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FROM PAGE TO STONE: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE
AT THE ABBEY OF SAINT-BENOIT-SUR-LOIRE,
ITS INSPIRATION AND INFLUENCE
By
JENNACA SKYE TAIPALUS
A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE MASTER OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2018
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank everyone who has played a role in my academic achievements. First
of all, my mother for her unwavering support and love. Karen, who has been my constant
advocate, and my friends and cohort, whose help and friendship has been invaluable and made
this experience something that I will always value. Finally, I would like to thank my committee
chair Dr. Ashely Jones for her support, insights, and time, as I pursued my interests in the
Romanesque, and Dr. Ross for her feedback which has been integral in the formation of this
thesis. And lastly, my interest in the Romanesque and apocalyptic art in general was sparked by
Dr. Scott Brown who I will be eternally grateful for. His excitement for the subject was
infectious and inspired me to continue my education.
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4
ABSTRACT .....................................................................................................................................6
1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................7
Apocalyptic Commentary .........................................................................................................8
Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire Today .................................................................................................14
2 FLEURY ABBEY ..................................................................................................................18
The Abbey ..............................................................................................................................18
An Intellectual Center .............................................................................................................19
Gauzlin ....................................................................................................................................20 Bell Tower and its Sculptural Inspiration ...............................................................................24 Tower Layout ..........................................................................................................................26
3 FROM PAGE TO STONE .....................................................................................................29
Apocalyptic Cycle ..................................................................................................................29 Textual Influences ..................................................................................................................30 Space .......................................................................................................................................36
4 AFTER FLEURY ...................................................................................................................44
Fleury’s Influence ...................................................................................................................44
Pilgrims Guide ........................................................................................................................46 Later Structures and Light ......................................................................................................49
5 CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................................54
APPENDIX ....................................................................................................................................58
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..........................................................................................................................59
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .........................................................................................................62
6
Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
FROM PAGE TO STONE: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE
AT THE ABBEY OF SAINT-BENOIT-SUR-LOIRE,
ITS INSPIRATION AND INFLUENCE
By
Jennaca Skye Taipalus
December 2018
Chair: Ashley Jones
Major: Art History
Situated between Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Neustrie, on the bank of the Loire River
stands the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. Construction on the abbey we know today began
sometime in the late 10th century. The bell or porch tower, also known as Gauzlin Tower, boasts
an unusual sculptural program, the like of which has little precedence.
This thesis looks at the construction and sculptural program of Gauzlin tower in relation
to apocalyptic fears surrounding the millennium as well as the abbey’s position on pilgrimage
routes. As the year 1000 approached it brought with it many fears as it was believed that it would
bring with it not only a new millennium, but the beginning of the apocalypse as described in
John’s Revelation. The vibrant manuscripts produced at the time were filled with colorful images
and whole pages were dedicated to prominent scenes in Revelation. One such manuscript, known
as the Trier Apocalypse, may have informed the sculptors of the Gauzlin Tower. By adapting
imagery from manuscripts, the sculptors at the abbey were able to create a unique structure and
delineate meaning through the placement of well-known images. This thesis examines these
similarities and contends that Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire is an important point in the development of
apocalyptic representation as it jumps from the page to stone.
7
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Situated between Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Neustrie on the bank of the Loire River
stands the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. The large structure juts up from the relatively flat
landscape creating an impressive profile against the sky that can be seen from a great distance.
Portions of the Abbey date from as early as the ninth century but there is evidence that a
structure of this sort has stood there for longer than that. Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire gets its name
from the relics of St Benedict that are housed at the abbey, but before that, it was known as
Fleury Abbey and that will be the name to which it is referred for the rest of this thesis.
Fleury Abbey boasts an unusual and impressive sculptural program that is housed in an
area of the church, called Gauzlin tower, which is in itself unusual as there is very little
precedence for a structure of this sort. This thesis will look at Gauzlin tower and its sculptural
program and examine what may have influenced such an unusual structure and the impact it may
have had on the construction of future sites. The first introductory Chapter will take a look at
early textual and visual apocalyptic traditions as they developed out of the late antique and into
the middle ages. Books such as the Trier Apocalypse prove to be very interesting when
compared to the capitals found at Fleury. Chapter two discusses Fleury’s position in the kingdom
and its power and influence not only as a monastery but as a center for learning, one that had
connections to the king. It will also examine the construction of the Abbey as we see it today.
The capital cycle in Gauzlin tower fills most of Chapter three, taking a close look at the
composition of the capitals and comparing them to textual sources from the time and examine
their location within the tower itself. And finally, Chapter four will look at possible influences
that would have inspired the builders of Fleury and the possible consequence it may have had on
8
future structures. Through all of this, Fleury Abbey appears to be a site situated at the cusp of a
new sculptural tradition that would be fully realized in the later Gothic.
Apocalyptic Commentary
Apocalyptic concerns are deeply rooted in many societies, this is especially true for the
western Christianized world. Such concerns, found in both the Book of Daniel in the Old
Testament and John's Book of Revelation in the New Testament, provided abundant material for
contemplation and examination in the first millennium CE. The book of Revelation, in particular,
was subject to exegetical examination in the medieval Latin West, which resulted in a multitude
of commentaries produced by various thinkers. Authors such as the Venerable Bede, Beatus,
Ambrosius Autpertus, Alcuin, Haymo, and Berengaudus,1 were all writing before and during the
reign of the Carolingians.2 Their texts included their own interpretations built on many of the
themes and concerns of earlier authors and church fathers. Before the commentaries produced
during the period of the Carolingians, the major themes found in apocalyptic thought dealt with
the Antichrist, the myth of the duration of the 1000 year kingdom, and the Sibylline Oracles, all
of which were the main concerns from about the year 100 to 600.3 Furthermore, earlier
apocalypticism of the classical period also worked its way into later medieval themes and
imagery regarding the end of the world.4 As the year 1000 grew near and fears of the end
increased, John’s Revelation was thrown into the spotlight, inspiring new written and visual
exegetical works that aimed to understand and decipher what was to come.
1 Not all of which will be discussed here
2 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1998), 39-40.
3 Ibid. 13-14.
4 Ibid 15.
9
John’s Revelation, the last book of the New Testament, is an incredible work filled with
vivid imagery. With over twenty-two references to the act of “seeing” it is no wonder that it has
received such attention from artists of all time periods.5 Starting in the eighth century,
manuscripts of the text were embellished with vivid illuminations, the iconography of which
would slowly work its way into stone by the eleventh century. These images would eventually
greet churchgoers as they entered cathedrals, standing as a graphic reminder of what is to come;
and appear behind the altar, to serve as a backdrop to emphasize the importance of salvation and
the role of the church. Before this could happen though, commentaries were written that parsed
each passage of John’s vision and attempted to explain the vivid, and at times cryptic, events that
were laid out in the text.
The Venerable Bede wrote his Commentary on Revelation at the end of the seventh
century. It was one of his earlier works, but it became one of his most influential texts. Many
copies were made, resulting in a large number of surviving copies. Today 113 manuscripts
survive, 84 of which contain the full text, 28.5 from the eighth and ninth centuries, 7.5 from the
tenth, and 16.5 from the 11th.6 The sheer volume of copies speaks to the importance of this text
for exegetes. Bede’s systematic approach to John’s Revelation provides a precise analysis of
each passage and methodically breaks down the symbolism as he sees it. The English monk paid
particular attention to the foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem, the stones and gems involved,
and the openness of the gates and the shape of the structure. He states, “that the gates will not be
5 Natasha O'Hear and Anthony O'Hear. Picturing the apocalypse: the book of Revelation in the arts over two
millennia. (Oxford University Press, 2017), 18.
6 Bede le Venerable, and Faith Wallis. Commentary on revelation. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. 2013)
some of these surviving manuscripts bridge the dates grouped here, resulting in the .5’s
10
shut as a sign of total security” in response to Rev. 21:25.7 This is an interesting point when
considering the open bays of Gauzlin tower, part of Fleury Abbey built in the early eleventh
century, a design feature that is examined in detail later. Bede’s influence was so great that his
work is included in some later apocalyptic commentaries and used by other commentators to
strengthen their ideas on the end of time. These later manuscripts containing Bede’s work could
also include visual representations of the passages as part of their examination of the text,
highlighting important passages and eventually creating a canon of apocalyptic imagery that was
almost formulaic in its application.
One of the most notable apocalyptic commentaries to follow Bede, especially regarding
visual representations, was produced by Beatus of Liébana, a monk born around the middle of
the 8th century in what is modern-day Spain. Copies of Beatus’ commentary on the apocalypse
eventually became densely illustrated with images throughout the text, depicting with vivid
colors and full-page illuminations how the world would end. Beatus' commentary was copied
many times over, and yet none of the copies from his lifetime are still extant. The bulk of Beatus’
work was a compilation of earlier works that he arranged for his own exegetical reasons. In his
introduction, Beatus explains some of his motives for compiling the text. He states that he hopes
to make these earlier works accessible through the use of common language, thereby broadening
the audience of these earlier apocalyptic commentaries.8 It follows, then, that the Beatus
manuscript would evolve one step further to include visual representations of the passages. The
illustrations within the text depicted vignettes from the Bible that appeared on the corresponding
pages, instead of an exegetical examination of the text which was a common practice in earlier
7 Ibid. 297.
8 John Williams, "The Apocalypse commentary of Beatus of Liébana," in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed
Richard Emmerson and Bernard McGinn (Ithica: Cornell University Press, 1992), 218.
11
commentaries.9 None of the early versions of this text exist; instead, thirty-two copies created
between the ninth and the thirteenth centuries preserve Beatus’ original work.10 In its final
iteration, copies of the Beatus Manuscript contained one hundred and eight images, and by the
tenth century more space within the codex was designated for the illustrations, many of which
now contained vividly colored backgrounds and occupied two pages.11
There is some debate as to how far the Beatus commentary traveled and by what date.
We do know that it made it over the Pyrenees and into the western Frankish empire by the
eleventh century. A well-preserved copy of the manuscript (the Beatus of Saint-Sever) produced
at Saint-Sever in western France at that time is one of the earliest extant examples of this text in
France. This particular version contains vividly painted images that use bright blocks of color as
backdrops for the dramatic scenes depicted; however, its influence on the region is unclear. By
the thirteenth century, the Beatus manuscript’s fame had grown significantly with the production
and distribution of copies stretching from Spain into France.
The earliest extant illustrated apocalyptic manuscripts come from the Carolingian period,
including one in the Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), which contains the most extensive
Carolingian apocalyptic image cycle. Known as the Trier Apocalypse, it is filled with seventy-
four full-page illustrations. However, the relationship between the images and the text on the
corresponding page is unclear as the images and text do not line up.12 There appears to be no
influence of the apocalyptic commentaries, as it only contains the text of John’s Revelation, an
9 Ibid, 217-233. 223-226.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid, 219.
12James Snyder. "The Reconstruction of an Early Christian Cycle of Illustrations for the Book of Revelation: The
Trier Apocalypse." Vigiliae Christianae 18, no. 3 (1964), 147-148.
12
omission which may indicate that it belongs to an earlier date.13 The illustrations appear to have
been created by one artist, or at least one hand created the strong outlines. The artist used zones
to separate narrative scenes that occurred on the same page, although at times several moments
of a narrative appear side by side without such clear distinctions. Often, the scenes themselves
appear out of order. Notably, folio 19v depicts the four horsemen in the reverse order of how
they appear in the text (Figure 1-1). The page is still divided into three registers, although there is
no drawn border between the middle and bottom regions. These unique distinctions separate the
Trier Apocalypse from other illustrated apocalyptic cycles, even those that would appear later.
Furthermore, the artist added small details to fill blank space on specific pages. The figure of
John appears 71 times within the folio, which seems excessive compared to the facts that fewer
than twenty passages within the Revelation call attention to his presence.14 The inclusion of John
throughout the text may have been meant to enhance the idea of witnessing, connecting the
image directly to the visions as seen by John and the authority that his presence and words carry.
The whole manuscript has an overall classical style, its figures are static, and there is little
expression to show panic or alarm except for wide, dilated eyes (Figure1-2).15 Features such as
this will prove interesting when looking at early representations of the apocalypse in stone.
From these early texts grew a canon of imagery associated with the apocalypse and the
return of Christ. Revelation itself is a very vivid and often gruesome text and from these
descriptions symbols and images were pulled and developed. As mentioned earlier, the
13 Ibid, 154.
14 Ibid, 150. (Scholars often refer to this figure as John the Evangelist, however how he would have been identified
in the time of this manuscripts creation is uncertain)
15 Frederik van der Meer. Apocalypse: visions from the Book of Revelation in western art. (New York: Alpine Fine
Arts Collection. 1978), 99.
13
descriptive language used to detail John’s vision in Revelation lends itself to the visual medium
of manuscript illumination, its vivid descriptions providing the monks with a plethora of material
from which to work; such as frescos, and eventually, sculpture typically found on the facades of
churches. Common visual references of John’s vision include the alpha (A) and the omega (Ω),
the Lamb, Christ in Majesty/God in Majesty, the four beasts of the apocalypse/or the symbols of
the four evangelists, and the twenty-four elders. Early versions of this very popular visual
imagery can be found well before the emergence of the sculpture that filled the facades of the
Romanesque and later Gothic. However, these scenes were expanded on and no longer served as
a mere reminder of the book of Revelation, but also as a visual representation of its contents,
complete illustrations of the last book of the Bible. Popular illuminations found in the text
influence designs and the vision of heavenly Jerusalem inspired and guided architects of
religious structures.
Figural stone sculpture in the Middle Ages would first appear as architectural
embellishments found on column capitals and surrounding doorways of religious structures. A
departure from their Roman predecessors who kept to vegetal designs to embellish their
capitals.16 In many ways, monumental sculpture as it was created and developed under the
Carolingians was not a rebirth of earlier practices but a reimagining and continuation of an
evolving practice.17 As the use of sculptural figures within an architectural space started to
emerge, and quickly boom, in various parts of France around the year 1000, the style and
proportions were altered to fit their new architectural frame. The function, arrangement, and
16 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1999), 113.
17 Millard Fillmore Hearn. Romanesque sculpture: the revival of monumental stone sculpture in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1985), 24.
14
composition of these images in this new medium (i.e., stone) within the confines of an
architectural structure proved to be an ongoing relationship that was under constant
consideration. Themes that would appear very early on in one part of a church would later find a
home in a new location that was deemed more appropriate for the overall cohesiveness of the
sculptural program within the architectural body.18 Sculpture on the exterior of a church became
a common occurrence, almost as a way to prepare the viewer for what they will experience
within the confines of the church. At pilgrimage shrines, images of saints are found in specific
chapels almost acting as a label for a defined space within the whole (as can be found at Santiago
de Compostela).19 Churches and monasteries in different regions, influenced by different
sources, began to share their styles and compositions, especially those monasteries united under
Cluniac rule or connected by established pilgrim roads.20
Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire Today
Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, formerly known as Fleury Abbey, is a beautiful example of the
struggles faced by the Church and its craftsmen around the year 1000, and consequently, their
problem-solving. The Abbey is situated south of Paris and East of Orléans on the banks of the
Loire river. The Abey, founded in the mid-seventh century, contains an array of sculptures from
various periods as it has undergone several phases of construction and been subject to a few
sackings at various points in time. The monastery closed its doors after the French Revolution,
however, in 1944 it was re-founded, and reconstruction of the monastery and abbey began.21 One
18 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1999), 114-18.
19 Ibid, 115.
20 V. I. Atroshenko and Judith Collins. The origins of the Romanesque: Near Eastern influences on European art,
4th-12th centuries. (Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press. 1986), 156.
21 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-
fleury.com/histoire.html
15
of the abbey’s most notable features is a bell tower that serves as the entryway on the western
end of the church. In 2007 the bell tower, known as Gauzlin Tower, underwent conservation
treatments to preserve its detailed sculpture. During the restoration of the bell tower, the church
chose to finish some of the capitals that had up until then remained blank, or unfinished, since
the initial construction of the tower in 1020.22 It is interesting to note that the current monks
made careful selections for the topics of each new capital and they are rendered in such a way
that they do not detract at all from the overall experience of the tower today.23
Gauzlin tower remains a vital structure, not only because of the abbey’s overall
importance but because of its sculptural program. It contains some of the earliest New Testament
apocalyptic imagery to be found in the medium of stone. Meaning that the capitals that reside in
Gauzlin tower were produced several years before the famed Romanesque tympana filled with
last judgment scenes like those found at Reims, Autun, and Vézelay. Prior to Gauzlin tower,
images of the Son of Man, or of the symbols of the evangelists (or the beasts of the apocalypse)
were frequent visual references to the final book of the Bible but were confined to fresco or
mosaics. It is at Gauzlin tower where the translation of not only images but also some narrative
scenes from John’s Revelation into stone occurs. In an almost frieze-like manner, the narratives
wrap around the capitals. Scenes from several other stories from the gospels and other texts, such
as the life of Saint Martin and the life of the Virgin, can be found in the tower as well. The tower,
constructed between the years 1004-1030, was meant to stand as its own structure, but with the
construction of the current basilica beginning in 1067, that idea was short lived as the tower was
22 Viemont, Rodolphe, Olivier Py, and Regis Martin. Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire restauration de la tour-porche. ([S.l.]:
Soleil cherche futur [ed.]. 2009).
23 The new capitals added in the end of the 20th century are omitted from this thesis.
16
incorporated into the overall structure. March 21, 1108, saw the consecration of the apse and
choir and on August 2nd of that same year, King Phillip was buried in the sanctuary.24 The
French Revolution saw the dispersal of the monastic community and the destruction of the
monastery, and Fleury Abbey would exist in a minor role until its re-founding in 194425
Fleury Abbey offers us a unique glimpse into the moment when images were moving
from the page to stone. Credited with reviving the Corinthian style, Fleury looked to traditional
Roman sculpture, especially regarding architecture, and attempted to adapt it to the needs of the
early 11th century. The oldest extant part of the abbey, its crypt has a few minor embellishments
to the capitals of the stocky, heavy columns, that fill the space (Figure 1-3), and may reflect the
style of the earlier structure that stood on the spot. The next oldest structure of the Abbey is
Gauzlin tower. Started in 1020 by Abbot Gauzlin, it was initially built to stand on its own. The
square structure would have had a total of twelve entrances through the three open archways on
all four sides. The current church was built to abutt the western wall of the tower, consequently
filling in the two outer archways and preserving the central one as the entrance into the nave of
the church. The original archways are still apparent from the interior of the ground floor of the
tower, however, the addition of pilasters in the middle of each arch as though the architects were
trying to obscure the original design of the tower. The capitals of these pilasters remained blank
until the recent restoration and therefore do not figure into the original intended sculptural
program. The windows in the second-floor chapel of the tower, are similarly filled in, further
evidence of the towers original design as a free-standing structure.
24 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-
fleury.com/histoire.html
25 Ibid.
17
How Gauzlin designed, decorated, this tower and how it was eventually adapted to the
overall structure of the basilica is worth examining. This small abbey church, that at one point
had so much power and fame in the region, provides us with an example of a pivotal moment in
the development of Romanesque sculpture. From the narratives that decorate the tower’s capitals
and their style and compositions, which link them to early illuminated text, to the included
details that are abandoned in later representations of the same story, Fleury offers an array of
material to examine.
18
CHAPTER 2
FLEURY ABBEY
The Abbey
Located on the west bank of the Loire River, upstream and east of the town Orléans in
modern-day France, lies the Abbey of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. The Abbey, formerly known as
Fleury Abbey, was founded between 630-650CE and has undergone several reconstructions and
structural changes over time, resulting in the building we see today. The current structure is a
hodge-podge of styles, with an early Romanesque bell tower and basilica, Carolingian crypt, and
Gothic northern portals. In the Middle Ages, Fleury Abbey was a significant teaching site for the
church and was famous for its scriptorium and extensive library collection. Amidst the revival of
learning that blossomed under the reign of the Carolingians in the 9th and 10th centuries, the
library at Fleury flourished and led to the abbey amassing a vast collection of didactic works.
Scholarly monks came from all over France to study at Fleury in the latter half of the tenth
century, often bringing with them more works to add to the growing collection.1 Unfortunately,
fires, theft, and “borrowed” books have led to some significant changes in the collection over
time, and it has proven difficult to catalog precisely what was housed in the abbey library and
when.2 However, there has been an attempt to catalog the current collection, track down Fleurian
manuscripts housed in other collections, and use what information can be gathered to piece
together a better understanding of what volumes it once housed that are no longer extant.
Prior to becoming a center for learning in the monastic world, Fleury Abbey was the
home of the bones of St. Benedict. The relics, brought from Italy to the abbey around the year
1 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989),
30.
2 Ibid.
19
700, put the abbey on the map as a pilgrimage destination (and influenced the later name of the
abbey in the 20th century as Saint-Benoit-sure-Loire).3 The abbey’s role as a pilgrimage site, a
center for learning, and its proximity to Orléans and relationship to the ruling powers ensured
that there was a constant influx of visitors to the site.
An Intellectual Center
In the late tenth century, under the rule of Abbot Abbo (988-1004), the intellectual
influence of the abbey was at a high point. Fleury was able to maintain an amicable relationship
with the palace and the newly established Capetian dynasty, under the rule of Hugh Capet, which
afforded the abbey certain privileges and allowed its reputation and status to grow.4 The library
at Fleury was deemed a "teaching library" in 798, and this status kept the monks of the abbey
busy copying and transcribing books and teaching and training new monks and fellow scholars.
Many duplicate texts, created at Fleury, found homes in other monastic libraries and various
collections.5 As mentioned before, a complete catalog of the library’s collection is not available,
and attempts have been made to create a comprehensive list of some of the items as well as use
what remains to determine what might have been in the abbey’s possession in the past. Many of
the writings that were known to be part of the collection are works of historical significance,
works focusing on the liberal arts, classical knowledge, various religious texts, and their many
commentaries. The scholarly practices and vast library would lay the groundwork for the
building programs undertaken as the abbey rebuilt itself and evolved into what we see today.
3 Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University
Press. 1993), 266.
4 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989),
19-20.
5Ibid, 2-22.
20
Abbot Gauzlin became the abbot in 1004, and under his rule, the abbey school continued
to grow. His status as the illegitimate son of Hugh Capet, the king of the Franks and a descendant
of Charlemagne, brought attention to the abbey, extending its influence to England and Spain.6
Gauzlin was able to increase the abbey’s reputation and secure its importance in the region.
Monastic schools often donated to the collection at Fleury and as new prayer communities
developed the relationships with other religious centers were strengthened.7 It was under his rule
that the church underwent some major structural changes, most notably a new library he hoped to
be fireproof, and a bell tower at the western entrance of the church. The “turricula” or tower he
built was a separate structure from the basilica and consisted of several floors.8 The upstairs
contained the library collection while the main floor served as the scriptorium. The bell tower
that now bears the abbot's name, Gauzlin Tower, is a significant structure that this thesis will
examine further.
Gauzlin
The tower at Fleury was named for Abbot Gauzlin who built on the important work of his
predecessor Abbo. The monastery of Fleury was ruled by Abbot Abbo for sixteen years until he
met a gruesome death in the year 1004. During his time, he earned the reputation of being the
most learned man of his day and was an advisor to the king.9 He controlled the abbey and
maintained its position of power during the fall of the Carolingian rule and the rise of the
6Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University
Press. 1993), 266-268
7 Marco Mostert. The library of Fleury: a provisional list of manuscripts. (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers. 1989),
25-27.
8 The great library was destroyed by the Huguenots during the Wars of Religion (1562–98) (“Fleury Abbey:
History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-fleury.com/histoire.html)
9 Elizabeth Dachowski. First among abbots: the career of abbo of fleury. ([Place of publication not identified]:
Catholic Univ Of Amer Pr. 2013), 11.
21
Capetians beginning with Hugh Capet in 987. Abbo produced many works in his time on various
subjects. One of his most notable works, Apologetic Work, dates from around 995, and in it, he
defends monastic rights.10 Abbo met his end during a riot at La Reole, where he was attempting
to enforce monastic rule. The Fleurisian monks were quick to claim his status as a martyr, and
his biographer, a fellow monk, named Ainoinus, was quick to start his work chronicling the
abbot's life. Abbo was a powerful , and while he eventually formed a relationship with the newly
appointed king, Hugh Capet, there is evidence that this relationship did not start off smoothly.
Certain parts of Abbo’s life were glossed over by his biographer, most likely as an attempt to
focus on his achievements that would aid the abbey in strengthening its relationship with Hugh
Capet.11 This may also explain the monks of Fleury’s haste to proclaim Abbo a martyr and
thereby add to the abbey’s reputation. His successor, following Abbo’s example, did much to
improve the abbey’s standing in the eyes of the monarchy. Gauzlin was a fellow monk, and his
connections to the Capetians and his influence led to the abbey becoming an essential center for
royal propaganda and monastic learning.12
Gauzlin was the Archbishop of Bourges, Abbot of Fleury, and advisor to Robert the Pius
(Robert II) the second member in the House of Capet and King of the Franks who ruled from 987
until his death in 1031.13 Gauzlin was a man of influence and power, and in the year 1004, he
became the Abbot of Fleury. Under his rule, the abbey school continued to grow, and the
10 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1998), 306.
11 Elizabeth Dachowski. First among abbots: the career of abbo of fleury. ([Place of publication not identified]:
Catholic Univ Of Amer Pr. 2013), 2-3.
12 Ibid
13 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and
Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 17.
22
collection’s safety and care became a priority which inspired later building projects that will be
discussed later. Adhemar of Chabannes (989-1034), an eleventh-century chronicler, states that
Gauzlin was a mamzer.14 A mamzer is a son of a noble prince and a whore.15 As an illegitimate
child born out of wedlock, according to Adhemar, he was raised in the monastery at Fleury, later
becoming abbot and eventually the archbishop of Bourges.16 His status as the illegitimate son of
Hugh Capet (c.941-96), the king of the Franks and descendent of Charlemagne, brought attention
to the abbey, linking it to the power and influence of the monarchy and extending its influence as
far as England and Spain.17
Gauzlin’s role within the church and his status in relation to the ruling family, as well as
his position as advisor to his supposed half-brother King Robert the Pious, made him an
influential during a time when many believed and feared that the end of time was fast
approaching. Rumors of raining blood had the king seeking out the advice of Gauzlin.18
Gauzlin’s biographer, Andrew of Fleury, was among the following generation of clerics at
Fleury and therefore cannot provide a first-hand account of his life. However, he was able to
collect stories of Gauzlin’s life and copy down many of the abbot's responses to the worried king
in regard to the apocalypse, which allows us a glimpse into Gauzlin’s own personal concerns.
Gauzlin's preoccupation with the apocalypse is apparent in his projects detailed by his
14 Sara McDougall. Royal bastards: the birth of illegitimacy, 800-1230. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2017), 29
15 Ibid. 107
16 Adhemar also discusses the monks’ opposition to have the son of a whore “filium scorti” as their abbot, and
therefor they fought against his election. This would eventually prove to be a futile effort though as he was elected
to the position of abbot in 1004. Ibid.107
17Kenneth John Conant. Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800 to 1200. (New Haven: Yale University
Press. 1993),266-268
18 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and
Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 18-19
23
biographer, things like letters, church décor, building projects, and the coordination of prayer
brotherhoods.19 He believed that penance and alms were the best way to seek salvation and that
if enough people repented then perhaps it might provoke the mercy of God. His preventative-
care approach to the last judgment quite possibly influenced his building projects at Fleury,
namely the bell tower with its historiated capitals.
The anxiety surrounding the year 1000 was felt by many, and the year of the apocalypse
was not questioned by many since it was in direct correlation with the birth of Christ (The exact
date, however, remained in contention). Still, the anxiety did not dissipate when the year 1000
passed without a major incident. The capitals situated throughout the bell tower of Fleury,
constructed under Abbot Gauzlin in 1020, indicate that the stories and happenings associated
with apocalypse still weighed heavily on the mind of the Church and its followers at the
beginning of the new millennium.
There has never been a unanimous agreement on an exact date that the world would come
to an end. The various texts examining this matter are a testament to just how much thought was
given to calculating an exact date, according to many accounts from the time.20 Abbo of Fleury
included in his Apologetic Work that he believed that the world would end when Easter happened
to fall on the Sunday after the Feast of the Annunciation, which occurred on March 25th and
which also happened to be the day of the crucifixion.21 Abbo met with a Parisian cleric to discuss
how to calm and address a populace that was agitated by apocalyptic concerns. Their debate,
19 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and
Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003), 19.
20 Ibid, 28.
21 Bernard McGinn, Visions of the end: apocalyptic traditions in the Middle Ages. (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1998), 306
24
conducted in public, only increased the concerns of Christians. A date correction published by
Abbo in 981 claimed that the Anno Domini22 was going to occur in 987, but this did little to
address or calm fears, especially with the fall of the Carolingian empire in at the end of the tenth
century. Previously, it was determined that the world could not end as long as the Roman Empire
still ruled. Since the people saw the Carolingians as being part of that heritage, their fall from
power did little to quell the fears that the end was near.23 Since the reign of Charlemagne, the
Latin Church had found itself reminded of it eschatological roots and as such clerics and priests
were expected to address these fears and teach the masses about the apocalypse and encourage
them to “do good work” and repent.24
Bell Tower and its Sculptural Inspiration
Since its founding, the abbey has undergone several phases of construction. The crypt is
what is all that remains of an early Carolingian structure, the current basilica was built in various
stages between 1070-1130, and construction of the bell tower began in 1020 by Gauzlin, and has
remained relatively untouched with the exception of the third story and some modern
conservation efforts.25 The tower, often called Gauzlin tower in honor of the abbot who directed
its construction, contains the historiated capitals that have garnered much attention since their
creation. This structure was designed to inspire not only those who passed through its arcades but
22 Referring here to the second coming of Christ as described in Revelation.
23 Richard Landes, “The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval, and modern,” in
The Apocalyptic Year 1000, ed Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter, (New York: Oxford
University Press), 252-54
24 Johannes Fried, “Awaiting the End of Time around the Turn of the Year 1000,” in The Apocalyptic year 1000, ed
Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter, (New York: Oxford University Press), 24
25 According to the abbey, the third story was removed as “punishment” for refusing to accept the commendatory
abbot sometime between 1525-1527 – (“Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12,
2017. http://www.abbaye-fleury.com/histoire.html)
25
other abbeys as well. Gauzlin’s concern with the apocalyptic future and his knowledge on the
subject led to him earning the reputation of being an expert of sorts, and his counsel was sought
after by the king and other high-ranking officials regarding unsettling events that occurred at the
time.26 Who better than a man with that reputation to undertake such a new and unusual building
program.
Gauzlin Tower (Figure 1-3) is a uniquely designed space, and there is very little
precedence for a structure like it. The tower has served many purposes throughout its life,
protecting the entrance to the church from the elements, its ground floor providing shelter to
pilgrims on their long journeys, and housing a private chapel on the second floor. The footprint
of the tower is almost square (Figure 2-1), with three entrances on three sides which would have
paired nicely with the three stories that, according to the church's records, the tower once had.
However, in its current conditions, without a third floor, the grandness of the structure is still
impressive. The architects of the space found inspiration for the structure in the last book of the
New Testament as the layout follows the form of the heavenly Jerusalem as described in
Revelations 21.13: “There were three gates on the east, three on the north, three on the south and
three on the west. The wall of the city had twelve foundations, and on them were the names of
the twelve apostles of the Lamb.”27 The tower follows this description with three gates on the
north, south, and western sides. On its eastern side, where the tower connects to the front of the
church, colonnades are utilized to create the illusion of three entry points and mimic the column
pattern that borders the interior space of the tower. Furthermore, twelve columns bear the weight
of the tower, not unlike the holy Jerusalem with its twelve foundations. The repetition of the
26 Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. Van Meter. The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and
Social Change, 950-1050. (New York: Oxford University Press. 2003) 17 27 Rev. 21.13 (KJV)
26
numbers three and twelve was not new in the construction of holy structures as they not only
connect to the description mentioned before but also to the Trinity, the twelve apostles, and
features of the Holy Sepulcher.
The tower abuts the western façade of the church, and while it is not decorated on the
exterior with sculpture as is later seen in the fully realized Romanesque, the interior of the tower
takes the first steps in that direction. The capitals within the tower are all elaborately carved with
a few exceptions of unfinished or blank capitals that remained empty until the tower’s restoration
in 2007.28 While the majority look back to antiquity with their Corinthian style and acanthus
designs, as well as other vegetal themes, several capitals contain figures that depict scenes from
several books of the Bible. Their style and choice of topics seem to be inspired or pulled directly
from earlier manuscript illuminations. In total, there are fifty-four capitals on the ground floor of
the tower, of which nineteen are historiated capitals, twenty-eight are the more traditional
acanthus-like capitals, and the remaining seven are rough stone.29 One of the capitals is signed
"Unbertus me fecit," although his role as sculptor or master is unknown, the inclusion of a name
taking ownership of the creations is a notable development. The second floor also contains
elaborately carved capitals, although these appear to stick to vegetal designs.
Tower Layout
The layout of the tower, with its nine archways (Figure 2-2), allows for there to be
multiple pathways through its interior. No one archway is emphasized or marked as the main
entrance and as such people would have been free to enter the space from any side. However, the
28 Viemont, Rodolphe, Olivier Py, and Regis Martin. Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire restauration de la tour-porche. ([S.l.]:
Soleil cherche futur [ed.]. 2009).
29 These “blank” capitals have since been recurved with themes decided on by Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire by the
conservators who worked on the tower in 2007
27
southwestern portions seem to lead out into open space off of the main road which would suggest
that it is from this direction that most people would approach the structure. Assuming that we
can begin to piece together an idea of how the space would be experienced. The square footprint
of the tower is almost as wide as the nave of the cruciform church that it abuts helping it blend
into the church’s overall structure. The interior arcade of the bell tower is accessible by nine
archways, three on each side except for the eastern wall which connects to the nave and contains
the entrance into the church’s interior. The pillars and transverse arches divide the interior space
into nine equal squares. There are twelve load-bearing piers, each with a pilaster on all four sides
except for the two outermost corner piers. Almost all of the pilasters are complete with an
elaborately decorated capital making for fifty-four capitals in total on the ground level. Of those
fifty-four, seventeen are historiated or figural, with seven being apocalyptic; two contain stories
from the gospels; two depict scenes from the life of Mary; and nine are more secular, often
involving animals in some way.30
The bulk of the historiated capitals exist on the southern half of the bell tower with the
majority of the apocalyptic scenes are grouped in the south-west corner. The two capitals
involving the life of Mary (capitals 39, 49) are closer to the entrance of the nave while the gospel
scenes are rather far apart. Capitals containing hunting scenes and animals nestled among
acanthus-like leaves are scattered throughout, with the majority attached to an outer pier. It is
interesting to note that entering through the central western façade forces a visitor to pass by one
of the denser groupings of carved images and following that central path to the church’s entrance
30 Often times more than one vignette occupies a capital at Gauzlin tower, allowing for some of the capitals to depict
scenes that can be both apocalyptic and from the gospels.
28
causes the visitor to pass by the two interior capitals that are more crowded with their depictions
of various stories.
If one were to enter the bell tower and abbey from the western façade, they are
immediately confronted with images of the last judgment, a popular theme but one that had little
precedence in stone at the time. On the right side of the central arch that leads into the interior of
the tower, scenes from revelation are crowded onto the capitals of the same pier (Figure 2-2).
Continuing to walk down the center aisle that is created by the interior piers, visitors would have
to walk past at least two more scenes referencing Revelation before they made it into the haven
of the nave. Apocalyptic scenes can be found on two other capitals situated on the outer piers of
the tower. On the capital on the left of the central arch (capital 6) mentioned before, one can find
the inscription "Unbertus me fecit" prominently featured above the volutes, a possible signature
of the master sculptor responsible for the execution of the carvings in the tower.
As Fleury Abbey stands now, the bell tower and the crypt are the two oldest portions or
the overall structure. Due to various fires and sackings by foreigners, the structure has been
rebuilt multiple times. The current abbey occupies almost the same footprint as the earlier
structures although there are some minor changes to allow for growing congregations and
different building materials. The bell tower started in 1020 has its eastern wall integrated into the
existing basilica, subsequently changing its function to that of a narthex or porch.
29
CHAPTER 3
FROM PAGE TO STONE
Apocalyptic Cycle
The historiated capitals at Gauzlin tower contain a variety of subjects including scenes
from the life of Mary, Saint Martin, secular subjects, as well as several crowded scenes from
John’s Revelation. When construction began on the tower, there was no sculptural standard for a
structure like it in Gaul (especially considering how new and innovative the structure itself was).
As such, each image that was carefully carved into stone was chosen by Gauzlin with a purpose,
imbuing the space with meaning and perhaps fulfilling a desire to transform it into something
else. In this way, the capitals act as visual labels, demarking the space as something special, an
extension of the church that is both an interior and exterior, straddling the divide between the
sacred and the secular.
Representations of Christ enthroned surrounded by twenty-four elders, a subject found in
books four and five of Revelations is a common subject found in early Christian basilicas in
Italy, often as a mosaic or fresco located in the apse or tympanum of the church. Depictions of
this typically entail Christ sitting on a throne in all of his glory while the elders occupy smaller
seats crowded at his feet, wearing crowns, and often hold small bowls or chalices.1 The capital
sculptures at Gauzlin Tower take this apocalyptic reference one-step further to include more of
John’s vision. The book or scroll with the seven seals, the Last Judgment, Satan in chains (as a
serpent), the vision of Saint John, the Son of Man, the four horsemen, ascending souls, and
possibly the Woman of the Apocalypse, are all scenes from Revelation on display in the tower.
Alongside these apocalyptic visions are scenes from the gospels such as the Flight into Egypt,
1 Meyer Schapiro and Linda Seidel. Romanesque architectural sculpture. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
2006), 108-109
30
the Temptation of Christ, the Visitation, and a few other scenes from the life of Mary.
Additionally, there appear to be some secular subjects such as hunting, a figure that has been
called by the modern monks a “magician,” masks, lions, and other various animals (Figure 3-1),
often hidden among leaves on the capitals.
Textual Influences
The composition and sculptural style seen on the capitals at Gauzlin tower may have been
influenced by the abbey’s own library and scriptorium. In Gauzlin tower, there are certain tropes
at work that are frequent subjects in earlier illuminated manuscripts. The Venerable Bede
mentions the use of manuscripts and texts, including a copy of the Book of Revelation brought
from Rome to Wearmouth Abbey in Great Britain, used as models for church decorations.2 At
Gauzlin tower, a scene from the life of Mary as well as several apocalyptic narratives provide
compelling evidence that the images found on the pages of manuscripts informed the images
carved into stone just as they had further north. At the Abbey, on the capital of the flight to
Egypt, God's hand can be seen descending from heaven to the right of Mary (Figure 3-2). This
heavenly hand can be found in many manuscripts, including the Trier Apocalypse on Fol. 11v
(Figure 3-3) where the hand of God peaks out from the heavens and directs John's gaze.
The Trier Apocalypse is one of the earliest of the illuminated texts that might have
influenced the sculptural program of Gauzlin tower. Its illuminations are rendered with simple,
strong lines with pale pigments added here and there. Often, one page will contain several scenes
from the book of Revelation and collapse them into one, a mode of representation that would
become very popular with Romanesque sculptors. This comprehensive approach to depicting the
end of the world is similar to that found on the capitals of Gauzlin tower.
2 Bede le Venerable, and Faith Wallis. Commentary on revelation. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. 2013).
31
For a more in-depth examination of this approach as well as the connection to the Trier
Apocalypse, the capital with the four horsemen serves as an excellent and unique example.
Located on the western central arch, the four horsemen (capital 8) would greet those who enter
the tower porch. It is a unique addition to the traditional apocalyptic iconography established
before 1020. The four horsemen do not appear consistently on church facades until the thirteenth
century like those found at Reims, Amiens, Notre Dame in Paris, and Autun. Traditionally, in
earlier and later manuscripts, the horsemen appear in the order that they appear in the text: first,
Conquest on a white horse; second, Famine on a red horse; third, Pestilence one a black horse;
and finally, Death on a pale horse with Hades on his heels.3 Other attributes help to identify each
horseman are a crown, bow, a great sword, and scales, which are useful when the colors of the
horse are not included or no longer present as is the case at Gauzlin tower.
It is unusual then, that the horsemen appear in the reverse order in the Trier Apocalypse
(Figure 1-1). In the Trier Apocalypse, Conquest, the first horseman, appears first as he receives
his crown which is usually how he is represented, but he is separate from the other three
horsemen who appear in the lower register where Death, on his pale horse, leads the group. The
four horsemen capital in Gauzlin tower (Figure 3-4) also makes use of this unusual composition.
Each rider is identifiable by their unique attributes. Conquest, wearing his crown, holds his bow
and arrow on the left side of the capital and situated at the rear of the grouping (Figure 3-5). War
is a smaller , still distinguishable by his sword, he is tucked under the head of the first horse,
situated on the corner of the capital. Famine appears larger with his scales, and like the second
3 Revelation 6:1-8 King James Version (KJV) - "7 And when he had opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of the
fourth beast say, Come and see. 8 And I looked, and behold a pale horse: and his name that sat on him was Death,
and Hell followed with him. And power was given unto them over the fourth part of the earth, to kill with sword,
and with hunger, and with death, and with the beasts of the earth."
32
horseman, only part of his horse is visible as though they are all riding together and stacked in
front of each other. And finally, Death, who occupies almost the whole face of the capital as
though he is leading the pack of the apocalyptic horsemen. He appears in profile and is larger
than the others; his hair is detailed and wild as he gestures forward not unlike images found in
the Trier apocalypse. Situated right behind Death is the face of Hades, who has wild hair and
eyes, wicked teeth and gazes directly out at the viewer.
Early depictions of the four horsemen are not well documented, and while there are many
examples of figures that serve as apocalyptic reminders in tympana, as well as depictions of the
four beasts of the apocalypse (also read as the symbols of the four evangelists), there is little
evidence of early depiction of the breaking of the first four seals. This would mean that Gauzlin
tower is a unique occurrence and may contain the earliest example of these figures as part of a
sculptural program in a religious structure; a moment in time that perhaps sparked a tradition,
influencing later sculptors and solidifying their iconography with the laity.4 The uniqueness of
this inclusion in the sculptural program would indicate that the sculptors were not looking to
previous religious structures to inform their work, but instead to other pictorial sources such as
manuscripts. All of this together would evolve and develop into a cannon of imagery that would
become almost synonymous with the Romanesque and the later Gothic cathedrals.
The remaining side of the four horsemen capital contains an image of the Lamb standing
on an altar above the souls of the martyrs, appearing as stacked faces awaiting their resurrection
as described in Revelation 6:9.5 The addition of the martyrs’ souls and the lamb creates a visual
4 This would later lead to an iconography that would permeate pop culture and become immediately recognizable by
the public.
5 Rev. 6:9 (KJV) “And when He had opened the fifth seal, I saw under the altar the souls of them that were slain for
the Word of God, and for the testimony which they held.”
33
narrative that encompasses Revelations 5:5 to Rev. 6:9 for a total of six scenes on one stone
matrix. This practice repeats throughout the first floor of the tower with the sculptors making the
most of the stone surface available to them to tell a story. The vision of Saint John and the Last
Judgment capitals are situated around the same pier as the four horsemen. Each capital similarly
has several scenes packed into one, utilizing all three sides of the capital.
The sculptors have crowded the surface of the capitals with narratives, illustrating stories
that may be understood in a multitude of ways. For example, the Flight into Egypt (capital 39) is
a common theme typically comprised of Mary sitting on the back of a gentle donkey, the baby
Jesus in her lap, while Joseph holds the reins and leads the holy family to safety (Figure 3-2).
This image appears in Gauzlin tower on an interior capital that sits near the entrance to the
cathedral. Only here, Mary's donkey faces away from the entrance into the church, Joseph holds
the reins in his left hand and a palm in his right. Above the palm frond, a disembodied hand
emerges and simultaneously draws our gaze to the Virgin and Child and directs the holy family
toward the star situated over Mary's right shoulder as well as the entrance into the body of the
church and out of the liminal space of the bell tower. The disembodied hand of God, utilized by
earlier manuscripts such as the Trier apocalypse, appears here emerging from the sky.
Interestingly, though, the Virgin sits atop her faithful steed with a posture that invokes the
imagery of the Maria Regina. Her feet rest on a stool, her head backed by a halo, while the Christ
child sits in her lap with his cruciform nimbus as he grasps an object, perhaps a Eucharist wafer,
in his left hand while his right-hand mimics that of his heavenly father, pointing in the direction
of salvation. Flanking either side of the holy family on the sides of the capitals is an angel and
King Herod. Behind Mary, the angel does battle with a dragon. The angel’s face is lost to us, but
he appears to be clothed for battle as he thrusts his spear into the mouth of the beast (Figure 3-6).
34
Quite possibly this is the archangel Michael who battles with Satan in the form of a dragon as
described in Revelation.6 If this is the case, are the monks of Fleury allowing for Mary and her
child as they appear in the gospel of Matthew 2:13-23 to also represent the woman of the
apocalypse who is clothed in the sun and is attacked by a red dragon just after giving birth? This
would be in keeping with the apocalyptic motif that is present in Gauzlin tower, allowing the
inner capital to engage in the discourse already begun on the outer borders of the space and with
those who follow the gesture of Christ and the disembodied hand of God to find safety within the
cathedral proper. Additionally, another danger lurks behind Joseph on the capital, King Herod
with his royal staff, who threatens the life of the infant after seeing the star appear indicating his
birth (Figure 3-7). The holy family’s escape was made possible due to a warning delivered to
Joseph in a dream.7 Again, perhaps the heavenly hand is also directing Joseph away from the
impending threat of the King. This capital merges the iconography of the beginning of Christ's
life with his second coming. The dualistic nature of the representation on the capital, its
placement within the porch, and its apparent engagement with the space connects the interior of
the church to the imagery that borders the space.
This method of representing multiple scenes in one image is not confined to this one
capital. While almost all of the capitals have separate scenes on all three sides, each side may
contain even more. The Vision of Saint John (Figure 3-8 and capital 11), situated on the western
side of the tower, on the south side of the central arch, greets people with images from the
6 Rev. 12:2-17 (KJV) "And she brought forth a man child, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron: and her
child was caught up unto God, and to his throne.6 And the woman fled into the wilderness, where she hath a place
prepared of God, that they should feed her there a thousand two hundred and threescore days.7 And there was war in
heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; and the dragon fought and his angels”
7 Mat. 2:13 (KJV) "And when they were departed, behold, the angel of the Lord appeareth to Joseph in a dream,
saying, Arise, and take the young child and his mother, and flee into Egypt, and be thou there until I bring thee
word: for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him."
35
beginning of the book of Revelation as they first enter the tower. The capitals tend to read right
to left. On the far-left side of the capital is the only other text besides Unbertus’s inscription. In
this case, the text appears inscribed on the pages of a book that is presented to a figure who is
most likely Saint John although he is heavily damaged. The inscription reads, “Quid videris et
audieris scribe in libro” which roughly translates to “What you will have seen and heard, write it
in a book.” These instructions mirror those found in Revelation 1.9 where John is instructed not
only to write down what is seen and heard but also to distribute it to the seven churches. The
opposite side of the capital refers to these churches where John appears again, this time kneeling
with the book and next to his head appear seven candlesticks and seven faces of men who evoke
the leaders of the seven churches. Furthermore, above this patterning of symbols, the sculpture
has included an inscription that says “seven churches” to clarify what exactly is represented
below.
The capital to the right of the Vision of Saint John is the Last Judgment (Figure 3-9 and
capital 10); a theme that would become incredibly popular and eventually dominate many of the
later western facades of Romanesque and Gothic churches, something that will be explored in
Chapter four. Although at Fleury it is relegated to one capital. Like the Vision capital, a Christ-
like occupies the volutes of the capital, almost projecting himself out of the stone matrix and
peering at the onlooker with piercing eyes, which still have some of their original pigment.
However, this capital is perhaps one of the most heavily damaged capitals in the bell tower. Read
from right to left, the capital follows the story as it is written in Revelation. Acting as a mini
frieze that bends around the form of the capital creating a visual narrative perhaps adding clarity
as sculpture would follow what the viewer may have heard at mass.
36
The one pier contains the majority of explicitly apocalyptic scenery, i.e. the vision of
John, the last judgment, and the four horsemen.8 With the three sides and their respective
capitals, representing a vast majority of the account in the book of Revelation, it sets the tone for
the capital program. The reliefs on the capital manage to collapse several narratives from the
Bible into one scene; however, all of the narratives are from the same book, Revelation, a
method of representation that would continue in later structures. The elaborate reliefs that will
eventually fill tympana would build on this idea, condensing many chapters of Revelation into
busy compositions, allowing one scene to represent many chapters from the book.
Space
Both floors of Gauzlin tower contain elaborately carved capitals. As previously
mentioned there are forty-four capitals that survive on the ground floor, twenty-four of which
can be categorized into the Roman “Corinthian” style (i.e. purely vegetal), eight are purely
figural, and the rest are a combination of acanthus-like decor with masks, animals, and other
various designs.9 The use of antique features, capitals, and arches reflect a desire to create a
visual link to the Roman Empire from which the Carolingians and later Capetians saw
themselves descended, which was complemented by a movement to create a uniform liturgy
throughout the empire.10 The structure of the tower is indicative of the ambitions of the 9th and
early 10th century to look back to the Roman Empire. The interior space of the tower has many
Roman features: barrel vaults, arches, and a large number of Corinthian capitals. The
composition and style of the figural images used at Gauzlin tower are not as refined as those that
8 Seefigure2-2 for the layout of the tower and the locations of the historiated capitals
9 Marilyn Low Schmitt. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoit-sur-Loire, Selles-
sur-Cher, Meobecq". The Art Bulletin. 63 (1981.): 7. 10 Linda Seidel. Songs of glory: the Romanesque façades of Aquitaine. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
1987), 23-25
37
decorate tympana and facades that would follow later in the century. Rather they act almost as a
frieze filling the entablature on the exterior of a temple, but here the ribbon of images are broken
into pieces and wrapped around each capital. The image progress in a linear fashion instead of
the stacked and chaotic grouping of figures that fill the late tympana. However, these capitals are
taking a step toward the creation of an exterior space defined by images.
Gauzlin tower's very placement and relationship to the church creates a space that is
many things all at once. Visitors are entering a sacred space demarcated by the nine arches and
their historiated capitals. The arms of the church embrace them, and yet the space remains
connected to the world outside through those very same open gateways. Visitors are
simultaneously in a profane and sacred space. The gates that never close create a space that is
both interior and exterior. As viewers pass through and consider the images positioned above
their heads causing them to reflect on both living and dead, repenting and judged they inhabit
this liminal space. That is until they enter the abbey proper, which is in itself an earthly
manifestation of the sacred. Those who wait in the tower for entry to the church are reminded by
the capitals of the salvation offered by the church and its messages. The sculpted capitals and the
layout of the tower as the Heavenly Jerusalem of Revelation help to define the space as
previously discussed, connecting the structure to a lineage of sacred spaces linking it to the word
of God and the holy land.
The four horsemen begin the events that bring the world to its end as they appear with the
first four seals broken by the Lamb.11 Without the devastation brought about by the breaking of
the seals, the blowing of the trumpets, and the pouring of the bowls, and judgment, the world
cannot be born anew. Those who have already passed, according to [Revelations 20:5] are lying
11 The lamb appears on the side of the capital (8) at Gauzlin tower that contains the four horsemen.
38
in wait for the end of days when their souls can undergo judgment, and they can join God. The
capitals are reminders to beholders that if they live a pious life, enter the church, participate in its
rituals, and follow its teachings that they might make it through the last judgment to find peace in
the sacred. In this way, the bell tower becomes a performative space allowing for a brief
encounter with the fate that awaits those who choose to enter the abbey, directly addressing the
apocalyptic fears felt by many.
The apocalyptic cycle creates a threshold that separates and sets the stage for the liminal
space within. The tower porch or narthex of a church was often a place of refuge for traveling
pilgrims. It was a place of meetings and could serve as a space for the church’s engagement with
the community. Such a likely possibility of being seen by many and a desire to inspire
contemplation may explain some of the unusual layout choices regarding the sculptural program.
Fleury Abbey, unlike many Romanesque basilicas, is not situated on the cardinal directions.
Instead, it sits on a diagonal with the western face of the bell tower pointed in a north-west
direction. This particular orientation may have influenced the sculptors and the sculptural
program of the bell tower. Due to the angle, the south-west corner of the bell tower would be
illuminated with sunlight throughout most of the year, and the narrative images contained on the
capitals could be highlighted by the sun’s rays throughout the day. The strategic use of light to
highlight specific elements within an architectural structure is something found in later churches
such as St-Lazare at Autun.12 Linda Seidel makes a strong case for this relationship between
natural light and the placement of sculpture which will be discussed in the next chapter. The
sunlight, as it hits the bell tower, would highlight the outward facing capitals (capitals
12 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1999), 119-123
39
45,29,14,11,10,1,6), the majority of which are concerned with the last judgment, and the end of
days, and almost acting as a label for the interior space that mimics heavenly Jerusalem.
Gauzlin was deeply involved in the creation of the bell tower. He saw it as a structure that
would serve as an example for future sites.13 Upon examining how the narrative sculptures are
arranged within the bell tower, it becomes apparent that the majority of them reside in the south-
west corner. At first, it seems odd that they would be so concentrated and not evenly distributed
around the structure like a frieze. However, by placing the narrative capitals in that one particular
corner, it ensures that they are illuminated year-round and throughout the day all with natural
light. The northern portion of the tower would be thrown into shadows for the majority of the
year obscuring the capitals making their narratives hard to decipher. By placing the figural
capitals in a portion that receives the most natural light, Gauzlin and the sculptors could ensure
that their stories and themes would be seen and considered by those passing by year-round.
Gauzlin did not live to see the tower completed or to witness the impact such a structure
would have on the Romanesque style, especially at fellow Benedictine abbeys like Vézelay.
Regardless, his tower seems to act as a stepping stone for monumental sculpture as well as the
development of narrative themes that would become a standard for church façades and influence
church design and layout in the region. The tower, when it stood on its own, was an ambiguous
structure, however, once it was attached to the newly constructed church it took on new
functions, acting as a narthex or porch. Features such as the narthex were not a common feature
for cathedrals in France at this time, and in fact, they were a more common sight in Spain.14 This
architectural similarity to Spain may be explained by the abbey’s position on a pilgrim route to
13 Susan Marcus, Romanesque Sculpture, and ecstatic art. (Victoria, Friesen Press. 2014), 45.
14 Ibid.
40
Santiago de Compostela in Spain, furthering our understanding of how ideas and styles made
their way through the region. The builders could have also been looking east at Carolingian
westwerks, or multi-storied towers connected to great churches.
The unusualness of the structure of the bell tower at Fleury bears keeping in mind. There
is little precedence for this type of structure prior to its construction. Making one wonder what
could have influenced said structure and how was it received. There are few other sites that
contain a tower such as the one Fleury. Even Henri Focillon, when discussing the tower, remarks
that names such as tower, porch, narthex, and the like seem incorrect as Gauzlin tower seems to
transcend all of these and appears to be a structure created with original thought.15 When
considering the timeline of the construction of the various parts of Fleury: the tower in the first
half of the 11th century, 1150-1218 for the nave, and transept and the crypt 1067-1108, it is easy
to wonder what exactly was the original intent of the tower. Was it always intended to abut the
nave, or had it been conceived of as a free-standing structure, meant to be accessed from all four
sides? There is archeological evidence that suggests that the tower was meant to stand on its own
or, considering the sculptural program, perhaps it was built waiting for a companion structure.
Regardless, few other structures offer “en avant corps” such as this suggesting that this structure
was both revolutionary and experimental.16
Further evidence that supports the idea that this structure was initially conceived as a
free-standing structure are the filled-in arches found on both floors of the extant tower. Had it
been meant to always abut a larger basilica, it would make sense that the architects would have
designed the connecting wall in a manner that would be different from the other three sides that
15 Jean-Marie Berland, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. (Paris: Nouvelles editions latines. 1965), 11.
16 Ibid.
41
open to the outside. Dom J.-M. Berland, notes in his text on the tower, that the addition of the of
the basilica gave the tower a liturgical purpose which begs the question if the tower was meant to
exist as a free-standing structure what its purpose was and why was it so quickly altered to its
current state.17
When considering other free-standing structures associated with churches, things like
baptistries and belfries come to mind. And while Gauzlin tower is often referred to as a bell
tower, it never was intended to house bells. The ground floor would have remained open at all
times to the outside while the first floor was accessible by two spiral staircases, that are now
connected to the wall of the nave but prior to this would have been accessed from inside the
tower.18 The first floor now contains several chapels that are clearly not part of the architect's
preliminary plan but knowing this does little to aid in our understanding of the towers initial
purpose. The only conclusion that can be drawn when considering all of this is that this structure
was unusual and perhaps experimental. It looks to classical architecture as the Corinthian capitals
would suggest, as does the layout of the figural capitals with their frieze-like progression. Its
adaptation in the abbey’s overall structure contextualizes an otherwise confusing structure, and
perhaps unintentionally inspired future similar structures, as it created a liminal space that is both
inside and out, sacred and profane, a place of crossroads where those entering can choose to
enter the basilica and reach salvation or turn around and leave.
The unusualness of the tower would have certainly caught the eye of any patron of the
church or passersby. Especially considering the sheer size of the structure as it juts straight up
toward the heavens, allowing it to be spotted from a great distance. Given the abbeys size,
17 Ibid. 18.
18 Ibid, 15.
42
political importance, it’s famed scriptorium and library, its role in reforming other abbeys, and
its connection to Cluny, it would make sense that many people would have seen the unusual
tower, allowing tales of it to spread and perhaps influence the construction of later sites.
Understanding and/or tracking the influence that Fleury had on other sites along the Loire
can be difficult. There is no one style of carving in use at this time. Each site has its own
characteristics. However, there are often small details and other connections that can prove to be
useful. Fleury was reformed in the early tenth century by a Cluniac monk, linking it to a
powerful institution that would eventually connect monasteries from England to Spain. While
Fleury followed the Cluniac rule, the abbey was still able to retain its independence and some of
its own customs, allowing Fleury to keep strong ties to both the ruling dynasty and the growing
power of Cluny and its network, and as such, it was able to become a model monastery and a
center for reform extending its power and influence.19
Abbo and Gauzlin worked very hard to secure Fleury status, influence, and importance in
the eyes of the king, other monastic communities, and the general public. Church facades and
porches with elaborate sculptural programs like the one in Gauzlin tower appear almost
immediately after the tower’s construction at contemporary sites, although many of these do not
include the four horsemen that feature so prominently at Fleury. It is not until about two hundred
years later that the four horsemen are included in sculptural programs depicting the apocalypse,
though these seem to be far and few between. One excellent example can be seen on the eastern
façade of Reims Cathedral, which will be discussed later.
19 “Fleury Abbey: History,” Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, accessed February 12, 2017. http://www.abbaye-
fleury.com/histoire.html
43
It is important to remember the sheer size of these structures and the accompanying re-
emerging monumental sculpture. The capitals at Fleury Abbey alone are several feet tall,
allowing them to be legible even given the height of the arcade. To walk through a structure the
size of Gauzlin tower would have been impressive (and still is today). The unusualness of the
foliate and figural capitals, a type of sculpture that had not been used in a very long time, paired
with the sheer size of the building surely make an impression. Imagine the impact of the busy
scenes that dominate large portions of a structure’s architecture, as they were read by the
medieval viewer. The power and impact of these façades filled with relief sculpture can be better
understood through The Pilgrim’s Guide, written in the 12th century, which makes a note of
several impressive structures.
44
CHAPTER 4
AFTER FLEURY
Fleury’s Influence
When Gauzlin broke ground on his tower, no dominant style or mode of representation
had yet to emerge. There were various structures scattered here and there with a smattering of
sculptural relief but the capitals at Fleury take representation one step further from earlier sites
like Saint-Bengine. At Fleury, the capitals are crowded with scenes and figures and attempts are
made to show depth. There is even evidence of paint on many of the capitals indicating that
perhaps, in their original state, they did match their vibrant and colorful predecessors found in
illuminated manuscripts in more ways than just composition. The emphasis placed on the eyes of
the figures harkens back to the Tier apocalypse and the large eyes used to represent expression in
its illustrations.
Furthermore, the capitals of the bell tower use the figures to take the place of classical
elements of the capital. Where a volute would swirl out toward the corners of the abacus, a figure
leans out instead. Its angle allowing it to look down at those passing by and its large eyes were
emphasized by a dark pigment, highlighting its gaze. Here we see the sculpture adapting to the
frame of the architecture. Finding space on the structure and adjusting earlier pictorial methods
such as the frieze, now truncated slightly and its narrative collapsed upon itself, wrapped around
a capital.1 The struggle to find the appropriate place for figural representations and retain some
likeness to natural proportion is observable at Fleury. The shape of the architecture dictated the
shape and style of the figures and led to an almost formulaic layout on future architectural
features of later churches. Henri Focillon credited Fleury with restoring the grandeur of the
1 Henri Focillon and Jean Bony, The art of the West in the Middle Ages. 1 1. (London: Phaidon. 1969), 108.
45
Corinthian capital while also evolving it to fit the needs of the Middle Ages.2 The sculptors of
Gauzlin tower used grotesque creatures, and animals, as well as a small figures who appears to
be engaged in a hunt to intertwine into the natural form of the acanthus leaves, and eventually the
figural forms would take over the whole capital. In this way, the tower at Fleury bridges the gap
between the traditional Roman capital and the historiated capital that would eventually dominate
the Romanesque and later Gothic.
The tower, as a whole, is a unique structure. The terms used to describe it: tower, porch,
narthex, or a combination thereof, all seem to be lacking, and yet it also seems to be all of those.
It is indeed an innovative structure with deliberately designed space. Originally designed to stand
as its own structure, as evidenced by the filled in windows and arches on the second and ground
floor respectively (Figure 4-1), its adaptation to the overall structure of the church explains some
of its ambiguity in its intended design and function. The tower, as it stood on its own, may have
harkened back to the earlier Carolingian westwerks, visually calling on the power and prestige
associated with the structures, although the tower at Fleury varies from these earlier structures,
adapting to serve a different purpose. However, the influence of Gauzlin tower structure and its
use of figural sculpture can be seen in structures built not long after the tower’s completion.
The pilgrim routes united distant cites allowing for people to be inspired and influenced
by the structures and great monuments they encountered on their journey. This occurred as the
eleventh century saw a boom of monumental sculpture on a scale that had not occurred for
centuries. The placement of sculpture on architectural features forced sculptors to re-examine
how to use the human form. Remaining Roman structures provided some examples of features
such as the Corinthian capitals, and friezes are not entirely dissimilar to reliefs found on lintels in
2 Ibid.
46
early Romanesque structures. The adaptation of the human figure to the architectural elements is
where they began to experiment. The crypt at Saint-Benigne is a prime example of the early
attempts to consolidate these ideas and influences. This early Carolingian structure contains
several capitals decorated with bas-relief images. Some are reminiscent of the acanthus leaves
that traditionally decorate a Corinthian capital while other contain figures whose proportions and
positions are altered to fit within the confines of the stone matrix (Figure 4-2). The figural
capitals vary in style and composition allowing for a very visual example of how sculptors at the
time were grappling with how to adapt the human figures to their new architectural frame. At
Saint-Benigne there are examples of single figures occupying the whole capital as well as
slightly more crowded compositions. Some capitals are merely images created with incised lines,
while others attempt a higher relief .
Pilgrims Guide
Just before the year 930, a pilgrim crossed the Pyrenees on his way to Santiago de
Compostela in Spain. This early account of a monk from the Abbey of Reichenau would be the
beginning of a long history of pilgrimage in the middle ages. Soon sites boasting important relics
with miraculous histories became destinations for pilgrims from all over Europe. Established
routes that stretch from eastern France to the western tip of Spain made the long journeys more
accommodating with shrines and sites along the way, many of which were willing to house or
shelter pilgrims for the night. From this tradition sprang The Pilgrims Guide. Believed to be an
account of a Frenchman who traveled the routes to Compostela sometime between 1120-1130,
the Guide takes note of locations, food, where to find safe shelter, and other such details.3 While
3 Alison Stones and Jeanne Krochalis. The Pilgrim's guide. a critical edition. V. I V. I. (London: Harvey Miller.
1998),15
47
the Guide may not have been intended to function as a practical guide for fellow pilgrims at the
time, it does allow a glimpse into the pilgrims’ experience as they traveled from site to site. The
oldest extant copy of the Guide itself was found inside two other codices, and its original form or
intended audience is unclear.
Included in this account is a description of St. Gilles Tomb, at the abbey of Saint -Gilles
found in southern France. The abbey was expanded and decorated when it became affiliated with
Cluny in the eleventh century. Its decorated façade, depicting the twenty-four elders as described
in several chapters of Revelation is described in The Pilgrim’s Guide in great detail and with a
sense of awe as the author parses the sculptural program register by register, including the
twenty-four elders.4
Another location to garner similar attention is Vézelay. An abbey located not too far east
of Fleury. Like Fleury, Vézelay has a covered Narthex with an impressive sculptural program.
Having been built several years after the completion of Gauzlin Tower, its sculpture was
composed in a much different manner, with great attention being paid to the tympanum and
doorways that lead into the nave. Although Vézelay has been heavily damaged and
reconstructed, the narthex has remained relatively unchanged, its roof protecting the interior.
There are three western entrances into the basilica, two lead into the aisles and have smaller
decorated tympana, one depicting the life of Christ and one showing the nativity and the
ascension. The subject of the central tympanum (Figure 4-3), over the large entrance into the
nave, is a bit more cryptic. Often labeled as a depiction of the Pentecost, it shows Christ
appearing before his apostles with rays of his divine light emerging from his hands and
4 Paula Gerson and Annie Shaver-Crandell. The Pilgrim's guide. a critical edition. V. II V. II. (London: Harvey
Miller. 1998), 370-41.
48
terminating in the minds of those close to him. This scene is surrounded by images of pagans,
Jews, gentiles, and people from the far reaches of the earth; all under an arch of the zodiac
coupled with the labors of the month. The damage sustained to the tympanum during the French
Revolution has left many of the figures without a head, making positive identifications difficult.
Most notably, the two long figures that break the frame of the lintel and extend into the center
scene of the tympanum, are believed to be Peter and Paul leading the people on the lintel to the
glory of Christ. 5 However, they lack concrete attributes that would confirm their identity.
Furthermore, archeological evidence has shown that the tympanum composition underwent
changes during its creation, perhaps hinting at a shift in subject matter or composition affecting
the portal’s message. 6 Regardless, the images surrounding the central scene of the Pentecost are
comparable to the description of the miracles occurring at Vézelay according to the Pilgrims
Guide. Thus, the tympanum acts as a billboard, advertising to those passing by what the site has
to offer thanks to the relics housed there. If monumental sculpture can function in this way, it
adds another layer to the purpose and power of architectural sculpture.7
After the tower’s construction and the subsequent building boom, many structures were
built adorned with scenes of last judgment scene containing many chapters of the book of
revelation, piled together in one busy composition, designed to fit a unique architectural feature
of the cathedral. The tympanum, the space above the door or main entrance, as well as the lintel
and archivolts, all become fully realized canvases used by sculptors to depict a multitude of
5 Veronique Rouchon-Mouilleron and Daniel Faure. Vezelay: the great Romanesque church. (New York: Harry N.
Abrams. 1999), 13.
6 Kirk Ambrose, "Influence". Studies in Iconography / Western Michigan University. 332012. (2012): 197-206.
7 The Pilgrims Guide mentions Moissac, St. Sever, Orleans, and Tours, which can also provide interesting insight
into the structures and their adornment.
49
narratives in one space. One of these most famed examples of this is Saint Lazare at Autun
(Figure 4-4), where the last judgment scene on the central tympanum was preserved for years
under a layer of plaster. The lunette is divided into two halves by the central figure of Christ in
judgment who appears in a mandorla supported by four s. He is highly stylized, with little
attention paid to proportions. In fact, many of the figures appear slightly elongated. To his right,
souls judged to be worthy are allowed into heaven while on his left monsters and demons torture
those who have been punished to spend eternity in hell. The lintel is filled with figures that are
being resurrected in preparation for judgment. The structure was begun in 1120, and its detailed
crowded sculptural program beautifully shows the cannon of imagery with the last judgment that
looks at only a few chapters of Revelation but is captivating none the less. They have taken what
Fleury managed to create on several capitals, boiled it down to the most sensational moments
and adapted it to the façade of the church. In fact, the eastern façade of Autun has a relatively
shallow and open porch when compared to Vézelay and Fleury. 8
Later Structures and Light
The stereotypical Romanesque church is thought of as dark, with heavy arches and small
windows. Architects had not yet made the advancements that would manifest in the gothic style
and allow them to fill the vast interiors of churches with light. Regardless, earlier architects still
concerned themselves with light. Interiors were illuminated during the day through the use of
8 It is important to note that while many of these sites have been subject to some “restoration,” often at the hands of
Viollet-le-Duc, that altered the space to fit the early 19th-century idea of the Romanesque rather than restore them to
their original state, but a few untouched examples remain. The narthex at Vézelay has managed to survive bombings
and the basilica’s reconstruction, its sculpture protected by its roof. As well as the sculpture that occupies the porch
at Saint Lazare at Autun, which was deemed ugly at one point and covered in plaster, obscuring the complex last
judgment scene for years while simultaneously protecting the 11th-century sculpture. Both sites are situated not too
far from Fleury Abbey, and they were at one point connected by their Cluniac associations as well as pilgrim roads.
Furthermore, each of these structures makes use of a space that is like that of Gauzlin tower, often functioning in the
same way as well.
50
windows and clerestories. Architects at the time had to consider aspects like these, disregarding
them could result in a dark space, rendering the images and decorations they contained illegible.
Therefore, how best to illuminate aspects of the church structure was something that architects
and sculptors at the time had to consider.
Linda Seidel has carefully examined the interplay of light and architecture, and she
makes a compelling case for the symbiotic relationship between stone carvings and the sun at
St.-Lazare at Autun. Like Fleury, the church at Autun does not lie on a strict east-west axis. It is
situated similarly to Fleury, only angled slightly more north (Figure 4-5). St-Lazare was
constructed in the mid-twelfth century, and its western façade has a fully realized apocalyptic
last judgment scene adorning the central tympanum (Figure 4-4) as previously discussed.
Inscribed with the name Gislebertus, the carving that adorns that exterior and interior are
elaborate and well preserved. The sculptural cycles that exist within the cathedral help to define
the space they occupy, acting as a pictorial label for the viewer within that space.9 As the seasons
change the highlighted images would shift as the sun moved, causing different themes to become
more visible allowing them to be considered by the viewers.
As the canon of imagery associated with each narrative became more concrete
distinguishing who was who became easier. However, even if a narrative was unknown to the
viewer, they could create their own connections or attempt to parse apart what they saw and how
it related to the sculptures around it. The visual nature of stone carving ensures that the viewer
could access everything included on the carved matrix. In this way, the church and sculptors
9 Linda Siedel. Legends in Limestone: Lazarus, Gislebertus, and the Cathedral of Autun. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1999), 119.
51
were able to inspire “extra-textual” associations and allow the viewer to become visual
exegetes.10
The inclusion of biblical stories on the exterior of churches allowed the viewer to be able
to match up the stories told within the church walls with the very images that they had just
passed by. Figural narratives carved into stone were not always readily deciphered, and
associations between neighboring capitals or sculptures may not have been clear, but that would
not have stopped the viewer making connections as they attempted to decipher and consider the
information in front of them. The interpretation of the images chosen to decorate capitals and
other surfaces within the church were not accompanied by text, like their counterpart
illuminations in manuscripts. As such, the images’ locations could also influence how they were
interpreted by those passing by necessitating a careful consideration of their placement within a
structure. The careful placement of images at Autun allow for particular themes to be highlighted
with natural light, emphasizing the level of contemplation this visual exegetical creation would
receive.
While these sites show the boom in apocalyptic monumental sculpture, they often omit
common details that are typically found in apocalyptic manuscripts. These are often the seven
cups, the breaking of the seals, and the four horsemen. However, Notre-Dame de Reims is a
grand French Gothic cathedral whose sculptural program includes an apocalyptic scene that
includes details from almost every chapter of Revelation. Emile Male has made the case that the
sculptors at Reims were perhaps looking to Anglo-Norman manuscripts for inspiration.11 Citing
several specific examples that seem to be pulled right out of the text. The four horsemen also
10 Ibid, 122.
11 Emile Male, The Gothic image: religious art in France of the thirteenth century. (New York: Harper & Row.
1972), 362
52
make an appearance on the eastern façade of Reims. On the front of the buttress on the southern
side of the façade, the four horsemen appear but in an unusual fashion (Figure 4-6). On the lower
register, the first seal is broken, and the first horse of the apocalypse appears, Conquest with his
crown. Behind him presumable is War, however, this figure has sustained rather substantial
damage. As the buttress is read from the bottom up, the next two riders appear, Famine with his
scales, and behind him Death who appears as a bearded figure who stares directly out at the
viewer. A corpse of a man and a nude female figure also appear on his horse, and the rider
behind him with animalistic features is presumable Hades. The fact that the riders appear nude
hear is an unusual detail with no known precedence.12 The top and final register three naked
souls kneel before the altar where there once was a chalice, while the two figures on either side
of the altar have already been clothed in white.
Other horsemen appear in the archivolts at Amiens (Figure 4-7), and at Notre Dame de
Paris where they function as heralds for the end as it is depicted in the great tympana at each
site.13 They add to the narrative quality of the sculptural programs found at each site. In later
iterations, they are read from the outermost archivolt and move inward leading to the final
judgment scene that is the focus of the program. Comparing these to the much earlier, and
possibly the first, capital of the four horsemen found at Fleury, and similarities can be found. A
few seem to look directly to text for inspiration, however, they all serve the larger sculptural
program. Rather than just depict the moment of judgment. These structures and the sculptural
12 An aspect alone which warrants further study but for which there is no room for in this thesis.
13 Emile Male, The Gothic image: religious art in France of the thirteenth century. (New York: Harper & Row.
1972), 368.
53
programs create a narrative that can be read much like a book. Allowing for meaning to be pulled
from the stone and a timeline of events to be deciphered.
By the thirteenth century, Revelation was boiled down to five acts, the first of which was
the opening of the first seal and the appearance of the four horsemen and the impending doom
they bring with them.14 The inclusion of the horsemen of the apocalypse at Fleury may be the
first time that they appeared carved in stone, leaping from the page and onto monument. It is
interesting that not until a few hundred years later, at sites that also have visual similarities to
illuminated manuscripts, that these figures appear again, meaning that the sculptures were not
looking to the traditional canon of apocalyptic imagery typically found covering the facades of
cathedrals, like the one found at Autun, and instead looking elsewhere for inspiration. This also
may indicate what manuscripts were housed at each site and how they may have traveled the
pilgrim roads.
14 Ibid, 367.
54
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
Apocalyptic concerns were rampant as the year 1000 drew near, causing people to search
for answers to prepare for what was to come. The resulting commentaries on the apocalypse
proved to be an influential force that would impact many facets of pictorial representation in the
church. Images were another way to examine what was to come as it is laid out in Revelation,
adding to the overall understanding of the text and providing further insight to the exegetical
work that had been produced leading up to the year 1000. Furthermore, these fears allowed
Fleury to solidify its role and power within the kingdom as it was Gauzlin who the king sought
out for help in interpreting ominous events and signs in the hopes of preparing for the end.
As books became more visually appealing, resulting in incredibly vivid works like the
Beatus of Saint-Sever, and even the earlier Trier Apocalypse, it is easy to imagine that those
reading from these volumes for their own edification, to make a duplicate, or for the benefit of a
congregation, would have become enraptured by the drama of the illustrations depicting the
horrors that many believed to be just around the corner. The fear surrounding these events caused
people to look for those who could speak with authority on the subject. Even the king was prone
to these fears and wrote to Gauzlin after hearing of an ominous event where it had supposedly
rained blood. Indicating the extent of Gauzlin’s reputation as an authority on the apocalypse,
which would have only been bolstered by the elaborate sculptural program found in the bell
tower that now bears his name.
Fleury Abbey is situated at the crossroad of Neustrie, Burgundy, and Aquitaine, uniquely
positioning it in the region. The Abbey is often central in debates about the origins and
development of the Romanesque. Because of the clear distinctions between the foliate capitals
and the figural capitals it has even been suggested that perhaps they represent two sculptural
55
campaigns. However, according to the work of Marilyn Low Schmitt, they are in fact one
homogenous group that actually coincide with a small relief found on the northern wall of the
tower (Figure 5.1) whose style and execution seem as though they would be suited to an earlier
time period.1 Her work connects the sculptural styles and grouping to two other sites suggesting
that what was created at Fleury proceeded later similar sculptural programs, furthering the idea
that Fleury was incredibly influential to the surrounding area.2
The millennial fears may have prompted artistic creations that examined the events
outlined in revelation, leading to beautifully illustrated manuscripts whose imaginative imagery
was paired with centuries of exegetical work. The fear of the year 1000 faded as life continued
into the eleventh century, the fear that the end was near remained ever present and now it had the
added quality of uncertainty as scholars scrambled to interpret the bible and omens in an attempt
to predict a new date. This kept works like the Beatus and other exegetical texts relevant and
further securing the church's role as the route to salvation. Benedictine monks, as part of their
practice, always kept the judgment before them.3 What better way to do this than to place a giant
illustration of the events to come as laid out in John’s Revelation.
With the growing fears and search for those who could understand them, it makes sense
that this desire to visually examine Revelation would not be confined to manuscripts. However,
while later structures built just after Gauzlin Tower would include imagery of the apocalypse, it
wasn’t until about 200 years later that the four horsemen would appear again in stone.
1Schmitt, Marilyn Low. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, Selles-
sur-Cher, Méobecq." The Art Bulletin 63, no. 1 (1981): 6
2 Ibid. p.6-8 The sites that Schmitt looks to focus heavily on styles of vegetal designs which is why they have been
omitted here.
3 Frederik van der Meer. Apocalypse: visions from the Book of Revelation in western art. (New York: Alpine Fine
Arts Collection. 1978), 78
56
The creative use of the stone capitals to tell the story of Revelation but also portions of
the life of Mary and other books of the bible plays on these fears and the role that the church
plays as the primary route to salvation and uses the structure to create a space that allows those
walking through it to move with the story being told as it directs them into the sacred space of
the basilica. Guided by the hand of God, directing the viewers and pointing towards the entrance
of the basilica as the viewer makes their way past judgment upon entering the tower. The tower
itself even invoke the idea of the Holy Jerusalem as described to John adding to the overall
experience of the space.
While later structures would take on the subject of the Last Judgment as the focal point
for their portals, situated above the entrance of the cathedral, at the moment of Gauzlin tower’s
construction there appears to be little precedent for such sculptural program. The revival of
monumental sculpture was just beginning situating the bell tower on the cusp of a movement that
would be fully realized in the Gothic. While there has been some research into the connection
between Fleury and a few other sites focused on the foliate capitals of the first floor as a way to
identify carvers possibly working at several sites, It would be interesting to do the same for the
figural groupings. 4 Doing so could perhaps give us a better understanding of the actual influence
of the tower on the surrounding area and even along the pilgrim road it is situated on. We know
the tales of the great cathedrals covered in sculpture were passed along the pilgrim roads as
evidenced by the Pilgrims Guide so perhaps there is an account buried somewhere telling of the
beauty found in the tower structure at Fleury. Investigating this in the future could lead us to a
4 Marilyn Low Schmitt. "Traveling Carvers in the Romanesque: The Case History of St.-Benoit-sur-Loire, Selles-
sur-Cher, Meobecq". The Art Bulletin. 63 (1981).
57
better understanding of the chronology of monumental sculpture in the Romanesque as it leads
into the Gothic.
58
APPENDIX - LIST OF FIGURES
1-1 Four Horsemen, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century
1-2 Vision of John, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century
1-3 Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, France, c. 11th century
2-1 Floor plan of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, France
2-2 Gauzlin Tower floor plan with numbered capitals
3-1 Hunting and Lion capitals, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
3-2 Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
3-3 Devil in Chains, Stadtbibliothek in Trier (MS 31), c. 9th century
3-4 The Four Horsemen Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
3-5 Detail of the side of the four horsemen capital
3-6 Detail of Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
3-7 Detail of Herod and Joseph, Flight into Egypt Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-
Loire, c. 1029
3-8 The Vision of Saint John Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
3-9 The Last Judgment Capital, Gauzlin Tower, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
4-1 Interior of Gauzlin tower with filled in archway, Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire, c. 1020
4-2 North capital, south-east angle and east face: volute-creature and complete standing man;
first quadruped, Saint-Benigne, c. 12th century
4-3 The tympanum of the central portal of the Abbey of Sainte-Marie-Madeleine de Vézelay,
in northern Burgundy, France. Ca. 1130.
4-4 The Last Judgment by Gislebertus in the west tympanum of the Cathédrale Saint Lazare
d’Autun in Autun, France, from the XII century.
4-5 Floor Plan of Autun with Directions
4-6 Four Horsemen Buttress, Reims Cathedral, c. 13th century
4-7 Porch of the Apocalypse, Basilique Cathédrale Notre-Dame d'Amiens, c. 13th century,
Amiens, France
59
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Jennaca Taipalus is from Boulder Colorado. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree
summa cum laude from the University of North Florida where she majored in Art History with a
minor in History. Since then has worked in art conservation labs and galleries until she decided
to pursue her interest in early Romanesque art at the turn of the 11th century and apocalyptic art
at the University of Florida, where she completed her Master of Arts degree in December 2018.