitional Archaic /Early Woodland Meadowood/Hunt side notched Durst-like Kramer Adena Schultz "Ace-of- Spades" Waubesa/Dickson

Middle Woodland Snyders-like

Transitional Late Middle to Early Late Woodland large expanding stemmed small expanding stemmed (some serrated) Raccoon side notched Jack's Reef corner notched

Late Late Woodland Levanna Madison /Madison -like miscellaneous triangular

Untypeable eared triangular side notched corner notched unfinished notched

2) Drills T-base corner notched square base expanding base stemmed fragments

3) Wedges 4) Preforms /"Knives"

miscellaneous notched flat base /parallel ovate blade

basal fragments flat base /contracting blade

basal fragments convex base /parallel ovate blade

basal fragments convex base /ovate blade

basal fragments convex base /lanceolate blade convex base /triangular blade

basal fragments uncías sifiable

"hump backed" flake bifaces

medial blade fragments tip fragments

5) Unclassifiable Bifaces

TOTAL BIFACES (1-5) 6) Transversely /Laterally Retouched

Unif acial "Scrapers"

7) Unclassifiable Unifaces

TOTAL UNIFACES (6+7) GRAND TOTAL

Frequency of Nonlocal Raw Material o

Onondaga (n=l) Norwood (n=l)

(unidentifiable n=l)

Norwood (n=l)

Onondaga (n=l) Kettle Point (n=l) Upper Mercer (n=l)

Flint Ridge (n=l) unidentifiable (n=l) Upper Mercer (n=l) Norwood (n=l) Glacial Till Chert (n=l) unidentifiable (n=3)




Figure 4. Features in Units 100L10 and 110L10, Fletcher Site.

TABLE 4. IDENTIFIED FAUNA FROM THE FLETCHER SITE.

along the river levee. Scattered human interments are found throughout the midden in low density, suggesting the absence of a discrete disposal area. Based on the preliminary analysis of fauna, occupation of the site ranged from spring through autumn by groups of mixed sex and age composition. The depth of the midden accretion and the overlap of features attest to a rather intensive use of the locale during the early Late Woodland,

SEASONAL AND SPATIAL DYNAMICS OF LATE WOODLAND SETTLEMENT

The data from the Fletcher site add significantly to our understanding of Late Wood- land adaptive dynamics in the Saginaw Valley. While it has been demonstrated that occupation at the site began during the Early Woodland, and continued with low intensity through the Middle Woodland, it is clear that the primary occupation was during the early Late Woodland Wayne period (c. A.D. 600 to 1000), and the majority of the following discussion addresses that period. Specific variables that warrant further consideration include feature densities, the presence of abundant postmold patterns on certain areas of the site, the lack of a formal mortuary area, and initial estimates of site seasonality. In concert, these variables are directed to a revised view of early Late Woodland spatial dynamics.

During the Late Woodland period, the Fletcher site locale perhaps played a role

MAMMALS

Canis sp. (dog, wolf) Canidae (canids) Odocoileus virginianus (whitetaü deer) Ondatra zibethicus (muskrat) Cervus canadensis (elk) Ursus americanus (black bear) Sciurus carolinensis (squirrel) Erethizon dorsatum (porcupine)

TURTLE

Unidentifiable , present

MOLLUSCS

Unidentifiable, present FISH

Stizostedion vitreum (yellow walleye) Catostomidae (suckers) Catostomus cf. commersoni (white sucker) Ictalurus sp. (bullhead) Ictaluridae (catfish, bullhead) Pylodictus olivaris /Ictalurus punctatus

(flathead catfish /channel catfish) Micropterus sp. (black bass) Micropterus cf. salamoides (largemouth bass) Amia calva (bowfin)

BIRD

cf. Ay thy a sp.




TABLE 5. FEATURE DENSITY PER UNIT AREA AT LATE WOODLAND SITES.

xBased on total excavated area. 2Based on area bounding features and burials. 3Densities reported per unit volume, not area. ''Based on total of both Woodland and Archaic features.

similar to that played by the Schultz site at Green Point during the Middle Woodland period; it comes closest to meeting the criteria for a middle zone settlement as defined by Peebles (1978:122-123). The Fletcher site is the only Late Woodland site in the Saginaw basin with substantial numbers of large postmolds and postmold patterns that are spatially segregated from either storage or processing activities. The pit field itself is structured on a spatial gradient such that the greatest density of pit features is adjacent to the river along the crest of the natural levee. Among the best indicators of relative intensity of occupation in this vicinity is the mean feature density per square foot of excavation of the site (x/ft2) of 0.044. This figure is higher by 40% than the next highest reported Late Woodland site feature density (see Table 5), which is at the Stadelmeyer site (Bigony 1970).

The Stadelmeyer site figure is at the upper extreme of the figures for a series of sites located either at the juncture of the upper and middle basins in the vicinity of Saginaw, Michigan (e.g., Bussinger and Schultz sites), on the fringes of the upper basin (e.g., Fosters and Mahoney sites), or upstream on riverine tributaries (e.g., Naugle and Sumac Bluff). Given certain stipulations with regard to the Bussinger and Schultz sites (see Table 5), feature densities may be as low as 0.010/ ft2 at these sites. These sites are further dis- tinguished by their lack of postmold patterns, thus contrasting them with the Fletcher site. Further from the juncture of the lower and middle basins, along the Lake Huron shores, the density of features /unit area is further

reduced, as exemplified by coastal sites such as Tobico and Caseville Airport. These sites have few features and no postmold patterns. The Tobico site has been interpreted as a sum- mer village (Carstens 1972:149), but it is more likely that both sites reflect smaller residential units as proposed for the Caseville Airport site (Holman et al. 1984:18-19).

The structure of the mortuary domain at the Fletcher site and other early Late Wood- land occupations provides additional points of comparison. The question is whether a "burial area" as a separate spatial locus for the disposal of the dead can be defined at these sites. There are only two reported sites with Late Woodland and earlier remains that suggest separate and discrete disposal areas maintained through time: the Bugai site (Halsey 1976) and 20LP98 (Lovis 1979). The existence of discrete disposal areas is sufficient to suggest the presence of either descent groups (Kingsley 1985) or corporate groups (Goldstein 1981; Saxe 1970) who buried their dead in spatially distinct areas. The temporal factor favors the former. The presence of interments in pits within the general midden at Bussinger (Halsey 1976), Fletcher (Sauer 1974), Trombley House (E. Prahl, personal communication), Marquette Viaduct (MSU field notes, 1970), and Birch Run Road (Clark 1985), however, suggests at least two alternate forms of disposal. The mound /nonmound dichotomy in burials that was present in the Middle Woodland of the Saginaw Valley indicates similar flexibility in the mortuary program. There are cemeteries and there is within - village disposal. The latter option, practiced

Site Name X/ft2 Location

Fletcher 0.044 between lower and middle basins

Stadelmeyer 0.026 between middle and upper basins

Bussinger1 0.008 between middle and upper basins

Bussinger2 0.016 between middle and upper basins

Schultz Late Woodland3 less than 0.016 between middle and upper basins Fosters 0.018 margins of upper basin

Mahoney 0.017 margins of upper basin

Naugle1* 0.006 upstream on tributary Sumac Bluff 0.002 upstream on tributary Caseville Airport 0.003 Saginaw Bay northeast

Tobico 0.001 Saginaw Bay northwest




at the same locale through time, may result in an accretional disposal area integral with an occupation locale periodically reoccupied for several millennia. This forces a closer inspec- tion of the distinctions between the two modes and suggests that potentially discrete symbolic/ structural functions may have accrued to each mode. Burials within the village represent pragmatic disposal of the dead during some portion of a transient seasonal pattern, as op- posed to the formal integrative symboling of inclusion within a descent or corporate group cemetery. Rules for inclusion in either program may well have been as simple as the season of death relative to seasonal site location and cemetery location. In any event, the evidence argues against wholesale adoption of the formal cemetery concept for this time period and, in fact, may argue for the traditional importance of certain locales (i.e., a nonsite approach) in the evolution of local subsistence- settlement patterns or for these locations being associated with descent or corporate group territories during all or some portion of the annual round.

The distinctions noted may be reflective of other structural differences as well; it may be that certain locales in the greater system were not linked to specific descent and /or corporate groups, but were employed by several such groups without regard for specific affilia- tions. While this type of community structure may also result in several separate disposal areas, it is not required (Kingsley 1985).

The latter interpretation gains some support by virtue of the relatively confusing multiple seasonalities associated with early Late Woodland sites in the region. Thus, the Stadelmeyer site is viewed as a winter /early spring occupation (Bigony 1970:163), and the Schultz site is interpreted as a series of transient camps with emphasis on spring and fall earlier in the occupation and winter later in the occupation (Fitting 1972:266). The Fosters and Mahoney sites are inferred to be fall /winter sites on the basis of proportions of bone by class (Bigony 1970:191, 208), and Birch Run Road is considered primarily an autumn occupation (Clark 1985 and personal communication). The Naugle and Sumac Bluff sites, in accord with the preceding, are also considered to be fall and winter locales (Ozker 1976a: 309, 1976b: 339). In contrast, the Caseville Airport site has indicators for spring through fall (Holman et al. 1984:18-19). The fauna thus far identified from the Fletcher site could support occupation during any part of the year. The evidence is strongest for spring through fall, although it is premature to favor any one season.

In summary, the general picture is one of a rather mobile seasonal strategy in which certain sites (or perhaps more correctly the larger locale of which the sites were part) were seasonally reoccupied during several episodes by

smaller residential or task units. This is particularly true of late winter /early spring sites and late fall /early winter sites. Foci of habitation during the warm season were those areas with both the greatest carrying capacity and access to greatest resource variety. It was the juncture of the lower basin (Saginaw Bay) and the middle basin (Saginaw Flats) that fulfilled this locational role with emergent wetlands, open lacustrine habitat, and hardwood forests proximal to a major river channel. Thus, the Fletcher site was located in a larger natural setting that had the potential to support the greatest seasonal population aggregate. Autumn/ winter sites such as Fosters, Mahoney, Naugle, Sumac Bluff, and Birch Run occupy the fringes of the upper and middle basins, and they may have functioned as seasonal base locales .

Integration of the data on natural habitats in the Saginaw Valley, coupled with data from early Late Woodland sites compared on the basis of feature density, presence of structural remains, presence or absence of formal cemetery areas, and estimates of site seasonality, provides a picture of a dynamic system of regional mobility during the early Late Wood- land. It is apparent that three overlapping zones of seasonal extraction served to organize the regional system (Figure 5). The fringes of the upper basin (Shiawassee Flats) and upstream on the tributaries of the Saginaw River were the foci of late fall /winter activities. This places emphasis on the uplands and upland margins of the Saginaw drainage basin during these seasons. During late winter/ early spring, the juncture of the upper and middle basins and possibly the juncture of the middle and lower basins were employed as transitional extractive locales, with attention paid to early wetland succession. From spring through early fall, prime extractive locales were the juncture of the lower and middle basins and the shoreline of Saginaw Bay, which placed a premium on riverine, wetland, and lacustrine habitats throughout the warm season. Moreover, it is this zone that has the earliest last frost and the latest first frost in the Saginaw system, thereby affording the greatest chance of success with the supplemental use of cultigens.

The Fletcher site occupations generally, and the early Late Woodland Wayne component in particular, are reflective of the shift to a downstream, baymouth, warm season population aggregation. While the evidence for cultigens is currently scant, it is possible that the timing of the transformation is related to greater emphasis on domestic foods supplementing a well developed wetland adaptation.

Acknowledgements. A major debt is owed my friend, teacher, and colleague Moreau S.




Figure 5. Early Late Woodland Seasonal Extraction Zones in the Saginaw Basin (existing wetlands darkened).




Maxwell for introducing me to the intricacies of salvage archaeology at the Fletcher site during 1967 and 1968 and for his many contributions to my training thereafter. This paper has further benefited from the use of several maps in the collection of Hon. Ira Butterfield, who gra- ciously allowed me access to the many documents in his personal library. Drs. Margaret Holman and Patricia Whittier have been liberal in commenting on both substance and structure. I hope that the contributions they have made are evident.

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