Mechanisms for Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in the Strait of Malacca
Piracy in the Media
Transcript of Piracy in the Media
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Apoorva Tadepalli
Professor Nithin Manayath
Media Research and Methodology
9 November 2022
Piracy in the Media
Piracy in the media is, to say the least, a complex phenomenon
that is woven tightly with various ideas of art, ethics,
community and legality.In attempting to understand this
phenomenon, I have found myself repeatedly having to shift
frameworks. Not only have I been trying to address what piracy
is, what it does and why it happens; I have also been riddled
with doubts of how to address it at all: how to address the
pirate, his actions, his identity and his context – and also what
he does and where these actions come from. This paper will
therefore trace my experience in exploring:
- Common – and more complex – contexts which explain piracy in
various frameworks: an understanding of the media,
technology and the information age
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- The possible identities of the pirate as someone engaged in
the phenomenon, including
o The “criminal”
o The “philanthropist”
o The “artist”
- The link between these identities and the infrastructure of
the media
o As well as the design of the media
- The idea of “freedom” and free culture
- My methods in exploring the concept and producing knowledge
on the same
THE MEDIA INDUSTRY
Beginning research with a biased opinion colours the manner in
which one labels the information found extensively. From my
conservative perspective therefore I found myself reading into
much of the material presented on piracy as “traditional” and
Marxist. A common perspective that I encountered sees the media
as an elitist, homogenizing industry – an entertainment industry
which fetishizes stars and songs, creates aspirations, and
alienates consumers through a one-way relationship. It sees this
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industry as highly exclusive in that it does not set up
conversations, or room for conversations, at anything more than a
commercial level. This brings out a desire to move from the
individual to the collective – from individual consumption
practices which are alienating, to shared consumption practices –
is perhaps one of the more straightforward explanations of what
gives rise to piracy. It addresses the need for representation in
a society, and the need for community above individualism. The
original argument I – from my oppositional stance – encountered,
argued that the rise of the entertainment industry has placed a
distance between producer and consumer and forgone “diversity”.
This diversity, as traditional Marxist philosophy would define,
is what enables “active creation of social and artistic life” as
opposed to the “passive consumption of culture” (Manuel).
This particular framework identifies art as culture rather
than a commodity, which is why passive consumption is such a
sinful waste (as opposed to if one was looking at the media
industry economically, in which case consumption of a commodity
is a good thing, and perfectly natural). This take on the media
asserts that passive consumption creates a homogenous society in
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which art exposes people only to the experiences they are removed
from - like film music resulting in the decline of folk – and in
through this suggestion there is implied a primary concern for
the “masses”. The representation of the masses is of top priority
in this framework for art and culture, and popular art is not
identified as the art of the masses (an idea itself that could be
countered by the works of artists like Andy Warhol).
This is a class conscious description of the media as an
environment that nurtures and calls for piracy; that requires
“inexpensive, grassroots-based forms of micro-media” (Manuel).
But besides class, there are other factors I had to examine, like
social, legal, technological, creative and ethical factors, in
order to get a sense of the action and what it means, the context
for the action, and the people, that have a place in this
phenomenon.
THE CRIMINAL (and the law)
Our education, as writers like Lawrence Liang and Joe Karaganis
suggest, provides us with a certain understanding of the
phenomenon of piracy as promoted by the enforcement industry,
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like the links between piracy to others crimes (like arms
smuggling and narcotics). I used to be able to state that piracy
was a crime without blinking. But when I realize that there are
so many acts being conveniently shoved under the umbrella term of
piracy, I don’t even know what I am calling a crime anymore. And
from the point of view of the law, it doesn’t matter, because
what is illegal is illegal. However, it may be useful when
describing piracy to understand not the “acts” that happen in a
legal sense, but the actual actions that happen despite legal
descriptions, and how those can be linked to this phenomenon.
Enforcement duties and laws are clearly and elaborately
described in various texts addressing “how to deal with” piracy –
how much the content industry loses to piracy every year, the
attempt to prevent piracy at the ground level, and how “networked
governance” is formed between international agencies, public
institutions and corporate networks (Karaganis). However, there
is a distinct framework in which these figures and intentions are
produced. It does not attempt to explain or understand the crime
they are trying to prevent. Rather, quantitative reporting and
legal analysis takes place on the preconceived notion that piracy
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is bad. Using this as a starting point is probably a problem in
understanding the phenomenon (unless, like me, this starting
point offers the resistance required for knowledge production),
because the enforcement industry then ends up underestimating the
complexity of the issue. Joe Karaganis and Lawrence Liang in
Media Piracy in Emerging Economies link – with a tone of pride– the
failure of multinationals to address the issue to the suggestion
that the politics of piracy in developing countries is far more
complex than it is thought to be. In some ways I think they are
suggesting that the pirate industry is more mature perhaps than
the other crimes it is clubbed under.
The law is an institution which provides the true
nationalist citizen with his identity. Breaking the law,
therefore, has two effects that I can identify – one, that the
citizen is no longer a true citizen or patriot, and two, that in
this context the citizen must look for a new identity.
In my readings, I have got the feeling that the intellectual
property debate in itself gives these citizens an identity of
some sort – a political identity which appeals for a shift in the
framework through which we see certain acts. The debate protests
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against the binaries of legality and illegality with which we
classify the “act” of piracy, and also questions the reliability
of the copyright.
Copyright began as an incentive for creators. Today,
creators – artists – are not owners of their own copyright, and
they are expected to work on solely monetary incentives. In this
way, the content industry builds a kind of exclusive aesthetic
taste around its consumption, an aesthetic in which money drives
creation, in whichideas are therefore always fresh, surprising,
and of good quality, and therefore one’s own. The pirate, then,
by this definition, is seen as someone who takes ideas unlawfully
from the artist (who does not own rights to the ideas anyway) and
uses them for his own monetary gain. In my experience of
constantly having to shift frameworks, I was able to identify,
and now I suggest, that from the intellectual property rights
perspective, it is natural to expect the motivations for “theft”
to be the same as the motivations for “creation” – money. But
this may be simplistic, and this is why I believe that the
debates against IPR are essentially appealing for a shift in the
framework through which they judge the motives for the act:
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Clearly they know something about the intentions of these
criminals – or rather, the criminals know something about their
own intentions – that we do not.
The copyleft movement suggests an alternative model one
might use to deal with the legality or illegality of certain
acts. Maintaining the binary that the law insists upon, the
movement in a sense offers a means for a “true citizen” to redeem
himself, using the situation in which free software is issued by
a General Public License to use, share, distribute, and make
changes to. In return, the “pirate” user has to redistribute it
for free and cannot copyright it. In his writings, Liang does not
seek to abandon the concept of copyright – he only seeks to use
it creatively. Copylefting and other interactive means by which
users pass content on, add to it and redistribute, are some
examples of attempts to shift frameworks – to use the law to
reframe some of our perceptions from within it. It is also
interesting to note that while records of the enforcement and
content industry describe the world as one ridden with piracy and
theft, authors like Liang describe the same world as one ridden
with copyrights where licenses are required to do anything.
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Today’s artists have it worse in this respect than previous
generations because there is so much more that they can possibly
be accused of copying – and because of tendencies to share and
spread ideas in this information age, it is so much easier to do
something illegal. This could easily be the cause of the growth
of such a large world of underground art – not necessarily
because it is political or controversial but simply because there
is no room for it in the legal framework. There is so much money
and time invested in defending an artist’s “right to create”,
which sometimes almost makes me feel silly for making such a fuss
over it.
The copyleft movement is a free software movement which
turns frameworks until the criminal is a user, and the user is by
default a producer, who uses the language of digital media and
contributes to this network of sharing. Because this movement is
completely non-monetary but still involves sharing and
consumption, the movement also in a sense holds the user in an
obligation that is more complicated than owing money, in a system
where nothing ever belongs to one person.
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Lawrence Liang sees the limitations of the law in trying to
understand every human tendency and relationship, and in trying
to define and control every action of every person. The
conversations that take place at the ground level constantly try
and escape the definitions and understandings we try and fix to
them. For example, outside my apartments, there is a spot where
metro construction was going on for two years. Throughout these
years, as the road was dug up, then refilled, then tarred, there
was a constant DO NOT ENTER sign around that section of the road.
What I actually observed was this – when the road was being dug
up, people would duck under the sign and take their shortcuts.
When the digging turned the road into a foot-deep trench, people
stayed away from it. Once it had been filled up people were back
to ducking under the sign and walking through the construction
site. The morning they tarred it, people noticed the new shiny
colour of the road and there were no “trespassers” there for the
rest of the day. And a day later, when everyone knew the tar had
dried, they were back under the sign.
What I read into this every day ritual was the fact that
people do what they want, and what they do so often makes its way
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around (or underneath, like the sign) legitimate attempts to
define and legalize every action. In the same way, I asked myself
whether the law could place a check on human nature – and more
importantly, whether it should. In some way this suggests to me
that perhaps people do not need to be protected, because what
determines why they do what they do is a completely different
question from the one we are asking. And that the law does not
necessarily figure into every citizen’s life constantly.
THE PHILANTHROPIST (and the community)
The concept of the gift economy is as old as man, a culture in
which goods and services are given without any expectation for
future or immediate rewards. Marcel Mauss’s analysis of gift
culture describes it as an act of philanthropy, a measure of
social status, which is determined by what you give away rather
than what you own. In giving away, one is creating an obligation
in the other, and a sense of gratitude. He described gifts as
“surprises” which in French literally means “to overtake”; giving
gifts is a way of taking hold of the receiver, as is in charity.
Does someone giving a beggar alms pass on a duty to the beggar to
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do something more? Is the beggar placed somewhere in a chain of
dependence?
Part of my resistance to consuming pirated material is the
nagging knowledge that without my monetary power as a consumer, I
am dependent on, and obligated to the system, and perhaps unable
to give back. Without my ability to pay for what I consume, I am
forced to ask the ethical question of whether I belong in this
system, whether consumption alone is enough to make one a valid
player here. This sense of obligation however is not necessarily
linked to philanthropy as in the straightforward case of the
beggar and the donor, but to an awareness and consciousness of
being a part of a more complex chain of users and consumers. I
feel like any network of sharing brings about a kind of chain of
dependence, whether one chooses to act on it or not – but being
aware or conscious of what may be one’s location in that chain
could also build a feeling of obligation in any one member.
Lewis Hyde locates gift economies in primitive pre-barter
societies. Now, the experience of a gift economy is resurfacing
with the onset of the information age, as exemplified by the
copyleft movement, software developers who create open source
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software projects, and sites like piratebay. It is understood as
a practice driven by social norms rather than personal gain.
The gift creates an emotional bond between the giver and the
receiver, something that a commodity exchange does not. It
theorizes man as a social being, possessing a basic instinct to
give – or perhaps an even more primal instinct: to pass on one’s
resources and value to another – not unlike the relationship
between a parent and child, where social and biological
tendencies blur. Hyde says that “contracts of the heart lie
outside the law” and when a gift driven economy becomes a market
driven economy, the “social fabric of the group is destroyed”,
thus attempting to explain the essence of a world that depends on
the presence of intangible social relations to exist (Wikipedia).
I believe the “social fabric” of our world is much larger
than the one Hyde was referring to. With the “primitive, pre-
barter societies” gone and the world as networked as it is, this
supposed tribal instinct in us that defies every theory about
human nature that Western civilization is built on seems sketchy
to me. But despite the fact that we interact and trade with much
larger communities than man once did, there is something holding
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these communities together nonetheless, and I think the
underlying argument is that whatever this force is, it is not an
individualist sentiment or monetary practices. The practice of
gift-giving and sharing is often sentimentalized in western
descriptions, describing the identity of the artist as someone
“disposed to self-sacrifice for the sake of art” (Coyne). Non-
western cultures similarly are described as ones in which the
collective always preceded the individual – the most popular
works are translations, variations or retellings – and original
works were not even encouraged. In a different framework,
therefore, it may be worth noting as out of the ordinary not
those who communicate ideas that have been communicated over and
over, but rather those who say something that they claim has
never been said before (which, if I really think about it, is
somewhat what everyone indirectly does). For example, in his book
Cornucopia Limited, Richard Coyne quotes some of Marcel Mauss’s
theories and uses his ideas to explain what he says. When he adds
his own terminology (“surprise”) to the explanation, he feels the
need to explain his reasons, and point out that his
interpretation deviates slightly from Mauss’s original ideas. In
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this situation, he is justifying why he is not reusing ideas from
his readings, not why he is. All Coyne is doing is reading,
interpreting and then sharing what he learnt – much like I am
with this essay.
Though the content industry puts prices and name tags on
art, sharing networks are important because, from the point of
view of the culture industry, what is shared is what ought not to
be owned anyway. Planning culture restricts cultural movement and
that is why Liang asserts that culture needs some degree of
freedom to be able to continue on its natural course. It is only
networks of sharing that can ensure that an artist’s work is seen
by the maximum number of people; indeed, it is networks of
sharing that most effectively allow a business to grow, as in the
case of Microsoft encouraging the use of pirated software to
maximize the percentage of the population who was familiar with
their products. Pirate websites are closed down repeatedly and
keep coming back no matter what, because those running them
truly, genuinely believe that “corporate art is looting us”
(interviewee) and it is one’s duty to art to connect with people.
Whatever reaches out to more people in some sense is performing
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the function of art more accurately, because whatever political
beliefs one holds (and despite a strong conservative stance) one
cannot disagree that art must be in favor of the people. And what
will reach out to more people is perhaps not necessarily any
direct action, but a way of thinking of the entire movement in a
larger framework – since clearly a purely legal one describes too
little, a purely cultural one is often suspicious or at least
unsatisfactory, and a purely ethical one is meaningless entirely.
The origins of piracy as a cultural practice without a name
constantly trace back to Indian society as a collective unit, one
which functions with the contributions of the masses, consciously
or not. These masses, which are again represented only by the
intangible conversations they are able to establish with those
around them. As Liang puts it, “the idea of being able to
contribute to an intellectual commons is highly attractive”
(Liang). But of course in this cultural reading of everyday
practices, the non-traditional artist who feels a strong sense of
individualism but no connection to his history or context, and a
different understanding or concern for his role in society, who
for example considers his art to be about building brand loyalty
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and taking strong business decisions, has no place here in this
intellectual commons, and is perhaps as alienated here as a
member of Marx’s mass is in a culture of commercial consumption
of art.
Though I feel that the “emotional connect” between a giver
an a receiver is perhaps a romantic way to describe the
relationship of individuals using networks of sharing, it is true
that most networks of sharing are indeed built around this two-
way agreement, with both parties respecting this free knowledge
as well as knowing what to do with it. Free knowledge exists in a
framework outside that of those who write our histories and fight
for intellectual property, and to me, knowing what to do with
this free knowledge is the true litmus test to whether one is
really a part of this gift culture or not. There is a history of
thought behind me when I give and take knowledge, and perhaps in
some sense being aware of it and applying it to my life is what
does this knowledge and this participation justice.
This framework’s idea of “piracy”, on the other hand,in its
emphasis on sharing, does not leave room for the individualist
sentiment of having a strong sense of ownership for one’s
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property, or for that matter for the language in which the idea
of property is used. Rather, if this sentiment is addressed at
all, it is described as something that is unnatural, which goes
against a human instinct or basic social tendency. The
interesting point that comes out in both of these
interpretations, however, is the implication that with the
movement of our society and these new social practices, we are
somehow going back to some original state – moving forward by
moving back.
THE INFORMATION AGE
There is a kind of productive energy that is born from the
culture of sharing and free knowledge. Technology and the
information age claim a new way of communicating and giving. The
kind of altruism and sharing that is possible and seen online is
by some authors paralleled to tribal behavior and kinship in the
sociobiological context. Richard Coyne says, “Commerce would not
exist were we not already predisposed to communal sharing and
gift giving,” which to me suggests that, if one chooses to
believe this theory of our evolution over the theory of the
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selfish gene, the digital revolution is simply bringing back
something that is already located in us. The digital economy
shows signs of a new democratic world made possible by the
information age.
Something I find ironic is the fact that while I firmly
refuse to consume pirated material and also repeatedly tell
myself (and wish) that my work is original, I realize that I also
unconsciously wish I was able to share my ideas as widely as
possible using and depending on the same networks of sharing that
I try hard to find suspicious. I want to be able to do with my
thoughts and ideas what these networks are able to do; I want to
be a part of that process, that experience of someone else.
Information operates differently from other commodities; it
can be both kept and given away. Knowledge and the spread of
knowledge work in a different way. I don’t know who first thought
of any of the things I know today – and when I put it that way to
myself, it doesn’t seem to matter at all. Can every scientific
discovery, every thought that the thinker thinks is fresh be
patented? How would we know half the things we know today if that
were the case? Is there such a thing as a fresh idea anyway? We
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read, we think, and we quote people in our writing, and we are
quoted by other people, and it’s all pretty much the same ideas;
yet this new system which fits with the information age gives
people the room to express themselves within the constraints of
the fact that there are not really any new ideas anyway. It seems
a little depressing, but it definitely beats being ignorant.
Coyne says, “The possibility of information’s endless
reproductions engenders a different kind of economy.” The reason
then for internet sharing is probably that it is hard to attach a
cost of production to information and therefore it is much more
likely to grow faster because even without monetary incentives,
risk and costs are marginal. Therefore this offers another
framework with which to look at piracy and information – as
production which focuses on growth and access rather than profit.
There are, as I was shocked to find, groups and communities for
which individual monetary incentives are not valued the way we
are taught by default to value them by enforcement and content
industries.
These communities, clearly, are highly political in this
way. They are constantly forced to challenge their technological
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abilities and think further, faster than enforcers. No matter how
many times thepiratebay gets shut down, it keeps coming back on a
different service provider. Technology and the digital era have
allowed this kind of altruism to re-enter our behavior,
conversation and relationships at an almost unconscious level. To
me the act of piracy or sharing in an unconscious way describes
the act as occurring in spite of the law, not because of it. And
participating in the action as a response to enforcement makes it
because of the law rather than in spite of it. This raises the
questions of whether the law is a response to piracy, or the
other way around. Rick Falkvinge, a Swedish self-proclaimed
“pirate”, talks on his website of how the “copyright monopoly”
likes to publicize itself as a fearsome body which will hunt you
down, though being convicted is unlikely. He also describes means
by which to avoid prosecution by enforcers – however, he also
says, “This does not apply to people who annoy Hollywood on
purpose, which is a separate and much more serious crime.”
(falkvinge.net) I think this perspective questions the real
identity of the enforcement industry, and asks whether the entire
war is a matter of pride between no-name untraceables and the
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institutions they manage to evade. Falkvinge clearly believes
that the act of piracy is meant to send a strong, conscious
social or political message and have a definite cause, but he
also realizes that a large chunk of such activity does not
consciously do so. It sounds like he believes that a major part
of this chase then is just happening for the sake of it, and that
neither the law nor these acts are reactions to the other; their
relationship is meaningless.
Rick Falkvinge also heads Pirate Party, a political party
based in Sweden. It is a party of resistance, and to me seems to
believe that the relationship between law and culture, or law and
piracy, should be a series of constant negotiations. The party
has mission statements, policies, issues and principles just like
any other political party. But perhaps deliberately placing
piracy in a political context instead denormalizes, makes it seem
like an activity that is unnatural unless it has conscious
political motivations. Somehow the communication seems more like
propaganda here, with the words freedom, culture dissemination,
democratization, suppression of creativity, all seeming
repetitive and meaningless, as opposed to the case of those
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situations in which piracy is not such a big deal. Turning the
war into a political one makes a judgment on what piracy ought to
be used for. It excludes those who pirate without identifying the
act as piracy – for that which they are not intended to. For
example, an NGO in Bangalore conducted a workshop on “real
information needs of the poor” and, while the facilitator taught
them basics internet, the rural women accessed their own needs
and spent much of the time surfing pornography sites. It is not
necessarily a consciously political act, but it is useful in
trying to understand how people identify with piracy and what
they do with it.
I would feel it to be unfortunate if awareness and intention
was what justified the way people relate to the act of piracy, if
we had to be conscious of what we believed in and why we did what
we did for it to have value. And though I feel like conscious
identification with a particular community does denormalize the
actions of that community to an extent, it is still true that
whether I participate in networks of sharing deliberately or
without a second thought, my actions speak louder than my
thoughts.
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THE ARTIST (and his art)
Piracy is often closely linked to the identity of the artist in
his creativity and ideas – art and knowledge and their
relationship with the artist or the thinker are meant to be
represented by IPR, which tries hard to fight for the protection
of art and knowledge. I often think that the best praise I could
give a piece of art, like a film or an album, is buying it –
giving the producer credit for its creation. And this is
obviously what the content industry considers the yardstick for
success and the appreciation of art. The artist, then, in this
case is the producer, who is expecting something in particular of
the consumer. But consumers who operate in a different framework
see this highest praise differently. Understanding how knowledge
and artistic talent spreads is therefore key to understanding why
piracy happens and what it means to people.
Lawrence Liang calls the idea of a creative person authoring
their work purely out of their own talent romantic (“Media Piracy
in Emerging Economies”), and says it is this romantic notion that
drives people to try and place ownership of ideas. The idea of
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ownership of ideas is disconcerting to me; but a world where
nothing is my own, and my intellectual property is public domain,
is not much reassurance. Being able to find the ethical means to
assume a balance is why understanding what the act of piracy
really implies is important.
My father once said to me, when I tried modestly to say that
it was his idea that inspired a story I wrote, that there was no
such thing as his idea, because ideas cannot belong to people,
can only be grabbed, used, passed around. Maybe there are more
important things than telling the world, “This was my idea!”
Unregistered artists and musicians without deals from record
companies record and sell their music from home to promote their
work. Folk tales would never make it across communities if they
were not repeatedly told and retold. I use ideas in this paper
that I have read from others’ (freely accessible) works, and I
would eagerly offer my thoughts and research to someone else
doing a paper on the same subject, rather than worry about
intellectual property theft. In such an artist’s world, the
ethics of legality are completely irrelevant. In such an artist’s
world, art in itself is separate from the artist, an organic
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thing with a social life and purpose of its own. Maybe there is
no such thing as a new idea. The identity of the artist as
someone with rights is the model that piracy is trying to
counter, because it is the ability to respond to something that
makes it art, and ownership hardly allows for much interaction
between “producer” and “consumer”. And in this liberal framework,
the artist who feels a sense of ownership over his art – who is
not interested in its external movement – is an outsider.
Therefore it feels to me like every framework alienates a
particular kind and identifies with a particular kind of artist
(and I don’t think it would be in my place to call a commercial
author or Hollywood producer any less of an artist). The only
thing they all appear to have in common is that they are all
self-proclaimed, as is any ethical framework.
Today, the anti-IPR model provides the concept of an
intellectual commons and a copyleft movement in order to reduce
dependence on the license holder who is actually not even the
artist, and to highlight the importance of maximum visibility and
accessibility. In doing so, the artist finds his place in some
sense in a global community and part of a culture larger than
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himself and his customers. This globalization is what is believed
to provide a more “collaborative model of production of culture”
– and here, I find, is where the entire argument rests. In
defining art as culture rather than content, the model reverses
my framework yet again and asks a whole different set of ethical
questions regarding why piracy happens – like the relationship
between an artist and content versus that of an artist and
culture. Creativity and crime, piracy and free culture – there is
a lack of conversation between the two, perhaps because the
“upholders of the law” identify themselves in economic and legal
frameworks and the “criminals” identify themselves as doing
something else entirely, something we could locate as part of a
cultural context. I would firmly question whether placing a crime
in its cultural context makes it any less of a crime – but even
that ethical question is meaningless, because “crime” is not even
part of the language used in the cultural context; therefore the
question itself mixes up the ideas of two different frameworks.
Giving art and piracy a cultural rather than a legal or
economic meaning in some sense removes the concept from the
western context it is placed in by intellectual property rights
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activists. As Lawrence Liang points out in his first argument,
copyright in itself is a western idea, a product of an American,
strongly individualistic culture, and a model which is threatened
by intellectual property theft. Succeeding a history of folk
telling, oral tradition and encouraging of translations and
variations, this model actually seems out of place, and try as I
might to find a clear-cut, objective (though only objective in
its own framework), economic model to explain the phenomenon, I
will never be able to locate it fully in the Indian context if I
try and do so.
An artist’s identity in this now non-western culture becomes
more flexible. Those who engage in these networks of sharing
become producers as well as consumers of culture, and therefore
artists in their own right. These practices of consumption are
hard to define or pin down, but trying to understand them leads
me to the nature of Indian society, of a population which mostly
lacks formal education but is extremely resourceful and has
increased its own value in the world tremendously. Pirate DVD
sellers and street vendors in urban India are now also involved
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in the consumption and production of culture, and they occupy a
space that in some ways defines the very infrastructure of India.
INFRASTRUCTURE, SPACE, TECHNOLOGY, AND THE MEDIA
In my urban experience, street vendors and their markets are part
of a solid foundation of the infrastructure of the city. Piracy
is rampant on the streets, where vendors are able to almost
immediately cater to market needs and changes, shifting locations
and changing prices where relevant. The difference between the
language used by IP debates and the language that perhaps better
addresses the Indian space is that IPR activists use a narrative
that denormalizes piracy, when in actuality it may be the very
normalcy of it which is key to understanding why it happens. In
India it is in many respects a mere situation. The content
industry may constantly try and connect it to larger networks of
organized crime, but whether this connection is real or not, it
is still true that developing countries are filled with local
cultural production that is constantly shaping and negotiating
with the international.
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From fake DVD sellers to seeders on thepiratebay, technology
has hugely shaped our identities as members of a particular
community. Media infrastructure (like video stores, photocopy
shops, bazaars and cable networks) is now a mixed space where
everyone gets their goods cheap and readily available one way or
another. And everyone is unconsciously contributing to this world
of growing media, urbanity and infrastructure by adding to the
activity that takes place under the radar. People upload and
watch videos, TV shows and clips from youtube without subscribing
to any channel – and though youtube has an anti-piracy policy and
it would be easy for the official owners of the material to ban
all fan videos and music videos and personal uploads that
replicate content, they often don’t – because they recognize the
potential of this new media to bring something other than
directly commercial success.
As Joe Karaganis and Lawrence Liang have observed in the
Indian context in particular, a lot of local legitimate producers
are unwilling to report pirated cassettes or videos being sold
close to their shop because pirate retailers “have their own
arrangements with the police.” Piracy is practically an urban
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Indian’s natural state. I use cybercafés, Xerox shops…I walk past
people who sell fake CDs, books and DVDs on the road without
saying anything…there is so much activity going on around me that
is clearly unaccounted for, which often is another phrase for
illegal, and I don’t blink. Why? Try as I might to stand on the
side of the law, it doesn’t bother my conscience, and I have
absorbed it into my life and experience. For example, Liang
comments that infrastructure around piracy builds up experiences
of consumption which seep into our imagination of the media and
technology, and I actually do make certain immediate and strong
identifications with poor quality print or badly dubbed CDs, as
something close to me in a sense. In this way, media
infrastructure creates a particular kind of aesthetic. (On the
other hand, it also excludes another kind of aesthetic, and
sometimes I feel that it is as exclusive as the aesthetic
propagated by the content industry). But directly or indirectly,
I am a consumer in this two-way market, and in some sense perhaps
that makes me a producer as well. Because from what I have read
and therefore learned to notice, the communities that I sense in
this informal, intangible network are strengthened by a sense of
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chaos – by conversations and interactions and relationships and
activities that stand on their own and continue, in some sense,
to occupy space. There is a togetherness in chaos that can never
be achieved with order, though ironically that is perhaps why I
feel so removed from many of the experiences of people around me.
Though I am giving myself the right to comment on “them” from
without, I would say even that people take pride in chaos, they
identify with it. Chaos represents Indian culture in some sense
in that it normalizes and ubiquitises piracy, something that
other frameworks have failed to do. It is the only framework that
makes room for a culture that cannot be tied down to records and
numbers. A culture that relies on word of mouth for information.
It thrives on unseen, untraceable conversations between some very
resourceful people. These sharing networks are called informal
for a reason. So many Indians are completely off the radar; what
do legal descriptions tell us anyway? There are millions of
people without bank accounts or social security numbers; can I
expect them to uphold the morality of identifying and saying no
to piracy?
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Maybe then, if one is looking for an ethical explanation to
this whole phenomenon, the question to ask is not whether it is
right to consume culture without paying, but rather whether it is
right to judge the act (as legal or illegal) without
understanding the people, relationships and motivations behind
it. Rejecting piracy would mean rejecting certain networks of
informal consumption that make up such a large part of the social
relations in India. Liang is troubled by the question of
occupation of space – designation of space, inclusion and
exclusion into and from it. I think understanding piracy and what
it is about does have a lot to do with the spaces, or the non-
spaces, which people occupy and act in despite the fact that our
country likes to assume westernized models of modernity. Perhaps
in my case understanding what piracy is about also means shifting
my framework regarding what is modern and what is not.
Technology and Design
Proof of the normalizing of piracy or sharing can be seen in the
way meeting points in such networks are structured. There is a
consciousness of the larger community of people involved in the
same acts of consumption (and production) as I am – the two way
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relationship that is absent in a commodity exchange. The concept
of feedback, for example, underlines a stark difference between
the two kinds of consumption I have identified. On
kickasstorrents, there is a list of popular searches, with the
more popular searches being bigger text. On thepiratebay there is
also string of comments underneath every uploaded video – the
conversations range from peoples’ recommendations, their hobbies
and activities on the web, general updates on their page, or just
comments saying thank you and often suggesting or requesting more
similar uploads onto the same user’s profile. There are links
from files to the profile of the uploader which other users can
follow and keep checking freely. Some users have the freedom to
vary the names of the files slightly, like adding numbers or
exclamation marks – and from these variations, which are informal
and not universal, perhaps there is a personality that can be
seen in the users. Some users put their phone numbers or other
personal details like links to other profiles next to the videos
they upload, or tag the files they upload or the comments they
post that link to other places of interest. This gives a sense,
even to someone who does not use the service regularly, of the
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presence of that user and the videos they upload, watch and like.
In some sense, this kind of community functions something like a
blog, a way to introduce oneself into a community, occupy space,
have a presence, and relate to other people.
Sharing is a default in a space like this, where anyone who
downloads a link, movie or video automatically becomes a seeder,
supporting further download of the same file. Without enough
seeders, the file cannot be downloaded, so if someone is making
use of the support of other seeders by accessing the file, one
joins these other seeders by default of the design of the site in
supporting other seeders. Only by particularly adjusting settings
can one be able to download without seeding. And though this
makes your activities public and also slows the internet
connection, no one seems to have a problem with this default
setting (as opposed to me, who probably would have made an effort
to erase any trace of having been on the site after getting what
I needed). This is a clear portrayal of the normalizing of piracy
that happens not only in public communities but also in people’s
minds and their identification with their actions. It also tells
me of a strong, perhaps unconscious trust of the whole of the
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community, network and overall practice. I don’t believe I have
that sense of trust that I see in some people; I refuse to click
on suspicious looking buttons that say “download” on them because
I’m afraid of viruses, but when I think about it I have to admit
that I don’t know anything about viruses or where they come from
or what causes them; it is the way the link looks, on a
particular site in a particular font using certain spelling and
syntax that make me uncomfortable. We take such relief in things
that look official and safe; but are official and safe even
relevant adjectives in the world of the internet? Does insisting
on “official” and “safe” perhaps limit the potential of the
internet? Maybe the problem in this perspective, which perhaps
the IP debate also faces, is the bringing of past priorities into
a new world, and a new framework – and resisting shifts in
framework is not the model for growth. Lewis Hyde said that
“contracts of the heart lie outside the law” and maybe they lie
somewhere around here. I asked friends whether they usually
seeded back when downloading a file; whether they did or didn’t
depended on the quality of their internet connection and how much
bandwidth they could spare, but one of them said, “But I do feel
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like a leech. Everyone is seeding so that I can download and
leave.” (interviewee) Whether a downloader is simply using the
network to get the movie he wants, or to knowingly share, upload
and promote the ones he wants others to see, he still knows the
workings of the technology and the interface, and this knowledge
makes its way into his actions. The internet perhaps allows a
change in a value system, and allows us to be a bit more
communicative and a bit less judgmental, and even trusting. When
I asked a friend to clarify what I considered the risks of
seeding, she explained the issues of using up too much bandwidth
to me and hurriedly proceeded to assure me that it was still
perfectly safe. Regular users therefore actively and willingly
engage in this social presence and interaction. And so more often
than not, there are far more seeders than leechers for any one
file. Whether this is conscious on the part of the users or not,
there is certainly a deliberate nature to the construction of
this space, which so starkly contrasts with a typical two-member
producer-consumer relationship, like Netflix. Also, knowing how
many leechers and seeders itself exist at any point in time for a
particular file gives one a glimpse into a community as it is
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changing and interacting every second. Perhaps through this
awareness one is made a part, if only for a few minutes, of this
network of sharing.
FREE CULTURE
“Walt Disney was always parroting the feature length mainstream
films in his day,” Lawrence Lessig said in his book “Free
Culture”, and that “the key to success was the brilliance of the
differences”. Disney took stories and using the same creativity
and competition that the content industry encourages, retold
stories in new and captivating ways. Lessig is not condemning the
hypocrisy or crime of Disney or the industry, but normalizing the
action. Disney was able to do what he did because at the time
copyrights only lasted for thirty years, and they were lenient
enough to be trying to prevent replication of art, not variation
of it. Most of the content Disney used, like the fairy tales from
the Grimm brothers, was fairly fresh thanks to this because since
copyright lasted thirty years, there was a much larger public
domain, and a much larger pool from which free access was
possible. Lawrence Lessig tries to highlight how important
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openness and access are to a generation built on communication
and information: his blog is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution 3.0 United States License which says that anything on
his blog can be copied, distributed, transmitted or adapted for
commercial use of the work as long as the website is notified
(lessig.org). As there is no way to actually determine how many
of his users notify the website, it is worth noting that this
openness is also linked to a sense of trust.
He also addresses the idea of society’s awareness about
participation in the “crime”, by implying that at some time, in
some context, the whole issue was not so worth noting. Society
often was willing to overlook such actions.
Free culture in the west and non-west
The concept of free culture, however, is also interesting because
of the differences in framework that show themselves when reading
and writing and thinking from both western and non-western points
of view. The western notions of “free” and “culture” mean
something else entirely here, as I have realized. Lessig condemns
commercial pirates whom he says add no creativity or market value
to the industry. In making this distinction between the “ethical”
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pirate and the “unethical” one, he is assigning roles and spaces
which Liang suggests either do not exist or are irrelevant here,
in the non-west. Pirates here do not necessarily have the luxury
or the resources to step into the role of the ethical, creative
hacker who transforms the art and the market – that, Liang says,
is a western conception that places the value of art and culture
in its content alone. In India, there are pirates who do not have
the clear cut roles of creator or artist in the public domain,
but they add value to the market in their own sense and influence
the consumption of art not through content but through the
context they provide for creation, distribution and consumption;
through the space they occupy on the streets and their
contribution to the infrastructure of the media city.
ParthaChatterjee’s notion of civil society and political society
describes this well; the language of legality and ethics that is
used in civil society doesn’t apply in political society. It
doesn’t describe the people and actions under the radar. So
another shift in framework I had to experience was between the
identity of the western pirate and that of the non-western one.
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Another example I found of a different ethical framework –
though this is in some ways different even from the Indian
framework – is the Japanese culture of manga: comics. Comics and
graphic novels are a huge part of the identity of Japanese
culture, and so the culture industry owes a lot to manga. But
there is also a variant of manga, which is doujinshi, and this
practice is based on and thrives off of copying stories from
manga and redoing them. And it is even placed within a structure,
where there is a doujinshi committee which screens the art,
because the condition for production in this culture is that
variations have to be made to the “original” work. This committee
acts as a compromise between completely “free” culture and legal
enforcers, because as I have seen, the problem with the law is
that it can’t judge whether there has been a sufficient
difference or variation made.
The ethics that underlie this culture industry are somewhat
similar to the “Walt Disney creativity”, as Lessig calls it, of
retelling creatively. The doujinshi industry is built on manga –
but at the same time the reverse is also true. Doujinshi supports
manga, and the official systems of enforcement in Japan recognize
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this. The point of comparing this culture is to realize that
there is a different ethical system that comes in every culture’s
individual understanding of certain actions, the things it takes
for granted and the things it prioritizes. The Japanese culture,
while remaining much more flexible than western legal systems, in
some sense adds a structure to the chaos that somehow seems to
define the Indian culture industry.
KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY
Without real knowledge production, opinions become about
feelings. When I feel offended by liberals who act self-righteous
with me I get defensive and express opinions which I wish were
truly educated and which I wish I was passionate about. But it’s
only with knowledge like the kind produced in the process of
writing this paper can I consider myself in a position to be able
to have an opinion at all.
Debates over piracy can very easily become single-minded,
one-framework, left-right debates. As I realized in the process
of writing the paper, this is an excessively simplistic not to
mention wearisome angle. However the idea for this paper began
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with a simple perspective and the research started with just
that.
Knowledge production can be explained in several ways, but
the description I relate best to is the idea of thesis,
antithesis and synthesis. Being biased and mentally arguing with
everything in the text is the most comfortable starting point for
me because I respond better to the text and I have more room for
learning and growth. Therefore controversial or political topics
often provide a solid starting point and opinion from which to
begin reading and responding.
The desire to settle on a particular perspective usually
just makes that perspective less and less satisfying as the
research progresses, and this is how I know, by the end of my
(official) research, that I have achieved a more holistic and
complex understanding of the subject matter – and that I have
recognized the narrowness of (and am bored of) what I believed in
before. Strong anti-piracy, individualistic, capitalist
sentiments still riddle me when people preach to me, and they
still often make their way into my conversations, but when I
examine my knowledge and not my emotion, I know that those
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thoughts do not excite me. Anti-government propaganda does not
excite me either. Only studying, experiencing, and understanding
peoples’ actions further excites me. If such a transition has
happened, I think knowledge has been produced.
In reading about piracy, its several names, situations and
participants, I also found myself learning most and responding
most when I was engaging in it myself. I visited thepiratebay and
kickasstorrents and felt like I was witnessing the acts of
particular people first hand. I used the words and ideas of other
writers (or realized that I have been doing that my whole life)
in my own writing. I read free online articles and e-books by
people who wanted more for me to read what they had to say in
order to enrich my own knowledge and education, than for me to
give them credit – monetary or otherwise – for their ideas. (I am
assuming they will appreciate which ideas I have borrowed from
them and how I have responded, more than they will the citations
I have given them.) I spent time discussing my own ideas out loud
with other people (for free), it made me more aware of the people
and the phenomenon I was writing about.
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Bibliography
BOOKS
Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North India – Peter
Manuel
Media Piracy in Emerging Economies – Joe Karaganis
Pirate Modernity: Delhi’s Media Urbanism – Ravi Sundaram
Open Networks, Closed Regimes: The Impact of the Internet on
Authoritarian Rule – ShanthiRalathiland Taylor C. Boas
Free Culture – Lawrence Lessig
The Pirate’s Dilemma: How Youth Culture is Reinventing Capitalism –
Matt Mason
Cornucopia Limited: Design and Dissent on the Internet – Richard Coyne
The Case for Copyright Reform – Rick Falkvinge
ESSAYS & ARTICLES
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Guide to Open Content Licensing – Lawrence Liang
The Black and White (and Grey) of Copyright – Lawrence Liang
Pirate Aesthetics – Lawrence Liang
Piracy and Infrastructure – Lawrence Liang
WEBSITES
falkvinge.net
thepiratebay.org
kickasstorrents, kat.ph
lessig.org
wikipedia.org
INTERVIEWEES
Winona Laisram, 20, Student
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Works Cited
Manuel, Peter. Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North
India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.
Karaganis, Joe. Media Piracy in Emerging Economies. New York: Social
Science Research Council, 2011
Coyne, Richard. Cornucopia Limited: Design and Dissent on the
Internet. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2005.
Lessig, Lawrence. Free Culture. New York: The Penguin Press, 2004.
Liang, Lawrence. “The Black and White (and Grey) of
Copyright.”06/07/2007: 3. 31/8/2012 www.worldinformation.org.