GHANA INSTITUTE OF JOURNALISM

POLITICAL PARTY MANIFESTOS, THE MEDIA AND VOTING

BEHAVIOUR: A SURVEY OF ODODODIODIO CONSTITUENCY

BY

MICHAEL OHENE ABOAGYE

(BACJ 2013002)

A PROJECT WORK SUBMITTED TO THE GHANA INSTITUTE OF

JOURNALISM IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE AWARD OF DEGREE IN COMMUNICATION STUDIES

JUNE, 2013.

STUDENT’S DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this project work is the result of my own original research, except for references to other works which have been acknowledged, and that no part has been presented in this institute or elsewhere for any other award.

…………………………… DATE………………………

MICHAEL OHENE ABOAGYE

SUPERVISOR’S DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the preparation and presentation of this project work was supervised by me in accordance with the guidelines on supervision of project work as laid down by the Ghana Institute of Journalism (GIJ).

………………………………………. DATE……………………

MR KOBINA BEDU-ADDO

DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to my Heavenly Father, God Almighty, and, also, to the memory of my latefather, Dr. Jacob Kwadwo Aboagye.

I also wish to dedicate this work to the patriotic Ghanaians, both living and dead, who fought forthe return to Democracy in Ghana in 1993 and also to all those who continue to fight for it to be

further consolidated.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude to God Almighty for His provision of strength, wisdom

and knowledge in the pursuit of this project.

I would also like to say a big thank you to my supervisor, Mr. Kobina Bedu-Addo, whose

brilliant advice and coaching led to the successful completion of this work. This work is a

product of his meticulousness and my perseverance.

I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my mum, Miss Rebecca Afram, for her prayers and

moral support.

I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to my kindhearted cousins, Mr. Patrick Owusu-

Sekyere Agyeman and Sister Gifty Frimpong, for their financial assistance. I wouldn’t have been

able to get this far without their assistance.

Finally, my sincerest gratitude goes to my best friend, Dorcas Naa Ayeley Quaye, who stood by

me through thick and thin.

TO GOD BE THE GLORY!

ABSTRACT

The current constitutional arrangement under the Fourth Republic in Ghana has been the most

resilient in the country’s political history. Every four years, elections are held to elect political

leaders for the country, and these elections, in most cases, tend to be the only real participation

the ordinary Ghanaian directly has in the country’s political process. This study examined what

voters in Odododiodio knew about the manifestos of the NPP, NDC, CPP and PPP in the 2012

presidential elections and how this knowledge influenced their voting. A survey research method

was employed, and sixty voters from Mudor - an electoral area in the Odododiodio Constituency

- were selected for the study through convenience sampling. The study revealed that whereas an

appreciable number of the electorate had knowledge of the manifestos of the NDC and the NPP,

very few of them had any idea about the manifestos of the CPP and PPP.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ITEM PAGE NUMBER

Declarations………………………………………………………………………… i

Dedication……………………………………………………………………………ii

Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………....iii

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….iv

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………….11.1 Background………………………………………………………………..11.2 Problem Statement………………………………………………………...201.3 Research Questions………………………………………………………..201.4 Research Objectives……………………………………………………….211.5 Significance of the study…………………………………………….….…211.6 Scope of the study………………………………………………………....221.7 Organisation of the study………………………………………….……....22

CHAPTER TWO

2.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………….232.1 Theoretical Framework..…………………………………………………..232.2 Related Literature…………………………………………………………28

CHAPTER THREE

3.0 Research Design………………………………………………………………..423.1 Population of the Study…………………………………………….......423.2 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques………………………………...433.3 Data Collection Methods and Instruments……………………………..443.4 Method of Data Analysis……………………………………………….45

CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 Introduction…………………………………………………………………….464.1 Presentation and Analysis of Data……………………………………..46

CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………655.1 Discussion of Findings………………………………………………...655.2 Limitations…………………………………………………………….685.3 Conclusion…………………………………………………………….695.4 Suggestions for Further Study………………………………………...69

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………70

Appendix………………………………………………………………………….73

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Gender Distribution of Respondents…………………………………………………...46

Table 2. Age Distribution of Respondents……………………………………………................47

Table 3. Educational Background of Respondents………………………………………………48

Table 4. Occupational Background of Respondents……………………………………………..50

Table 5. Marital Status of Respondents………………………………………………………….51

Table 6. Religious Affiliations of Respondents………………………………………………….52

Table 7. Ethnic Background of Respondents…………………………………………………….53

Table 8. Voting in the 2012 Presidential Election……………………………………………….54

Table 9. Reasons why Respondents Voted………………………………………………………54

Table 10. Reasons for Voting for their Preferred Candidates……………………………………55

Table 11. Main Sources of Information during Elections……………………………………….56

Table 12. Seeking Information about Manifestos of all Political Parties………….…………….58

Table 13. Reasons for not Seeking Information on all Manifestos………………………………58

Table 14. What Respondents Said were the main Campaign Issues…………………………….59

Table 15. Responses on the main Manifesto Pledge of the NPP………………………………..60

Table 16. Responses on the main Manifesto Pledge of the NDC……………………………….60

Table 17. Responses on the main Manifesto Pledge of the CPP………………………………...61

Table 18. Responses on the main manifesto pledge of the PPP…………………………………62

Table 19. Importance of Ethnic Origins of Presidential Candidates to Respondents……………63

Table 20. Respondents’ Consideration of Ethnic Background before Voting……….…………..63

LIST OF CHARTS

Chart 1. Sex of Respondents……………………………………………………………………47

Chart 2. Ages of Respondents…………………………………………………………………..48

Chart 3. Educational Background of Respondents……………………………………………..49

Chart 4. Occupational Background of Respondents……………………………………………50

Chart 5. Marital Status of Respondents…………………………………………………………51

Chart 6. Religious Affiliations of Respondents………………………………………………....52

Chart 7. Ethnic Background of Respondents……………………………………………………53

Chart 8. Respondents’ Main Sources of Information during Elections……………….…………57

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter contains background to the study, statement of the problem, research questions, and

research objectives. It also contains the scope of the study, significance of the study, and, last but

not least, the organisation of the study.

I.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

The book ‘‘Voting Behaviour in Canada’’, edited by Anderson and Stephenson (2010), aptly

underscores the importance of the democratic exercise of elections in its preface by stating that:

All modern democracies operate on the basis of representation. The act of choosing

representatives through free and fair elections is fundamental to the exercise of legitimate

democratic authority. For many citizens, participation through voting is the single most important

(and often the only) political act they will ever undertake. Given its importance to the practice of

legitimate democratic authority, voting behaviour (how and why citizens vote) has long held a

central place in the study of politics.

Anderson and Stephenson could not have emphasised the critical importance of elections to

democratic governance better than that. Elections are, basically, the cornerstones of democracy.

It is only through elections that the citizens of any country choose competent persons to manage

the affairs of their respective countries, mostly for a certain constitutionally-defined period of

time.

Democracy, in its classical form in the city-states of Greece, did not demand elections of

representatives due to the small sizes of these city-states; it was a direct democracy, where those

qualified to steer the affairs of the states, notably native-born citizens, spoke and voted in routine

assemblies organised to pursue government business. With the passage of time, some political

thinkers such as Jean Jacques Rousseau and Montesquieu of France and Thomas Jefferson and

James Madison of America inspired several political upheavals in Europe, which saw the erosion

of most of the European monarchical powers. These upheavals heralded the contemporisation of

democracy across Europe. One of the important features of modern democracy is the election of

representatives by the citizens (Pious, 2008).

In the early history of modern democracies, however, voting rights were restricted to just a

section of their citizens. For instance, in the United States of America, voting rights were

restricted to white males over the age of 21, and in some states, the rights were limited to those

who owned property or paid more than a specified annual tax. Further political and social

developments in the 20th Century saw the extension of the voting rights to all adult citizens. Two

very important characteristics of this modern representative democracy are the principles of

majoritarian rule and the rights of citizens to exercise the franchise in order to elect a government

to serve them (Ginsberg, 2008).

Elections provide the citizenry the opportunity to indirectly participate in the governance process

of the country through the selection of qualified persons to man their affairs. This, in theory,

gives the voters the political right to choose candidates whom, they believe, will serve their best

interests. This can be arrived at through the careful examination of the campaign promises of the

various political actors. However, the considerations which inform the voting behaviour of the

voters at the polls are largely dependent on what the various interests of the voters are. It is

incontrovertible that the main essence of a democratic government is to reasonably satisfy the

interests of the citizens. Therefore, the right to choose whoever one believes would serve their

interest best is intrinsic to any democratic exercise.

An instructive portion of the United States’ Declaration of Independence, one of the famous

political writings in the history of democracy, poignantly encapsulates the significance of the

right of the individual to elect their political leaders:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by

their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit

of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their

just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes

destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new

Government, having its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as

to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

(Declaration of Independence, paragraph 2).

Ayee (1998: 1) notes that, ‘‘elections are central to democracy because they provide

opportunities for citizens to endorse or reject the performance of an incumbent government’’.

Quite clearly, elections serve as opportunities for the public to make choices about the policies,

programmes, and future directions of actions of government.

Other important benefits derived from elections are the promotion of accountability and the

generation of legitimacy for the persons or political organisations duly elected to administer the

affairs of the state. Additionally, ‘‘the threat of defeat at the polls exerts pressure on those in

power to conduct themselves in a responsible manner and take account of popular interests and

wishes when they make their decisions.’’ (Ginsberg, 2008: paragraph 1).

Keulder (2010), in the introduction to a study conducted to investigate ‘‘Voting Behaviour in

Namibia’’, notes that, ‘‘elections are the cornerstones of democracy. If democracy is broadly

defined to mean ‘responsive government or rule’, then elections are one of the tools that ensure

responsive government. It is through elections that citizens appoint their representatives and hold

them accountable. Elections also fulfill the important function of generating legitimacy for the

organs of government. Together with economic growth and efficiency, legitimacy is often

regarded as key aspect for political stability.’’

1.1.1 Elections in Ghana

Ghana has had quite a number of successful legislative and presidential elections in her relatively

short political life. Multiparty elections in Ghana started in earnest in 1951, when the first

legislative elections took place as a result of the recommendations of the Watson Commission, an

investigative body set up by the British Government to investigate the causes of the 1948

disturbances in the then Gold Coast and come up with appropriate actions for the future.

Amamoo (2007: 57) describes this election as ‘‘the first ever free elections under universal adult

suffrage in Africa’’. Subsequent to the 1951 election, other legislative elections were held in the

Gold Coast in 1954 and 1956. The first presidential election which took place in Ghana was the

1960 presidential election between Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, who became the first president of

Ghana, and Dr. Joseph Boakye Danquah, which saw Dr. Nkrumah win overwhelmingly with

89.07% of the total valid votes cast while Dr. Danquah polled a paltry 10.93% of the total valid

votes cast (Elections in Ghana, 2012).

After the 1960 presidential election, a number of elections, ranging from constitutional referenda

to legislative and presidential elections, were held before the promulgation of the 1992

Republican Constitution, which ushered in the 4th Republic. Notable among these pre-1992

elections is the presidential election of 1979, which saw the victory of Dr. Hilla Limann of the

People’s National Party in a second round of election after the first round failed to produce a

clear winner. The runoff was between Dr. Hilla Limann and Mr. Victor Owusu of the Popular

Front Party.

Under the 4th Republic, six successful parliamentary and presidential elections have been held in

Ghana. The successful conduct of these elections has given high credibility to Ghana’s

democracy, leading to a very high rating in Africa in terms of good governance and democracy

(NCCE, 2012). The 4th Republic has seen a gradual deepening of the Ghanaian electoral

system. ‘‘One of the fundamental principles underlying the Ghanaian political system is that

every adult citizen has the right to participate, either personally or through an elected

representative, in the making of the decisions that affect his/her life’’. (Electoral Commission of

Ghana, 2005: 5). The 1992 Constitution of Ghana provided for the creation of an Electoral

Commission, whose duties includes, inter alia, the conduct and supervision of all public elections

and referenda (1992 Constitution of Ghana). The commission is made up of seven members – a

chairman, two deputy chairmen and four other members – all of whom are appointed by the

President on the advice of the Council of State (Electoral Commission of Ghana, 2013).

The constitution also guarantees the right of every Ghanaian to form a political party in article

55, clause (1), and it goes further to guarantee the freedom of the political parties to carry out

their core business: ‘‘Subject to the provisions of this article, a political party is free to participate

in shaping the political will of the people, to disseminate information on political ideas, social

and economic programmes of a national character, and sponsor candidates for elections to any

public office other than to District Assemblies or lower local government units’’ (1992

Constitution of Ghana). The direct corollary of the foregoing constitutional provision has been

the vibrant multiparty democratic elections since 1992.

On the 7th of December, 2012, the sixth general elections under the Fourth Republic took place

nationwide. The presidential election featured eight candidates, namely John Dramani Mahama

of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo of the New

Patriotic Party (NPP), Michael Abu Sakara Foster of the Convention People’s Party (CPP), Papa

Kwesi Nduom of the Progressive People’s Party (PPP), Hassan Ayarigah of the People’s

National Convention (PNC), Henry Herbert Lartey of the Great Consolidated Popular Party

(GCPP), Akwasi Addai Odike of the United Front Party (UFP), and an independent candidate,

Jacob Osei Yeboah (Electoral Commission of Ghana, 2013).

In accord with previous presidential elections, the 2012 presidential election was virtually a race

between the candidates of the two leading political parties in the country – John Dramani

Mahama and Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo. Before the elections, the Electoral Commission

created 45 new constituencies, increasing the total number of constituencies in the country to

275. Elections, therefore, took place in 275 constituencies nationwide.

Also, for the first time in the electoral history of Ghana, the Electoral Commission carried out a

biometric registration of voters. This novel exercise was legally backed by the Public Elections

Regulations, 2012 (CI 75), which replaced the Public Elections Regulations, 1996 (CI 15) and

the Public Elections (Registration of Voters) Regulations, 2012 (CI 72) as the most important

legislation for regulating the conduct of the 2012 General Elections (Parliament of Ghana,

2013.).

The law prescribed that voters should be biometrically verified by the Electoral Commission

officials before being allowed to vote. On the day of the elections, some biometric verification

machines broke down at some polling stations, and, therefore, as a result, the Electoral

Commission extended voting by a day in those areas. (BBC News Africa, 2012).

At the end of the entire voting exercise, the Electoral Commission declared John Dramani

Mahama of the NDC as the winner of the presidential election, polling 5,574,761 votes,

representing 50.70% of the total valid votes cast ahead of his closest rival, Nana Addo Dankwa

Akufo-Addo, who polled 5,248,898 votes, representing 47.74% of the total valid votes cast

(Electoral Commission of Ghana, 2013).

After the declaration, the NPP alleged the Electoral Commission tampered with the results of the

election and, therefore, filed a petition at the highest court of the land, the Supreme Court, to

review the election results. The case was still pending as of the time this study was conducted.

1.1.2 Manifestos

Political parties seek power on the basis of their campaign promises - their manifestos. These

manifestos are the published documents that officially set forth the campaign pledges, including

key policy objectives, which the political parties present to the electorate for their mandate.

Dandoy and Baudewyns (2013) elucidate on the utility of manifestos by citing three basic

functions:

Though voters are not directly involved in the drafting of the manifesto, they indirectly shape its

content; the political parties examine the demands of citizens and select and aggregate these

demands into a package of policy proposals in the form of a manifesto. A manifesto, therefore,

becomes an avenue through which a political party distinguishes itself in terms of its policy

positions.

Secondly, closely related to its first function as stated by Dandoy and Baudewyns (2013), a

manifesto serves as a channel for informing voters about party policy preferences. In this respect,

it guides the electioneering campaigns of the political parties by lending them some coherence.

Manifestos are believed to contribute to the electoral successes of political parties. Essentially, a

manifesto serves as a vote-catching device. Here, the manifesto is regarded as a means of

communicating with the electorate, and this enables the party to communicate with interests

groups and very important societal partners.

Last but not least, manifestos also serve as mechanisms used to constrain and determine the

choices and future actions of parties which win elections. Such parties do not enjoy the

unfettered latitude of doing whatever they wish after elections. The manifestos serve as

ideological bases or reference points for guiding their policy formulation. In this sense, parties in

government are expected to be evaluated by electorate based on their policy performance relative

to pledges made in their manifestos. Therefore, a manifesto does not only serve as an aggregate

of voters’ demands or as a channel for communicating with voters with a view to garnering their

support but also as a tool for evaluating parties’ performances (Dandoy and Baudewyns, 2013).

Manifesto pledges are most efficiently communicated to the electorate through the mass media.

Underscoring the significant role the mass media plays in this project, Udende (2002) avers that

a sure means for voters to obtain information about election candidates and their manifestos is

through the mass media. He states that the mass media does this through its coverage and

presentation of news, facts, figures, editorials and other analytical pieces about the issues. This,

he adds, helps the electorate to make a clear choice, and, therefore, he holds the view that the

mass media exert considerable influence on the creation of awareness on the issues.

1.1.3 Manifestos in the 2012 Presidential Election

The State has, as its constitutional responsibility, to provide equal opportunities to all political

parties to present their manifestos to the electorate. Article 55, clause 11 of the 1992 Constitution

of the Republic of Ghana states explicitly that, ‘‘The State shall provide fair opportunity to all

political parties to present their programmes to the public by ensuring equal access to the state-

owned media’’. Manifestos are, therefore, critical parts of Ghanaian party politics.

In the 2012 presidential election in Ghana, all the seven political parties plus the independent

candidate made various manifesto pledges to voters. The competing parties disseminated their

manifesto pledges mainly through the mass media. Also, the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA)

Ghana Presidential debates were organised for presidential candidates and running mates of

political parties which had representation in Parliament. These IEA encounters also helped the

selected parties to create more awareness on their manifesto promises. The NPP, NDC, CPP, and

PPP presented their respective manifestos to the electorate, and the following is an overview of

their respective manifestos:

1.1.4 The NPP’s Manifesto

The manifesto of the NPP for Election 2012, titled ‘‘Transforming Lives, Transforming Ghana’’

spelled out in detail the social contract the party sought to have with the people of Ghana, while

it also criticised the incumbent NDC government’s management of the country and proposed

ways it intended to manage the country. The manifesto was divided into six broad categories:

i. Chapter 1 – Building the Foundations of a Free and Fair Societyii. Chapter 2 – Economic Transformation for Prosperity and Job Creation

iii. Chapter 3 – Public Investment to Provide Basic Amenities and Support Job Creationiv. Chapter 4 – A Disciplined and Safe Societyv. Chapter 5 – Creating Opportunities and Promoting Enterprise

vi. Chapter 6 – Ghana in a Wider World

Chapter 1 of the NPP 2012 Manifesto

This chapter dealt with NPP’s pledge of providing strong, effective, and visionary leadership to

drive the project of national transformation. The party also promised the provision of good

governance, supporting this pledge with a reference to what the party termed as its ‘‘enviable

record of good governance’’ (page 17). This chapter also contained the party’s flagship manifesto

pledge – the provision of free senior high school (SHS) education, which, interestingly, became

the fulcrum around which the electioneering campaigns of all the political parties revolved. The

party promised to fund this programme with 1% of the nation’s total income.

The chapter also contained a pledge by the party to deliver quality health, principally by building

more health infrastructure and strengthening the National Health Insurance Scheme.

Furthermore, the party promised to solve the national ‘‘housing deficit of over 1,500,000 units’’

(page 31) by promulgating the National Housing Policy, establishing a Housing Agency, and

encouraging the private sector to go into partnership with Government in building rental units

across the country.

Chapter 2 of the NPP 2012 Manifesto

This chapter contained the NPP’s vision of transforming Ghana’s economy from being exporter

of raw materials and importer of finished goods to one that would manufacture what Ghanaians

used – industrialisation. Additionally, the party promised to strengthen the National

Development Planning Commission and, also, implement a trade policy which would help in

improving our competitiveness in both domestic and international markets.

Chapters 3, 4, and 5 of NPP 2012 Manifesto

These chapters contained the following proposals aimed at transforming the Ghanaian society:

Embarking on heavy public investment to provide basic amenities and support the

creation of jobs The creation of a well-disciplined and safe society to provide the congenial and enabling

environment for the transformation of the Ghanaian society And, finally, the creation of opportunities and the promotion of enterprise

1.1.4 The NDC’s Manifesto

The manifesto of the NDC for Election 2012, titled ‘‘Advancing the Better Ghana Agenda,’’

made a case for the renewal of the social contract it had with the people of Ghana in 2008 by

listing the party’s achievements in government since 2009 and further made some pledges to the

Ghanaian people with a view to consolidating on the gains made. The manifesto was divided into

four main themes:

i. Theme 1 – Putting People Firstii. Theme 2 – A Strong and Resilient Economy

iii. Theme 3 – Expanding Infrastructureiv. Theme 4 – Transparent and Accountable Governance

Theme 1 of the NDC 2012 Manifesto

This section of the NDC’s manifesto outlined its 2008 manifesto achievements in education and

then moved on to detail the party’s proposed programme at the primary and junior high schools

for 2013 to 2017, which included proposals to ‘‘eliminate the remaining 60% of identified

‘Schools-Under-Trees’ ’’ and ‘‘progressively expand coverage of the School Feeding Programme

to all public basic schools in rural and needy communities’’ (page 17).

While the NPP promised to introduce free education at the senior high school (SHS) level, the

NDC, on the other hand, promised to increase access to education at that level. The party also

promised to improve the healthcare system and also catalogued various interventionist policies

calculated to give social protection to the vulnerable in the Ghanaian society.

Theme 2 of the NDC 2012 Manifesto

Theme two focused on policies designed to create a very strong economy. Against this backdrop,

the party pledged to achieve the following targets from 2013 to 2017:

To maintain a single digit rate of inflation To ensure exchange rate stability To reduce deficits significantly To maintain an average annual growth rate of at least 8%

The party also promised an accelerated modernisation of agriculture to aid in the economic

transformation of the nation.

Themes 3 and 4 of the 2012 NDC Manifesto

The concluding themes of the NDC manifesto respectively focused on the following:

Aggressive expansion and modernisation of infrastructure in a comprehensive manner Execution of measures aimed at enhancing transparent and accountable governance

1.1.5 The CPP’s Manifesto (abridged version)

The manifesto of the CPP, carrying the inscription ‘‘Ghana Must Work Again…Yabre’’ carefully

itemised some strategies the party proposed to employ to achieve its three main objectives of

Social Transformation, Sustainable Economy, and Social Justice. These proposals were

categorised into four main areas:

i. National Economyii. Infrastructural Development

iii. Governance iv. Social Policy

National Economy

This section contained pledges which centred on monetary and fiscal policies, management of

the country’s oil and gas, support for industry, protection of the environment, and agricultural

and rural transformation. The party promised, among other things, to ‘‘work with the Bank of

Ghana to induce our banks to bring down interest rates to realistic levels’’(page 8).

Infrastructural Development

The party promised to develop the nation’s infrastructure, and, specifically, it singled out energy

for special treatment. The CPP promised to increase energy production and also promote the use

of alternative sources of energy. The party also pledged to set up a National Infrastructure

Financing Authority to source funds through municipal, national, and international bonds as well

as other means to finance capital projects.

Governance and Social Policy

The concluding sections of the manifesto outlined proposals aimed at improving the following

areas:

Decentralisation and Local Government Fighting corruption Gender equity Housing and urban development Human resource development and labour issues Education, science and technology Youth development Health and sanitation

1.1.6 The PPP’s Manifesto

The manifesto pledges of the PPP were condensed into a three-page document called the

Political Platform. The pledges in this document were dubbed an ‘‘Agenda for Change’’ and built

on four main pillars:

i. Stewardshipii. Education

iii. Healthcareiv. Jobs

This ‘‘Agenda for Change’’ was expressed in ten main pledges:

Create a just and disciplined societyImprove the performance of GovernmentGive power to the people for developmentStrengthen Parliament to perform its legislative duties effectivelyProvide quality education for every Ghanaian childProvide energy for industrialisation and rapid developmentProvide better healthcare and cleaner environmentAttack crime, the drug trade and corruptionEmpower the DiasporaCreate jobs

1.1.7 Odododiodio Constituency

The Odododiodio Constituency is located in the very heart of Accra; the largest part of Accra

Central falls within this constituency. This area, which constitutes the constituency, also forms

the Ashiedu-Keteke Sub-Metropolitan District. It is the smallest among the eleven Sub-

Metropolitan Districts within the Accra Metropolitan Assembly with a population of about

250,000 people. The Sub-Metro was established by Legislative Instrument 1722 (Accra

Metropolitan Assembly, n.d.).

Before the 2012 General Elections, the Odododiodio Constituency had three main electoral

areas, namely Kinka, Ngleshie, and Korle Wokon. However, just before the 2012 elections, four

additional electoral areas were created for the constituency in a national electoral demarcation

exercise by the Electoral Commission to give the constituency seven electoral areas in total.

Mudor, Nmlitsagonno, Amamomo, and Korle Dudor electoral areas were the additions. Mudor

was created out of Ngleshie while Nmlitsagonno was also created out of Kinka. The other two

electoral areas, Amamomo and Korle Dudor, were created out of Korle Wokon (Electoral

Commission of Ghana, 2013).

Odododiodio has electorate from diverse ethnic backgrounds, making it highly cosmopolitan.

The constituency is home to a number of strategic commercial centres in Accra, including

Makola, the 31st December, Kantamanto, and Agbogbloshie markets. Interestingly, in 1951,

while Dr. Kwame Nkrumah was still in prison at the James Fort, he won an election in this

constituency (then called the Accra Central Constituency) as its member of parliament.

The table below gives a breakdown of the population of the electorate in the seven electoral areas

during the 2012 General Elections:

ELECTORAL AREA POPULATIONNgleshie 12,076Mudor 5,018Kinka 15,662

Nmlitsagonno 7,985Korle Wokon 11,866Amamomo 16,336

Korle Dudor 26,234Total 95,177

Distribution of electorate among the seven electoral areas of Odododiodio Constituency

Source: Electoral Commission of Ghana, 2013

Since 1992, with the exception of 2004, election results from the constituency have predicted

the national electoral trend. Under the Fourth Republic, the constituency has had five members

of parliament, namely Nii Okaidja Adamafio, Reginald Niibi Ayibonte, the late Samuel Nii

Ayikwei Mankattah , Jonathan Nii Tackie Komey, and the current member of parliament, Edwin

Nii Lantey Vanderpuye. The constituency currently has 160 polling stations.

1.1.8 Studies on Electoral Behaviour

Studies on voting behaviour have a long and vibrant history. According to Bartels (2008: 2),

‘‘the modern history of academic voting research began in the 1940 at Columbia University,

where a team of social scientists assembled by Paul Lazarsfeld pioneered the application of

survey research to the study of electoral behavior.’’

In addition to the pioneering work of Lazarsfeld and his colleagues, many works have been

conducted in quite a number of democracies to study the factors which inform the electoral

behaviour of the electorates. In Ghana, for instance, Jonah (1998) conducted a study to unravel

the voting pattern and its underlying explanations in the Ahanta West and Shama constituencies.

Also, Bluwey (1998) conducted a study with a similar objective in Agona West and Effutu

constituencies. These studies have laid bare some of the factors which influence voters.

However, most of these studies do not educate us on the extent to which the identified factors

influence the voter.

One of these factors which influence voting behaviour is believed to be the manifesto. Scholarly

studies on voting behaviour in Ghana do not give us information relative to the extent to which

manifestos influence voting behaviour. It is this gap in our knowledge of voting behaviour in

Ghana that this study attempts to fill.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Since 1992, Ghana has had uninterrupted multiparty democratic practice, which has earned her

very high credibility in the international community; however, several civil society organisations

based in Ghana regularly make calls for the sanitisation of our electioneering campaigns by

advising political actors to focus campaigns on issues. These issues are, basically, the manifestos

of the various political parties. The extent to which these issues influence voting behaviour

among the Ghanaian electorate is worth examining. The policies and programmes which any

government undertakes are informed by the manifesto upon which it was voted to power.

Therefore, manifestos have a direct bearing on the development any government delivers to its

people. Some factors such as economic conditions, ethnicity, and party loyalty have, however,

been found to be other considerations which influence voters’ behaviour in some democracies.

Others studies also contend that the voters critically and rationally appraise the various campaign

pledges and arrive at a definite conclusion as to who to vote for. So how do campaign pledges of

the various political parties shape the voting behaviour of the Ghanaian electorate? This study

seeks to determine the extent to which the manifestos of the major political parties influenced the

voting behaviour of electorate in the Odododiodio Constituency in the 2012 Presidential

Election.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What was the level of knowledge of the electorate of Odododiodio Constituency of the

main themes of the manifestos of the NPP, NDC, CPP and PPP in the 2012 Presidential

Election? 2. By what means were the manifestos of the four parties communicated to the voters of

Odododiodio Constituency?3. How did the voters of Odododiodio get to know of the main themes in the respective

manifestos of the four parties?4. How did the four parties’ manifestos influence the voting behaviour of the electorate of

Odododiodio Constituency in the presidential election?

1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

General Objective

The general objective of this study is to find out what voters of Odododiodio Constituency knew

about the four main political parties’ manifestos and how that knowledge influenced their voting

behaviour in the 2012 Presidential Election.

Specific Objectives

(1) To find out what the voters of Odododiodio Constituency knew about the manifestos of

the NPP, NDC, CPP, and PPP in the 2012 Presidential Election.(2) To find out how the four political parties communicated their respective manifestos to the

voters of Odododiodio Constituency.(3) To find out how the electorate of Odododiodio Constituency got to know of the main

themes in the respective manifestos of the four political parties.(4) To find out how the manifesto pledges of the four political parties influenced voting

behaviour of the electorate of Odododiodio Constituency in the presidential election.

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will make an immense positive contribution to academia by providing some insight

into the extent to which the manifestos of political parties impact on the voting behaviour of the

Ghanaian electorate. Additionally, it will serve as a piece of very useful information for political

actors about how useful manifestos are in the Ghanaian context with respect to electoral success

and, therefore, inform them on how best to strategize to get the optimal result from the

manifestos. Last but not least, it will be of immense benefit to civil society and state institutions

that have been making calls to political parties to anchor their campaigns on issues to know

whether or not these issues are actually the basis upon which the electorate vote, and, therefore,

reinforce or reorient their calls away from manifesto if necessary.

1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

This study covers voters in one constituency in the Greater-Accra Region, Odododiodio

Constituency, and the officially-published manifesto documents (hard copies) of four political

parties in the 2012 Presidential Election in Ghana, namely the National Democratic Congress

(NDC), the New Patriotic Party (NPP), the Convention People’s Party (CPP), and the

Progressive People’s Party (PPP). Also, it is limited to the knowledge of electorate in the

Odododiodio Constituency of the manifestos of the aforementioned political parties in the 2012

Presidential Election

.

1.7 ORGANISATION OF THE STUDY

This study comprises five chapters. Chapter one is the introduction to study, which contains the

background statement, the statement of the problem, research questions and objectives of the

study, significance of the study, the scope of the study, and, this section, the organisation of the

study. Chapter two contains related literature and theoretical framework which underpin the

study. Chapter three talks about the methodology employed in the study, with principal focus on

research design, definition of the population of study, sample size and sampling techniques. The

penultimate chapter contains findings of the study with detailed analyses and interpretations.

Chapter five, the final chapter, carries discussions of the analyses and conclusions arrived

thereof, and suggestions for further studies. The study ends with references and an appendix.

CHAPTER TWO

RELATED LITERATURE

2.0 INTRODUCTION

In order to bring the germane issues into very sharp focus in a scholarly inquiry of such nature, it

is absolutely imperative that this study is situated within a well-defined intellectual context.

Essentially, this calls for the setting out of theoretical framework and the review of related

literature to guide the study. Consequently, this chapter deals with the theoretical framework

which underpin the study and the review of related literature.

2.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The theories which guided this study are the two-step flow, social constructionist and the rational

choice theories.

2.1.1 Two-Step Flow

‘‘Among the major theories associated with the use of the mass media to enlighten as well as

influence the voting pattern of electorate is the Two-Step Flow of Communication theory. The

theory, developed by Paul Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson and Hazel Gaulet, seeks to explain how

individuals from different social groups select and use media messages to influence votes.’’

(Udende, 2011:6). This theory asserts that information from the media moves in two distinct

stages. First, individuals who pay close attention to the mass media and their messages receive

this information and pass on this information, modified by their own interpretations, to those

who rarely or do not at all pay close attention to the mass media and their messages. Those in the

first category are referred to as opinion leaders while the others in the latter group are the opinion

followers. Therefore, essentially, if the opinion leaders can be convinced to support a cause, then

invariably they would in turn get their opinion followers to believe in the same cause.

In the use of this theory in a research on voting behaviour, Lazarsfeld and his colleagues found

‘‘little evidence that media played an important role in influencing the crystallizers, the

waverers, or the converts’’ (Baran and Davis, 2003:134). Instead, ‘‘voters were much more likely

to say that they had been influenced by other people’’ (ibid). The theory, therefore, carry the

assumption that the opinion followers are influenced by the opinion leaders through the media

messages which have been subjected to considerable modifications by the opinion leaders based

on their personal interpretations of the messages. Here, waverers was the label Lazarsfeld gave

to those who ‘‘chose one candidate, then were undecided or switched to another candidate, but in

the end voted for their first choice’’ (ibid). On the other hand, he called those who chose one

candidate but then voted for his opponent as converts, while he labeled those who did not make

an early choice but made a late decision as crystallizers (ibid).

The two-step flow theory has improved our understanding of how the mass media influence

decision making. The theory refined the ability to predict the influence of media messages on

audience behaviour, and it helped explain why certain media campaigns fail to alter audience

attitudes and behaviour. During every national presidential election period in Ghana, the

political parties and the presidential candidates stage political campaigns to ‘‘sell’’ themselves to

the Ghanaian electorate. In most cases, the manifestos of the political parties or the candidates

(as in the case of independent presidential candidates) form the bases of their campaigns. The

essence of this exercise is to provide the electorate with the most appropriate tool to take an

informed decision at the polls. This is especially important because elections are considered

extremely central to democracy. According to Ayee (1998: 1), ‘‘…the opportunity to choose

through periodic elections who will govern is widely held as the hallmark of a representative

democracy’’. This, therefore, makes the means through which the electorate arrive at their

electoral choices also critical.

Many stakeholders such as the National Commission on Civic Education and other bodies have,

over the years, been making clarion calls for the campaigns of the various political actors to be

purely dictated by issues. However, this call faces a number of challenges. One of them is that a

sizable number of the Ghanaian population is not literate, and, therefore, may not be able to fully

understand all the relevant issues needed to be appreciated in order to take an informed decision

in the elections. There is, therefore, the need for proper education. It is the opinion leaders who

sometimes fill this lacuna.

Another challenge is that some Ghanaians do not have access to any channel of mass

communication, and, even in some cases, where some people possess these channels of mass

communication, they are unable to fully appreciate the content of the messages. Therefore, apart

from the mass media, which reach out to millions of the electorate, opinion leaders also help in

shaping the understanding of other voters. This, basically, underscores the appropriateness of the

two-step flow theory to this study. The theory will guide the study to investigate whether or not

the voting behaviour of the electorate of Odododiodio was shaped by their exposure to the mass

media or by influence of opinion leaders.

2.1.1 Social Constructionism

This theory is based on the assumption that there is nothing natural or normal about the world we

live in. Instead, people make meaning of what is around them through interactions with one

another. According to Berger and Luckman (1991), society exists as both objective and

subjective reality. Andrews (2012: paragraph 8) affirms that ‘‘the former is brought about

through the interaction of people with the social world, with this social world in turn influencing

people resulting in routinisation and habitualization’’. In other words, any frequently repeated

action becomes cast into a pattern, which can be reproduced without much effort. ‘‘This frees

people to engage in innovation rather than starting everything anew. In time, the meaning of the

habitualization becomes embedded as routines, forming a general store of knowledge. This is

institutionalised by society to the extent that future generations experience this type of

knowledge as objective’’ (Andrews: ibid).

Through the individual’s interaction with others, this objectivity becomes continuously

reaffirmed. In fact, Burr (1995) argues that the true origination of a person’s identity is not the

inside of the person but rather the social realm. Berger and Luckmann (1991) add that

‘‘socialisation takes place through significant others who mediate the objective reality of society,

render it meaningful and in this way it is internalised by individuals’’ (as cited in Andrews, 2012:

paragraph 9). This is done through the medium of language. Burr (1995) further affirms that

‘‘within social constructionism, language is not an unproblematic means of transmitting thoughts

and feelings, but in fact makes thought possible by constructing concepts’’ (as cited in Andrews,

ibid). This simply means it is language that makes thoughts and concepts possible and not the

other way around. Language predates concepts and provides a means of structuring the way the

world is experienced. Underscoring the important role language plays in the construction and

reconstruction of subjective reality, Berger and Luckmann (1991) state that ‘‘conversation is the

most important means of maintaining, modifying and reconstructing subjective reality’’ (as cited

in Andrews, 2012: paragraph10). Therefore, the building blocks of this subjective reality are

simply concepts that can be shared with others. This implies that these concepts are mutually

understood by the parties engaged in the communication transaction, and this obviates the need

for any of the parties to engage in any exercise calculated to help the other party/parties achieve

some comprehension of the concepts when used in everyday conversation. In the course of time,

these concepts assume realities which are almost always taken for granted.

As voters who share certain commonalities such as tribe, language, support for the same political

party, geographical area, and the like interact, they tend to influence one another in their

understanding of the campaign issues. In the process, they form their subjective realities of these

issues, influenced greatly by their common peculiarities such as economic status, level of

education, shared prejudices, and a host of others. Therefore, the meanings they give to the

campaign issues become shared meanings distinct from those of other social groups. This,

therefore, inform their decisions at the polls; they are not necessarily influenced by the objective

reality inherent in the campaign messages of the various political actors but rather by the

subjective realities they assign to these messages formed through their interactions with one

another. Essentially, this underscores the point that if voters are to be influenced by the issues, it

is certainly not what the manifestos of the parties say that matter but rather the perceptions of

these voters about the content of the manifestos, gained through their social interactions with one

another that matter. The theory of Social Constructionism is, therefore, important to this study, as

it will guide the study to find out whether or not voting behaviour in the Odododiodio

constituency change across social groups.

2.1.2 Rational Choice Theory

This theory has an underlying assumption of rationality. It assumes that ‘‘individuals make

decisions that maximise the utility they expect to derive from making choices’’ (Munck, 2002:

166). When individuals take actions or make decisions, they tend to be rational in making

choices that are expected to maximise their utilities. In rational choice theory, individuals are

seen as motivated by the wants or goals that express their 'preferences'. They act within specific,

given constraints and on the basis of the information that they have about the conditions under

which they are acting. At its simplest, the relationship between preferences and constraints can

be seen in the purely technical terms of the relationship of a means to an end. As it is not

possible for individuals to achieve all of the various things that they want, they must also make

choices in relation to both their goals and the means for attaining these goals. Rational choice

theories hold that individuals must anticipate the outcomes of alternative courses of action and

calculate that which will be best for them. Rational individuals choose the alternative that is

likely to give them the greatest satisfaction (Heath 1976: 3).

The political parties and the candidates ‘‘sell’’ themselves and their policies through their

manifestoes, hoping that they shall be voted for on the basis of what they promise to deliver.

These political actors use all means of mass communication to reach the electorate, and the

preponderance of literature reviewed shows that electorate in many democracies do really vote

on the basis of their evaluation of these manifestos. This theory will guide the study to find out

the extent to which the electorate rationally appraised the various manifestos and voted for the

party whose manifesto offered them the greatest benefits.

2.2 RELATED LITERATURE

The politically tumultuous period of 1985-1995 in Africa witnessed a flood of writings on

democratisation and elections. Boafo-Arthur (2008: 10) describes that period as the The Rebirth

of Democracy in the Sub-Region. Here, he conceptually defined rebirth as ‘‘the passage of a

country from a non-democratic to democratic rule’’. A considerable number of this volume of

literature took a critical look at elections in Ghana. Studies like Chazan (1987), Gyimah-Boadi

(1997), and McCarty (1997) are just a few of them. These literature and other related ones

greatly enrich our understanding of voting behaviour.

However, the demands of the core objects of this inquiry require that the study’s focus is placed

on literature which investigates voting behaviour from a smaller unit of the electoral system to

the national level. Therefore, this literature review examines voting behaviour from the

constituency level to the national level. Whereas the first two studies investigate the factors

which shaped voting behavior in some selected constituencies in Ghana in past elections, the

concluding one is predicated on an assumption of the rational choice theory and examines the

main issues which are likely to inform the choice of the rational Ghanaian voter. This review is

aimed at deepening the theoretical framework in creating the context necessary to guide this

study.

2.2.1 The 1996 Elections and Politics in Ahanta West and Shama

Jonah (1998) studied the 1996 elections in two rural constituencies in the Western Region of

Ghana, namely Ahanta West and Shama. It is instructive to note that the Electoral Commission of

Ghana has, since the 1996 General Elections, been exercising its constitutional duty of reviewing

the division of Ghana ‘‘into constituencies at intervals of not less than seven years, or within

twelve months after the publication of the enumeration figures after the holding of a census of

the population of Ghana, whichever is earlier, and may, as a result, alter the constituencies’’ as

stipulated by article 47, clause 5 of the 1992 Ghanaian Constitution. Therefore, the Ahanta West

and Shama constituencies used in this study represent what they were as of the time of the 1996

General Elections.

The key objectives of this study were fourfold. Firstly, and of the greatest relevance to this

research, Jonah (1998) sought to analyse the voting pattern in the two constituencies and unearth

the underlying explanations. The study also attempted to determine the nature of politics in the

twin constituencies and further proceeded to establish the degree of political interest and extent

of political participation that produced the specific patterns of voting observed in the 1996

elections. Finally, the study endeavoured to unravel the specific type of the emergent political

culture in the two rural constituencies and its implications for Ghana’s democratic politics.

Jonah (1998) employed the simple random sampling technique to select small samples of

populations of Ahanta West and Shama constituencies and interview them to elicit responses in

respect of their electoral choices and the underlying reasons. This sampling technique was in two

stages: The first step involved the random selection of primary survey units (PSU) from among

the electoral areas of both constituencies, and the second stage, primarily, consisted of, firstly,

selecting at random households within the PSU and then moving further to select the individuals

from those households for interviewing. 100 respondents were interviewed in each of the

constituencies before and after the 1996 General Elections; respondents in both Ahanta West and

Shama constituencies were interviewed two weeks before the elections and then again

interviewed two weeks after the elections.

Jonah (1998) anchored his study on one of what he termed as the ‘‘two theoretical foundations’’

of the studies of voters’ electoral choices, drawing heavily on theoretical postulations by Rose

and McAllister (1990). These are the voter-led and party-led theories. Though Jonah (1998)

placed his study within the theoretical framework of the voter-led theories, he gave a brief

commentary about the assumptions of the party-led theories. According to Jonah (1998: 429),

‘‘…party-led theories are elitist in character in that primary importance is attached to the views

of the party leaders. Party-led theories treat the political arena as very [oligopolistic] since few

political parties have the organised resources to make an impact on the voter. The voter therefore

has a very limited choice between a few parties. These parties and politicians fashion their

policies; the voter can only choose between a few available policy options. In party-led theories

the parties and politicians, and not the voter, call the shots’’.

Having outlined the suppositions of the party-led theories, Jonah (1998) then sketched the

frontiers of the voter-led theories within which he situated his study, thereby establishing a sharp

dichotomy between the two theoretical traditions. The voter-led theoretical tradition is, basically,

premised on the core belief that the voter can and does make a difference in shaping the way

political parties ought to go. He further asserted that ‘‘in voter-led theories, the individual voter is

considered sovereign and determines what political parties and politicians should do. The

individual voter, accordingly, casts their vote in favour of the party or candidate who best

approximates their political expectations. Voter-led theories are liberal in the same sense that

economic theories about the sovereign individual consumer are also liberal. The political arena is

perceived as a reflection of the individual’s electoral choices and preferences in the same way

that the market is a reflection of the individual consumer’s preferences’’ (ibid: 429).

After properly setting forth this theoretical framework to guide his study, Jonah (1998) then

detailed the socio-economic profile of the inhabitants of the two constituencies and then outlined

the pertinent findings of his work in respect of both the presidential and parliamentary elections.

However, for the purposes of unraveling the complexities of voters’ preferences as presented by

Jonah in his work with a view to enriching our understanding of the subject in pursuit of the core

objects of this research, only the findings he made in respect of the presidential elections would

be considered.

With respect to the demographic profile of the respondents, it was revealed, among other things,

that there was a preponderance of the farmer-teacher-trader-business man class, which continues

to constitute the foundational underpinning of Ghana’s rural political economy. In the two

constituencies, this group constituted over 60%, with the largest in the group, the farmers,

accounting for over 30% in the samples. He noted that 70% of his respondents had only either

primary school or no education at all. He again observed that over 80% and only 45% of his

interviewees reported they had radio and TVs respectively in their homes. Furthermore, he stated

that 70% of them were Christians who reported attending religious service at least once a week

and, also, 90% of them were Akans who were married.

Finding out his respondents’ assessment of the electoral process, Jonah (1998) discovered that

whilst only 42% and 52% of his respondents from the Shama and Ahanta West Constituencies,

respectively, reported that all political parties had adequate logistics such as cars, motor bikes,

bicycles, loudspeakers, and the like, the rest did not know or did feel access of the parties to the

necessary logistics was extremely unequal. In terms of the assessment of the people in respect of

the climate of the election, Jonah (1998) averred that the opinions expressed by respondents

differed; between 51% and 90% of the people in both constituencies believed that there was a

fair coverage of all parties by the state-owned media and were equally satisfied with the freedom

the parties had to campaign everywhere as well as the general fairness of the elections.

He then evaluated the interest of his respondents in politics as well as their level of political

participation. In this respect, Jonah (1998: 441) noted that ‘‘the people of Ahanta West and

Shama may be described as moderately interested in politics and political activities’’. It emerged

from his work that 79% of his respondents from Ahanta West showed varying degrees of

political interest; while 20% indicated no interest whatsoever in politics, about 26% reported

they were very interested and 19% somewhat interested.

However, the responses from Shama were slightly different; 92% said they were interested in

politics one way or the other, but only 8% of them reported they were very interested. One

striking feature here is that only 7% of the people at Shama said they had no interest at all in

politics as against the 20% which was recorded in Ahanta West. Additionally, 59% of his

respondents in each constituency admitted being registered members of political parties while

over 90% of these people indicated they were members of the NDC, the NPP or the PNC

(People’s National Convention). Interestingly, over 95% of his interviewees in each constituency

indicated they registered to vote and did actually vote in the general elections. Furthermore,

Jonah (1998) noted that 98% of his interviewees in Shama and 73% of those Ahanta West spared

time to follow the activities of political parties during the 1996 election campaigns. However,

attendance at rallies was not impressive; only 40% of his respondents from Ahanta and 52% of

those from Shama reported attending any rally.

In the presidential election, Jerry John Rawlings of the NDC garnered 13,711 in the Shama

Constituency and 13,215 in the Ahanta West Constituency, representing 53.5% and 42.3% of

total valid votes cast, respectively, while John Agyekum Kufuor of the Great Alliance, which was

an alliance between the NPP and the CPP, had 11,364 in the Shama Constituency, representing

44.3% of total valid votes cast, and 16,994 in the Ahanta West Constituency, also representing

54.4% of total valid votes cast. The third candidate, Edward Mahama of the People’s National

Convention (PNC) polled 564 and 1,057 votes from Shama and Ahanta West Constituencies,

respectively, representing 2.2% and 3.4%.

In exploring the factors underlying these results, especially the noticeable disparity in the results

from both constituencies in terms of the NDC and NPP, Jonah (1998) opined that national

economic difficulties and policies could not explain differences in voting patterns between the

constituencies. This was supported by the fact that in his research there was the emergence of a

common denominator of general complaint about the economy due to high inflation and rising

unemployment across the two constituencies. For instance, 88% of respondents in Ahanta West

complained of inflation and unemployment as the country’s top economic problems whilst 89%

of respondents in Shama did same.

Therefore, if the state of the economy was what determined the voting pattern of the electorate,

then the result from the two constituencies should not have presented any disparity. He went on

to intimate that the most effective determinant of voting behaviour in these constituencies was

the popularity of the respective presidential candidates; Jonah (1998) explained that the nation-

wide electoral success of Jerry John Rawlings in 1996 was mainly attributable to his popularity.

According to Jonah (1998: 436), ‘‘people are politically attracted to [Rawlings] and render him

massive political and electoral support basically because of what he is and not what he gives. His

style of political leadership, his ability to take difficult decisions in a timely way and his ability

to listen to even ordinary people; this is what gives him high political marks’’. This assertion was

supported by popularity ratings given to the candidates by the respondents across the two

constituencies. While 61% of his interviewees from Shama rated Jerry John Rawlings highly,

only 44% did so in Ahanta West. Therefore, per this work, the popularity of the candidates was

the main underlying reason behind the voting behaviour of the electorate in both constituencies.

This study throws more light on the complexities of the behaviour of voters, and the conclusion

made by Jonah helps identify one of the major factors which voters in Odododiodio may

consider in making their electoral choices – popularity of candidates.

2.2.2 The Determinants of Political Choice in Agona West and Effutu Constituencies in the Central Region of Ghana

Bluwey (1998) explored the determinants of political choice in the Agona West and Effutu

constituencies in the Central Region of Ghana in the 1996 general elections. In other words, he

conducted a study about the factors which determined the choices of the electorate in the

aforementioned constituencies. The above constituencies presented in this review are, therefore,

as they were during the 1996 elections. His work was underpinned by the rational choice theory,

which assumes that the choices of voters are influenced by rational factors dictated by elements

such as manifestos and party programmes. Explaining his theoretical framework further, Bluwey

(1998) stated, among other things, that ‘‘voters’ choice of a party or candidate can thus be a

manifestation of rational behaviour. That is, on the basis of good information that portrays the

position of parties and candidates fairly accurately, voters may carefully calculate the closeness

of their preferences to those of parties or to the specific issue position taken by candidates’’

(Bluwey, 1998: 342).

However, he provided a caveat to that affirmation by stating that irrationality may also result ‘‘if

voting choices are based on pure habit without periodic re-examination of the objective between

personal preferences and choices offered’’ (ibid). He further affirmed that similar irrationality

could result if voters were misinformed about the positions of parties or candidates on the issues

or if voters lacked information on them. He, therefore, posed, among others, the question as to

the extent to which the issues raised during the campaign period and the rational factors dictated

by manifestos and party programmes influenced political choices.

Bluwey (1998) employed the simple random sampling method in selecting his respondents. He

divided the constituencies into strata – urban, semi-urban, and rural. Four towns/villages were

selected in each constituency for the survey. He selected forty respondents from the district

headquarters and twenty each from the remaining towns/villages in each constituency. Therefore,

100 respondents were sampled in each constituency. He used the face-to-face interview method

of survey research. In Agona West constituency, 51% of the respondents were male and 49%

female, thereby achieving some respectable gender balance in the conduct of the survey. Also in

Effutu constituency, there was an equal number of men and women. In Agona West, whereas

18% of the respondents reported not having any formal education, 28% of them reported they

had primary education whilst 19% and 17% of them indicated they had secondary education and

teacher training/technical college education, respectively. Additionally, 9% had polytechnic

education and 7% university education. 2% of the Agona West respondents indicated having

Standard Seven Certificate, which is equivalent to the Middle School Leaving Certificate. In

Effutu, 17% of the respondents said they had no formal education whilst 35% of them declared

that they had only primary education. Furthermore, 12% of them indicated they had secondary

education while 12% had teacher training/technical college education. Also 1%, 2% and 3% of

the respondents in Effutu had polytechnic, Middle School, and university education, respectively.

Following this, Bluwey (1998) went further to detail other demographics of the respondents in

both constituencies in terms of economic status, occupational background, and the like. He then

conducted an appraisal of the political awareness and participation of his respondents. In this

respect, while 97% of his interviewees from Agona West indicated they had registered to vote in

the elections, 98% of his interviewees from Effutu indicated same. Asked if they were registered

members of any political party, his respondents from Effutu reported the following: 19% were

registered members of the NPP, 17% belonged to the NDC and 8% of them belonged to other

smaller political parties. On the other hand, in Effutu, about 63% of the respondents reported

they were members of the NDC while about 18% indicated they were members of the NPP. The

rest were members of other smaller parties. Bluwey’s conclusion was that the inhabitants of both

constituencies were politically active.

Bluwey (1998) proceeded to determine the relationship between issues and voting decisions. In

making this evaluation, he asked respondents to express their views on certain pertinent issues

which formed the basis of choice, and the following were some of the responses: Several issues

were mentioned, but the two main issues mentioned across both constituencies were the

economy as one issue and change and development as another issue. While 47% of the

respondents in Effutu considered the economy as the main issue in the elections, 26% of the

respondents from Agona West expressed the same sentiment. In terms of change and

development, 31% of the respondents in Agona West felt it was the main issue while the figure

for Effutu was 25%. In terms of the economy, respondents were asked to indicate what they

considered to be the major economic problem facing the country; inflation and unemployment

were the answers given across the constituencies. Interestingly, the incumbent President Jerry

John Rawlings won the polls in these two constituencies.

Since on the face of the responses given by the respondents about the main issues in the elections

did not clearly seem to support their electoral choices, Bluwey (1998) probed further to unravel

the underlying reasons. He asked respondents in both constituencies to rate the presidential

candidates. Jerry John Rawlings of the NDC, who eventually emerged the victor in the polls in

both constituencies, topped the rating. He was rated highly for his capacity for making political

decisions and listening to people. Bluwey (1998: 352) inferred that voters in the constituencies

gave important considerations to the personal attributes of the candidates. Bluwey, therefore,

concluded that the voters evaluated the manifestos as well as the personal attributes of the

presidential candidates before casting their votes. He stated that, ‘‘the electorate calculated the

expected utility from each candidate’s victory, and naturally voted for the candidate whose

policies [promised] highest utility. Thus, voting is a purely instrumental act in the theory of

rational voting. One votes to bring about the victory of one’s preferred candidate. The benefit

from voting is the difference in expected utilities from the policies of the two candidates’’ (ibid).

This study draws a positive correlation between manifestos and voting behaviour and also its

conclusion accords somewhat with that of Jonah’s study (previously reviewed) in the sense that

the personal attributes of candidates also influence voting behaviour. A conspicuous connection

between Bluwey’s study and this study can be established to the extent that his study reinforces

the proposition that manifestos have some bearings on voting behaviour.

2.2.2 Election 2012 – Matters of Concern to the Ghanaian Voter

Some months prior to the 2012 General Elections, the National Commission for Civic Education

(NCCE) of Ghana conducted a study to determine matters which the Ghanaian voter deemed

important during the electioneering campaign. The NCCE is a state institution established in

1993 by Act 452, and has, among other things, as its main functions, to formulate, implement,

and oversee programmes intended to inculcate in the citizens of Ghana awareness of their civic

responsibilities and an appreciation of their right and obligation as free people. The main object

of this study was to collate information of matters of concern to the Ghanaian voter in order to

provide political parties with issues that voters would like them to address. Another purpose of

the study was to analyse matters of concern based on gender, age, and identity, whether there are

any differences among voters in those respects.

The study was conducted nationwide, covering all the 10 administrative regions of Ghana,

including all the existing constituencies at the time, which were 230. The survey method was

employed in the collection of data. In this respect, the NCCE developed and used a semi-

structured questionnaire, containing 25 questions of both closed and open-ended nature. 7,497

questionnaires were administered in the study through the instrumentality of 230 research

assistants. Between 24 and 35 questionnaires were administered in each constituency, with

allocation based on the 2010 Population and Housing Census regional population percentage

share. The data collection spanned a period of four days. The study covered only eligible voters

who were selected by a simple random selection technique and also by application of the

household grid and respondents’ selection kish grid. After the relevant data have been collected,

they were coded and entered into a computer for analyses. The Statistical Package for the Social

Sciences (SPSS) was used for the analyses.

Quite clearly, this study is underpinned by the assumption that voters do actually evaluate the

matters raised by political parties and presidential candidates during the electioneering period

and, therefore, take an informed decision as to who to vote for or who not to vote for in the

elections based on their evaluations. According to the NCCE (2012: 3), ‘‘many political parties

have manifestoes crafted out of their general philosophies. These manifestoes spell out their

plans and methodology to bring change in the life of the people and develop the country.

Campaign messages of political parties during elections are supposed to be based on

manifestoes. It is hoped that through these messages, people will appreciate the party’s

philosophies, identify with their methodology of solving the country’s problems and vote

accordingly’’. Incidentally, this happens to be the core hypothesis of the rational choice approach

of electoral studies.

It emerged from the sampling that while 50.4% of the respondents were females, 48.9% of them

were males and 0.7% of them did not indicate their sex. In terms of age distribution of

respondents, the largest age bracket was 21-30, which had as many as 28.1% of the respondents.

The least age group was the over 60 group, which recorded 8.4%. Wide-ranging occupational

backgrounds, including student, artisan, teacher, public servant and the like, were reported by

respondents. At the end of the analyses, a number of issues were identified to be matters of

concern to the Ghanaian voter. The very first three of these issues, in order of priority to the

respondents, were education, health, and employment. On the bottom of the ranking table reveals

that the least prioritised matters of concern to the respondents were national security, housing,

and youth development.

The NCCE’s study, effectively, reinforces the argument that voters evaluate manifesto pledges

before they exercise their franchise, albeit it does not give any idea of the extent to which

manifestos influence voting behaviour. To the extent that this study also seeks to establish the

correlation between manifestos and voting behaviour (in this case in Odododiodio Constituency),

a close connection can be established between this study and the NCCE’s.

CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN

A survey research is employed in this study to enable the right responses to be elicited for the

realisation of the main object of this inquiry. According to Rubin, Rubin and Piele (2005: 227), a

survey research is an ‘‘efficient means of gathering data from large numbers of people’’. It is

used to obtain the needed information systematically and efficiently. This method was adopted

because of its suitability to the study. According to Wimmer and Dominick (1997), surveys can

be used to investigate problems in their realistic settings, and, also, the cost of surveys is

reasonable considering the amount of information it can be used to gather. Furthermore, these

large amounts of information can be gathered from a variety of people with relative ease using a

survey research method. As a result of time and financial constraints the survey research was

adopted as the most suitable research method for this study.

3.1 POPULATION

The registered voters of Odododiodio form the population for this study. According to the

Electoral Commission, the current total number of registered voters in the constituency is 95,177.

The electorate of the constituency is made up of both males and females from different social

and economic backgrounds. The constituency is made up of 7 electoral areas, namely Ngleshie,

Mudor, Kinka, Nmlitsagonno, Korle Wokon, Amamomo, and Korle Dudor electoral areas. Out of

this population, the sample for this study was solely chosen from Mudor Electoral Area, which is

purposive in nature. The choice of Mudor, which was created out of Ngleshie in 2012 by the

Electoral Commission, was informed by the fact that it is one electoral area which possesses

some balance in terms of the distribution of political support between the two main political

parties in Ghana – NDC and NPP. The distribution of political support was evaluated by the

number of ballots the parties got at the end of polls in the electoral area. According to the

Electoral Commission, Mudor has a voter population of 5,018 with 9 polling stations, which

makes it the smallest electoral area in Odododiodio.

3.2 SAMPLE SIZE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUES

Out of the 5,018 registered voters in Mudor electoral area, 60 were sampled for the study. This

was so because it would have been too costly, time-consuming, and almost impracticable to

conduct a census of the entire population within the time available to conduct this study. In the

selection of the sample, non-probability sampling method, specifically convenience sampling,

was employed. In this respect, Wimmer and Dominick (1997: 62) explain that, ‘‘if the cost of a

probability sample is too high in relation to the type and quality of information collected, a non-

probability sample is a possible alternative’’. They further explain that since probability

sampling is often time-consuming, any researcher operating under time constraints may adopt a

non-probability sampling method. Therefore, due to the fact that this study was conducted under

time and financial constraints, the non-probability sampling method was extremely apposite. A

convenience sample is ‘‘a collection of readily accessible subjects for study…’’ (Wimmer and

Dominick, 1997: 63).

3.3 DATA COLLECTION METHODS AND INSTRUMENTS

The survey research method was adopted for this study. However, according to Rubin, Rubin and

Piele (2005), under the survey method there are, basically, four data-collection methods, namely

personal interviews, telephone interviews, mail questionnaires, and self-administered surveys.

Personal interviews were chosen for this study. These are face-to-face interactions between the

interviewer and selected participants. A screening mechanism was used to ensure that

participants cast their votes within the Mudor Electoral Area. A list provided by the Electoral

Commission which contained names and locations of all the polling stations in the Mudor

electoral area was used to achieve this purpose. Respondents were, therefore, made to identify

the polling station where they cast their vote in the December, 2012 Presidential Elections to

determine whether or not they voted in the electoral area. An interview guide was used by the

interviewer to guide the interview, as the name suggests. Responses from participants were

documented by the interviewer. A sizable portion of the population was illiterate, and this,

therefore, obviated the need to use questionnaires, which would have been less demanding.

Questions contained in interview guide were both open-ended and close-ended, rendering the

work both qualitative and quantitative. The essence of the close-ended questions was to help

elicit certain responses from respondents on some key issues without any superfluity. The open-

ended ones, on the other hand, were calculated to allow respondents some latitude in the

expression of their thoughts. In this respect, superfluity was not a serious cause for concern. On

the contrary, follow-up questions were asked in cases where interviewer deemed responses to be

inadequate. Wimmer and Dominick (1997: 139) submit that, ‘‘open-ended questions allow

participants freedom in answering questions and an opportunity to provide in-depth responses.’’

They further state that they offer some flexibility to follow up on, or probe, certain questions,

which ‘‘enable the interviewer to gather information about the respondents’ feelings and the

motives behind their answers’’ (ibid).

3.4 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

The data was interpreted with the use of the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).

Pie charts, histograms, and bar charts were used. Additionally, descriptive statistical analysis was

employed in interpreting certain statistical variables.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents the findings and their analyses using the methods specified in chapter

three. Data collection spanned a period of seven days. It began on the 1st of June, 2013 and

ended on the 7th of June, 2013. 60 interviews were conducted. Though a screening method was

used to ensure all participants cast their vote in the Mudor Electoral Area, 2 participants who did

not vote in the 2012 Presidential Elections managed to take part in the study. However, since this

study seeks to determine the extent to which the manifestos of the political parties influenced the

voting behaviours of these participants, the responses of those 2 participants were ignored in

these analyses; insofar as they did not vote in the 2012 elections, their responses are of no direct

relevance to this study. Therefore, apart from table 8, which presents the responses of the original

60 participants, the responses of only 58 of the participants form the bases of these analyses.

GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS

Sex Frequency Per cent (%)Male 35 60.3

Female 23 39.7Total 58 100

Table 1: Sex of Respondents

Male; 60%

Female; 40%

Chart 1: Sex of Respondents

It came to light that approximately 60% or 35 of the respondents were male while approximately

40% or 23 of them were female. Therefore, the sample used for the study had more males than

females.

AGE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS

Age group Frequency Per cent (%)18-20 5 8.621-30 22 37.931-40 14 24.141-50 7 12.151-60 7 12.1

Over 60 3 5.2Total 58 100.0

Table 2: Ages of Respondents

18-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Over 600

5

10

15

20

25

Ages of Respondents

Age Groups of Respondents

Frequency

Chart 2: Age Distribution of Respondents

According to the data, the largest proportion of the respondents, which is 37.9% or 22 of them,

fell within the age bracket of 21- 30 while the least age group was the ‘‘Over 60’’ group, which

recorded only 3 or 5.2% of the respondents. In the age brackets of 41-50 and 51- 60, 7 or 12.1%

of the respondents belonged to each. Also, 14 or 24.1% of the respondents fell within the 31- 40

age bracket whilst 5 or 8.6% of the respondents fell within the age bracket of 18- 20. This shows

that most of the respondents were below 41 years; such voters could be described to be fairly

young.

EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF RESPONDENTS

Educational Background Frequency Per cent (%)No formal education 2 3.5

Basic education 5 8.6Secondary education 26 44.8

Tertiary education 15 25.9Other 10 17.2Total 58 100.0

Table 3: Educational Background of Respondents

No formal education; 3%

Basic education; 9%

Secondary education; 45%Tertiary education; 26%

Others; 17%

Chart 3: Educational Background of Respondents

Education is particularly important because it has been found to be closely related to the views of

people on various matters. From the chart and table above, most of the respondents selected for

study had some form of education; whereas 44.8% or 26 of them had secondary education 25.9%

or 15 of them had tertiary education. Also, whilst 3.5% or 2 of the respondents reported having

no formal education, 8.6% or 5 of them indicated they had basic education. 10 of the respondents

or 17.2% of them, however, reported having other forms of education such as middle school,

vocational, and technical education.

OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUND OF RESPONDENTS

Occupation Frequency Per cent (%)Student 11 19.0Teacher 1 1.7

Civil/Public Servant 8 13.8Businessperson 6 10.4

Trader 10 17.2Artisan 8 13.8

Unemployed 13 22.4Secretary 1 1.7

Total 58 100.0Table 4: Occupational Background of Respondents

11

1

86

108

1

13

19

1.7

13.8

10.4

17.2

13.8

1.7

22.4

Frequency Percent

Chart 4: Occupational Background of Respondents

Starting from the most reported occupational background, 22.4% or 13 of the respondents

indicated they were unemployed, followed by 19.0% or 11 of the respondents who reported

being students. 17.2% or 10 of them said they were traders, while two of the categories,

civil/public servant and artisan, recorded having 8 or 13.8% of the respondents each. Also, 6 or

10.4% of the respondents said they were businesspersons. Another two categories which

recorded the same number of respondents were teacher and secretary; each had 1 or 1.7% of the

respondents. This shows that a significant portion of the population is unemployed.

MARITAL STATUS OF RESPONDENTS

Status Frequency Per cent (%)Married 26 44.8Single 32 55.2Total 58 100.0

Table 5: Marital Status of Respondents

Married Single0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Marital status

Status

Frequency

Chart 5: Marital Status of Respondents

More than half of the respondents, specifically 55.2% or 32 of them, reported they were not

married whilst 44.8% or 26 of them indicated that they were married.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS OF RESPONDENTS

Religion Frequency Per cent (%)Christian 53 91.4Muslim 5 8.6Total 58 100

Table 6: Religious Affiliations of Respondents

Christian; 91%

Muslim; 9%

Chart 6: Religious Affiliations of Respondents

53 or 91.4% of the respondents were Christians while only 5 or 8.6% of them were Muslims.

This shows that a huge majority of the respondents were Christians and just a handful minority

of them Muslims. It also means that every respondent shared a faith, with none of them

practising a religion other than the two named ones.

ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF RESPONDENTS

Ethnic Group Frequency Per cent (%)Ga 35 60.4

Ewe 9 15.5Akan 10 17.2Others 4 6.9Total 58 100.0

Table 7: Ethnic Background of Respondents

Ethnic Groups0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

GaEweAkanOthers

Chart 7: Ethnic Groups of Respondents

60.4% or 35 of the respondents reported they were Gas, followed by 17.2% or 10 of them who

reported they were Akans. However, 15.5% or 9 of the respondents indicated they were Ewes

while 4 or 6.9% of them belonged to other ethnic groups, largely from the Guan and Dagomba

stocks. This shows that a very large proportion of the respondents is from the Ga stock while the

least proportion of them belonged to other ethnic groups.

VOTING IN THE 2012 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Yes 58 96.7No 2 3.3

Total 60 100.0Table 8: Responses of Respondents about whether or not they voted in the 2012 Presidential - Election

Respondents were asked to indicate whether or not they voted in the 2012 Presidential Election

and, as indicated above, only 2 or 3.3% of the original 60 respondents indicated they did not

exercise their franchise although they were registered voters in Mudor. A colossal 58 or 96.7% of

the respondents reported voting in the presidential election. This shows that political

participation among the respondents was extremely high. Political participation herein refers to

taking part in the presidential election.

REASONS WHY RESPONDENTS VOTED

Reason Frequency Per cent (%)Wanted my preferredcandidate/party to win

7 12.1

Was my civic responsibility 34 58.6Wanted to elect a good leader 9 15.5Influenced by the manifesto ofthe party/candidate voted for

3 5.2

Deemed it a necessity 3 5.2Felt like voting 2 3.4

Total 58 100.0Table 9: Responses relative to the reasons why respondents voted

Asked why they voted in the presidential election, a whopping 34 or 58.6% of the respondents

said they did so because it was their civic responsibility, while 15.5% or 9 of them indicated they

did so because they were motivated by the desire to elect a good president. Also, 12.1% or 7 of

the respondents said they voted because they wanted their preferred candidate or party to win,

and 3.4% or 2 of them indicated they voted because they simply felt like doing so. Interestingly,

only 3 or 5.2% of the respondents indicated that they voted because they were influenced by the

manifestos of the parties or candidates they voted for. Also, the same number of respondents (3

or 5.2% of them) reported they voted because they deemed it a necessity. Though most of these

responses are not mutually exclusive, each respondent gave only one reason since they were

asked to give the main reason why they voted.

REASONS FOR VOTING FOR THEIR PREFERRED CANDIDATES

Reason Frequency Per cent (%)Because I trusted him 24 41.4

Because of his manifestopledges

20 34.5

Because I liked his personality 10 17.3Sympathy 2 3.4

Because I liked his party 2 3.4Total 58 100.0

Table 10: why respondents voted for their preferred candidates

When respondents were asked to indicate their reasons for voting for their preferred candidates

in the presidential election, 24 or 41.4% of them said they voted for their preferred candidate

because they trusted him, while 20 or 34.5% of them reported they did so because of the

manifesto pledges of their preferred candidate. While 2 or 3.4% of the respondents indicated that

they voted for their preferred candidate because they liked his party, an equal number of

respondents (2 or 3.4% of them) also indicated that they cast sympathy votes. However, 10 or

17.3% of the respondents said they voted for their preferred candidate because they liked his

personality. This shows that the two most important reasons why the respondents voted for their

preferred candidates were the manifestos of the candidates and a personal attribute which they

deemed extremely important – trustworthiness. This, interestingly, accords with the findings

made by Bluwey (1998) in his study of unraveling the determinants of political choice in Agona

West and Effutu Constituencies in the 1996 Elections, in which he concluded that the voters

evaluated the manifestos as well as personal attributes of the presidential candidates before

casting their votes. Also, the responses of the participants in respect of their reasons for voting

for their preferred candidates prove the caveat made in the analysis of the reasons why

respondents voted, which said that the responses given in table 9 were not mutually exclusive.

This is so because one could tell that whereas a paltry 3 or 5.2% of the respondents said they

voted because they were influenced by the manifestos of the party/candidate they voted for in

table 9, a relatively substantial 20 or 34.5% of the respondents reported voting for their preferred

candidates because of his manifesto in table 10. Also, the responses in table 10 are not mutually

exclusive. Respondents were, however, asked to give the main reason why they voted for their

preferred candidate.

MAIN SOURCES OF INFORMATION DURING ELECTIONS

Source of Information Number of Responses Per cent (%)Radio 52 34.7

Campaign rallies 14 9.3Newspapers 13 8.7Television 47 31.3

The Internet 6 4.0Family and Friends 18 12.0

Total 150 100Table 11: Respondents’ main sources of information during the 2012 elections

Respondents were asked to indicate their main sources of information, especially information

concerning the manifestos of the political parties, during the elections and radio topped the list

with 52 responses or 34.7% of the responses, followed closely by television with 47 or 31.3% of

the responses. The least source of information during the elections for respondents turned out to

be the Internet, which recorded 6 or 4.0% of the responses. While family and friends as a source

of information during the election recorded 18 or 12.0% of the responses, newspapers had 13 or

8.7% of the responses. Campaign rallies, also, recorded 14 or 9.3% of the responses. Quite

clearly, television and radio were the major sources of information for respondents during the

elections. Campaign rallies, however, was not a particularly major source of information for the

respondents, and this accords with a similar finding made by Jonah (1998) in his study of the

1996 Elections and politics in Ahanta West Constituencies, where he found out that only 40% of

his respondents from Ahanta West reported attending any rally. Jonah (1998) concluded that his

respondents’ attendance at rallies was not impressive. In this category, respondents were asked to

select more than one item if necessary. Therefore, some respondents selected more than one item,

thus the total responses (150) outnumbering the total respondents used for analysis (58).

Radio; 35%

Campaign Rallies; 9%

Newspapers; 9%

Television; 31%

The Internet; 4%

Family and Friends; 12%

Chart 8: Respondents’ main sources of information during the elections

SEEKING INFORMATION ON MANIFESTOS OF ALL POLITICAL PARTIES

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Yes 18 31.0No 40 69.0

Total 58 100Table 12: Responses of respondents about whether or not they sought information on the - manifestos of all the political parties who took part in the presidential election

When respondents were asked to indicate whether or not they sought information about the

manifestos of all the political parties involved in the presidential election during the

electioneering campaign, over half of the respondents (that is 40 or 69.0% of them) said they did

not seek information about the manifestos of all the political parties involved. However, 18 or

31.0% of the respondents indicated they sought information about the manifestos of all the

political parties involved in the presidential election.

REASONS FOR NOT SEEKING INFORMATION ON ALL MANIFESTOS

Reason Frequency Per cent (%)Interested in only the

party/candidate I supported5 12.5

Interested in only NPP andNDC

22 55.0

Did not have the time 4 10.0Others 9 22.5Total 40 100.0

Table 13: Reasons given by the 40 respondents in respect of not seeking information - concerning the manifestos of all the parties involved in the presidential election

The 40 respondents who reported not seeking information on all the manifestos of the political

parties were further probed to find out their reasons. It came to light that more than half of the

respondents (22 or 55.0% of them) reported that they did so because they were interested in only

the two leading political parties – NPP and NDC. Also, 5 or 12.5% of them said that they were

only interested in the parties or candidates they supported while 4 or 10.0% of the respondents

said they did not have the time to seek information on the manifestos of all the political parties. 9

or 22.5% of them gave miscellaneous reasons.

THE MAIN CAMPAIGN ISSUES

Campaign Issue Frequency Per cent (%)Education 54 66.7

Health 6 7.4Employment 12 14.8The Economy 2 2.5Infrastructure 1 1.2

Others 6 7.4Total 81 100.0

Table 14: Responses on what the main issues were in the electioneering campaign

Respondents were asked to identify what they considered as the main campaign issues during the

2012 electioneering campaign. In this regard, education topped the list as the main campaign

issue with 54 or 66.7% of the responses, followed by employment with 12 or 14.8% of the

responses. While health had 6 or 7.4% of the responses, the economy had 2 or 2.5% of the

responses. Infrastructure had the least number of responses, recording just 1 or 1.2% of the

responses. Other campaign issues such as security, housing, and energy, also, recorded 6 or 7.4%

of the responses. Therefore, from the responses the three top campaign issues which respondents

considered as the main issues in the 2012 electioneering campaign were education, the economy

and health. This finding coincides with a similar finding made by the NCCE in its study to

determine matters of concern to the Ghanaian voter during the 2012 electioneering campaign; the

NCCE found that the first three issues which were of utmost concern to the Ghanaian voter were

education, health, and employment. Respondents were asked to choose more than one item in

this category if necessary. Therefore, some of the respondents selected more than one item, thus

the total responses (81) outnumbering the total respondents for analysis, which is 58.

THE MAIN MANIFESTO PLEDGES OF NPP, NDC, CPP AND PPP

NPP

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Free SHS Education 56 96.6

Infrastructural Development 1 1.7Forgotten 1 1.7

Total 58 100.0Table 15: Responses from participants on the main manifesto pledge of the NPP

When respondents were asked to identify the main manifesto pledge of the NPP in the 2012

electioneering campaign, 56 or 96.6% of them identified Free SHS Education as the party’s main

manifesto pledge. While just 1 or 1.7% of the respondents identified infrastructural development

as the main manifesto pledge of the NPP in this regard, another 1 or 1.7% of the respondents said

he had forgotten the NPP’s main manifesto pledge. This shows that almost all the respondents

identified Free SHS Education as the NPP’s main manifesto pledge in the 2012 electioneering

campaign.

NDC

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Increased access to

education/provision of qualityeducation

39 67.2

Job Creation 7 12.1Reducing Inflation 1 1.7

Others 11 19.0Total 58 100.0

Table 16: Responses from participants on the main manifesto pledge of the NDC

Respondents were, also, asked to identify the main manifesto pledge of the NDC in the 2012

electioneering campaign, and as much as 39 or 67.2% of them identified increased access to

education or provision of quality education as the main manifesto pledge of the NDC.

Additionally, 7 or 12.1% of the respondents identified job creation as the party’s main manifesto

pledge. Also, 11 or 19.0% of the respondents identified other manifesto pledges such as security

and agriculture as the main pledge of the NDC. However, only 1 or 1.7% of the respondents

identified reducing inflation as the party’s main manifesto pledge.

CPP

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Job Creation 9 15.5

Youth Development 2 3.5Free SHS Education 8 13.8

Do not remember 6 10.3Do not know 22 37.9

Did not pay attention to theparty’s manifesto

11 19.0

Total 58 100.0Table 17: Responses from participants on the main manifesto pledge of the CPP

When asked what the main manifesto pledge of the CPP was in the 2012 electioneering

campaign, 22 or 37.9% of the respondents reported they did not know, while 11 or 19.0% of

them claimed they did not pay any particular attention to the CPP’s manifesto during the

electioneering campaign, and, therefore, they were unable to indicate what the party’s main

manifesto pledge was. Furthermore, 6 or 10.3% of the respondents said that they did not

remember the party’s main manifesto pledge. However, 9 or 15.5% of the respondents identified

job creation as the main pledge of the CPP. Whereas 8 or 13.8% of the respondents identified

free SHS education as the party’s main manifesto pledge, only 2 or 3.5% of the respondents

claimed youth development was the party’s main pledge. This shows that the CPP manifesto was

less known by respondents, compared to those of NPP and NDC.

PPP

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Job Creation 15 25.9

Free SHS Education 4 6.9Reducing Inflation 1 1.7Do not remember 6 10.4

Do not know 22 37.9Did not pay attention to the

party’s manifesto10 17.2

Total 58 100.0Table 18: Responses from participants on the main manifesto pledge of the PPP

Asked what the main manifesto pledge of the PPP was in the 2012 electioneering campaign, 22

or 37.9% of the respondents said they did not know while 15 or 25.9% of them identified job

creation as the main manifesto pledge. Additionally, 10 or 17.2% of them said they did not pay

any particular attention to the manifesto of the PPP, and, therefore, they were unable to indicate

what the party’s main manifesto pledge was. Furthermore, 6 or 10.4% o them said they did not

remember while 4 or 6.9% of them identified free SHS education as the PPP’s main manifesto

pledge. Finally, only 1 or 1.7% of the respondents identified reducing inflation as the party’s

main manifesto pledge. Here, also, the number of the respondents who demonstrated any

knowledge of the party’s manifesto was not very impressive compared to the number that

showed some knowledge of the manifestos of both NPP and NDC.

IMPORTANCE OF ETHNIC ORIGINS OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES TORESPONDENTS

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Important 3 5.2

Not important 55 94.8Total 58 100

Table 19: How important ethnic origins of presidential candidates were to respondents as far as - voting was concerned

When asked if it was important to consider the ethnic origins of presidential candidates before

voting, a whopping 55 or 94.8% of the respondents said it was not important to them, while just

3 or 5.2% of them claimed it was important. This shows majority of the respondents did not

consider as important the ethnic origins of presidential candidates.

WHETHER OR NOT RESPONDENTS CONSIDERED ETHNIC BACKGROUND OFPRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES BEFORE VOTING

Response Frequency Per cent (%)Yes 3 5.2

No 55 94.8Total 58 100

Table 20: Respondents’ answers to the question ‘‘Did you consider ethnic origins before - voting?’’

Finally, respondents were asked to indicate whether or not ethnic background of presidential

candidates formed part of the bases upon which they voted in the presidential election and 55 or

94.8% of them said no while just 3 or 5.2% of them answered in the affirmative.

RESPONSES FROM THE 2012 CAMPAIGN TEAMS OF THE FOUR

POLITICAL PARTIES

Telephone interviews with members of the 2012 campaign teams of the four political parties

were conducted to find out the means by which they communicated their respective manifestos

to the electorate of Ghana in general and that of Odododiodio in particular. The various

interviewees indicated that the parties use integrated communication strategies to reach out to the

Ghanaian electorate, including the electorate of Odododiodio. They used the mass media, with

particular focus on television, radio, and, to some limited extent, newspapers and the Internet.

With the newspapers, they placed adverts in them, and this was adopted by mostly the NDC and

NPP. With the Internet, they used a lot of social media, especially Facebook. Additionally, they

used campaign rallies, and most of them indicated that they activated the parties’ structures at the

constituency levels to engage in outreach programmes to sell the parties’ messages to individuals

in the constituencies. Party paraphernalia were also used to give visibility to the candidates and

the parties. Last but not least, the parties also stated that they used billboards and posters to reach

out to electorate. All these identified communication methods, were, therefore, used to

communicate with the electorate of Odododiodio.

CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSIONS, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter summarises the findings of the research and draws the relationships between them

and the research objectives. Necessary conclusions are drawn from the findings, and, then,

helpful suggestions are made for further studies. Also, it provides some limitations the researcher

faced in carrying out the study.

5.1 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

Almost all the respondents knew something about the NPP manifesto, followed by the NDC

manifesto. This, perhaps, was attributable to the fact that the campaign of the NPP was

practically built upon one campaign promise – The Free SHS Education – as against the

campaigns of other parties. This, therefore, heightened the awareness of the electorate on the

manifesto of the NPP more than that of any other party. Also, the NDC, being the main political

rival of the NPP, structured its campaign largely to counter that of the NPP. The party’s

manifesto, therefore, was, also, widely known by the electorate. However, the manifestos of the

CPP and PPP were the least known.

Respondents, therefore, had a great deal of knowledge on the manifestos of the political parties,

but their knowledge was largely centred on the manifestos of the NPP and the NDC. The most

popular reason given by the respondents in respect of this phenomenon was that they deemed the

presidential election as a two-horse race between the two main leading parties (could be found in

the responses given by participants on why they did not seek information on the manifestos of all

the political parties in chapter four). One reason could also be that the CPP and the PPP did not

engage in the same level of extensive electioneering campaigns the NDC and NPP engaged in.

Secondly, it came out clearly that most of the respondents obtained information about the

manifestos of the parties through the mass media, especially through television and radio. This

was especially possible as a result of the proliferation of radio and television stations in the

country, with some of them broadcasting in local languages to allow even the uneducated to

understand the issues. This, therefore, obviated the need for opinion leaders as the two-step flow

theory advocates. Most of the respondents did not require any opinions/information from family

and friends. However, there were a few of the respondents who claimed that family and friends

were major sources of information for them during the electioneering campaign. There is,

therefore, the danger that the information passed on to these respondents might have been

significantly modified by these so-called ‘‘opinion leaders’’, as they are referred to by the two-

step flow theory, and this could have influenced they way they voted.

Thirdly, from the responses of the political parties and the electorate, it is clear that the political

parties used many means of communication, including the mass media, party executives at the

constituency, billboards, posters and other means to communicate to the electorate in the

constituency. Some parties probably campaigned more than others in the constituency, but the

bottom line is that they used integrated communication strategies to communicate with the

voters. However, it was clear that some of the means were more popular with the electorate than

others. The Internet, for instance, was the least popular source of information for the electorate.

Finally, it came to light that the personal attributes of the presidential candidates played even a

greater role in influencing the electoral choice of the electorate more than the manifestos did.

Respondents were more inclined to vote for a candidate who they perceived to be trustworthy

rather than a candidate with a fabulous manifesto; most of the respondents claimed they

voted for their preferred candidate because they trusted him. On the other hand, a little above

one-third of the respondents claimed they voted for their preferred candidates on the basis of

their manifestos. However, the analysis shows that two main types of manifesto voters can be

identified among the respondents: These are those who voted on the basis of the sole knowledge

of the manifesto of only the political party/candidate they supported or on the basis of knowledge

of only the manifestos of the NPP and NDC as against those who voted on the basis of

knowledge of the manifestos of all the political parties.

The manifesto voter who votes on the basis of knowledge of all the political parties is the

rational voter as advocated by the rational choice theory: ‘‘Rational choice theories hold that

individuals must anticipate the outcomes of alternative courses of action and calculate that which

will be best for them. Rational individuals choose the alternative that is likely to give them the

greatest satisfaction’’ (Heath 1976: 3). The number of this type of voters among the respondents

is not significant. The second type of manifesto voter is attributable to two of the responses given

by the respondents as to why they failed to seek information regarding the manifestos of all

parties. They claimed they were either only interested in the two leading parties – NPP and NDC

– or they simply were only interested in the party or candidate they supported. This phenomenon

in seeing one’s party or only the NPP and NDC as the only parties that matter is attributable to

the happenings on the electoral landscape in the past coupled with their sympathy for these two

main parties and also reinforced by interactions they have within the society and ‘‘electoral

realities’’ created by the media. Obviously, people who belong to the smaller parties would

disagree with this opinion that elections in Ghana are practically between the NPP and NDC.

This distinction in realities of these two different groups of ‘‘political animals’’ explains the

central idea of Social Constructionism.

5.2 LIMITATIONS

The following factors constrained the study:

- Some respondents were more comfortable in communicating with the researcher in the

Ga language, a local language. However, the researcher’s Ga was very rusty and this

created a lot of difficulty. Interviewing them required a lot of explanation, and, on most

occasions, their responses were incongruent with the questions asked. This, therefore,

made most of the interviews very protracted.- Data were collected on rainy days, and this made it extremely difficult to find

participants, especially since the sampling technique was convenience. During such

periods, inhabitants of the constituency ensconced themselves in the comfort of their

rooms, and, therefore, hardly made themselves available for any interview to be

conducted. The researcher always had to wait for the rains to subside in order to find

some people to interview, and this sometimes took lots of hours.

5.3 CONCLUSION

From the summary, it can be concluded that:

- The electorate of Odododiodio had vast knowledge about the manifestos of the parties in

the 2012 elections; however, this knowledge was mainly about the manifestos of the

NDC and the NPP- The manifestos played some role in influencing their voting behaviour. However, this

influence was not very significant since the electorate were more concerned about other

considerations such as the personal attributes of presidential candidates. Trustworthiness

was identified as a very important personal attribute which influenced the voting

behaviour of the electorate.

5.4 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

- Any further study must try to expand the sample size to a hundred or even more and the

sample should not be limited to only one electoral area. Increasing the sample size would

help to give a more reliable picture of the voting behaviour of the electorate, and, also,

limiting oneself to sampling participants from only one electoral area does not give a

clear picture of voting behaviour in any constituency. Sample should be taken from the

entire constituency.

- Researchers who do not speak fluent Ga and intend to embark on similar studies in

Odododiodio Constituency must engage the services of a research assistant who speaks

the language fairly well. - A probability sampling method should be used in any further studies to give a more

scientific picture of the voting behaviour of the electorate of Odododiodio, which can aid

generalisation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Amamoo, J. (2007) Ghana: 50 Years of Independence, Accra: Jafint Enterprise

Anderson, C.D., and Stephenson, L.B. (Eds.) (2010) Voting Behaviour in Canada, Vancouver, Toronto: UBC Press

Ayee, J.R.A. (1998). Introduction. In J.R.A. Ayee (Ed.), The 1996 General Elections & Democratic Consolidation in Ghana (pp 1-4), Accra: Department of Political Science, Universityof Ghana

Baran, S.J., and Davis, D.K. (2003) Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment, and Future (3rd ed.), Belmont, CA: Wadsworth

Bluwey, G.K. (1998) Determinants of Political Choice in Agona West and Effutu Constituencies in the Central Region of Ghana, In J.R.A. Ayee (Ed.), The 1996 General Elections & Democratic Consolidation in Ghana (pp. 341-353), Accra: Department of Political Science, University of Ghana

Heath, A. (1976). Rational Choice and Social Exchange, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Jonah, K. (1998) The 1996 Elections and Politics in Ahanta West and Shama, In J.R.A. Ayee (Ed.), The 1996 General Elections & Democratic Consolidation in Ghana (pp. 421-444). Accra: Department of Political Science, University of Ghana.

Keulder, C. (2010). Voting Behaviour in Namibia, In C. Keulder (Ed.), State, Society and Democracy: A Reader in Namibian Politics (2nd ed.). (pp. 264-296). Windhoek, Namibia: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Munck, G.L. (2002). Rational Choice Theory in Comparative Politics, Boulder: Westview

Rubin, R.B., Rubin, A.M., and Piele, L.J. (2005) Communication Research: Strategies and Sources (6th edition), Belmont, CA: Wadsworth

Wimmer, R.D., and Dominick, J.R. (1997) An Introduction to Mass Media Research, Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

ONLINE SOURCES

Accra Metropolitan Assembly (n.d.) Ashiedu Keteke Sub-Metro, Retrieved May 5, 2013, from http://www.ama.gov.gh/ama/page/5137/ashiedu-keteke-sub--metro

African Elections Database (2012) Elections in Ghana, Retrieved January 15, 2013, from http://africanelections.tripod.com/gh.html#1960_Presidential_Election

Andrews, T. (2012) ‘‘What is Social Constructionism?’’ International Journal of Grounded Theory Review, Retrieved January 2, 2013, from http://groundedtheoryreview.com/2012/06/01/what-is-social-constructionism/

Bartels, L.M. (2008) The Study of Electoral Behavior, Retrieved January 2, 2013, from http://www.princeton.edu/~bartels/electoralbehavior

BBC Africa News (December 8, 2012) Ghana election: Voting enters second day, Retrieved January 15, 2013, from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-20649951

Parliament of Ghana (2012) CI 75 Becomes Law, Retrieved May 5, 2013, from http://www.parliament.gh/news.php?news=77

The Electoral Commission of Ghana (2013) 2012 Presidential Election Results, Retrieved March 5, 2013, from http://www.ec.gov.gh/index.php

The Electoral Commission of Ghana (2013) Profile of the 2012 Presidential Candidates. Retrieved April 21, 2013, from http://www.ec.gov.gh/index.php

The Electoral Commission of Ghana (2013) Structure of the Electoral Commission, Retrieved April 21, 2013, from http://www.ec.gov.gh/index.php

DVD ENCYCLOPAEDIA

Gilje, P.A. (2008) Declaration of Independence, Microsoft Student 2009 [DVD], Redmond, WA: Microsoft CorporationGinsberg, B. (2008) Election, Microsoft Student 2009 [DVD], Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation.

Pious, R.M. (2008) Democracy, Microsoft Student 2009 [DVD], Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation.

PUBLICATIONS

National Commission for Civic Education (2012) Election 2012: Matters of Concern to the Ghanaian Voter. Accra: Author.

The Electoral Commission of Ghana (2005, November) The 2004 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. Accra: Author.

CPP 2012 Manifesto

NDC 2012 Manifesto

NPP 2012 Manifesto

PPP 2012 Manifesto

1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana

PAPERS

Boafo-Arthur, K. (2008). Democracy and Stability in West Africa: The Ghanaian Experience. A paper presented at the Claude Ake Memorial Lecture at the Uppsala University, Sweden

Dandoy, R. & Baudewyns, P. (2013). The Manifesto Voter: Exploratory Evidence from Belgium. A paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago.

Udende, P. (2011). Mass Media, Political Awareness and Voting Behaviour in the Nigeria’s 2011Presidential Election. A paper presented at the African Council for Communication Education, Nigeria Chapter, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria.

APPENDIX

INTERVIEW GUIDE

Introduction

My name is Michael Ohene Aboagye, a final-year student of the Ghana Institute of Journalism. Iam conducting a research on the factors which influenced the electoral choices of voters in Odododiodio Constituency in the 2012 Presidential Elections. I would want you to participate in this research by giving answers to my questions. I promise to treat your responses with utmost confidentiality.

SECTION A

SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

1. Sex(i) Male (ii) Female

2. Age(i) 18-20 (ii) 21-30 (iii) 31-40 (iv) 41-50 (v) 51-60 (vi) over 60

3. Educational background: (highest attainment)(i) No formal education (ii) Basic (up to JHS)(iii) Secondary (up to SHS)(iv) Tertiary (University, Polytechnic, Training Colleges, etc)(v) Any other (please specify)

4. Occupation

(i) Student (ii) Teacher (iii) Fisherman/Fisherwoman

(iv) Civil/Public servant (v) Businessman (vi) Trader

(vi) Artisan (viii) Unemployed (ix) Any other (specify)

5. Marital Status

(i) Single (ii) Married (iii) Other (specify)

6. Religious Affiliation

(i) Christian (ii) Muslim (iii) Traditionalist (iv) Any other (specify)………………………………….

7. Ethnic background

(i) Ga (ii) Ewe (iii) Akan (specify)………………………

(vii) Any other (please specify)………………………………………………..

SECTION B

7. Did you vote in the 2012 Presidential Elections?

(i) Yes (ii) No

8. Why did/didn’t you vote in the 2012 Presidential Elections?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

9. Which of the following do you rely on for information? (you can choose more than one)

(i) TV (ii) Radio (iii) Newspapers (iv) Internet

(v) Religious body (vi) Information Service Department (vii) Family and Friends

(viii) Any other (specify)…………………………………………………………………….

10. Which of the following were your main sources of information during the 2012 elections?

(i) TV (ii) Radio (iii) Newspapers (iv) Internet (v) Religious body (vi) Family and Friends (vii) campaign rallies

11. Did you seek information about all the political parties in the elections?

(i) Yes (ii) No

12. If answer to question 12 is no, why?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

13. What were the main campaign issues in the 2012 elections?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

14. What was the main manifesto pledge of the NPP?

(i) Job Creation (ii) Youth Development (iii) Energy for Industrialisation (iv) Increased access to education (v) Strengthen Parliament (vi) Free SHS education (vii) Reducing Inflation (viii) Expanding Infrastructure (ix) Other (specify)……………………………..

15. What was the main manifesto pledge of the NDC?

(i) Job Creation (ii) Youth Development (iii) Energy for Industrialisation (iv) Increased access to education (v) Strengthen Parliament (vi) Free SHS education (vii) Reducing Inflation (viii) Expanding Infrastructure (ix) Other (specify)……………………………..

16. What was the main manifesto pledge of the CPP?

(i) Job Creation (ii) Youth Development (iii) Energy for Industrialisation (iv) Increased access to education (v) Strengthen Parliament (vi) Free SHS education (vii) Reducing Inflation (viii) Expanding Infrastructure (ix) Other (specify)……………………………..

17. What was the main manifesto pledge of the PPP?

(i) Job Creation (ii) Youth Development (iii) Energy for Industrialisation (iv) Increased access to education (v) Strengthen Parliament (vi) Free SHS education (vii) Reducing Inflation (viii) Expanding Infrastructure (ix) Other (specify)……………………………..

18. Why did you vote for your preferred Presidential Candidate?

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

19. In your opinion is it important to consider the ethnic origins of Presidential Candidates before voting?

(i) Yes (ii) No

20. Did you consider ethnic origins before voting?

(i) Yes (ii) No

21. Which of the following qualities would influence you to vote for a president?

(i) Honesty and Integrity (ii) Fairness to all people (iii) People-friendliness

(iv) Religious affiliation (v) Wealth (vi) Good looks

(vii) Any other (specify)