830 OONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

SENATE. WEDNESDAY, Jan~Uary 16, 1889.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. BUTLER, D. D. 'l'he Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved.

CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN SAMOAN ISLANDS.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the following message from the President of the United States; which was read, and, with the accompanying documents, referred to the Committee on For-eign Relations, and ordered to be printed: · To the Oon(}Teu :

On the 2d dny of April, 1888, I transmitted to the House of Representatives, in response to a. resolution pnssed by that body, a report from the Secretary or State relating to the condition of affairs in the Samoan Islands, together with numerous letters, dispatches, and documents connected with the subject, which gave a history of all disorders in that locality up to that date.

On the 21st day of December, 1888, this information was supplemented by the transmission to the Congress of such further correspondence and documents as extended this history to that time.

I now submit a report from the Secretary of State, with later correspondence and dispatches, exhibiting the progress of the disturbances in Samoa up to the present date.

Tile information thus laid before the Congress Is of much importance, since it hns relation to the preRervation of American interests and the protection of American citizens and their property in a distant locality and under an unsta­ble and unsatisfactory government.

In the midst of the disturbances which have arisen at Samoa, snob powers have been exercised as seemed to be within executive control under our Con­stitution and laws, nnd which appear to accord with our national policy and traditions, to restore tranquillity and secure the safety of our citizens.

Through negotiation and agreement with Great Britain and Germany, which, with our own Government, constitute the treaty powers interested in Samoan peace and quiet, the n.ttempt has been made to define more clearly the part which tnese powers should a-sume in the government of that country, while at the same tim .. its autonomy hn.s been insisted upon.

These negotiations were t one time inturrupted by such action on the part of the Gernum Government as appeared to be inconsistent with their further continuance.

Germany, however, still asserts, as from the first she has done, that she hns no desire or intention to overturn the native Samoan Government or to ignore our treaty rights, and she still invites our Government. to join her in restoring peace and quiet. But thus far her propositions on this subject seem to lead to such a. preponderance of German power in Srunoa as· was never contemplated by us, and is inconsistent with every prior agreement or understanding, wh.ile her recent condnct ns between native warring factions gives rise to the suspicion that she is not content with a neutral position.

Acting within the restraints which. our Constitution and laws have placed upon eJ;ecuti'\'e power, I have insisted that the autonomy and independence of Samoa. should be scrupuJonsly preserved according to the treaties made with Samoa. by the powers named and their agreements and understanding with each other. I have protested against every 11ct apparently tending in an oppo­site direction, and during the existence of internal disturbance one or more ves­sels of war have been kept in Samoan waters to protect American citizens and property.

Tllese things mil abundantly appear from tlle correspondence and papers which have been submitted to the Congress.

A recent collision between the forces from a German mnn-of-war stationed in Samoan waters and a body of natives rendered the situation so delicate and critical that the war-ship Trenton, under the immediate coromund of Admiral Kimberly, was ordered to join the Nipsio already at Samoa, for the betterprotec· tion of the persons and property of our citizens and in furtherancC"of eft'orts to restore oruer and safety.

The attention of the Congress is especially called to the instructions given to Admlrnl Kimberly, dated on the lith instant, and the letter of the Secretary of State to the German minister, dated the 12th instant, which will be found among the papers herewith submitted. ·

By means of the papers and documents heretofore submitted and those which accompany this communication. the precise situation of affairs in Samoa. is L'lld ~~f~ed~e Congress, and such executive action as has been taken. is fully ex-

The views of the Executive in respect of tbe just policy to be pursued with regard to this group of fslands which lie in the direct highway of a growing and in1portant commerce between Australia and the United .States, have found ex­pression in the correspondence and documents which have thus heen fully com­municated to the Congress; and the subject in its present stage is submitted to the wider discretion conferred by the Constitution upon the legislative bra-nch of the Government.

EXECUTrvE MA..."'SIOS, January 15, 1889. GROVER CL~"D.

HA YTIAN .AFF .AIRS.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the following message from the PresidentoftheUnitedStates; which was read, and, with the accompanying documents, referred to the Committee on For­eign Relations, and ordered to be printed: To the Senate of the United Slates:

I transmit herewith, in response to 1.he reso,.ution of the Senate of the 4th in­stant, a report o~ the Secretary ·of State, with accompanyi~g copies of corre­spondence touchmg recent oocunences in the island of Hayti, both as relates to the state of tlle ~overnment there an<.l to the seizure and delivery up of the American vessel Haytien Republic.

EXECUTTVE MANsro:r, Washtngtvn, Janual'y 1(), 1839.

GROVER CI,EVELA!>.""D.

REPORT OF THE PUBLIC PRTh-n:R.

Tho PRESIDENT p1'o tempore ]aid before tho Senate the anneal report of the Public Printer; which, with the accompanying paper, was reterred to the Committee on Printing, and ordered to be printed.

HOUSE lliLL REFER"RED.

The bill (H. R. 11683) for the establishment of a ,light-ship, with a

fog-signal, at Sandy Hook, New York Harbor, was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

PETITIOXS AND 1.\IEMORIALS. The PRESIDENT p1·o tempore p:resented a petition of 148 citizens of

the State of Kansas, praying for the passage of a ~unday-rest law; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. CULLOM:. I present a petition of the National Woman's Chris­tian Temperance Union, department-of Sabbath observance, praying for the passage of the law prohibiting the running of interstate Sunday trains, Sunday mails, and military drills on the Sabbath. The peti­tion is signed by 100 ministers of Chicago and vicinity in the State of illinois. I move that it be referred to the Committee on Education antl Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. CULLOl\:1. I also present seveml bun<.l1cs of petitions that I

hold in my hand on the same subject, signed, one of them, by 1,766, another by 7, 727, another by 1, 000, and the fomth by 2, 498 citizens of Illinois, praying for the same legislation. I move the reference of the petitions to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was Roo-reed to. 1\Ir. PLATT. I present the petitionofR. N. Sle::s;ens andotherl'l, a com­

mittee of the statehood convention held at Jamestown, in North Du.~ kota, on the 5th of December last, prnying for a di vi!;ion of the Territory of Dakota and the passage of an act which shall permit the admission of North Dakota as a State as speedily as p<>"..sible. .As the petition contains very valuable statistics bearing upon the question of the pro­priety of admitting that portion of the Territory of Dakota as a State, I ask that it be printed as a public document. It wlllbe Yaluable for reference.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The petition will be printed, if there be no objection, and referred to 'the Committee on Territories. The Chair bears no objection, and it is so ordered.

Mr. CA..MERON presented nnmerous petitions of citizens of Penn­sylvania, praying for the p&.sageof a nationalSunda.y-rest lawproh.ih­iting needless Sunday work in the Government's mail, military serv­ice, and intel'State commerce; which were re1crred to the Committee on. Eaucation and Labor.

He also pre ented resolutions of the Phlla<lel phia, (Pa,) Board of Trade, favoring increased appropriations for the ma.intenance of the branch hydrographic offices and the publication of tho pilot cha.rts; which were referred to tho Committee on Approprin.tionE~.

Mr. FAULKNER presented a petition of2,591 citizen of West Vir­ginia, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. PAYNE presented a petition of citizens of Ohio, prnying for the passage of a- national Sunday-rest law, prohibitin_g needles.~ Sunday work in the Government's mail, military service, aud interstate com­merce; which wa.s re1erred to tho Committee on Educationand Labor.

Mr. HALE. I present a petition of the same kind, in fuvor of the pa.~o;age ot a national Snnrl.1.y-restlaw from labor organizations, churclies, and other bodies in tbe State- of1\1aine. I move the reference of the petition_ to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. 1\Ir. HALE presented resolutions adopted by the Maine State

Grange, urging the immediate passage of House bill 11027, known ns the ''Conger lard bill,'' and House bill 1126G, a substitute for th.e "Lee pure-food bill;" which were referred to the Committee on Agn­

·cnlture a1Hl Forestry. .1\'lr. SHEilliAN. L present a petition si{!Ded by4,745 citizens of

Ohio, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law, prohibiting needless Sunday work in the Government's mail and military service, and interstate commerce. I also present a similar petition signed by 2, 710 citizens of Ohio. I move the reference of the petitions to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The mot.ion was agreed to. :M..r. PLATT. I present a similar petition, which i3 said to contain

497 individual signatures and represent.1.tive indorsements of churches and other bodies in the State of Connecticut. On an examination of the names I .find that some mistake has been made, and thab they are tho names of citizens of South Carolina; but I trust the Senator from South Carolina [.M:r. BUTLER] will have '"no objection to my present­ing the petition.

1\ir. BUTLER. None in the ·world, :Mr. President. I am very glad to see it come from that sonrce.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Tho petition will be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. DOLI>H presented the petition of ZcrelUa N. Mcco·y, >ice-presi­dent of tho National W~ml?-n Su.ifrage Association: praying that in en- . abling acts for the adiDl!:!SIOn of Dakota,. Montana, New Mexico, and Washington, a cl~use. be inserted allowing women to vote for uelcgates to the State constitutiOnal conventions· which was referred to the Com-mi ttec on Territories. '

Mr. FARWELL presented numerous petitions of citizm ' of illinois, praying for the .passago of a national Sunday-rest la.w; wluch were re­ferred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. ~31

~{r. STOCKBRIDGE presented a petition of379 citizens of :Michigan, praying for the passage of a national law prohibiting Sunday mail trains

· and military drills ou the Sabbath; which was referred to the Com­mittee on Education and Labor.

Mr. STANFORD presented a petition of the Board of Trade of San Luis Obkipo, Cal., praying that an appropriation be made for the con­struction of a breakwater at that port; which was referred to the Com­mittee on Commerce.

Mr. HISCOCK. I present a petition collected by the National Wo­man's Christian Temperance Union, department of Sabbath observance, signed by 3,147 citizens of New York, and a petition of 627- citizens of New York of like character. I move the reference of the petitions to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. HISCOCK presented a petition of American manufacturers of

artificial flowers and materials, etc., p;raying that a t:ui.ff be placed on that class of goods of from 75 to 100 per cent.; which was referred to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. VOOH.HEES. I present a petition said to contain 6, 755 indi­vidual signatures and combined represcntati"te indorsements collected in Indiana by the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, de­partment of Sabbath observance, the illinois Sabbath Association, the American Sabbath Union, etc., praying for a national Sunday-rest law, against needless Sunday work in the Government mail and military service and interstate commerce. I move that the petition be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. GEORG E. I present a similar petition to the oiie just presented,

containing 673 individual signatures collected in the State of Mis:Us­sippi. I move the reference of the petition to the Committee on. Edu­cation and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. SAULSBURY. I present a similar petition said to contajn 338

individual signatures of citizens of Delaware, which I move be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. 1\Ir. FRYE. I present a memorial of the Woman's Christian Tem­

perance Union, remonstrating against the running of inter.:;tate Sunday trains, etc., signed by 115 citizens of the State of .1\Iaine. I move the reference of the memorial to the; Committee on ;Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. HOAR presented a petition of 3,144 citizens of Massachusetts,

praying for the passage of a national law prohibiting Sunday work, military service, etc.; which was referred to the Committee on Edu­cation and Labor.

Mr. SPOONER. I present a petition said to contain 953 signatures of residents of the State of Wisconsin, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest ln.w, against needless Sunday work in the Gov­ernment's mail and military service and interstate commerce. I move the reference of the petition to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. DAWES. I present the petition of 211 citizens of 1\fassachu­

setts, prayillg for the same object . . I move the reference of the petition to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. HEAGA.N. I present petitions collected by the National

Woman's Christian Temperance Union, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law, against needless Sunday work, Government mails and mH1tary service, and interstate commerce, signed by 565 citizens of the ::State of Texas. I move the reference of the petitions to the Comnrittee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Ur. SA \VYER presented a petition of 2,532 citizens of Wisconsin,

and a petition of 26-1 citizens of Wisconsin, praying for the pn.ssli~J.e of a national Sunday law; which was referred to the Committee on Edu­cation and Labor.

Mr. ALLISON.. I present two petitions, one containing 2,458 indi­·vidual signatures, and the other containing 3, 716 individual signatures, all signed by peopltl in Iowa, praying for the pa.•sage of a national Sunday-rest law, etc. I move taat the petitions be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. . Mr. ALLISON presenteti a petition of citizens of Iowa, praying that

the drnt'l'!'back now allowed on tin-plate used in the manufacture of cans which. are exported ~o foreign countries may be made to apJ?lY equa.lly to tm-plate of fore1gn manufacture used in this country; whtch was referred to the Committee on Finance.

:Mr. WILSON, ofiowa. I present a petition signed by 3 220ci1izens of Iowa, praying jor the passa~e of a national Sunday-r~t law, and a similar petition signed b! res1dents of Page .County, Iowa. I move that the petitions be referred to the Committee on Education and Lahor.

The motion was agreed to . . Mr. C.liANDLEH. I present a petition in favor of a national Sun-

day-reHt law, approved by theN ew Hampshire Sunday-School Associa· tion in convention, with the signatures affixed of J. 1\L Williams, presi­dent, and John G. Lane, secretary; also by Alden Youngman and nu• merous other citizens of South Merrimac, N. H.; also by Rev. W. H. Alden and numerous other citizens of New Hampshire; which I move be referred to the Committee on Education ancl L.'tbor.

The motion was agreed to. 1\-Ir. CHANDLER. I also present the petition of Frank Bluer and

338 other citizens of South Carolina, who represent that they are resi­dent3 of the county of Orange burgh and voting precinct of Evans's Mill, in that State. They repreEeut that they presented themselves at that voting precinct on the last election day in order to vote for Presidential electors and member of Congress, and that they were denied the right to vote. They therefore pray Congress to investigate the facts which they state and the practical working of the registration and election laws of South Carolina, ·and to devise some means to secure to them the free exercise of the rights guarantied to them by the constitution of South Carolina and the laws and Constitution of the United Stn.tes. I move that the petition be referred to the Committee on Privileges and Elections.

'l'he motion was agreed to. Mr. CHANDLER. I also present the petition of Joe Kelly and 58

other citizens of the county of Orange burgh and the voting precinct of Connors, making the same representations and concluding with the same prayor. I move that the petition be ref0rred to the Committee on Priv­ileges and Elections . . The motion was agreed to.

:Mr. RIDDLEBEl{GER. I present.a petitionofcitjzensofVirginia, containing 1,851 individual sigun.tures, in favor of a nationa.l Sunday­rest law. I take it for gmnted it is the same as the other Senators here have presented because of the red covering; and I present it recogniz­ing the right of petition; but in presenting it I want to state, what other Senators have not done, my unqualified opposition to any such legislation. I should like for tbe ladies who send these petitions here to understand that the first thing they would hn.ve to do in the way of legislation would be to change market day. For instance, if we sell our cattle in Washington, in order to give them beef on Tuesday we must transport it on Sunday. I should like to know how the Senators from the West would represent their constituents if they were to stop the cattle trains over Sunday at Cumberland, at Wheeling, or some­where erse en rollte. I ask that the petition may be referred.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The petition will be referred to the Committee on Education n.nd Labor.

:Mr. ~ITTCHELL. I present a. similar petition of 355 citizens of Or­egon. I move that it be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. HAWLEY. I present a petition signed by members of the

South Congregational Church of Middletown, Conn., and other citi­zens, entitled • 'A petition to Congress against Sunday work." I move the reference of the petition to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. HOAR presented a petition of citizens of Boston, Mass., praying

for the passage of what is known as the Sunday-rest bill; which was .referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. BLA.IR. I present petitions of several bodies, praying for the passage of a Sunday-rest law. Of the :petitions the following analysis is submitted by those who desire their :presentation:

PeLiiions from national bodies. COXTENTS.

I. Indiritlunl signntures ......... - ............................... -........................... 407 2. Representative signatures by indorsements of bodies and meet-

in!'!! ... ........ ....................................................................................... 1!,174, 337

Total .. , ..................... .... .. ................. . ...... ..... ........................... ~~·· 14,174, 74! Analysis of the latter: -First inrlorsement is that of the American Sabbath Union, which

w-a.s officially constituted by official action of the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, tho Home 1\Iissionary Society of the Baptist Church, the General Assemblies of the Presbyterian Church (North and South), and the Synod of the .Reformed Church, five de­nominations whose membership together lS 5,9TI.693. Of the mem­bership of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, the indorsement of whose international convention stands second at least 20,000 citi· zens of the United States. Of the Knights of Ldbor the indorsement of whose international convention stands third at ienst 2Hl,008 citi­zens of the United States. The PresbyterianG~eral .Assembly, North, whose action stands next, had at the time of the indorsement 722,U71 members. The convention of Christian Workers, whose indorsement is next, had 450 present when the unanimous vote of indorsement was taken.· The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, which comes next, had 185,521 at the time of tbe vote. The Roman Catholics, for whom Cardinal Gibbons speaks, number 7,200,000.

Deducting for those who ure twice or thrice represented, these peti­tions represent thirteen and a half million petitioners.

832 CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD-· SENATE. J .ANU .A:RY 16,

At a low estimate there are on the other petitions presented, besides a multitude who are twice or thrice represented, at least enough to make the total on the 13th of December, 1888, a full fourteen millions.

What I present is the petition of the National Sabbath Union of the United States by Elliott F. Shepard, president, and J. H. Knowles, secretary. Their prayer is very brief:

The undersigned, adult residents of the United States, twenty-one years of a~e or more, hereby earnestly petition your honorable body to pass a. bill for­bidding, in the nation's mail and military service, and in interstate commerce, and in the District of Columbia and the Territories, all Sunday traffic and work, except works of religion and works of real necessity and mercy, and such pri­vate work by those who observe another day as will neither interfere with the general rest nor with public worship.

The next is the petition in like words of the Brotherhood of Loco­motive Engineers, and so throughout, in accordance with the analysis which I :first read. I move that the petitions be referred to the Com­mittee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. BLAIR. I have here a petition of the Woman's Christian Tem­

perance Union of New Jersey with 6,000 members, of Indiana 2,900 members, of Massachusetts 6, 000, of Delaware 800, of Illinois 9, 000, ot Iowa 6,000, of Pennsylvania 6,000, of Dakota 1,000, and the National nearly 200,000, praying Congre~ to instruct the Postmaster-General to make no further contracts which shall include the carriage of the mails on the :first day of the week, and to provide that hereafter no mail matter shall be collected or distributed on that day, and also to forbid interstate commerce on the :first day of the week by railroad trains, and to forbid military drills, musters, and parades of United States cadets, soldiers, and marines on the :first day of the week in times of peace, as interfering not only with the soldier's right to the day of rest, but also with' his rights of conscience. . I move that the petition be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. BLAIR. I present also the petition of the National Woman's

Christian· Temperance Union, department of Sabbath observance, the Dlinois Sabbath Association, the American Sabbath Union, etc., 492 signatures. This is, however, the petition of that body in the State of New Hampshire. I move its reference to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. . !rfr. BLAIR. I present alike petition of 43 citizens of Washington

Territory, collected by the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and also the petition of l 90 citizens or residents of the District of Columbia, collected by the Woinan's Christian Temperance Union, for both of which I ask a like reference.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The petitions will be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr .. EVARTS presented a petition of citizens of New York, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law prohibiting needless Sun­day work in the Government's mail, military service, and interstate commerce; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. PALMER presented a petition of citizens o{ Michigan, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law prohibiting needless Sun­day work in the Government's mail, military service, and interstate commerce; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES.

Mr. BLAIR, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (II. R. 11223) to increase the pension of George A. Glover, re­ported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

l!ir.l!:fORRILL, from theCommitteeonPublicBuild~ngsandGrounds, reported two amendments intended to be proposed to the sundry civil appropriation bill; which were referred to the Committee on Appropria-tions, and ordered to be printed. ··

Mr. SHERMAN. I am directed by the Committee on Foreign Rela­tions to present an amendment intended to be proposed to the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill, providing for indemnity to certain persons, subjects of Japan, who were injured accidentally by .American residents. I move that the proposed amendment be referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and that the accompanying communi­cation of the Secretary of State be printed.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It will be so ordered if there be no objection.

Mr. SPOONER, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was re­ferred the bill (H. R. 6401) for the relief of Charles F. Swain, master ofbark·Philena, reported it without amendment, and submitted are­port thereon.

JOIIN J. SHIPMAN.

· Mr. FAULKNER, from the Committee on Claims, reported the fol­lowing resolution; which was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to: _ Resolt•ed, That ~he J:>ill (S. 2081) entitled ''A bill for the relief' of John J. Ship­man," now pendmg m the Senate, together with all the accompanying papers oo, and the same is hereby, referred to the Courtof"Cla.ims, in pursuance of th~ provisions of a.n act approved 1\Iarch 3, 1883, and an act entitled "An act to pro­vide for the bringing of suits against the Government of the Uniteu States,"

approved March 3, 1887, to find and report to the Senate the facts bearing upon · the merits of the claim, including the loyalty of ~he claimant; and all other facts contemplated by the provisions of said act.

OVERLAND-MAIL GUARD.

Mr. MANDERSON. I am instructed by the Committee on Print­ing to report back the letter of the Secretary of War transmitting cer­tain information in regard to the raising of volunteer troops to guard the overland mails from 1861 to 18661 with a recommendation that the Senate order the usual number of the document to be printed. I ask that such action be now taken.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It is so ordered, if there be no ob· jection.

REPORT OF INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Printing to report back favorably a concurrent resolution with certain amend­ments that I will call the attention of the clerks to. I ask for ita present consideration.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. The Chief Clerk read the concurrent resolution submitted .bY ~Ir.

CULLOM January 10, 1889, as follows: · Resolved by the Senate (the House of Rep1·esentatives concurring hcreill), That

there be printed 5,000 additional copies of the second annual report of thb Interstate Commerce Commission, with the appendices thereto: ~.\.OJ or said copies to be for the use of the Senate and 3,000 for the use of the Hou3e of Rep:. resenta.tives. ·

The Senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the reso­lution.

Mr. l!I.ANDERSON. I move to amend the xesolut.ion in line 4 by striking out " 5, 000 " and inserting " 6, 000."

The amendment was agreed to . Mr. MANDERSON. I move to amend in the last line but_ one by

striking out "3, 000," before the words " for the use of the House Of Representatives," and inserting "4,000." Th~ amen_dment wa.s agreed to. The resolution as amended was agreed to.

BILLS INTRODUCED.

Mt'. CAMERON introduced a bill (S. 3821) to amend an act entitled "An act to provide for the settlement of the claims of .officeis and en­listed men of the Army for loss of private property destroyed in the military service of the -United States," approved March 3, 1885; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. FARWELL introduced a bill (S. 3822) to authorize the State of lllinois to commence and prosecute suits against the United States in the Supreme Court of the United States; which was read twice by ita title, and referred to the Comm~ttee on the Judiciary.

Mr. STOCKBRIDGE introduced a bill (S. 3823) granting a pension to Julia Wheelock Freeman; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. HISCOCK introduced a bill (S. 3824) to provide for an .Ameri­can register for the steam-yachtNautiius, of New York, N. Y.; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accompanying papers, re­ierred to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. PLUMB introduced a bill (S. 3825) granting a pension to Martha J. Dodge; which was read twice by its title, and relcrred to the Com­mittee on Pensions.

He also introduced a bill (S. 3826) granting a pension to Elizabeth Tucker; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Com­mittee on Pensions.

He also introducetl a bill (S. 3827) to divide the State of Kansas into two judicial districts, :fixing terms of court, and for the appoint­ment of jud,ges and other officers therein; which was·read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. HOAR introduced a bill (S. 3828) granting a pension to :Mary Baldwin; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Com­mittee on Pensions.

:Mr. MITCHELL introduced a bill (S. 3829) for the relief of Joseph Pennig; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Com-mittee on Indian Affairs. ·

PUBLIC BUILDING ~ SAN FRANCISCO.

Mr. STANFORD submitted the following report: The committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on

the amendments of the House to the bill {S. 1931) to increase the appropriation for the purchase of a site for o. building for a. post-office, court-house, and other offices in San Francisco, Cal., having met, after full and free conference have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the Senate recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the House numbered 1, and agree to tho same with an amendment to strike out" eight hundred and fifty thousand" and insert" $800,000;" and the House agree to the same.

The report was concurred in.

LELAND STANFORD, JOHN 0. SPOONER, G. G. VEBT,

Managers on the part of the Senate. Slli'L DffiBLE, 0. NEWTON, P. 8. POST,

Managers on the pa1·t of the House.

1H89 . . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-. SENATE. 833. P"L"BLIC BUILDING .AT MILWAUKEE.

Mr. SPOONER submitted the following report: The committee of conference· on the disagreeing votes of t-he two Houses on

the amendments of the House to the bill (S.l54) for the erection of a public build­ing at .l\lil waukee, 'Vis., having met, after full and free conference have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That tbA House recede from its amendments to the said bill and agree to the same with the following amendments:

1. In second line, first page, before the word :• purchas~," i_ns~rt the words "acquired by;" and after the word "purchase," In same hne, msert the words "condemnation or otherwise."

2. In eleventh line, first page, before the word "and," insert the words "and the cost of said site shall not exceed the sum of $400,000."

3. In fifteenth line, second page, after tha word "city," insert the words "at a cost, however, not exceeding $300,000."

.And that the Senate agree to the same.

The report was concurred in.

JOHN C. SPOONER, WM. B . .ALLISON, G. G. VEST,

Managers on the part of the Senate. S.AM'L DIBBLE, 0. NEWTON, P. S. POST,

Managers on the pa1·t of the House.

PUBLIC DUILDING .AT 0:\I.AII.A.

Mr. SPOONEH submitted the following report: The committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on

the amendments of the House to the bill (S. 182) to provide for the purchase of a site and the erection of a public building thereon at Omaha, Nebr., having met, after full and free conference have agreed to recommend and do recommend to their respective Houses as follows:

That the House recede from its amendments to the said bill, and agree to the same with the following amendments:

I. In thi!:"d line first page, strike out the words "proceedings Jn accordance with the laws of Nebraska" and insert in lieu thereof the words "or other­wise."

2. In tenth line, first page, after the word "dollars," insert" and the cost of said site shall not exceed the sum of $400,000."

3. Strike out section 3 and insert in lieu thereof the following: "Sxc. 3. That the sum of SOOO,OOO be, and the same is he·reby, appropriated,

out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purchase of said site and the commencement of said building."

.A.nd that the Senate agree to the same.

The report was concurred in.

JOHN 0. SPOONER, W. B . .ALLISON, G. G. VEST,

Manage1·s on the part of the Senate. SAl\IUEL DIBBLE, .JOHN .A. 1\IcSHANE, ROBERT P. KENNEDY,

Managers on the part of the House.

STATE NATIONAL BANK mf LOUISIANA.

The PRESIDENT pro tentpo~·e. Is there further morning business? Mr. ALLISON. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration

of House bill 9051. _ The PRESIDENT pro tempm·e. If there be no further morning busi­

ness, that order is closed, and the Calendar under Rule VIII . being in order, the Senator from Iowa moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the bill (H. R. 9051) to t·educe taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the c6llection of the revenue.

lir. VOORHEES. Will the Senator from Iowa allow me to correct an error of my own which was made yesterday? In calling up the bill to relieve the State Nationn.l Bank of Louisiana by referring the claim to the Court of Claims the wrong bill was passed. It was a Sen­ate bill reported from the Committee on Claims; but since their report the House of Representatives has passed exactly the same bill. I want to n:tove to reconsider the vote by which the Senate bill was passed yes­terday in order to move the House bill as a substitute, so that when the Senate passes that bill it will be through.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Will the Senator state whether the House bill is on the Calendar?

Mr. VOORHEES. It is not on the Calendar. It is the same bill, however. I have conferred with the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Ho.A.R], the member of the Committee on Claims who reported the Senate bill. .

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. What is the parliamentary stage of the bill?

1\Ir. VOORHEES. It is just a Honse bill sent over here and re­ferred to the Committee on Claims. ~e PRESIDENT pro tempore. Then the proper motion would be

to discharge the committee from the further consideration of the bill. Mr. VOORHEES. It is House bill 3715. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Indiana moves

that the Committee on Claims be discharged from the further consid­eration of House bill 3715.

Mr. SPOONER. Do I understand the Senator from Indiana to say that the bill :Is still in the hands of the Committee on Claims?

1\Ir. HOAR. The bill bas been favorably reported by the commit­tee, if the Senator will pardon me.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. A Senate bill. Mr. VOORHEES. And this is exactly the same bill passed by the

XX--53

House since the committee reported the Senate bill. It is the same bill exactly.

Mr. HOAR. The bill came over here. I do not know where it is on the files, but I have seen the printed bill with the evidence that it was passed by the House and sent here to the Senate. It came over here within the last three or four days of the last session. We had re­ported from the Committee on Claims a bill. The House bill is iden­tical with one exception; and that is, the Senate bill provides that the Court of Claims shall consider all the evidence which either the claim­ant or the United States used at the former hearing. The House bill does not insert the words ''.United States," which of course should be inserted, but I understand, on inquiry of the gentleman who reported the bill in the House, and he has investigated it, that there was no evidence used by the United Stp.tes at the hearing before except certain public documents, which the Court of Claims always admits. There-: fore it does not seem necessary, although strictly that should be done, to send the bill back to the House with an amendment. That is the history of it.

The PRESIDENT p1·o tempore. The proper motion would be to dis­charge the Committee on Claims from the further consideration of the bill.

Mr. VOORHEES. I make that motion. I move that the Committee on Claims be discharged from the further consideration of the bill (II. R. 3715) for the relief of the State National Bank of New Orleans, formerly the Louisiana State Bank, which is exactly the bill that has been reported, I assure the Senator from Wisconsin. ~Iy object is to get it through at this session, and I do not believe I can do so unlP.SS I can have this done.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there objection? The Chair hears none. The Committee on Claims is discharged from the ·fnrther consideration of the bill. The bill is before the Senate as in Commit­tee of the Whole, if there be no objection, and will be read.

The Chief Clerk read the bill. Mr. SPOONER. There is one feature of that bill which seems to

me to be objectionable. It is mandatory upon the court that it shall receive in evidence all letters and papers that may have been filed in the Department, no matter whether at law the evidence would be com­petent or not.

Mr. VOORHEES. I will say to the Senator from Wisconsin . that the language is just the same on that point clS in the bill reported from the Committee on Claims. I assure the Senator from Wisconsin thero . is no harm in this measure. The only object is to get it through so as to have it become a law at this session.

Mr. CULL01t:f. If the Senator will allow me, I should like to in­quire if he knows the amount of money that is involved in this investi­gation.

1\fr. VOORHEES. I do not know how much. It iS a bill which has passed the Senate three times. It was reported by Senator Howen · Jackson and by others, the most careful men here. . It has been three times reported in this body. It has been three t1mes passed. The trouble was always to get action in the other House. Now the House has given us a bill which is the same bill exactly that has been here all the time, and my object in getting it up is, when I get it through, that that will be the end of it; and I implore the Senator from Wisconsin to join me in this laudable enterprise. ·

1t1r. CULLOM. It seems to me we might as. well allow the claim here if we require the court simply to take the testimony on file.

1tlr. VOORHEES. Oh, no; the case is to be determined by the Court of Claims. It has been one of the most thoroughly prepared bill~ that have been here.

Mr. CULLOM. 1 will inquire further if there is any printed report showing the fact.B in connection with it?

Mr. VOORHEES. Yes, sir. Mr. CHANDLER. I should like to ask the Senn.tor from Indiana a.

question-whether the legal effect of the bill is only to remove the bar of the statute of limitations? ·

Mr. VOORHEES. That is all, and then to try the case on the proofs that are in the Treasury Department, and such others as the Court of Claims may have taken.

1\Ir. CHANDLER. I should like to ask, if the Senator will allow me, whether the Committee on Claims of this body has approved the removal of that statutory bar?

Mr. VOORHEES. Here is the bill they reported, which was passed yesterday by mistake. It was unanimously reported from the Com­mittee on Claims, and it contains the same provisions exactly.

:Mr. CHANDLER. It does remove the bar of the statute of limita­tions?

Mr. VOORHEES. Certainly. That has been done over and over again.

1\ir. PLATT. My trouble about the bill is that it seems to me thnt the clause which provides that the papers on file in the Treasury De­partment shall be received by the court as evidence is a little too sweeping. I wish to read that clause. It is as follows:

That the testimony and ori2inal papers filed by said bank before the Trea&­ury Department of the United States in c~nnection with said claim b~. and the

834 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

aameshall be, received by Sll.i.d court as evidence as if bkcn or filed under the rules of said court.

I suppose that many of those papers must have been ex parte affi­davits. I do not know how that may be, but it does not seem to me that in a bill of this sort we ought to provide t-hat the Court of Claims shall receive as evidence ex parte affidavits the same asif they had been t-aken in coo rt.

M:r. ALLISON. I appenl to the Senator from Indiana--Mr. PLATT. I should like to look at the report in this case. I do

not want to delay tbe bill. 1\Ir. ALLISON. I was about to appeal to the Senator from Inilia.na

to give Senators an opportunity to look into this. Mr. ROAR. Before that is done I would like to say one word. Mr. President, I have not the facts ,of this case in my memory at

present. I reported it some months ago. It was originally examined with great. care by the late Senator Jackson, of Tennessee, one of the most careful and thorough lawyers we ever had in the Senate. It was carefully examined by the Committee on Claims, ::md it was their unan­imous report·. It has been reported two or threo times from that com­mittee. H is not the removaJ of the bar of the statute of limitations from a claim .against the Government. It is one of those cases of cl.a.ims of owners of cotton seized and 8old by the Government the pro­ceeds of which were in the possession of the Government as a special fund out of which payment has been allowed, where there were some circumstances which made the remornl of the bar of the statute seem proper. There is not any real statute of limitations, because I do not unuerstand that the remedy was by appeal to the Court of .Claims. Some considerable time has elapsed. They were before Congress, I be­lien~, at a very early day for the prosecution of their claim. The facts will appear in the o~rrinal report if Senators will look at it, and with­out being able to state what the case is now, my recollection is it is a "fery clear and plain case. - Mr. SPOONER. I appeal to the Senat-or from Indiana not to press

the bill to-day, but let it go overnntil to-morrow, and in the mean time it can be examined into by Senators. I desire to examine it further myself. I think I concurred in the report on the merits of the claim, and do not see any objection to it now, but I do not exactly like the form of tbis bill.

Mr. VOORHEES. I yield to the suggestion of the Senator from Wi<>eonsin.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Shall the bill be again committed to the committee or remain on the Calendar?

Mr. VOORHEES. Let it remain on the Calendar. The PRESIDENT pt·o te1npore. The Chair will inquire whether a

message shall be sent t-o the House of Representatives to recall the bill (S. 205) for the relief of the State National Bank of Louisiana, that was passed yesterday on the motion of the Senator from Inc:lk'Ulllo [:Mr. VOORHEES], that it maybe in the custody of the Senate?

~Ir. COCKRELL. That ought to be done as a matter of course. The PRESIDENT pro ttmpore. It will be so ordered if there be no

objection. THE REV'lnoolJE LAWS.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The regular order will be proceeded with.

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the considera­tion of the bill (H. R. 9051) to reduce taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the collection of t-he revenue, the pending question being on the amendment proposed by Mr. VEST, in line 2206, paragmph 670 of the free-list, to strike out "Ottar of roses n and insert "Salt; n so as to read:

670. Salt.

Mr. ALLISON. I hope we shall have a vote on that _ important amendment.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on the amendment of the Senator from 1\fissouri [Mr. VEST], on which the yeas and nays have been ordered.

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. Mr. FARWELL (when his name was called). I desire to announce

tbat I am paired with the Senator from Florida [Mr. PASco]. Mr. HALE (when his name was called). My pair with the Sena­

tor from Kentucky [.Mr. BECK] is transferred to the Senator from Ne­vada. [Mr. JoNES]. I vote" nay."

Mr. HOAR (when his name was called). I am p:1ired with the Sen­ator from North Carolina [Mr. RANSOM].

lir. MORRILL (when his name was called). My pair with the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. HARRIS] having been transferred to the Senator from Colorado [.Mr. BoWEN], I vote "nay."

The roll-call was concluded. Mr. BLACKBURN. I am paired with the Senator from Nebraska.

[Mr. MANDERSON]. If he were in his seat, I should vote "yea." ~fr. ALLISON. I will allow my v-ote t-o stand, and the Senator from

Kentucky [M:r. BLACKBUR....v] agreeing, I will transfer the pair of the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. MoPHERSo:s] to t-he Senator from Ne­braska [Mr. MAJWKRSO "'], and allow the Senator from Kentucky to vote. •

Mr. BLACKBURN. Then I vote, Mr. President. I vote ''yea." Mr. WILSON, of Maryland. I inquire whether the Senator from

Iowa [Mr. WILSON] has voted? The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. PLATT in the chair). He has not

voted. Mr. WILSON, of Maryland. I am paired with the Senator from

Iowa [~Ir. WILSON], and therefore refrain from voting. Mr. COC~ELL. I am paireO. with the junior Senator from Kan­

sas (Mr. PLUMB]. We shall be compelled to be in the Committee on AppropriatiollS the greater part of the day and are paired with each other. I should vote "yea.," and he would Tote "nay," if present.

Mr. ~!ANDERSON. On this question I am paired with the Senator fTom New Jersey [Mr. McPHERSON]. Ifhe were present, I should vote "nay."

Mr. GEORGE (after havin~ voted in the affirmative). Has the Sen­ator from New Hampshire (Mr. BLAIR] voted?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshireis not recorded.

1\fr. GEORGE. I am paired with him. I withdraw my vote. I would vote ''yea '' of course.

The result was announced-yeas 23, nays 26; as follows:

nate, llerry, Hl..'lck b urn, .BuUl·r, Call , Coke,

AlddclJ, Allisotl, Cameron, Chace, Cbandl£r, Cullom, Da'\les,

Colquitt;, Daniel, Eusti~ , Faulb.-ncr, Gibson, Gray,

Dolph, :Edmunds, Evarts , I•' rye, Hale, Hawley, Hiscock,

Farwell, George, Gorman, Jiarris, Hearst, lloar,

YE.A.S-23. Hampton, Tm·pie, Jonet~ of Arkansas, Vance, 1\Iorgan, Vest, Pugh, Voorhees, Reagan, 'Valthall. Saulsbury,

NAYs-2G. Ingalls Mitclu~ll, Morrill. I>addock, Pl tt, Quay, Sawyer,

.A.BSENT-27. Kenna, McPherson, 1\Ianderson, Palmer, Pasco,

Sherman, Spooner, Stewart, Stockbridge, Teller.

R&nRom, Riduleberger, Sabin, Stanford, Wilson of Iowa, Wilson of l\Id.

Beck, Blair, Blodgett, Bo'\len, Brown , Uockrell, Davis, Jones of Nevada,

Payne, Plumb,

So the amendment was rejecteJ. . ~Ir. ALLISON. I move, on page 116, to strike out paragraph 173

and insert in lieu of it what I send to the de..<Ut. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment of the Senator from

Iowa will be stated. The CHIEF CLERK. On page 116, it is proposed to strike out para­

graph 173, as follows: 173. Penknives or pocket-knives of all kinds, knife-blades, razors, and razor­

bla<les,OO cents per dozen blades and 25 per cent. 1\d valorem.

And in lieu thereof to insert: 173. Penknives orpoeket-knives of all kinds, or parts thereof', wholly or partly

manufactured, valued at not more than GO cents per dozen, 12 cents vcr dozen; valued at more than 50 cent.s per dozen and not exceeding S2 perdozen,3G cents per dozen; valued at more than !2 per dozen, 60 cents per dozen, and in n.dui­tJon thereto on all the ab.ove 50 per cent. ad val•>rem.

Uazors and razor-blades1 finished or unfinished, valued at not more than ~4 per dozen, 51 per dozen; valued at more than S4 per do~n1 81.25 per dozen, and in addition thereto on all the abOYe razors and razor-b1a<1es 30 per cent. ad va­lorem.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is the Senate ready for the question ? Mr. VEST. Does the Senn.tor want to take that vote now? Mr. ALLISON. Yes, sir. Mr. VEST. That is a very material change in that schedule, and I

would like to examine it. We have hnd no notice of it, and it is brought in here now without any chance for us to examine it at all. I will ask that it lie over and be printed so that we can look into it by morning.

:Mr. ALLISON. Does the Senator want to take it up later in the day?

r. VEST. I want a chance to examine it. . We have a day fixed for the vote, and it makes no difference.

Mr . .ALLISON. I will allow it to pass over to give the Senator an opportunity. I may want to call it up later in the day.

'l'he PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Missouri ask that the amendment be printed?

Mr. VEST. I should rnther the Senator would say that we are to take it up in the morning. It makes no di1ference about the final re­sult, because we have agreed · on the day to take the vote, nnd it is eimply a question of courtesy and convenience to us. It is impossi~le for us to examine it during the day w hil.st we arc engaged in a runnrng debate on the it-ems. ;

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I should like the Senator from Iowa to ,yield to me to offer an amendment to the free-list, to .remain pending until the matter shall be reached in the body of the bill.

Tho PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair suggests that the matter now pending before the Senate be disposed of first.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENA~rE. 835 Mr. ALLISON. I will allow this amendment to be passed over un­

til to-morrow morning with the understanding that it is t-o be consid­ered then.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senntor from. Missouri de­sire tbat the amendment bo printed?

Mr. YES'r. Y cs, sir. • The PRESIDING OFFICER. It will be so ordered, if there be no

objection. Mr. ALLISON. I wish to ofrer one amcndmen t, if the Senator from

Arkansas will allow me. On page 115, line 730, I move to strike out "20 " and insert "15."

The P HESIDING OFFICER. The amenrlment will be reported. The CHIEF CLERK. On page 115, paragraph 172t line. 730, it-is pro­

posed to strike out "20" and insert "15;" so as to read: 172. Table knives, forks, steels, and all carving, butchers', cooks', hunting,

kitchen, bread, butter, vegetable, fruit, cheese, plumbers'. painters', poJette, and artists' knives of all sizes. finished or unfinished, valued nt not more than $1 per dozen pieces, 15 cents per dozen.

Mr. VEST. What line is that? 1\l:r. ALLISON. Line 730. Mr. VANCE. I think that ought to go over with the other. It re­

lates to the same thing) cutlery. 1\Ir. ALLISON. Tbat is a reduction. l\fr. VANCE . . Yes, I know it is a reduction of the text of the bill,

but it lacks a great deal of being a reduction upon the article itself. Mr. ALLISON. Perhapa it does. Mr. VANCE. I think the whole of the amendments pertaining to

cutlery in this schedule should go over and be considered at the same time.

Mr. ALLISON. Very well; I will allow it to be passed over. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is it the desire that the amendment

shall be printed? Mr. ALLISON. That is easily understood. I do not think it is

necessary to print it. On page 112, paragraph 155, line 643, I move to strike out "six"

n.nd insert "eight," and in line 644 to strike out ''eight n and insert ''ten " and in line 645 to strike out "thirteen" and insert "fifteen." Th~ PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair is informed that those

amendments are alt·eady pending. 1\tr. ALLISON. Very well, then I want to have them acted on. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendments will be reported

separately from the desk. The CHIEF CLERK. In line 643, page 112, paragraph 155, before the

word'' cents," it is proposed to strikeout'' six" and insert" eight;" so as to read:

Cross-cut saws, 8 cents per linear foot .. The amendment was agreed to. · The CrriEF CLERK. In the same paragraph, line 644, after the word

"wide," it is proposed to strike out 11 eight" and insert "ten;" so as to read:

Mill, pit, a.nd drn.g saws. not over 9 inches wide, 10 cc.nts per liilea-r foot. The amendment was agreed to. Tbe CHIEF CLERK. In the same paragraph, line 645, after the word

"wide," it is proposed to strike out "thirteen" and insert ":fifteen;" so as to read:

0\cl' 9 incllCs wide, 15 cents per linear foot.

The amendment was agreed to. Mr. ALLISON. I ask the Senate to proceed to the consideration

now of paraj!!aphs 144 and 145, which we passed over, and act ·on the amendments I offered yesterday.

The PRESIDING OFFICElL The Senator from Iowa asks for the consideration of a 11aragraph which has been passed over-p::u-agraph 144, on page lOG. The amendment proposed by him to that paragraph mll be read.

The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out paragraph 144, as follows: ·

Ht SheetR, of :iron or steel, common or black, including all iron or steel commercially known as common or black taggers' iron or steel, and skelp iron or steel· valued at 3 cents per vou.nd or less: Thinner than No. 10 and not thin­nor tha~ No. 20 wire gauge, L1 cents per pound; thinner than No. 20 wire gauge nnd not thinner than No. 25 wire gauge, 1.2 cents per pound; thinnerth&u No. 25 wire gauge and notthinnertha.nNo. 29 wire gau~e.lAcentsperpoand; thin­ner than No. 29 wire gauge, 1.5 cents per pound: Prorided, That all common or bla.ck sheet-iron or sheet-steel not thinner than No. 10 wire gauge shall pay o. duty as plate-iron or plate-steel .

.And to insert in lieu thereof: 14-t .. Sheets of iron or steel, common or black, including o.ll iron or ste~l com·

mere1ally known as common or black taggers' iron or steel, and skelp 1ron or steel; valued at 3 cents per pound or 1CI58: Thinner than No.lO n.nd not thinner than No. 20 wire gange, I cent pel' pound· thinner than No. 20 wire gauge and not thinner than No. 25 wire gauge., 1.1 c~nts per pound· thinner than No. 25 wire !fllUg~ a.nd no~ thinner than No. 29 wire gau~e. L3 c~nls per pound; thin­ner than ~o. 2'J wue gauge, L4 cents per pound; corn1gated or crimped, 1.4 cents per pound: Pro'IJided, That all common or black s.heetrir• or sheet-steel not thinner than No. 10 wire gauge shall pa.y a. du~y ns plate-iron or pJ.ate-steel.

Mr. AJ,LISON. I desire to modifiy the amendment by striking out, in lines 8 9 and 10 "and not thinner than N'o. 29 wire gnugc, 1.3 cents per po~nd, 2 ' an

1d also by striking out ''and also thinner than No.

29 wire gauge," the object being a modification to make the amend­ment read:

Thinner than No.2;) wire gauge, 1.4 cents per pound. Dispensing with one classification. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment will be so modified. 1\Ir. CII.ANDLER I desire to ask a question of the Senator from

Iowa in charge of the bill, but I do not wish to prevent the Senator from Arkansas from making the inquiry that he desires.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I bad almost abanaoned the idea of get­ting an opportunity to say anything.

Ur. ALLISON. The Senator from Arkansas will pardon me. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I asked the permission of the Senate to

offer an amendment to a pa~o-raph in the free-list which would come up in connection with the matter he has already called up. I wanted to mo\e in order to ha-ve pending an amendment to paragraph 772 of the free-list by adding at the end of that paragraph the words "tin­plates, tcrne-plntes, and tuggers' tin," the purpose being to put those articles on the fre~li.st.

Mr . .ALLISON. That may be r~<TB.rded as pending. I do not object to that being oirered.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Iowa with­draw his amendment for the purpose of allowing action on the amend­ment the Senator from Arkansas proposes?

Mr. ALLISON. No, I do not withdraw my amenllment. The Sen­ator from Arkansas gives notice, as I understand, that he will offer that amendment, and it is directly in connection with this question, so that both amendments may be considered pending.

The PRESIDING OFFICER The question is on the amendment proposed by the Senator from Iowa (Mr . .A.Lusos].

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. The amendment proposed by the Sena­tor from Iowa--

Mr. ALLISON. I will state to the Senator that the amendment now proposed does not affect directly the question of tin-pl3tes. That is in the next paragraph.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. The amendment as submitted by the Senator from Iowa has not been printed, has it?

Mr. ALLISON. Yes, sir, it bas been printed. Tbe PRESIDING OFFICER It has been. modified 'since it was

printed. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. The proposition is to haven vote on the

first naragmph the Senator proposes to amend.. Mi. ALLISON. Yes, sir. I thlnk there will be no objection to

these amendments. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on the amendment

proposed py the Senator from Iowa. The amendment wns agreed to. Mr. ALLISON. Now I offer the next amendment which I have

sent up. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The a111endment will be stat-ed. The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed to strike out paragraph 145, as

follows: 14 .. ">. Sheets:, of iron or steel, corrugated or crimped, L 4 cents per pound: Pro­

vided, Tha.t on all iron or steel sheets or plates and on all hoop, band, or scroll iron or steel, excepting on what are known commercially as ti.n-platcs, terne­plates, and tuggers' tin, and hereafter provided for, when g:n.lvnnized or coated with zinc or spelter, or other meto.ls, or any alloy of those meta~ three-fourths of1 cent.. per pound additional du.tysha.lll>e po.id~

And insert in lieu thereof: HS. All iron and steel sheets or plates nnd all hoop, ba.nd, or scroll iron or

steel, excepting what are kno'!u commercially as ti_n-plates, tem~p.latel:! . and taggers' tin, and hereafter prov1ded for, when galvamzed or coated w1th zmc or spelter or other metals, or any alloy of those metals, shall pay three-fourths of 1 cent per potllld more duty than the corresponding ganges of common o~ black: sheet or tuggers' iron or steel; and on and after January 1,1890, all such Iron or steel s.heets when coated wil.h tin, or lead, or with o. mixture of which these metals., or-either of them, is a component part. by the dipping or any other-proc­ess, and commercially known as tin-plates, terne-pla.~. a:nd taggers' tin, shall pay three-fourths of 1 cent per pound more duty than the. couespondi.ng gauges of black sheet or taggers' iron. or steeL

· The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on this amendment proposed by the Senator from Iowafrom the Committee on Finance.

Mr • . JONES o! Arkansas. 1\Ir. President; I should like to ask the Senator from iowa wba.t under tbe modification which he offers this morninrr of the amendm~t offered a day or two ago, the tariff on the • steel and iron sheets which are used in tin-plates will be.? The modi­fication he makes this morning I did not understand.. He has made some changes in the proposed amendment, and I do not undenrtnnd what they are.

1\fr. ALLISON. It depends somewhat on the gauge. If they are thinner than No. 25 wire gau"e which I think most plates are, the duty would be 1.4 cents per p;u~d and thr~fon.rths of a cent added.

lli. JONES, of Arkansas. Three-fourths of a cent- would be added on aecount of the tinning? . . . .

M.:r. ALLISON. On account of ~~ p1~h.ng,. cleanmg, etc. The process of convertin,~t black tuggers uon mto tin-plates would have three-forutl1s of a cent addition.

Mr. JONES) of .A.rkan&'lS. I understand under the 'PJ"OposeU amend­ment now the duty on iron :md steel plates will be 1.4 cents a pound.

836 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16~·

Mr. ALLISON. On common black taggers' iron or steel it would be 1.4 cents. Then on the processes-not the tinning alone, but the cleaning, pickling by acid, cold il'Olling, etc.-all those processes that are necessary before tin-plate can be made, we allow three-fourths of a cent a pound.

1\Ir. JONES, of Arkansas. So that the tax on tin-plates will amount to 2.15 cents.

~fr. ALLISO:N. Yes, sir; on that class, thinner than No. 25 wire gauge.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I offered, a few minutes ago, an amend­ment to be pending to the free-list by which I propose to put this article on the free-list. I suppose if the amendment now under consideration should be adopted, the one I proposed would be rejected, and I have no doubt that will be the fate of the two amendments as offered to the Se:1ate,

The report of the Treasury Department which we :find on our desks shows that there were imported into this country in the last :fiscal year, 1887, 570,643,389 pounds of tin-plates, terne-plates, and taggers' tin. Upon those a tariff of 1 cent a pound was levied, and there was col­lected into the Treasury upon this article $5,706,433.89. This large amount of money is collected into the Treasury of the United States where it is not needed and not wanted, and collected from the consum­ers ofthe country, who are really ill able to bear unnecessary bmdens. It W'OUld seem to any reasonable man proposing to devise a way to avoid the collection of a tax not needed by the Government levying it and which can not easily or justly be paid by the people from whom it is collected, would be the simple, plain, direct way of remitting the tax, and thus get rid of it by simply not collecting it.

Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation, and here we have the fact indisputable that the Government does not need this amount of money, and that the people ought not to pay it; and yet when I propose to the Senate that this article shall go on the free-list, that the Government shall not collect what it does not need, we have it replied to by the Committee on Finance proposing to raise this tax more than 100 per cent. That is directly in line with the suggestion made by Mr. Swank some time since, and which I presented to the Senate, that the proper way to reduce revenue is to increase taxation.

The purpose of this proposed change of the Finance Committee is to prevent the collection of this $5,000,000 into the Treasury, but it is not intended to prevent the paying of the tax by the people. Instead of levying a tax for revenue, instead of levying a tax which is to be paid by the people to the Government, the intention of the amendment of the committee is to change this tax so that it shall be a tax levied by the Government in the name of revenue for the purposes of private trib­ute.

I am not surprised by the action of the committee. I was surprised tbat the committee should bring this bill in without any proposed change in the rate on tin-plates in the first instance.

Mr. ALLISON. Will the Senator allow me to say just one word on that point?

Mr. JONES, of A1·kansas. Certainly. l\Ir. ALLISON. The committee stated, or at least I stated for the

committee, that at a later period we should propose an amendment relati're to the duty on tin-plates. When the bill was originally re­ported we had not sufficient information, and it is so stated in the re· port, upon which to base what we considered a wise provision as re­spects tin-plates so as not to increase the revenue and at the same time encourage the manufacture of the article in this country. That in­formation we have been able to gather since, which enables us to bring in this proposition.

l\1r. VEST. I should like to ask the Senator from Iowa a question. He says he bas additional information now upon this subject. Has he information that any tin or terne plate manufactories are in existence in t~is c.ountry. now, or that there is any immediate prospect of any commg mto exiStence?

Mr. ALLISON. I will say to the Senator in response to that in­quiry-and it is a very pertinent and very proper one in this connec­tion-that there are quite a number of establishments which could im­mediately enter upon the production of these tin-plates, or at least

• within a very brief period, probably within thirty days, and that we have assurances, and believe from examination and investigation that wit~in t~e time fixed for the taking effect of this new bill, th~re will be m this country a sufficient plant to manufacture all the tm-plate that we use. I have no doubt of it.

l\fr. JONES, of Arkansas. I should like, ifthe Senator from Missouri is through--

Mr. VEST. I am through. . l\1r. JO:NES, of Arkansas. I should like to ask the Senator from

Iowa if he has furnished the Senate the additional information which -the committee have had since the :first report was made to the Senate.

Mr. ALLISON. The information is simply this: There are now im­ported into the United States 283 000 tons of tin-plate. That is avery large amount of tin-plate. The basis of that, of course, is sheet-iron, common black sheet-iron. I twas manifest to the committee that if we increased this duty to take effect immediately, the effect would be to

largely increase the revenue. Therefore the committee first contem· plated a provision whereby certain gauges of tin-plate should be prb­vided for to be manufactured in this country and certain other gauges to be imported, and I sent to the collector of the port of New York, under the direction of the committee, for information as to the various gauges of tin-J1la.te in order that we might draw a line, if possible, at the different gauges.

The collector of the port of New York informed me that it required a considerable time to prepare that information. It was very impor­tant information to the committee. That was not received at the date of the reporting of this bill, and therefore ·the committee had not ac­curate information upon which to base an amendment covering the pro­duction of tin-plate in this country. That information came afterwards. It disclosed that a large portion of the tin-plate imported into thi~ coun­try is thinner than No. 29 wire gauge, that being the line we had in­tended to mark out.

So the committee found that it would be impossible to draw a line of demarkation between the gauges of tin-plate. Therefore, after looking into the matter fnrther, we decided to allow the present rate of duty to stand upon ti,n-plate until the 1st of January, 1890, which will allow a sufficient plant to be erected in this country to produce all the tin­plate needed, but in the mean time a considerable amount of tin-plate will be pr(Jduced in this country in view of the increased protection to American manufacturers.

That is the information, I will state to the Senator, and that is the reason. If we had received the information which we sought from the collector of the port of New York, who I think has been very dil1gent in furnishing all information, we should have produced when the bill was reported some provision on this subject. · Mr. VEST. I shonld like.to ask the Senator from Iowa how it was

that the committee happened to fix the rates that are found in the pending bill and now come in with an amendment that decreases them. As I understand the amendments proposed by the committee now-I have not had time to examine them this morning-they decrease the rates in the reported bill.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. No, they do not. Mr. VEST. They do not? Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. They more than double the duty. The

rates are increased over 100 per cent. l\Ir. VEST. I understand they are decreased in the existing bill. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. A nominal decrease, but a real increase. Mr. VEST. I mean the bill reported from t.he committee. l\Ir. JONES, of Arkansas. They have increased. They make the

rate on tin-plates three-fourths of a cent in addition to the amount levied on the iron plates.

J\fr. VANCE. It is a very decided increase. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. More than 100 per cent. Mr. ALLISON. The Senator from Missouri has one thing in mind­

! do not want to disturb the Senator from Arkansas-which, I think, I underatand, and that iF, ne wants to know why we have reduced the duty upon common black taggers' iron and steel from the original re­port.

Mr. VEST. That is it. Mr. ALLISON. I will say to the Senator in response to that, that

we have reduced two gauges, two grades .. J\Ir. V .A.NCE. One-tenth of a cent. Mr. ALLISON. One-tenth of a cent, and we have practically in­

creased one gauge, and the reason of that is that the committee, on further examination, believe that the rates we have :fixed now will be sufficient to protect this industry in this country. ·

I will say to the Senator that in making this change in paragraph 144 we had already reduced it upon iron of this class, but we had in­creased the duty upon steel, and it was in the readjustment of this matter that we made the changes proposed. There is nothing remark­able, I trust, in that.

Jlrlr. VEST. I am not complaining. . Mr • .ALLISON. Certainly the Senator will not complain of the re- .

duction. Mr. VEsT. In the printed testimony of the committee the wit­

nesses who gave their testimony in regard to tin-plates said that. a cer~ tain amount of duty, which I think was above even that placed m the reported bill, was absolutely necessary to bring this industry into ex­istence in the United States, and I wanted to know what additional testimony had come in that caused these· changes. I have never seen it.

Mr. ALLISON. I will say to the Senator that the amendment re­ported by me is the proposition of the producers of these articles in this country, stating that with the duty which we now propose they will embark in and can manufacture tin-plate in this country in com­petition with Great Britain.

Mr; VANCE. Will the Senator allow me to ask him a question, and that qtetion is this: Was not this advance upon tin-plate made at the request of manufacturers of the black sheet-iron with which the tin-plate comes directly in conflict?

Mr. ALLISON. The amendments in paragraph 144? Mr. V .A.NCE. Increasing the duty on tin-plates to three-fourths ol

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 837 a cent more per pound than the duty on black hon, which is the basis ofit. .

}tfr. ALLISON. No, sir; I do not think it was. 1\Ir. VANCE. Not made at the request of the sheeli-iron men, who,

I understand, were in the city yesterday, and perhaps are here now? Ur. ALLISON. I have no doubt they are here now. There is no

harm in their being here, I hope. Mr. VANCE. None in the world. Isupposeitisnecessary for them

to be here in order to protect their interests. Ur. ALDRICH. They made no request to the committee, to my

knowledge, in regard to that. " Mr. ALLISON. I have heard of no such request. I know they rather protested against our modifications here, but we have made them, or propose to make them, if the Senate will agree. •

Mr. VANCE. Mr. President--The PRESIDING OFFICEH.. 'rhe Senator from Arkansas [Mr.

JONE.S] is entitled to the floor. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I yield to the Senator from North Caro­

lina. · Mr. VANCE. I simply wanted to ~11 attention while on my feet to t~e fac~ of the enormous increase of the duty on tin-plates by this ~od1ficat1on of the committee. 'rhe bla.ck iron, of which the tin-plate lS made, bears a duty under this bill of 1.4 cents a pound, and the tin­plate now bears a duty of 1 cent per pound. Now, the duty on tin­plate is made three-fourths of a cent per pound more than the duty whieh is imposed upon the black sheet-iron out of which it is made, which makes it about 2! cents, as I hastily cipher ib.

Mr. ALLISON. Two and fifteen one-hundredths. Mr. VANCE. Two and fifteen one-hundredths cents a pound on the

tin-plates, which not only forces the sale but increases the price to those people who use the black iron and the sheet-iron, and increases very largely the cost of all the tin-ware of this country, tin roofs, and every use to which tin-plates are put. It is a most outrageous price. Con­sidering it in this hurried way, which we have protested against again and again, it is impossible for us to arrive at the actual figures; but I venture to say thi! will be fully 100 per cent. duty upon tin-plates.

M:r. JONES, of Arkansas. Mr. President, the statement of the Sen­ator from Iowa, then, seems to come to · this conclusion, that his com­mittee are unwilling to increase the tariff on tin-plates from 1 cent to 2.15 cents per pound immediately for the reason that this increase would add largely to the revenues of the Government.; they regard the excess ofrevenue as a very great evil, but the taxation from which the revenue results does not seem to be such a terrible calamity in the opinion of the Committee on Finance, and as soon as an arrangement­can be niade by which the revenue resulting from this excessive taxa­tion shall go into private pockets and shall not go into the coffers or the Government, they are perfectly satisfied to put this increased tax: ~to operation, the evil to be avoided being not th.e burden of taxa­tion, but ~he Government gets it while the tin-plate association wants it.

As I sa1d ~ few minutes ago, to resume the course of my argument, I was ~urpnsed to. ~ave the ~ommittee on Finance report this bill back With a propos1t10n that tm-plates should remain at the old rate of taxation that had been imposed upon them for years. It was situ­ated exactly in the same condition as a manufactured product in this country that cotten-ties were which we had under discussion here some time ago. There was none of either article produced in this country; the tax upon each was an absolute revenue tax, and every dollar of tax levied upon either article went into the Treasury, no private citizen being richer by the imposition of either tax.

When the committee reported the bill they proposed an increase of the t'l.X on cotton-ties of more than 200 per cent., under the pretense, I will say the earnest pretense, of building up the manufacture of cot­ton-ties in this country, that they intended to give the manufucturers the benefit of producing the article in the United States, and I was surprised that while making fish of one they should make :flesh of the other, and I was astonished that there was not a proposition to compel the masses of the American people to stand the increased price of tin­plates to allow the tin-plate manufacturers to sell their product at a high price so as to build up their manufacture also.

I am not surprised to find the committee now coming in with a pro­posed change. I was prepared for this by reading some time since from the Tariff League Bulletin :lS follows-I presume this is good author­ity even with the Committee on Finance:

THE TIN-PLATE OUTLOOK.

.John Jarrett, ~ecr~tary of the American Tin-Plate ABSociation, was inter­VIewed recenlly m Plt.tsburgh on the outlook for tin-plate through legislation at the hands of the next Congress, and his responses to questions were substan­tially as follows: "\Ve want a ~riff of about 2t cents· per pound. I expect nothing t.o be done toward the ~·ev1yal of the industry this winter, but as soon as there lS any assurance t~at 1t. wtll be protected, it will again be started up. The cost of the labor alone m th1s country would be more than the total cost of production in England.

"Last year the importation of tin-plate to this country was 318,000 tons. That is about 74 per cent. of the whole production of the world. Allowing each man the average wa-:rcs, the manufacture of. this ~~ount of tin-plate would llive em­ployment to at least 70,000 men. A t~r1ff of 2:;:: cen~ would enable us to manu­facture all our own tin-plate. The md.ustry m t~JS country was strangled in Us birth. About 1873 there were four tm-plate m1lls started in this country-

Demmler•s·aud Cronnemycr's at ~mmler Station, Beale & Rodgers's at l-eech­burgh, and a co-operative fit·m at \Vellsville. Between that date and 18iil the price of tin-plate fell from $12.50 to ~.18 per box, and the American firms were torceu out of the market. I have no doubt that the tariff will. be increased on the commodity. The Amalgamated Association is with us in this request. During last year our total production of iron and steel plates was 120,000 tons. In the same time we imported h·on and steel plates in the form of tin·plate to the amount of 318,000 tons. An adequate tariff on tin-plate means an iucrensed demand for iron and steel works and a lo.rgeremploymeotto American labor."

Now, Mr. President, after the declaration on the part of this gentle­man who is connected, I believe, with the American Tin-Plate Associa­tion, an association which has been organized, I think, for a long -while with the expectation that at some time or other they would be given authority by Congress to levy such taxes upon the American people as would enable them to build up and establish a profitable manufacture, I was not surprised to find this committee recommending a modifica­tion of this \lill which would increase the tax on this article of domestic necessity more than 100 per cent.

In truth, one of the gentlemen examined hy this committee some time since, sp~king of the fact that by a ruling of Mr. FessendP.n in 1864, I believe, tin-plates were admitted at the old rate of taxation, and were not classified as under the sheet-iron schedule so as to have the tax increased to 2:} cents a pound, said it was ''the most inexcus­able and costly decision on record.''

How was that decision of :M:r. Fessenden costly? This man in the course of his st{ntement says that since that time the Government bas collected $78,000,000 tax on tin-plates. If the tax bad been increased from 1 cent at thn.t time to 2! cents, the amount of tax paid upon the tin--plate which has been consumed by the American public from then to now would have amounted to $175,000,000. There has been col­lected into the Treasury $78,000,000, and there would have been col­lected, not into the Treasury but into the pockets of the favored in­dividuals who would have bad the right to levy this tax, $175,000,000 inst.eqd of $78,000,000 collected. The failure of Congress, the failure of the Secretary of the Treasury to so rule as to allow this tax .to be levied by these men upon the people of the United States he considers "the most inexcus.:1.ble and costlv decision on record." It bas cost them nearly $100,000,000 that they did not get, that they might have gotten on a different ruling on the part of the Secretary of the Treas­ury. And this has been constantly paraded by these people as an out-rage upon them. -

Mr. President, if the entire country is given over to a desire to have everybody taxed for the purpose of building up a few individuals, then this perhaps was a more correct construction of this ruling; but in my judgment the great bulk of the American people do not believe that there is any right to levy taxes upon the consumers at large for the purpose of building up private fortunes.

There were imported into this country last year, according to the reports, over 280,000,000 tons of tin-plates. The present proposed tax of $2.15 a hundred pounds would amount to nearly $50 a ton-some $47 or $4.8 a ton tariff. The testimony given by:I\fr. John Jarrett and by Mr. Williams, who appeared as experts before the committee, I be­lieve-if not, they have been here time and again before committees of Congress, and the testimony is here and was before this committee, that the cost of the production of tin-plates in the United States would be about $40 a ton. These witnesses testify that the cost of produc-tion in England would be about $16 a ton. .

Mr. ALLISON. Of what? Mr. JONES of Arkansas. Tin-plates. Mr. ALLISON. I should be g1ad to have the Senator turn to that

testimony. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I think I shall have very little difficulty

in pointing it out, anti I will do so before I get through with this argu­ment. The Senator will remind me again if I should forget it. - Per­haps it will be best to present it at once, as I have found it. · I read from the testimony of A-Ir. E. P. Williams, taken before a committee of Congress three or four years ago upon this question of tin-plates, and who, I believe, appeared before the Finance Committee at this session of Congress, if I am not mistaken. He stated, on page 108 of the hearings taken by the Committee of Ways and_Means of the House of Representatives in 1884, what ! shall read. His language is:

The cost of producing tin-plates would amount to a little over UO per ton,

1t1r. Jarrett at the same hearing gave the cost of producing a box of tin, the American cost at $2.14f, and the English cost at 80! cents a box, which would amount to about $4.0 a ton for the production of Amer­ican tin-plates and about $16 for the En()'lish and this includes not only labor, but includes all t.he other item~ of ~ost of production, as I understand.

Mr. ALLISON. The Senator now is talking of the cost of producing tin-plate from sheet-iron or sheet-steel. His statement a moment ago was that tin-plate here could be made for $40 a ton and in England for $16. Inasmuch as the ordinary steel rails cost $19 a ton in England, I was curious to know how tin-plate could be produced so cheaply.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I was cautioned some time since by the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. ALDRICH] not to accept as absolutely correct the statements submitted by these witnesses in your hearings. I have not accepted as being absolutely true the statements made by

838 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--SENATE. J .ANU .ARY 16,;

mo.nufactnrers as to the cost in Europe, but I took their statements for what they were worth, and proposed to deduct what they stated was the English cQst of producing a ton of tin-plates from the American cost, which would leave about $24 a ton difference, while you propose by your tariff to give a tax which amounts t& nearly $50 a ton to com­pensate for the difference in cost.

]).fr. ALLISON. We may as well have an understanding respecting these points, because the Senator from Arkansas has one thing in mind and those men who testified had another. They had in mind what it costs to prod nee a ton of tin-plate from a ton of iron or steel, and not what a tun of tin-plate would cost entirely. That is what the testi­mony indicates. nut the Senator from Arkansas, if I understand him correctly-and if I misunderstand him I hope to be corrected-inti­mates that a ton of tin-plate can be produced in this country for $40, not from the sheet-iron, but from the pig-iron.

1\fr. JONES, of 2\rkansas. I do not remember, I will say frnnkly, that there was anything said as to what particular point of production the witness was proposing to assume as the starting point. He did not state, that I know of, the cost of the iron ore, nor the cost of the pro­duction of the pig-iron. He said ''the cost of producing tin-plate would amount to a little over $40 per ton."

Mr. ALLISON. The Senator will allow me just one word more. The statement made by the Senator was that it cost $16 a ton to mu.ke tin-plate in England.

.Mr. JONES, ofArkansas. No, sir; I said John J::uTett stated tha.t was the cost.

Mr. ALLISON. Very welL Now, it costs $19 a ton there to make a ton of railway bars of steel. Therefore it is manifest, atleast to me, that what Mr- Jarrett was talking about was the cost of putting the tin upon these thin plates of steel, and that he did not include the orig­inal cost of the thin plates of steel S(} we ought to understand exactly the point before the Senator draws his conclusion.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. The witness, ifiremembercorrectly, did not make any such statement.' I ha.ve no doubt if he thought it was necessary for the int&est of the Tin-Plate Association for him to have made such a statement, he would have made it if it were true. But there was no such statement so far as I know or so far as I have heard. I simply accept the words of the gentlemen that this is the cost . . It may be true, as the Senator from Iowa suggests, that it was the coat­ing with tin of these iron plates that he r~ferred to; but I did not so understand it. In that I may be mistaken. I do not pretend to say what the truth is, but I do say what the testimony of the witnesses was, and they were interested parties, and I presume they did not intend to state the case against themselves in any event..

1\fr. ALLISON. This is an important point and the Senator will allow me a word. Does the Senator believe for a moment that a ton of sheet-tin, which would be less certainly th:m·No. 25 wire gauge, which is the finest kind of sheet iron o:r steel, can be made in England for $16 a ton and in tlrls country for $40? That is the basis of his entire argn. ment.. It is perfectly clear that these gentlemen were talking about one thing and the Senator is talking about another.

Mr. JONES, of .AYkallSa.S. As I have no means of settling that ques­tion, I will leave it exactly where it stands. I assume that the SenatOI from Iowa is OOITect in his assumption on that question.

Mr. ALDRICH. I want to ask. if the Senator will permit me, what volume of testimony he is reading from and what page, in order that we may understand exactly what Mr. Jarrett was speaking about.

Mr. JON:E:?, of Arkansas. I gave the volume and page a moment ago. It was in the hearings by the Ways and Means Committee in the first session of the Forty-eighth Congress in 1884, and on page 108 of the report I read from the testimony of 1\fr. Williams tha.t the cost of producing a box of tin-plates would amount to a little over $40 a ton, and on page 112 I read the etatement by Mr. Jarrett. Whatever the cost may be, we have this fact staring us in the face, that this commit­tee proposes to double the tax upon an article of prime necessity, in­tending by doubling that tax to divert the whole revenue from the public Treasury into private pockets.

One other feature in connection with this tin-plate taxation strikes me as being manifest, an~ that is th'f law we have on the statute-book for refunding nine-tenths of the tax levied upon foreign articles brought in, manufactured, and shipped abroad. Whilewearemakingp.retenses in this Chamber and evezywhere else through the country of a de­sire to protect om own laboring people against pauper labor abroad, we are discriminating constantly in favor of the forejgu poor and again.st our own.

In 1884 there were refunded drawbacks upon the item of tin-plates amonntin~ to ~876,736.11; in 1885 there was refunded $1.14.4,134.12; in 1886, $1,228,850.96; in 1887, $1,108,832.98; making a tot::U of $4,358,557.17 which has been refunded by the Government of the United States to the manufacturers of tin-plate in this country, because the product of tin-plate shipped from here was to be sold on fore® account and sold abroad. In other words, if the identical tin-ware which was shipped to the forei~ laborers, which was sent abroad for sale, had been sold tO' the Amerjcan public there would have been a tax paid into the Treru;ury of the United States of$4,358,557.17 that

was remitted upon the articles sent a brood to be sold to the pauper , laborers of Europe. Here is a discrimination amounting to millions of• dollars against our own people and in favor of the people abroad_

Mr. President, if it is a. matter of importance to remit to those who are engaged in the foreign trade nine-tenths of the tax levied upon tin. plate, I ask why it is not reasonable and fair that ten-tenths of it may be remitted to our own laborers, so that they may ha.ve one-tenth ad­vantage over the foreign pauper labor? We certainly ooght to give them a little bit of advantage over the people abroad. We are pro­fessing all the time a desire to take care of them at the expense ofthe people who live outside of this country. Now the proposition is made to put this article on the free-list simply to give our people the abso­lute remission of all that there is collected on the pn.rt of these imports that go to them, and they certainly ought to be fu:eated as well as the people who live abroad.

I only intended, Mr. President, to call attention to these points in connection with this article. There are many other things in connec­tion with it that would be of interest if there was time to consider them. In 1883, when this matter was under consideration by the Sen· ate, Senator Logan. w'howas alwa.ys strongly in sympathy with the peo­ple-the "plain people "-when the proposition was made to increase· this tariff, taking strong ground in favor of no increase and of allow­ing the American public to have this article at a low rate of taxation, used this language:

The manut'acturer3oftincans all over thecon.nt:ry, in every city in the United States, fo.r potting up meat, fruit, etc., have sRid to the committ~ here-I pre­sume they haye to the co.Qlmittee, and probably to nen.rly every j:!euator-that they were better satisfied with thera.te of duty which was imposed before, and are satisfied with the rate proposed by the committee, but they are univen~Bolly opposed to increasing the duty. I have had telegrams to this effect from dif­ferent parts of the country, and especially from Chicago, where they manufact· ure more tin cans than in any other part of the country. The idea of increas­ing the rate of ..duty for the purpose of enconragin.g- anybody to commence a manufacture when he has not commenced it, I think. is a. new idea. I hope. the amendment will not be adopted.

The Senator from Vermont [:Mr~ MoRRILL], who has been recognized ' as the father of the ta:rifi; also placed himself upon the record as being opposed to any increase in the duty on this article, and made a speech against it in the Senate. Under all these circumstances, with a dis­tinct declaration on the part of the American Congress for years and years that they did not desire any increase, it seems to me tha.t we ought not now, upon a bill in which we pretend that we are attempting to reduce taxation. to impose upon an article of prime necessity, one that finds its way into every cabin all over this conntry, an increased taxation of ove:r 100 per cent.

Mr. MORGAN. M.r. President, the Seua.to.r from ArkansM [Mr. J o~"'ES] made a point against this bill and this feature of the bill which it occurs to me is entirely unanswerable when he. showed that more than $4,000,000 of duties have been remitted upon tin-plates because of the exportation. of tin-ware to foreign countries, and when he in­sisted also that our people should not be treated by the Congress of the United States less liberally than it is. willing to. treat the foreign pur· cilllsers of tin-ware. This article is of universal conSlllD.ption in the United States.. There is not a family in the countl'y, I suppose, that is not more or less a consumer of tin-ware. To make a discrimination in our bws, :first in favor of the manufacturer by imposing what will be a prohibitory duty npon the introduction of tin-plates after we are prepared to manufacture it, and then to remit 90 per cent. of the taxes paid upon the tin which was brought in here to make this article when it is exported to foreign countries, it.seems to me is a gratuitous wrong to the people of this country.

This tax brings up in review almost every objectionable feature in this tariff measure. First of all, there were imported, according to the statement read by the Senato from Arkansas, 570,643,389 pounds of tin-plate, upon which a duty was collected of $5,706,433.89, and this bill, as I understand it. :I;lroposes to raise that duty 100 per· cent.

It will not be denied, I suppose, by the gentlemen who are promoting this bill that the object of it is to create a prohibitory duty upon the importation of tin by the time we get prepared by ou.r manufacturers to make it. The Senator from Iowa says that is not the object. I will

1

ask the Senator from Iowa if he expects any revenue to come in upon the. tin-ware after 1890, if by that time we are prepared to manufacture all that the people of the United States ·consume?

Mr. ALLISON. That will depend very la.Tgel.y-upon the profits that the English manufacturers exact. They now, it is said, have a profit of about a dollar or a dollar and a half a box. If they will be content to take a small percentage upon the cost of production there, I have no doubt they will continue to compete, but they can now make very large profits, having absolute control of the tin production of the world.

Mr. MORGAN. Who has the absolute control? Mr. ALLISON. These producers in Wales. Mr. MORGAN. In what way? Mr. ALLISON. In other words, they manufacture nearly all tile

tip produced. Germany is beginning to manufacture, and if we begin th~ result will be to reduce the price of tin, and of course the English manufacturer will be compelled, if he sells in this conn try, to sell at a less profit than he does now.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 839 Mr. 1\IORG.A.N. We have none in this country likely to be devel-

oped. · Mr. TELLER. There is no question about there being tin in this

country, I will say to the Senator. Mr. MORGAN. There has been a question about it for two hun­

dred yeats, and that question has not been answered yet. Mr. TELLEH. I would like to say to the Senator that the only dif­

ficulty in the tin industry is that we have a peculiar class of tin, that is, it is in rock where it is difficult to save, and the Cornwall method has not saved it. Vast quantities of tin_are found in this country in the Deadwood region.

Mr. ALDlUCH. I suppose the Senator from Alabama will not claim that the American manufacturers will be at any disadvantage so far as block-tin is concerned. They will not be at a disadvantage. We could obtain the block-tin from the same source that the Wales manufacturer obtains it, and as cheaply, so that there would be no question to Ameri-can producers on account of want of supply af tin. ·

Mr. MORGAN. There might not be any disadvantage on that ac­count, but my proposition is this--

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I wish to make one suggestion in con­nection with the suggestion made by the Senator from Iowa just one moment ago, if the Sena.tor from Alaba.ma will allow me. The Sen­ator from Iowa states that the English manntacturers make a profit of one dollar or one dollar and a half on tin-plates. One dollar and ~ half would be $30 n. ton. There were imported in 1887, according to the s.tatement of W. Swank, 283,836 tons of tin from Great Britain at a cost of $18,G99,145, which is less than $G5 a ton. Now, I want to ask the Senator if be believes that all these -sheet-iron plates can be manufactured md tinned here when all that is done by the English at a cost of $30 a ton or a fraction over?

Mr. ALLISON. The testimony before the committee, as I remem­ber it, was that it cost about $3.37 to manufacture a box of tin in Eng­land, and that the same thing will cost here seventy-six one-hun­dredths of a cent more; but the price of tin is $5.25 pc.r box, paying $1, in round numbers, in duty. That is the statement as to profits. It costs $3.37 there; it costs three-fourths of a cent more here, and the difference is profit, and it is a ve1·y large profit to the manufacturer or the importer; and the facts are well known to everybody who has ex­amined the question.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. What I wanted to call the attention of the Senator to was his statement just now, his apparent astonishment that I should think tha.t tin-plates could not be manufactured in this country for something over $40 a ton, when ho states that the English make a profit of $30 a ton when they sell the article here at the cost added to the duty with $30 a ton profit, out of a price of $65 a ton or less.

1\lr. ALLISON. The cost of making tin in 'Wales is $3.37 a box. So I was not wrong when I said the Senator w::is entirely mistaken as to the cost of tin. It costs three-quarters of a cent a l)Ound more in this country from the sheet. So when they sell and box the tin at $5.25 a box that cost $3.37 there is a profit when it comes into this country. It pays n. cent a pound duty, which must be deducted from ~he profit, but that still lea-ves n. large profit to the manufacturer or Importer.

Mr. MORGAN. I am very glad to have brought out these facts and have them placed in the RECORD for the observation and instruction of the people on this question. Th~ point I ma.ke on this item of the bill now: proposed is that it raises the tax upon imported tin-ware 100 per cent., not for the purpose of increasing the revenue, but rather for the purpose, as I understand, of decreasing the 1·evenue.

Mr. ALLISON. This proposed amendment stands on all fours with the entire bill in the contemplation or-understanding of the committee, namely, that we are to receive revenue, but at the same time weare to gi~e our own laborers and producers an opportunity of competing at least mth laborers and producers in other countries. We want by this bill to place the people who work in this country at lea.st on a par with the people who work in other col1.Dtries, and that is all that is contemplated in this tin-plate amendment.

Mr . .MORGAN. I am very glad to hear the Senator from Iowa say that this item of the bill cha.racterizes the whole measure, contains tlle principle of the whole measure, and that principle is not to increase the revenues of the Government of the United States, but to increase the profits of manufacturers.

:M:r. ALLISON. If the Senator understood me to make that state­ment, I want to disabuse him of it. I stated nothing a.bon~ the man­ufacturers. I stated that the object and purpose of the bill is to en­able labo~ers i~ this country who produce t~ings, to produce them upon an cquahty w1th laborers in other countnes who produce the snme things; neither to en !lance the profits of manufacturers here nor in other countries.

Mr. MORGAN. The Sena.tor undertakes to separate between the laborers and manufacturers and bestows his affectionate regard upon the laborers without any concern at all for the manufacturers at the aame time knowing that any measure of this kind must prod~ce $90 ef profit to the manufacturers where it increases $10 the price of wages

of labor in this country. But the purpose of this bill, as has been a-vowed this morning, is precisely what I conceived it to be. It is a bill for the purpose, as it is termed, of protecting American industry so as to build up and make more profitable what we call tho home mar­ket, whether the profits inure to the manufacturer or lahorer or to the consumer or to the agriculturist. That is the object of it, as I under­stand, to build up what is termed the home market and in that home market to get better prices for the contributory inuustries that go to support the operatives in these different lines of employment, so that we have now a pretty decided issue formed. ·we haYe now brought to the front the principles upon which this bill is fotmded, and it is those principles that I desire to discuss.

Next in its effect upon the peop1e to the power over human life by condemning men to death, or forcing them into warring armies, is the power of taxation_

It must of neca.c;sity be a discretionary power as to the persons or prop­erty to be taxed, and as to the rate of taxation aud the amount to be raised, unless some restraint is imposed upon the taxing power:. If there is no such restraint in our Constitution, we are exposed t{) a dan­gerous power.

No people can be in a more unhappy condition than those who nro exposed to arbitrary taxation at the will of their go-vernment. TLe tirst and simplest test of the real liberties of :my people is found in the rc· straints which their power imposes upon those who levy taxes upon them. If that power is unlimited, or unrestrained, ilie people can not be placed in nn attitude tbat is more helpleRS or more dependent on the will of their rulers, e'en under the most an tocratic or despotic form o1 government_

The.unlimited power to tax is the power to confisrnte, aud the con­fiscation by that means is not for the crimes of the people, but beca.usa they have acquired the means to pay taxes by their industry and fru­gality. It is not for their sins, but Jor their virtn03, that they are con­demned to this species of confiscation. ThosE} who enforce such confis­cations, or insist upon their right to do so, are self-seekers who employ the power to tux for their pel"Soual aggrandizement. They are arbi­trary, despotic, and unrelenting, admitting no limits to their power but their autocratic will.

In every country except the United States, and with every political p:uty except that which framed this bill and sustains it in the Senate as a party measure by a solid and unvarying vote, the basis of ta:x:ation and its only purpose is to raise revenue for 'the support of government.

There are very few, if any, of the civilized nations in which n. tax levied for any other purpose would be tolerated by tLo people, even though a third of them were organized into armies to support the de­mands of the government.

However broad or extra-vagant the demands of their governments may be, and however they may cruelly burden the people, it is still accorded to them

1 even by the most despotic rulers, that the people

sllall not be taxed. except for proper governmental purposes. This em of civilization would put a government pretencling to be

civilized in coventry, under the ban of universal censure, whose mle1"S taxed the people except for the support of the ruling power, ()r tho.t taxed one class of its people for the avowed purpose of enriP.hing an­other class. Our piau of government, above all others, was formed with a view to pre-vent and prohibit taxation for such pu~poses_ The fathers of our system had before them the experience of .many genera­tions for their guidance, and they took especial care to keep the taxing power under the immediate control of the people-the tax-payers-and their representati>es, chosen directly by them.

It was for this reason that they ordained that a tax bill should onl v originate in the House of Representatives, and that no tax bill should originate in the Senate.

The language is as follows: All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representat.h-cs;

but the Senate may propose or 'concur with amendment ns on other bills. The grant of power made to Congress on the subject of taxation is

in these words: Congress shall have power tq le>y and collect "taxes, duties, imposts and ex­

cises, to pay the debts and to provide for the common defense and general wel­fare of the United ~tn.tes; but all duties, imposts and excises shall bo llniform throughout the United State~:;.

Then follows a distinct power ''to borrow money on the credit of the United States." Taxes are not required to be uniform throughout the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises are required to be uniform.

The uniformity tllns required as to duties, imposts, and excises indicates that they shall not be unjust or discriminative as between the people of the United States.

Sections, localities, Territories, and States are also included in this rule of uniformity, which equally forbids such discriminations in practice, as it does in theory. The true meaning of the Constitution in this case, as in all other cases, is to secure to the people equality in bearing the bmdens of taxation, when those taxes are upon their business pursuits, the privileges accorded to them by law, nnd the sat­isfying of their tastes and necessities in the use and consumption of whatever is suited to those purposes.

840 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

Taxes assessed upon the property of the people are naturally regulated ment collected at ·the point of a bayonet under our Constitution, nor by the value of the property, but, by express injunction of the Consti- could revenue be raised by taxes, duties, excises, or imposts for the tution, capitation and direct taxes must be apportioned according to support of the churches. the census. No law could be enacted for "frying the fat out of the manufact-·

·uniformity of taxation means more than the appearance of uniform- urers" (to use the phrase so common in political parlance) for the pur­ity on the face of the law. It means uniformity in the sense of dis- pose of supplying revenue to a political party any more than a b.w can tributing and equalizing in a spirit of justice and equity the burdens be enacted by Congre!!S, under the pretext of raising revenue for the of taxation, for that is the sacred duty of the law-makers as well as the support of the Government, by "frying the fat" out of the people for sacred right of the people. the purpose of building up or enriching the manufacturers.

A tax of $1 per ton on the rock phosphates found in South Carolina The Constitution prescribes the purpose of taxation, and limit~ it would raise the price to the farmers whose land require such fertiliz- expressly to raising revenue, and .the method of taxation is confined to ers $1 per ton, and would not increase the profits of the owners of the the levy and collection of taxes, duties, imposts, and excises. When quarries because the tax would go into the Treasury. A dutY. of $1 per these limits are transcended the Constitution is violated. ton on imported phosphates for fertilizers would increase the profits of The power of taxation is so e~sential to government that it is not the owners of the South Carolina beds by that sum, because it would placed under the jud_gment and control of the judicial department, a.s shut out importation and give them the monopoly of the market. are the preservation of the lives and liberties and rights of property ot

The burden on the farmer would be the same whether he paid the the people. It is, in the legal and governmental sense, more nearly su­tax of $1 per ton to the Government for revenue or to the South Car- preme, in respect of its discretionary exercise within prescriben limits, olina owner of the quarries for profit. In respect of the sum of money than any other power of Congress. it would cost him there would be uniformity, but it would not be uni- The people could only save themselves against the abuse of the dis-formity of taxation. cretionary features of this vast power by choosing their representatives

It is the duty of the people to submit to taxation for revenue, but for the short period of a single Congress-not more than two years­they are protected by the Constitution against all forms of taxation on and thus keeping them under their watchful espionage; then by swear­imports that prohibit revenue and are designed and intended to make ing them to support the Constitution; then by giving them the ex­money for any class of business pursuits. The protection against tax- elusive power, and with it the undivilled responsibility of '' origi­ation for any other purpose than to provide revenues for the support of nating bills for raising revenue;" then byshutting off the Senate from the Government of the United States is clear from the language in the exercise of thiq power to determine whether present taxation or which the power is given to Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties, new taxation, additional taxation or reduced taxation shall be em­imposts, and excises. It is equally clear that the power granted to ployed for raising revenue; and then by the express restriction on the Congress in thephPase ''Congress shall have power," is not a power in- powers of Congress that all taxation shall be confined to the purpose herent in Congress, arising from its power to enact laws, but it is a dele- and limited to the duty of "raising revenue" for the support of the gated power, and therefore a limited power. Government.

But the limitation upon the power of taxation-that it is for the pur- This was all that a self-governing people could do to restrain their pose of raising revenue, and for no other purpose-is made perfectly clear agents from tyrannical abuse of a power that, of necessity, must in­when the distribution oi the powers of raising revenue between the elude a wide discretion. The fact that the people could not in their House of Representatives and the Senate is brought into view. ] Constitution fix absolutely the amount, subjects, and items of taxa-

The exclusive power of originating laws for taxing the people, either tion, but were compelled to intrust so much of their vital interests to by direct taxation, or taxation in any form, or by duties, imposts, or the discretion of their representatives, causes me to respect the plain excises, is given to the House of Representatives. No such power is limitations upon the power of Congress in levying and collecting given to the Senate. This is the segregation of one of the powers ot taxes with the most cautious scrutiny. It is a duty of monility, Congress from all the others, and its bestowal upon one of the Houses honor, and sacred obligation that Congress should deny to itself a of Congress. doubtful power, and should exercise its clear powers in that spirit of

The power thus given to the House of Representatives to originate justice, equity, and equality of rights which pervades the entire Con-tax bills is expressly limited to "raising revenue." stitution, and especially the taxing power, which, like the air, should

If the object of a bill is to "raise revenue," it is a tax bill, and can be equal in supply, equal in pressure, and equal in benefits to every not be valid as a law if it originates in the Senate, and the only tax interest and every human being in our country. An abuse of the bill that is required to originate in the House of Representatives is a taxing power, either as to the method or purpose of taxation, is a bill "for raising revenue." . tyranny that is all the more dangerous and disgraceful because it

It is impossible, in vi~w of these provisions in the Constitution, that eludes an honorable trust reposed in Congress by the people, and be­Congress can use the taxmg power except "for the raising of revenue." cause it appeals for its support to the personal and pecuniary interests No tax bill can be originated except "for the raising of revenue," of powerful men and dense populations, while it loads with burdens t<ince no pill to tax the people can originate in the Senate, and in the of injustice the poor and the thin populations scattered over wide Rouse of Representatives no tax bill can orgina.te except "for the areas of our country. raising of revenue." I consider it an abuse of the taxing power to levy a tax, duty, im-

Ou£ fathers thoug~t that they had en:ectually prevented the possibil- post, or excise for any other purpose than for '' raising revenue.'' ity that a crop of evil weeds should sprmg rrom the power granted to A tax levied for the purpose of prohibiting revenue is so gross a per­Congress to tax the people when they prov1ded that the only tax bills version of the constitutional power of Congress that its advocates have that could be originated should be " bills for the raising of revenue," no right to expect that it will be treated otherwise than with con­and that these bills should be framed and pruned and perfected under temptuous indignation by the people. the eyes and through the careful watching of the immediate represent- If there are articles that we believe should not be permitted to enter atives of the people before the Senate could have the privilege to pro- into commerce, such as immoral books and prints, poisons and explos­pose or concur in amendments to tax bills. ives, and articles that are infected with and may become the vehicle11

Our fathers expected that these injunctions would be obeyed by us of disease, it is only necessary to resort to the municipal power that when they provided thatwe should be sworn to obedience, and that we belongs to every nation to prohibit their introduction into our country. would do, as they required of us, all that we could with the greatest The taxing power has no relation to the prohibition of imports for any care to winnow out every evil seed of injustice, partiality, discrimi- cause; it has relation only to "raising revenue." A law that pro­nation, cupidity, monopoly, and partisan bribery from all bills to tax hibits importation can not be a law for raising revenue, and a duty that the people, so that these evils should not originate in the House of Rep- prohibits importation and revenue can not be sustained as u proper ex­rescntatives nor be proposed nor concurred in by the Senate, but that ercise of the power of taxation. The judiciary can not ascertain the such bills in both Houses should be confined in their purpose, ''to the purpose of a tax law where it is not avowed in the terms of the act. raising of revenue.'' Its purposes may be to prohibit revenue instead of raising revenue,

This is what I understand to be the Democratic reading of the Con- or to give to a certain industry the revenue that ought to go into the stitution on the subject of the power and duty of Congress and of the Treasury, or to destroy one industry in order to free another from House of Representatives, respectively, in the taxation of the people. competition; to load the elementary industries, such as the fisheries, the

The apothegm "a tariff for revenue only" is a less distinct and ex- mines, the farms, and the forests, with heavy burdens of tribute to the pressivc way of stating that the power of Congress is limited to origi- industries that work men and machines in their speculative ventures; nating, amending, and enacting laws of taxation ''for raising reve- but if these purposes are concealed they find shelter behind a veil of nue." . discretionary power and the legal presumption of good intentions,

The Dcmo:;mtic doctrine is stated correctly in the language of the and the arm of the judiciary can not reach them. If either of the pur­Constitution, which, after all, is the only definite and express l4flita- poses that I have named were stated in the many items of this bill tion of the power of taxation, the purpose and the method of taxa.,. where they exist, and especially in these clauses in respect of the tax­tion. "Taxes, duties, imposts, and excises" limit the methods of ation of imported tin, and are avowed to exist in this debate in many taxatic.n, just as "raising revenue" limits and confines the power of forms, they would vitiate the law as to such items, and the jnclges Congress to the pnrpose and object of taxation. would be bound so to declare the fact. The concealment of this pur-

The raising of revenue could not be donP. by a lottery system, as was pose, if that were possible, can not alter the situation of the c3se. once practiced in Mexico, nor by forced loans, nor by military assess- That they are concealed in the bill and yet avowed in debate is only

1889: CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 841 an evasion that proves that there is no sound constitutional ground upon which those features of this measure can be based.

The country is naturally and justly alarmed at the bold and defiant assault that is being made upon the spirit of the Constitution as to the purposes of tariff taxation by this bill and by the party that supports it under the command of a caucus decree.

The raising of revenue is openly avowed to be a subordinate feature of this measure, while the protection of American industry by taxa­tion and without reference to revenue is the purpose that is kept con­stantly in view.

We have been a long time in reaching a state of public opinion in which this defiant disregard of the Constitution is boasted of by those intrusted with power to tax the people.

This stage of dereliction could only be openly confessed as a principle of government in opposition to that of taxing the people to raise reve­nue and in favor of taxing them to raise money for the benefit of cer­tain industries, when its promoters feel that the combination of inter­ested persons and corporations bas gained enough of power to control the country at the ballot-box.

It is a fearful condition of the country that puts the Government under the power of such combinations and turns over to their control the power to tax the people at will and pleasure, not to raise revenue but to prohibit it, not to equalize the burdens of Government but to put some classes of our people under the wine-press and to fill other classes with their fatness. The ancient plan of farming out the reve­nues to private proprietors with liberty to tax the people at the will of the donee or lessee of the power is only repeated under a thin dis­guise in this bill. The manufacturers dictate every feature of the bill to suit their own purposes, while farmers, miners, lumbermen, and all the consumers of manufactured goods stand by to thank them for any poor concessions they may make to them.

They paid for this lease of power with political influence, political ''fat," political "soap," as political corruption is called by a slick and vulgar euphonism in our politicn.l slang.

They use this power just as the ancient Briton did, and as the mod­ern Turk does, to tax money out of the people, of which a lesser part goes to the Government and a larger part into their own pockets.

It is in the Senate that this bill to raise revenues for manufacturers originates. It is a substitute for the Honse bill which reduced the revenues of the manufacturers, and, with lower taxation, enabled all tbe people to save money; and, with that and a liberal free-list, cut down a redundant and devouring taxation of the people.

The Representatives of the people in three hundred and twenty-five Congressional districts framed n. bill that met the support of 100,000 majority of the voters of the United States and sent it to the Senate. The theory of that bill, the constitutional foundation on which it rests, does not suit the Senate, and their committee bring it back with every line but the enacting clause stricken out. The substitute is a new bill which can not be justly styled a bill for raising revenue-new in form, so bstance, principle, method, arrangement, schedules, free-list, and purposes. Grant that the Senate may do all this and that the Hous~, by adopt~on, can originate this n~w bill, just as if it had sprung from 1ts own loms, and thereby make 1t a constitutional exercise of the taxing power, still it is worth while, if this is a Government of the :people, for the people, and by the people, to inquire as to the direct supervision by them over the taxing power as it is exerted in this new bilL What has become of that supervision and why has it been lost to them, and what causes will drive their Representati\"es to reverse the whole tb.eory of the bill they originated and sent to us and to ac­cept a Senate bill which is framed in utter hostility to their bill and their Yotes? ·

This supervision of the people over the exercise of the taxing power ha'> been put into eclipse by the coming of the Senate between them and their constitutional rights. The three hundred and twenty-five Representatives of the people are distributed over the whole country in proportion to population, and their demand for the House bill is the demand of tbemajority ofthe whole people, while ten of the Senators who vote to destroy this bill of the people, by the people, and for the p~ople represent fewer people and a smaller area of country than are con­tained in a single State of the Union. The simple reason why the peo­ple are not allowed to have the bill that does justice, even in stinten measure, to them is that the manufacturing industries of the United States are most largely under the care of those ten Senators, and they prefer a bil~ that is distinctively and carefully framed for the purpose of supportmg those manufactories· by the taxation of the people.

The causes that may drive the House of Representatives to submit to the reversal .o~ their ~olemn votes by this alleged bill for rai~i~g reYenue, that ongmated 1n the Senate are the impending calam1t1es created by th:e vo~es of Senators from this same part of the country in the tariff legislatiOn t~a~ th~ Hons.e is seeking to correct.

In -their plans for g1vmg bou~ties to the manufactmers they have fastened upon the country a dram of wealth which flows continually in their own direction. It also loads the.Treasury with $1.30,000,000 annually of excessive tax ~oney. .The .1mpen~g calamity is, that this depletion of vital force m the mmor mdustncs of the country will

paralyze them, and, in turn, they will be swept out like the foundations of a house built on the sand, and that house will fall, and great will be the fall thereof.

The House of Representatives may be forced to accept anything that will reduce this surplus and therebysave the country from bankruptcy.

That is the only excuse for the passage of this bill. It is much like that which lit the torch with w bich Alex..'lndria was burned, when that remedy was the only one that could stop the progress of the plague.

The debates and votes upon every proposition to amend this bill, and they have been recorded on the Journals, in many instances have disclosed the fixed and avowed purpose of giving more of protection, as it is called, to the manufacturers.

· The J!Urpose of raising revenue bas been ignored, and the purpose of protection dominates every schedule and almost every line in the bill. I need not cite the proofs of these facts. Thereeord of this debate is full of them, and the purpose, as I have stated it, has been avowed frequently with boastful audacity.

By way of excuse and apology for this flagrant perversion of the power of taxat~on from public to private ends and profit, several maxims and deductions have been invented and pressed upon public credulity with an earnestness that savors more of desperation than of enlightened zeal for the truth.

The most prominent of these inventions is that a tariff tax creates a heme market which absorbs the goods of the manufacturer at lower prices than foreign goods of like kind could be sold for. This is an­swered fully by the fact that no sane man ever yet sought the cheapest market he could find for the sale of his goods.

They want a home market that will draw the people away from ag­riculture, settle them in cities, towns, and villages, put them in com­fortable houses on good wages and with neat surroundings. They call this the diversifying of labor, and recommend it as a panacea for pov­erty, hard labor, and the unrefined and unpleasant things of rural life.

Ifbread and meat, and wool, cotton, flax, silk, and sugar could be produced by machinery, under the roof and within the walls of a fac­tory, these economists would not have need to invite the husbandmen into those sheltered retreats to perform the labor by which they feed and clothe aU mankind. They would gladly exchange places with those who labor in the shade and who are fed largely upon whal the farmer has to pay to them under tax laws; but those places are always full, and if all the farmers, or half of them, were to leave the fields and go into the factories they would be overcrowded. Labor would then be so diversified that all would starve to death, and go out of the world as they came into it-naked.

The drift of this argument is one of those absurdities that the people never adopt or follow, and its conclusion reverses every law of nature and every impulse of mankind, to produce from the soil food and rai­ment, from the seas salt and fishes, from the forests and the mines fuel and metals, and shelter from the forests and quarries.

It is the home market for American capital that these ardent patriots also desire.

Our railroads and canals, mines, forests, and vast areas of land aiTord good opportunities for the investment of American capital and an ex­clusive home market for so much of their yield and productions as the American people can consume.

In railroads, canals, and mines foreign capital crowds in and gets all the advantage, in proportion to quantity, that is enjoyed by our own capitalists.

Corporations are created for them everywhere to protect them against responsibility for the debts that may be created in the conduct of their business. This form of protection is the same abuse of justice that is perpetrated in that other form of protection that taxes the people to in­crease the profits of the manufacturers, and enables them to save them­selves from loss by increasing the price in the market of all they have to sell, while production is suspended by strikes and lockouts.

We add to the invitation our tariff laws extend to the foreign capi­talist the additional inducement of a tax that prohibits competition with him in our markets and thus surrender to him the use and con­trol of the home market to the extent of his capital employed in this country. Of course he comes readily to enjoy these peculiar privileges of growing rich upon the trade of our people. The result is that a very large part of the capital of persons and corporations that are thnB subsidized under the theory of the supporters of this bill comes from abroad, but the owner of the capital does not come with it. · IIe re­mains at home under a foreign allegiance and leaves to Americans the duty of supporting the Government and of fighting its battles when wars occur.

It is arrant folly to say that our capitalists can exclude the competi­tion of foreign capital in our so-called home market. The protec­tionists say that they want a home marketthat will give higher wages to American labor than any foreign market can afford to its own people.

If this is a sincere decl_aration, the means by which they attempt to provide such a home market destroy the purpose they have in view. Cheap, underpaid, and half-starved laborers will resort to this country in myriads to get our better food and shelter and higher prices for their work, and we can not keep them out unless we put them under

842 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE .. JANUARY 16,

a ban like that we. have just imposed upon Chinese ln.borers, and pro· hibit their coming.

"What protectionist, what Republican, has ever attempted to protect the American laborer as they protect American capitalists and manu­facturers, by a tax upon the foreign laborer, as well as upon the prod­nets of hiS ln.bor?

The Republican party, in order to increase thesn.pplyoflaborin the United States, provided for the encouragement of immi~¥ation from foreign countries, and this very bill contains some remarkable advan­tages which :ue gi>en on the free-list in favor of such immigration.

A. home market for foreign bborers is what this bill invites, and to give it full encouragement it exempts them from taxation, with all their wearing apparel, t-eams, nhicles, tackle, harness, and household effects. \Vben they get here, whether they remain a year or as perma­nent residents, they enjoy equally with our people all the advantages of tbe home market we provide for them by taxing our people.

Strikes and lockouts are the great leading features of the manu.fuct­nrers' home market, next to the barrier that is erected by the tariff to keep out foreign competition.

If the high prices of mannfactured.goods induce too much capital to be invested in any lcadine. manufacture, and thereby create too much competition and threaten a reduction of prices and the loss ot profits, the manufacturers su...qpend their ope:rations until prices are restored.

While their machines arec idle their operatives go unemployed and unpaid. Tl:.e tariff is behind them to uphold prices against foreign competition, and the shortened supply to the increasing demand of the consumers for their goods makes these periods of suspension the most profitable periods far their business. Under the same shelter they form combinations, called trusts, which take control of an entire manu­facturing industry and decree·that only a certain quantity of the pro­tected article shall be produced, and that it shall be sold. at not less than a certain price. But evecy subsidized -manufacturer, without entering into a trust or combination, has ample power, by a lockout, to stop production until the prices in the home market axe satisfactory to him.

Labor is thus placed at his mercy, and the consumer must pay artifi­cial prices for what he consumes because there is no foreign competi:­tion, and the supply in the home market is shortened in order to raise the price.

with indignant fury, until starvation again forces them into sullen sutr' mission. Who can ever imagine the hardships, endured by innocent and dependent people, that have followed the strikes tha .. t I now pro­ceed to enumerate?

STitlXES.

Years.

lSRl ............................................................... . . 1882 ................................................................ . 1883 ............................................................... .

i=:::~~=:::::~:::.:·::.·::::::.::::::::~::~::.::::::::::::::::::: 18&l ................................................................ .

Total. .................... _ ................... .......... .

Nnmber of strikes.

4il 454 478 443 6!5

1,411

3, 902 1

Establish- En1ployes menta l!!~dug

affected. involved.

2,928 12!),521 2,105 IM,67l 2, 750 149,763 2,367 147,061 2,28-1 242., 70.) 9,861 499,899

22,30-t j ~.323,!:01

That is a terrible tribute to the plan of tn.xation that crmtes a home market for labor and capital. A few such triumphant successes would convert thjs whole country into a bedlam. If we are pointed to the tariff as the cause of our national prosperity, what shall we say of the maladies it brings to OU.l' laboring people-3,902 strikes in 2'2,-403 establishments, including those affected by the strikes, involving 1,323,203 employ~. in less than seven years?

The lockouts and the places where they occurred show the key to the home market Jor labor, as well as to the factories, is placed in the hands of the protected mann1actnrers.

Tho President-elect said with triumphant emphasis that- the doors of immigration open inwaru, and not outward. The doors of the facto­ries open outward, and not inward when capital is dissa.ti.s.fied with. the profits labor pays to it.

:LOCKOUTS.

Establish- ~ Employes - ments involved 1nvol;ed. ·

Years.

188L .............................. - ... ~...................................... ...... 9 655 18!l2 .• . . .. ... •. . . .. .. . .... . .. . . . .... .. . . . . .. .. .. .. . . . .... .. .. . . ... .. ... .. . . . . . .. ... ... . 42 4, 131 1883.................................................................................... 117 20,512' 1884 .. : ............................. ~ ...................... - ... -.................... 304 18,121 188S ................................................................................... 183 Hi, 424. 1886 ....................................................................... , ............

1 ___ 1,_509_.: __ 1_0_1.,_980_

2,2ll l Total ...... ...... _ ........................................................ .. 160,~

Strikes are >olnntary when an increase of wages is demanded by la­bor. They are involuntary when the insolence or oppression of the employer compels the laborers in this way to redress their grievances. They are more frequently forced upon the laborers as the alternative of injustice than they are resorted to by them for an increase of wages. In either case they are a fearful protest against laws that force bbor and capital into an association that is so artificial, and that so exposes labor to the arbitrary demands of capital that strikes become a neces- Of the estnolishments in which lockouts occurred, 1,981 were in the sary means of relief to labor from the unjust and insulting demands ot States of New York, Pennsyhanin., .Massachusetts, Ohio, and illinois-capital. 89.48 per cent. of all.

In the unprotected industries strikes do not occur. This important Of the establishments in which strikes occu:rred, 16,692-74.84 per fact leads us np directly to the conclusion that. protection is the foster- cent. of all-were in the States of New York, Pennsylvania, l\Iassachu-mother of these-labor com bina:tions. setts, Ohio, and illinois.

Strikes, whether voluntru.-y or by compulsion. would seldom occur The causes of strikes are still more discreditable to that pretension, if they did not increase the profits of the capitalist while they last, so bold and so false, that a protected home market for American labor and if .the invitation to foreign labor was not adequate to the ready is the mainspring of the movement for giving high bounties to capi­supply of he factories with imported laborers. With this door open ta.l. These self-sacrificing gentlemen pretend that they want more a great strike can not fail to bring into the country a large increase of tribute from the tax-pa,yers, only for the purpose of paying their em­laborers. ploy~s better wages. Let the strikers answer this talse plea in the

Men thus brought in are Cheap and refuse laborers of inferior class statement of the causes that have led to these desperate movements: and inferior inteUigence, often· criminal and debased. When they cAus:Es oF sTRIKES. come they take the places from which a better class have been driven Establisllments. out. The result is sad, hut it is natural, and the indignant strikers ~~~!:~~~~~~fh':::a.~:::::::::.:·::::::::.:·:::::::::::::::::::~::::::~:::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~:~~ resent defiantly this double- wrong to them and their families. Against reduction of wages ........................... ......... _ .................. -·-......... 1,73,'

I can not believe that such a. great number of men engaged by the J:o'or increase of wages and reduction ofhou.rs. .................... ........... -......... 1, G92 greatcorporationsandcapitalistsinrailroads, mines, and factories would --mcd· nr theflosses :;md hardshid .'psththat are endured py laboring men of all All others ... ........................................................ - .................. ~ .................... 1;:~

egrees o skill m con ucting ese strikes from motives of selfishness, ---jealousy, or malice. In nearly all of them the men engaged in them arc Total .. .. ......................................................................... - ........ _ ......... 22,304

the constant witnesses of the hardest fate that can be visited upon hu- The total number of employes involved in the whole number of strikeR for manity, from the freezing and starving infant and the broken-hearted the whole period was 1.,323,203. Tb.e number of employ~s originating the strikes mother to the fa.tber who is the victim of massacre. wo.s 1,0!!0,156. T!le number of employ~ in a.ll the e.'ltablishments before the

Untold and indescribable miseries are the constant results of these strikes occurred was 1,600,835, while the whole number employed in the estab-lishments involved after the strikes occmTed was 1, 635, 017-a. loss of 25,7!$8. strikes, and they are foreseen by the men who engage in them. The There wore 103,038 new employes engaged after the strikes, o.nd 37,483 were strikers are always heavy suff~rers, while the empJoyers at most are brought from other places than those in which the strikes occurred. only losers of a part of their income. l\Ien do not incur such risks In the2,214 estnblishments in which lockouts were ordered during the period named there were 175,,270 employfs before tile lockouts occurred, and 170,747 and expose their tnmilies to such sufferings unless they believe that after the lockouts, while the number actually locked out was l60l823. There their wrongs demand the sacrifice. It is the tyranny of capital and its were 13,!176 new employ6s secured at the close of the lookouts, ana. 5,682 were greed for profit, sheltered on the one side by the immunity given to it brought from other places than those in which the lockouts occurred. in acts of incorporation and on the other side by the unjust partiality The loss to employ~s in the stri_kes of this period is estillll1ted at oftrui.fl'laws, that drive the men it employs into these excesses of re- $51,814,723, and the loss to employcsthroughlockouts at $8,157.717-sistn.nce and retaliation. Vi'hen they vote bounties to incorporated a total loss to employes of $59,972,440. capital, to be created by tax. laws, they expect that the power they The employers' losses through the strikes for six years amounted to thus confer will not be used to increase their poverty and to destroy I $30,701,553, and through lockouts to ~3,462,201-atotalof $34,163,814. their manhood. They rebel at results like these and press their revolt N eady a. hundred millions of money lost by strikes nnd lockouts to

t1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SEN ATE. 843 the employers and to the employes during these seven ye..'trs under this blesseu system that has been invented here· that has been called the home market for labor !

You. can not point. to an unprotected. industry that ever had a strike in it. This is for the same period, from 1881 to 18t3G:

• Strikes in protectecl ilHlustries from 1881 to 1886.

Industries. Establlih- Striking ments. employes.

Tile only-protected agriculturaiinte:resHn the Un.ited States in_ which a strike ha& occurred was an inconsid-erable affair on the-sugar planta­tions in Louisiana.. Contrast with this the, strikes in the protected manufa.ctming industries from 1881 to 1886, and we find how much more- contented is the ln.box: employed in unprotected agriculture than it is when employed by the bounty-fed owners and workers of ma- Agricultural implements ......... ._ ... ,................... .............. 15 7,251 chines. ITer& is the statement of the strikes and lockouts in the pro- Boots and shoes ... ·-··· ················ ·· ··············· ..... ....... "....... 352 49, m tected indll3tries-- Brewillg.............. .... ......................................................... 139 4,2..1.5

l\Ir~ HAWLEY. If it will not; disturb the Senator; I should like to s~~~J~d·.;;;~·~:::::.-~~:_::~~::::::~~::::::~:::::::::::::~:::::::: ~ 1~:~~ ask a question just there, especially as I heard the ;remark that labor CloLhing .................... ~ .................... - ...................... :....... 1,72& 74..398 is so much more peaceable where 1't IS. not p t t d. Willth S""'"' CCoooperaged ......... 1 ............ ds................................................... ~ li.&lS

tor tell me whetheD they have no strikes at~~: ~ee-trade co:n~i:s~ Co~~~~~~o~~~-~~ .. ~~.~ .... ::::::::::::::.::::::::::::::::~:::::::~::::: 1.!!9 ~:~ and if they ho.venone, what there is in then· situation that bars strikes? ~f:~~~.~1.~~::::·:::::::::::::.~:::::::::::::::::::::.:·:::::::::::::::::.~:::::.::~: ~~ iJi} 1\.fy point ¥1 this: Strikes are not necessarily a result of either a pro- Leather and leather goods ........................... -···--·~···•m I48 5, 8;51 teeti ve tarill or a free-trade tariff, so called, but they are a part of that Lumber ...... ·············-··················· ........ - ............... _....... 395 3-!, !>56 general mov-ement, that swinging to and fro, that pressure, alternative 1\Ia.chines n.nd ma.cllinery ....................................... -...... 1.~ 1

;;, !~

~1~~~~~~r."~"".:b:~~~::::be~::~:n::::::~d ::~ ~~~:¥.~£.E:2\i:fH~~~::·:~t:~~H:fl ~~ 1fi American view of it. Silk goods .................................................... ~······-········.. 52 5, 663'

1Hr. HAWLEY. Then: I understand the Senator-- · ~~:aeci:~~:':~~. ~~~-~~~~~~::::::·.:::::::::::::::::::::::~:::::::~: · 2, ~~ ~~ ~ 1\Ir . .n.-ror..GA.N. I am not discussing it upon the mere q_uestion of watches .................... : ................. .. .......... -...................... 7 1.217

theory, but I am taking the facts as they-have o<!currecl: Wooden goods ....... _ ......... -···-~·····-· ............. - ... -........... 240 :t-t,257 1\I.r. H.A.WLEY. I wish to emphasize this-- Woolen goods ............................ ...................................... ,,...... ___ 52_7-__ s_._6l_~

Mr. MORGAN. I want. to know whether these fucts count a bene- Total .................. ~.................................................. It,SSL I 933,080 fit and atlnmtage to agriculture in the system of protection, or whether they show that that system baa-led to uproar and outrage and wrong and injustice. M:mufactures were going on in this country: when 1 was a young mm1~ and I nevez. heard of a strike until I got to be a mirldle-aged man under a. tariff for protection.

Ur. IIA WLEY. The Senator will pardon the re~ but I only desired to :know whether he_ charged that strikes were dnc to, the doc-­triue of :protection. Mr~ MORGAN. I am not arguing this question, no,r will I argue

any question upon t.he idea of ]!Ost lwc e1·go. p1·aptet· hoc. That is not a fui:r method of ar~mcntation. Bntr I will proceed further. with. the argnment which I bav.e before me to accountt as I _ thi.E.krationally and conectly·, for the fact that. these strikes are the necessary outcome of the protection. doctrines in this coun-try, the p1'0tection la.ws that have bearin force. W c have. got the l?OSt hoc and the propter !toe here, but we ha-re got more than that: We have got the. direct connection be­tweeu the strikers and the manufacturers who are. protected, and we find thn.t in the unprotected industries o£ the United States there are no strikes.

' hether-it is a mean princiQle of hu.n:mnity on the partof the la-borer that makes him demand of his employer a part of the bounty- that the Government of the United Sta.tes is paying to him under these tax laws is not far me to answer, but 1 think I.shall bkeoccasion.torepeatthat my obserTiltion has been among the laboring classes, the employes of fudorle5, the mechanics, and the artisans of this eonntry; that they are.jnst as patriotic, and.just as virtuotiBr and just as honest as any othcr cbss-ofmen in the world; and when wefindthem breakingloose in these vast masses, and w ben they carry the torch of the ineendiary in.1iheir hands and dv:namite bombs concealed beneath thelr dothesfor the purpose of redreSsin~ grievances, we must understand that tbe:re is a movement in the very depths of the American. hea.r:t: which ha.s been provoked by some very serious cause, and that- call3e is the state of the la.w in tile United States upon. the question of taxation.

Tho Senator from Connecticut asks me if strikes do not occur. in.free­trade countries. Yes, they do occur there; but in those countries they ha>e got other monopolistic institutions. They have got other means of grinding down the poor thatr force them even in fi:ee-tradeconn.tries to strike. There is a oobility to be supported, on. the top a reyalty to be supported, and in the midst of all o.f them m:ormous monopolies to be supported, which are :paid ou_t of the treasury, if you please, of Great Britain. They b::tve 'got there a :more enlarged form than we ha>e got here, the power of aristocratic :mle. But in this coun.try-tbe power of aristocratic rule is given to the barons who reap the harvest of taxation that is kept out of the .Treasury of the United States by the tariff laws and carried into their pockets.

Co?tinually, day bJ: day and hour by hour, and by every speech that IS made on that s1de of this Chamber and almost every >ote that ia given u~on a .tariff law, we are building up for the Amer~can peo~le n. bounty-fed aristocracy who grind the people through therr factones and their corporations and their tariff laws until they force them to strike, just a~. the c?mmona.~ty of Engb.nd are forced to strike by that other system of arb1tmry :mstocracy which loads them with burdens of govemmen.t" that they are mcapable of meeting without the loss of man­boon antl almost at the eX"Pense of starvation.

Here is a.stat-ement of strikes and lockouts in the protected industries. I ha.:ve lre~dystated that there are none in theunprotectedindnstries.

Then come the lockouts in_ the protected industries:

Lockoufs ~n protected inrlustries from 1881 t() 188(}.

Industries. Establish- Employes ments. locked out.

Agricultural implements ......... ....................................... 3 Boots and shoes ..................... _........................................ 155 Clothing...... .. . . . . .. . . ..... .. . .. . . ..... . . .. .. . .. . . . . .. . ... .. ... . .. .. . . .. .. . . .. . .. 773 Cooperage ............................................................. ··~······.. 3 Colton and woolen goods ...................... - ............. -~-· 1 Cotton goods........................................... ···-··· ..... ~ .. ·-·· 23 l. Furniture........................................................................ 42 f±l.ns ._ ......... _ ......... ~ ............ ~ .............................. -........... 4L Leatherand·le&lber goods .............. _ ..... _.m.................. 55 Lum.bel: •••oo•••-• oo••-••••••••••••~•oo•••••••••••-o-.oo•oo••oo•••••.,oooooooo 0 1\.fa.cliines. and machinel'Y. ................................ ............... · 9 Metals n.n<l meta.llic goods ................................ - ....... _ .. ,_ 76 1\iinin~ ....................................... ..~ ........... ~ ............ _..... ll Pottery and eart.hen,va.re. .. _._...................... .................. 13 Silk goods·-··················································-················ 2 Stone quarrying and cutting............................................

222-£

6 _

Tobacco·~·············~~·~~·····- ........................ _ ................ . Watcht's .......... -. ...... ...... ................................................ 1 Wooden goods................................................................. 8 Woo!.engoods ................... r ........................... ou••••• ...... _.. 6

865 ~7,861 27,@39

007 103

7.637 , 811

4.74& 1655

, 951. 2, 949

16,572. 3,425 1,310 1,018

43S 30,400

();)

400 l.!Y.!l 1---------:--------Total..... ......... ... ..... .. ..... ...... ...... ........................ ...... I, (SO ~ 12.0,942

Making lockouts of 120,942 poople in 1,480 establishments from 1881 to 1886. I should like to know under this protection that they ba.-e been enjoying all this time, under the botmti.es with which they ba~e been upheld, why it was ne:::essacy to close the doors of their factories in 1,480 establishments against 120,942 employes from 1881. to 1886. Were not the pro1its-suffi.cient under the tariff to enable them to pro­ceed regularly with. business and to furnish their. emplo;ybs. with daily employment throughout the year, Sundays excepted? Hn._~e ~ not paid out of our taxes bou.n.ties enough. to justify these manufacturers wh~ hold the key, as I ha.>e obsecred, of tho home market", and also the door of the factory, in giving a regular supply of employment to their laborers '2

There is where the proof comes as undeniably as th:1t two and two make four that the power given to these men by the protecti.-e tariff to hold foreign goods in abeyance, to keep them from being imported for ~ale into the United Stat-es, enables them in :ill of these impm-tations when their factories are behi:ad, by the lockout of the employes to raise the price of their commodities and to make money by the operation.

The American market can take- only so much goods of any descrip­tion. Sixty-five million people can not consume all thn.t these fac­tories ca.n produce. The money of speculative C!l.pitalists b:l.S gone into all of the different manufacturing establishments to such a large amount as that the disproportion is serioll3ly great between the ttmount of capital employed in manufactures and the capacity of the American people to consume what they produce in their mills. Whn.t is the re­sult?

Whenever prices begin to decrease in consequence of competition, the door is tumed upon the factory and the employes are locked out ofit, and they are notrperm~tted to come. back until pt?ces.catch up. A. speculation. is made, and 1t can always be made, and 1t wtll always

844 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. · JANUARY 16,·

be made under a protective tariff by the capitalist in thus stopping the operations of his factory until prices increase in consequence of the in­creased demand and the shoh supply.

I have gone as fur with this part of the subject us is necessary to show how the capitalists and the laborers fare under this artificially stimulated home market.

If it were not blasphemous ingratitude I would say that it is to be regretted that our farmers produce so much more of grain, provisions, and textiles than are needed to supply our home market.

The ou~ide nations who enjoy this overflow haTe the signal admn­tage of fixing the price not merely of the surplus that we can not consume, but the measure of price or value of these commodities, gauged and graded to their poverty, is brought back to our home mar­ket arid this standard has emblazoned upon · it, "These are pauper prices, fixed by the lazzaroni of Europe upon the food and clothing pro­duced in .America; accept them in your home market, and be grateful to God and the trans-.Atlantic starvelings."

No protected baron scoffs at that declaration. Not one of them would lower his prices a farthing to compensate the farmer for what he must sacrifice in thus having a price :fixed in Liverpoolfor grain and provis­ions sold in Rhode Island.

They greedily accept the prices :fixed upon grain, provisions, and cot­ton in the foreign market, while they pretend, but only pretend, that they are unwilling that the price of labor employed in their business shall be fixed in the same markets.

What are crops but the wages of the farmer, and what are his wages but the price :fixed upon his crops'?

The manufacturer rejoices when the prices of grain, provisions, and the textiles run low in the foreign markets, because that fixes the price in the home market and increases his gain by lowering his expenses. He weeps and wails when the prices of labor run low in foreign coun­tries, but soon recovers his spirits when it pours in upon him through the immigrant gates at "the Battery" in .New York, which only open inward, bringing labor competition into the protected home market.

To the American laborer he says, 11 Help me to increase my income by taxi.Dg the people and I can do better by yon at a convenient season." To the foreign laborer he says, ".At a convenient seaso~ I will call f.or you.''

That convenient season is whenAmericanlabor is too high, or makes demands for increase of wages. Then the key of the lockout is turned in the factory door, or the reduction of wages, or some arbitrary wrong, causes the deceived and indignanttoilersto walk outandconfrontstarva­tion, or accept sympathy in the form of bread subscribed by their society to r~ed their children. They turn away from the cold glitter" of the gold they have loaded into the coffers of the capitalists and seek comiort in the warmer bosoms of men whose blood still flows in a warm and chari­table current through veins shriveled with poverty.

This is t.he home market they have been told about for agriculture and for skilled labor.

It raises in a few localities the price of beans, onions, cabbages, tur­nips, lettuce, fowls, butter, milk, and fruits, and this is the compensa­tion offered to agriCulture for compelling the farmers to take pauper prices for wheat, flour, corn, oats, pork, bacon, beef, and mutton, and ail the great staples of husbandry. .A.ll people are consumers.

Mr. HAWLEY. I wonder if it would disturb the Senator too much to allow me to interject a word. He is just there now where l should like to have him say a little more. I am going to say something by and by upon that precise topic, and I will give him a point now and shall be glad if he will say something about it.

I have heard him speak of Tegetables, etc., and of the injuries the farmers suffer here. I call his attention to the fact, which I will lay before him from the census, that the value of farming lands goes up precisely as the percentage of people employed in manufacturing in­creases in every State and in sections of States. There were no man­ufactures to speak of until18SO in the Senator's State, and his land is worth $4.19 an acre, while in granite Connecticut ours is worth $49.

· Mr. MORGAN. Tbere are so many people in Connecticut in com­parison with the area that the ground for burying a man ought to be pret~y high. It is a very dense population.

Mr. HAWLEY. Then I will go where the population is · by the square mile the same, nnd compare manufacturing States with agri­cultural States.

Mr. MORGAN. You may go through Connecticut, and through Massachusetts, too, and you will find to-day farms grown up, turned to timber, turned to fire-wood, that were formerly under cultivation.

l\Ir. liA WLEY. I give the Senator the prices against his own prices. That is enough.

Mr. :MORGAN. I am talking about the payment of labor; I am not talking about the prices of land. Prices of course go up in lands where tho population is dense. The price of real estate in Washington City has advanced not less than 50 per cent. since I came to this city as a Senator, and it is all owing to the fact of the density of the population, the inflow of population. Land is getting scarcer and the population is getting greater, and as a matter of course the price goes up.

Mr. HAWLEY. Will the Senator permit me to make just one state-

ment, and I will not further trouble him? I am certain as to the source where it was taken. Wisconsin has a population of 24.2 to the square mile; Alabama, 24.5 to the square mile. Thedifferenceisharcllyworth mentioning in density of population. Farm lands are valued in Wis­consin at $:23.30 to the acre, though they have barely got over distribut­ing public lands, and in AJabama $4.19. The density of population being the same, the material difference between them, aside from differ­ences of climate, is the extent to which the manufacturing of Wisconsin furnishes a home market. ·

Mr . . MORGAN. The Senn.tor from Connecticut has afforded·me an opportunity, by a little diversion from the line of my argument, to make a statement and an answer to his question that I am very happy to do.

The population of Wisconsin originated very largely in immigration. It takes about a thousand dollars of some body's money to raise a hoy f~om the date of his birth until he is eighteen, nineteen, or twenty years of age, able to do a man's work. Somebody has to e~pend it. It is a tax upon the community. In considering the aggregate wealth and the uggregate expenditure of any community you are obliged to take into account not merely the cost of raising labor but also the value oflabor after it is raised.

The people in Wisconsin and other States in the Northwest, through immigration laws and through their enterprise, for which I commend them very highly indeed, have managed to draw a very large amount of Scandinavian population and population of other kinds from for­eign countries,· usnally employed in the cultivation of land. When those men came to Wisconsin and to those other States they came al­ready raiRed. The thousand dollars which had been invested in the raising of each one of those men was expended by a community across the water, and it was no tax upon Wisconsin. When the man came here he was ready to take the plow in his hand and go to work, hav­ing cost that community nothing. The land upon which he is em­ployed of course is very much more valuable than land would be in a country where it cost a thousand dollars to raise the laborer, and when you get him raised he is of no account at all.

Now, take the young negroes in the South, and they are the most unpromising, yes, the most God-forsaken set of people in respect of in­dustry and of hopes and prospects of ever performing anything that re­quires labor, found anywhere outside of Algiers or Morocco or the great desert of Sahara. It costs us down there a full thousand dollars to raise a negro child, a boy, from his birth to eighteen years of age, not to include the stealing and the other depredatiollB that that poor creat­ure perpetrates, it seems from a natural drift; I am afraid it is that.

Our country is taxed enormously to raise its labor. It has had no immigration from white countries. It will never have any while the negroes are dominant in that region. There is not a gentleman on the floor of the Senate from a Northern State to-day who would send his son down into an agricultural district in Alabama, no matter how rich the land was, to become a farmer; and yet that same gentleman would jump at the opportunity of sending ills son out to take a farm in Wis­consin.

Unfortunately, under the circumstances by which we are surrounded we can not have white immigration into our country. We have to raise our labor at a thousand dollars a bead to the time when they are twenty years of age. Yon import your labor, raised with no tax upon your community. That puts the price of your lands np, and it puts the price of our lands down.

Sir, if I could by a decree of law or of Providence expel from the State of Alabama this day every negro in it and have a barrier erected so that he could never return, the lands in .Alabama would run up to pricEs gr.eater than they are in Wisconsin, and the people would rush into that country with more eagerness than they are trying now to get into Oklahoma.

Sir, that is a beautiful land. Its fertility is unexampled. Its for­ests beggar description in their magnificence. Streams abound every­where, furnishing the greatest supply of the finest water. There is scarcely a hill in a.ll that country that · has not got its spring at the foundation pouring its limpid stream out for the refreshment of the people. Fruits of every character grow that are known to a temperate clime. You can raise as much wheat to the acre in .Alabama, in the northern parts of that State, as you can raise in Wisconsin, the aver­age being 11 bushels to the acre, according to the amount of the pres. ent crop. We have the great cotton crop to rely upon. We have:;nch n. sup~rabundant. supply. of providential re3ources in that country that the. difficulty w1th us lS that we can make a living altoge.ther too easily.

But there is this race of people. We did not bring them there. The slave-catchers brought them thera, whoever they we1·e, and we· bought them from the slave-catchers and from the ships as they were 1

imported into this country. They were flooded out over that Southern ' country because agriculture in the growing of cotton and other thinwf, was profitable. They were flooded upon that country. So we had no power to resist their coming in. The present generation of men in! Alabama are no more responsible for the presence of the negro ther~. than are the present generation of :Massacl:Insetts and Connecticut re-o'

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 845 sponsihle for their importation into this country. We find them there. They are an incubus and a burden upon the country. While they fur­nish labor, they do not furnish that foundation of industry which must be built, if industry ever succeeds in any country, upon the frugality, the economy, the savings, the industry, and the honesty of what we might. call the base of society, what in France is called the peasantry.•

If you put beneath the foundations of agricultural industry or manu­facturing industry or any other industry, I care not what it is, a peo­ple who are reckless and wasteful, who have no thrift and no economy, and while they may enrich by the current profits upon their labor the men who employ capital in manufactories or other establishments, when you come to consider their effect upon the prosperity of a great country you will find that it is like water poured upon the sand; it percolates, is lost, and no effect comes from it. We have a substratum of labor­ing population in the South upon which you can not build a real, sub­stantial, prosperous industry, either in manufacturing or in agriculture. That is our misfortune. God knows I regret it. I can not help it. That accounts for the figures which the honorable Senator from Con­necticut has just laid before the Senate.

Mr. BLAIR. I should like to ask the Senator if we are to under­stand that be considers it would be for t.he interest of the Southern white people that the negroes should emigrate from the Southern States in a body? -

Mr. MORGAN. Not in a body, Mr. President; I do not think it would, and not immediately.

Mr. BLAIR. I should be glad to have the Senator justify his state­ment upon that point.

~fr. MORGAN. But I was always in favor of that proposition brought in by the former Senator from Minnesota, Mr. Windom, which looked to the scattering of the negroes of the South out into the Northern States. I wish the Senator from New Hampshire had in his State a hundred thousand that I could furnish bini from Alabama. I wish he had a hundred thousand of them. I should be very glad in­deed to give them up.

ltfr. BLAIR. If the Senator will permit me upon that very point, I will state that I had the honor to serve upon the committee which investigated that subject, and I thought it was very manifest that the Southern people as represented in the Senate at that time were exceed­ingly incensed at the supposed object of that investigation, to encourage the exodus of the colored people from those States. For one I thought that they had a right to be, and that it was against the interest of both the white and the colored population that there should be any such dispersion of the colored people of the South throughout the country at large any further than a discontented surplus might do that perhaps to the relief of the congested mass at home.

Personally I always encouraged their remaining there, and many a time I have written letters to colored men to that effect who have asked me through their correspondence upon that subject. In letters I have written to them I have stated that I thought the thing for theni to do was to remain in the Southern States at home that the Southern whi~ man :was really their bes~ friend. If I have b~en laboring under a miStake, if the Southern wh1te people feel that it is better that the colored population should gradually seek homes elsewhere I should be glad to know it, and I will give such advice as I may be' called upon to give in another direction.

Mr. MORGAN. I was asked by the Senator from New Hampshire whether I was of the opinion that it would be for the benefit of the people of the Southern country that the negro should disperse into other States. I answered it by stating that I was always in favor of · the proposition advanced by Senator Windom for the dispersion of the negroes. I believe it would be a godsend to the people of the South if that could be done.

I do not know that the Senator from New Hampshire has made any great effort to draw negroes into his State. I wish he would start, among the· many societies that he seems to be propagating, a society for the introduction of negroes from Alabama into New Hampshire, and I would do my best tO promote his society, to get subscribers to it, and to get negroes to migrate. He can have all the benefit of them that he thinks he want:B.

Mr. BLAIR. I will say to the Senator that I would think it quite as much for the interest of my State to organize such a society and to have it efficient to secure the immigration of the colored people of Alabama to our State as the white men.

Mr. MORGAN. As the white men of Alabama! I understand that. The Senator from New Hampshire may spare himself all of his invec­tive against the people of Alabama, for very fortunately for us it either goes below our feet or over our heads. It makes no impression upon us. TheSenatorcan wearhimse1foutwith such allusions ifhechooses to do it, without producing even a rufil.e upon our skiru: or any sort of excitement to the people of Alabama.

Mr. BLAIR. If the Senator will permit me-­Mr. MORGAN. I decline to yield further. Mr. BLAIR. !should be very glad ~limitmygeneralre:flection upon

the people of Alabama and confine it s1mply to the Senator with whom I am engaged in a colloquy. ·

Mr. 1\IORGAN. If any providential thing should keep the Senator and I apart forever, God be thanked. I do not know any reason tha,t I have forgoing with him. He adds nothing to my happiness that rl know of, and I think a more intimate association with him would neither improve me in temper, in information, or in any other respect. So the 11:entleman can take his leave of me forever, if he chooses to do so, and I should be glad to have him do so.

Mr. BLAIR. I imagine I shall if I ascend hereafter. Mr. MORGAN. Perhaps you may, but the question of your as­

cending hereafter is one of the problems that I can not decide, fortu­nately. As the tree falls so will it lie. I can say this for the people of Alabama and their representatives, that they have none of that intermeddling spirit or peculiar malice which seems to infest the minds of some here, who are always trying to find somebody against whom they can make a point, of whom they can make a complaint. · We stand, sir, in the consciousness of the integrity of our own motives and the justice of our purposes, and it is a matter of no sort of concern to us whether our views shall suit those who do not like us or whether they shall not. · When our record is read, especially that part of it which relates to the support of our oaths, the maintenance of the Con·­stitution of the United States, I expect that the representatives from Alabama and the people of Alabama will be found to stand as true and loyal for the Constitution of this land as any other set of men who are in it now or who were ever in it; and that is enough: . When we stand by our obligations to maintain the Constitution of the countzy, then of course opinion is free, and in those limit:B legislation is free, as it ought to be. I censure no man for differing with me upon any question or under any circumstances, unless I am convinced tllat his policy leads him contrary to the Constitution of his country.

I will now proceed to resume the line of argument which I dropped a few. moments ago to reply to a question, and from which I have been div~rted unfortunately and very disagreeably and very l!nnecessarily.

It is to the human family in the United States that the argu~ent is addressed that high taxes make low prices. AS the manufacturers do not want low prices for their productions, it is a curious conundrum· why they should want high taxes;

They want low prices for all the staple articles of commerce that the farmers, miners, lumbermen, and fishermen produce because they are consumers of their productions.

High prices on imported commodities of manufacture secure to the home manufacturer high prices on what he produces, and prevents tl:le American farmer from getting fair wages for what he produces. When he exchanges his wheat in England for clothing he can not bring it home without paying a tax on it, and, as he can get no higher price for his wheat in New York than in Liverpool, the difference in the cost of clothing between these marta represents the loss in the ·price of his toil, which is his wages. · . :

It is the tariff that depresses the price of his labor, represented in his wheat, just as much in the home market as it does abroad, by pre­venting him from purchasing with his wheat, on an average, 46 per cent. more of the same goods in England than he could get for the same amount of wheat in New York.

A theory is presented to fill the gap in the farmers' accounts cur­rent, which claims that the home market for articles of a perishable nature that will not bear exportation will compensate them for the vast losses they thus sustain upon all their great staple crops raised in ex-cess of the home market demand. ·

There can be no need to disprove by an array of facts a theory that is so absurdly false. If our cotton production was reduced to the wants of the home market we would have to reduce our annual crop by 4,500,-000 bales. We would have to make this enormoDB retrograde before we could have even a voice in pricing our products up to a sum corr~­sponding with the prices of manufactured goods in the market. If the annual consumption of cotton were limited to 4 pounds per capita, or 12 yards of fair cloth, we should need a population of 450, ooo, ooo of people to consume our present limited production.

If we wait for that number of people before we are to have a home market that will consume our cotton crop, and before we are to enjoy the supposed blessings of that mythical condition, we shall have to work hard for the home market and the "millions in it " in raising the turnips we are to sell to luxuriating philosophers who plan so wisely to make us all rich by excessive taxation. ·

What other sentinient than blind and heartless cupidity would have devised this scheme of wanton interference with the personal rights of the tax-payers by converting the power to raise revenue into the power to make and unmake the fortunes of men, and to divert them from the free pursuit of their business vocations and to trample under the foot of the oppressor one industry that another might have better room to grow and find a ri~er soil in its decay? ·

The raising of revenue is the only duty Congress has to perform in taxation of any kind, and when that is done the power is executed. When any different purpose is included in a tax bill the Constitution is abused, the people are wronged, tyranny is excused, lawless disre- . gard of the rights of the people is encouraged; representatives are con­fronted with temptation, the unceasing foe of honest government; pub-

846 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

lie morals are depraved to a stand...1.rd that recognizes no right that is not pai<l for in some mercenary equivalent; favors are sandwiched with oppression in every tax: bill, and Congress becomes a mart of trade.

These are the princip!es upon which I oppose the tax proposed by this committee upon the importation of tin, which, as I observed in the outset of my remarks, as was demonstrated by the Senator from Ar­kansas. is a tax that covers every f;.\lse principle to be found in this bill. That tax is tho image of this bill urawn in a single article; but it is just as true of a very large number of articles embraced in the bill that the tax is imposed not for the purpose of raising revenue, not for any legitimate purpose mentioned or thought of in the Constitution of the United States, but it is imposed solely and expre5Sly tor the pur­pose ofg:ivingmoney taxedontofthe people into the hands of the manu­facturers that they may make trade profits thereby.

Mr. CH.A..NDLER. .llir. President, I desire to ask the cbairm::m of the subcommittee, who bas been reporting amendments which the committee propose to this bill, whether the committee intend to rec­ommend an amendment raising the duty on skates, a manufacture in New Hampshire certain facts in relation to which I had the honor to submit to the committee.

Mr. ALLISON. In response to the inquiry of the Senator from New Hampshire, I will say that the subcommittee, the committee, in fact, have considered somewhat the question presented by him to the com­mittee as r~cts skates, but the difficulty in making an amendment applying to them is that it lumbers up the bill with too many special things. I think the committee genemlly were of the opinion that the par­ticular matter which he referred to the committee ought to be remedied in some way, but we have not thus far been ahle to devise a remedy that would lile effective.

1\Ir. CHANDLER. I submitted to the committee evidence showing very clearly, as it seemed to me, that this manufacture could not be longer continued in New Hampshire without an increase ofquty. Ai3 I understand.- the present duty is, under the basket clause 198, concern­ing manufactures of iron and steel not specially ennmera1fi or pro­vided for in the act, 45 per cent. ad valorem. The evidence proved that skates could be manufactured in Germany at a very low rate, ann that if their importation continued as it would under the present rate of duty the home manufacture would be destroyed. !should like to ask the Senator whether he does not believe that the German manufactures will shortly or eventually prevent the manufacture of skates in this country if the present rate of duty continues.

.Mr. ALLISON. I am quite well aware of the purpose of the Sena­tor in making this special inquiry. The manufacture to which the Senator refers is the manufacture of a particular skate or kind of steel skates, which the • enator now prounces in the Chamber. Those inter­ested ask us to include t-hem specifically in our schedule. We had not sufficient information to enable us to deal with the question of skates so as to provide a specific duty for the articles indicated by the Senator, nnd also for other articles of a similar cbarncter.

In the absence of moro detailed information, we have been unable to suggest .a specific remedy for the p_articular thing he now speaks of. I will say that there are a great many articles which now come in under what is known as the basket clause of manufactures of iron and steel at 45 per cent. ad valorem, which probably will not very long be manufactured at that rate in this country in competition with the Germans, who are invading our manufactures at every point, and pro­ducing articles cheaper than they can be produced here with the pro­tection of 45 per cent. ad valorem.

Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, I desire to present the facts in reference.. to this industry to the attention of tho Senate. These skates are distinctly aN orthern manufacture and for Northern use. Of coursB they do not interest the Senators from the South. But it is no incon­siderable industry in the city of Concord. where I reside. Concord is not a manufacturing city to any great extent. We make the Concord carriages, the Concord harness, and. there is a small amount of woolen manufacture. _

Bnt there has ~own up in Concord quite an industry in ~e manu­facture of these skates, which are, as the Senat~ will see [exhibiting], entirely of steel. They are manufactured pmly by machinery but largely by hand. There is a very large proportion of the work done upon them which is hand work. They b;1.ve been profitably made until a recentperiod, but now under the influence of German importations, the manufacture is beco~iD.g unprofitable, and although it is going on at this moment in Concord and also to some extent in the city of Keene, N.H., where ex-Governor Samuel W. Hale and his son have a skate factory, yet it is apparent tha.t the mantJ.factnre will shortly have to be given up and the industry, such as it isr smaJl or great, will have to be abandoned.

I wish to read to the Senate the communicatiott sent to me by the manufacturers, which I presented to the Committee on Finance. It is as follows: [Haley 1\Innufa.cturing Company, fu.clory and office, 181 Norlh Main street·, Con­

cord, N. H. Boston office, 29 Pearl street (removed to 103 Chauncey street). John Kimba.ll, president; J. J. Haley, treasurer.]

BOSTON, Dt.cmnber 8, 1888. D1u.n. Srn: In compliance with your request I write you giving you a brief

6tntement concerning the manufacture of skates in the United States. From

the best information that I can get there are about 1,500,000 pairs of skates sold per year in the United States, and at the present time about 500,000 pair11 are imported from Germany, which will be greatly increased at the pl"ices at which the importers are now selling them. I send you by express a pair of skates su.ch o.s arc made in Germany, and which were sold two years ago by the importers a ,t fwm 50 to 60 cents per pair in lots of 500 pairs or more. The price of these skates this year, as solt.l by the importers, is 38 cent'! per pair in lot!! of 100 pairs Qr more, whlch is much less than they cnn be ruo.nttfacttued for in this country,

1\.fr. GRAY. The Senator has before him the American skate ? Mr. CH.A.L~DLEl"'. This is the American skate. The German skate

is slightly inferior to tho American skate. The letter proceeds: It takes about 4.1 pounds of steel to make one pai r of the e skates, which at

the present prit-e is ab{)ut 4 cents pe r pounu. 'l'ht> lD.bor upon these skates will average ahout 25 cents per pair. Add to that cost rent, power, insnrance, inter­est, etc., you add at least 5 cents per pair to the cost, which you will readily see is so much above the cost of tho Germa n skate that the munufactnrers are obliged to ~ i ve np the m annf::.ctnre of them in lhis country.

'I' he steelm these skates manufactured here, as far as I know, is all American steel, and oesides stopping the industry of tlle mnnufactnre of skaL<H, it also stops tlle wanufactt.rre of a. large quantity of steel. 'Vhen ruy comp:my com­menced the manufacture of s k ates, the lowest price at which they were sold was 58 cents per pair in large quanti t ies. In the lttst two year.s we have made be­tween W,OOO and 70,000 pairs. If the do ties remain t.he same as they nre now we shall be obliged to discontinue the busine8::1, and we know of sor'eral other par­tics who are l:l.rger m:mufacLurers than we are who contemplate giving up the busine.c;s altoget.her. The pattern of skates that I send you was formerly made in HaHfax and patented in the Dominion of Canada.

These skates are called the Halifax or Acme skates. When the patent expired the Germans for one sea.~;on flooded the market nod

the manufacturers at Halifax bart to suspend their business. They went to Ottawa. and got an adllitional specific duty put on these skates, enough so that they could manufacture their skateR at a profit in competition with the Ger­mans. I would snggest that insteatl of an ad valorem duty of 4li per cent. on skates, as at the present time, a. specillc dutry1 such as would fairly protect Ameri­can manufacture, should be imposerl. I thmk this should be doue, or a. small specific duty should be enacted in addition to the present ad va.lorem. Then I think iliat from eight to ten hundred more hands could be employed in the manufacture of skates and the steel of which they are made than there will be if the duty remains the same as at pre.sent.

:J. J. IIALEY, Thmsure1· HO:Uy M.anufacturtuo Company.

Hon. WILLIAM E. OHA.I."DLER, Washington, D. C.

December 18, 1888, ~fr. Haley also wrote me, as follows: DRCEXBER 18, 1888.

DEAB. Sm: Inclosed I send you & letter from Germany to Messrs. Dame, Stod­dard & Kendall, to wbom I have been selling skates. I send you this letter so that., if you choose. you can nse it to sustain my statement in regard to the price at which skates are sold fol' imported from Germany. You have in my letter my calculations what the skates would cost to make them here. You have in this letter an offer from Germany to supply skates., and can see the difference in the cost of importing skates and getting them made here. I do not wish to weary you on this subject, but as the mannfactm"'C of ska.tes is quito an impor­tant industry in this country, when you include tbe steel from which they are manufactured, I desire to give you n.ll the facts that I can, that your committ.ee on tariff may fully understand it-.

Respectfully yoW"S,

Ron. WILLIAX E. CHANDLER, Washim¢011, D. C.

J.J.HALEY.

I now call the attention of Senators who are listening to me to a let .. ter from a German mannfucturer, which is as follows:

REM.sc:rrxrri; June 29, 1888. GE'STLIDIEY: Knowing your firm as a buyer of skates from a f&-iend, I take

the liberty in offering you Halifux or Acme skates in quantities not less than 5,000 pairs at 1. 08 marks free, Hamburg packages free, with 2! per cent. discount ugainl!t cash monlhly.

A mark is about 23 cents. The price at Hamburg, free on bo3:rd, for which this German manufacturer says this skate can be made, IS 1.08

. marks, or about 23 cents. After my calculation yon wonld pay at this price, if you ha.d the skates at New

York, per100 pairs lOS marks, le."~S 2 ~ per cent., 105.30 marks net at Hamburg; freight from Hamburg to New York, 2.:15 marks: as.<~urance, .50 mark; duty from 93.5U marks ( 108 marks, less freight, ca~ks, and packing pap-er). 42; total, 150.15 marks per 100 pa.irs, or per pa.ir 30~ cents (the dolhu at 1.5 marks.)

Dnrlng the latter years I manufactured nParly all the skate.'! which are ex­ported from bore to the United St tes and Oana.da, and most likely you know my skates. But as prices become lower and lower the importer has no profit and the manufacturer is forced to offer his goods direct, and this is the reason for the present leUer, assuring you at the same time that nobody else can give yon such an advantageous offer.

I manufacture, of course, bctier Jrinds of skates than only Acmes, and wonlc.l thank if yon ask for prices.

By a kind reply, if you arc willing to buy, you woulc.l oblige, Yours, very truly, JOH. PET. BEOKER, Jn.

E. HARrY. :1\Iessrs. DAME, STODDARD & KE-:n>ALL,

· Boston, Mass.

You must pay duty only from tl1e net sum. Marks. Marks.

Therefore ................ - .. - ....................................................................... _ ..... 108.00

ia~~;::o/.~~~:~::::~:::::::::·::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::·:·:·:::::·:':':':'::::::·:·:·:·:·:·:·:·: !: ~ 14. w

93.50 At 45 per cent., 42 marks duty.

In other words, these German skates can be purchased ready for ship· ment at less than 25 cents; the duty on them at 45 p~ cent. is about 11 cents, and therefore such imported skates can be lmd down by the wholesale in New York City for 35 or 36 cents per pair.

. 1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE . 847 Mr. VANCE. Mr. President--T he PRESIDING OFFICER (Ur. PUGH in the chair). Does the

SetJ ::ttor from New Hampshire yield to the Senator from North Caro­lina?

Mr. CHANDLER. Certainly. .Mr. VANCE. I wish to understand the object of the Senator from

New Hampshire. Does he desire to increase the duty upon German slmtes? I wait for his reply.

Mr. CHANDLE R. I did not think of asking for an increase of duty on American skates. So I think the conclusioll' is pretty evident that the increase of duty I asked the committee to impose was upon foreign skates.

Mr. VANCE. Do I understand the Senator to say that the German skate undersells the skate made in his State, so that the maker of the home-made article ca.n not afford to manufacture them at that price?

Mr. CHANDLER. He is afraid he can not. Now, I should like to ask t he Senator from North Carolina a question.

Mr. VANCE. The Senator will excuse me--Mr. CHANDLER. I should like to ask the Senator whether he did

not know what the manufacturer desired the committee and Oongress to do?

:Mr. VANCE. I suspected; I did not know. I suspected that he desired. to have tho duty put upon the .foreign skate, in order tha-t he might get an enhanced price for his skates: If that is so, I ·wanted to ask the Senator from New Hampshire--

MI. CHANDLER That is the question I wanted to have an-swered. •

Mr. VANCE. I wa.s desirous to learn from the Senator from New Hampshire how that could be done, because we are told that the duty upon 1the foreign skate cheapens the home-made skate. Therefore, I could not; see how the manufacturer of the home-made skate was to be benefited.

111r. CHANDLER. That is the old conundrum which has been heard from the Senator ad nauseam.

Mr. VANCE. But that is the conundrum that is propounded by the Senator's party, and that is the one that bas never been guessed. I thought I was riJ:tht upon the point of it, if I could get the Senator to answer the question candidly.

Mr. CHANDLEH. If I can understand the Senator's point, I will endeavor to anBwer it.

Mr. VANCE. I understood the Senator to argue and to read from a paper that a Governor Somebody in his State was making skates and that the German skate undersold him even with the present dutY, and he wanted the duty raised for the purpose of cheapening his own skates. He could not afl'ord to compete with the ~rman so long as the duty was on at the present mte, but if the duty was increased tmf­:ficiently high, that would enable him to manufacture his skates at a rate that wonld undersell the German and knock his nose out of joint.

Mr. CHA}..-rnLEH. I do not think the Senator from North Cawlina understood me to say-if he clid he is mistaken-that this ma:nafact­nrer wanted a duty put on t .e foreign skate in order to cheapen the manu.facture of his own sknte.

:.Mr. VANCE. I know, but that is wbat the doctrine results in. 1\!r. CHANDLER. The Senator had an opportunity to answer that

doctrine all last summer and pretty much all this winter, and he might have refrained from stating our argument in a form in which I did not make it in order to gi>e him an opportunity to answer it once more. I suppose the manufacturer wants this duty increased because the German manufucturer under present conditions undersells him and he wants a protective duty on the skate. I suppose the Senator from North Carolina understood that this debate was on the merits of pro­tective duties_ Apparently it hus been so; and there is no dispute about tbe situation with reference to this-one article of manufacture. As I undemtand it, it can not be manufactured much longer at the present cost of making it to the New Hampshire manufacturer unless a higher rate of d-uty can be imposed upon the German skate; and then the German mauufucturer will either keep his skates at home or he will have to pay the duty to the Government if he puts them in com­petition with the American skate.

I wrote again to Mr. Haley and received from him anotber letter, as follows:

Coxco&n, N.H., December 31, 188S. DEAR Sm: Your favor of the 2Glli instant duly received , with inclosurea. It

is beyond question that we enn not manufacture skates in this country to com­p ete with Germany with the present rate of duty. We are working up our stock, and shall di.;l('ontiuue the manufacture until some change is made from the present rate of duty.

Mr. President , here is an industry, a small one to be sure, but it is an illustrative case; that of a manufacture that will disappear in Con­cord, in New Hampshire, in this country, on the existing rate of duty, because the German manufacturers find. that they can make skates more and more cheaply e'"ery year, and they are making them and flooding this country with them to the destruction of the American industry.

I certainly baa ·hopes that the Finance Committee would find them­selves able to report here a small specific duty upon this manu.fu.cture, in order that the making of these skates might continue in this coun­try. It did not seem to me that the Senator from North Carolina or any other Southern Senator, because not interested either in the man­ufacture or in the use of skate.~, would object to a slight increase in this duty, particularly when we now have a duty on sugar of 84 per cent., and a duty on rice of from 71 to 134 per cent. I hoped that this industry might be adequately protected at this time. If it can not be, then -I trust it may be at some other time before the manufacture is entirely extinct in my city and in my State.

Mr. VANCE. Mr. President, the picture that the Senator from New Hampshire presented to us was an appalling one. The idea that this great industry should absolutely disappear from this country and our boys be left to amuse themselves upon skates made in Germany by the pauper labor of Europe is a picture that startles me from my sense of propriety and makes me hesitate whether or not I Ehall consider the constitutional question involved in the case.

Mr. CHANDLER. I should like to interrop~ theSena.tor, if he will allow me.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from North Caro­lina yield?

1\Ir. VANCE. Certainly. Mr. CHA~-rnLER. Does the Senator wish to ask a question, or t.o

make another short speech? Mr. VANCE. No, 8ir; I have the floor. I was recognized by the

Chair, and I supposed the Senator from New Hampshire had concluded. Mr. CHANDLER. The Senator is not to blame, then, for going on.

I had not yielded the floor, but I will yield to a question. Mr. VANCE. If the Senator clainLs the floor, as a matter of course

I subside. 1\Ir. CHANDLER. Did the Chair unden,-tlnd me to yield? The PRESIDING OFFICER.. The Chair thought the Senator from

New Hampshire had concluded and yielded the floor. Mr. CHANDLER. I had not. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New II.ampshire

is now recognized. Mr. CHANDLER. I wish in this connection to call the attention

of the Senate to some statistics of both manufactures and agriculture in New Hampshire, as indicating the importance of a protecti¥e tariff to the welfare of our people. In our State manufactures and agricult­ure go hand in hand. There probably is no community in this coun­try, certainly not ontsi<le of New England or New York, which illus­trates so well the benefits of protective duties to all classes of people as does the State of New Hampshire, with her diversified manufactur­ing and agricultural industries; and there iB no community to which it would be so fatal to apply the Democratic doctrine of free trade or a tariff for revenue only as to the people of New Ham}lshire.

Reliable statistics of manufactming products must of course be taken from the census of 1880. Another decade has nearly elapsed, and we shall soon be po~essed of the statistics of the 1ast ten years, but until the new census is taken we can refer safely only to the ce11Sll8 of 1880. I have here, and will insert in the REcoRD, with the permission of the Senate, without reading in fnll, the statistics of the agricultaml and manufacturing industries of New Hampshire in the year 1879.

N ew Hampslti;e.

[Census onsso, volume 2, page 14!1.] . !I Average number of hands &5 employed. Total a amount paid .;] CapitaL in wages Value of Value of

~ Males Female-s Children during the m.nteriRls. products. above 16 above 15 and year.

Ill years. years. you~. ~

I\Iechanica.l tand Dlil.nnfacturing industries.

17 $100,700 liS ···········:t ........... _. ... Si5,068 $91,4i6 ~2,'8JO 1 50 1 ..._._. ............ 1,000 100 I.SOO 2 2, 750 7 ~·············

3,250 1, 575 G,5i5 5 286.094 127 6 60,974 4.'13,1H5 606,9-14

324 262,4!)8 336 ............ 8. 2 107,665 157.MO I 474,1.23 6 14,000 ll 2 8,250 ll,ri25 25,1.00

- ~ 2,600 3 13 3 3,100 7,200 13,000 5 67,000 74 50 4 37,000 32,450 88,500

261 1,708,290 s, 64.8 1,006 70 1, 882, 9;>-:1 4, 092,400 7,619,921

!m~~f~t~~e,.~~nJ~;·~;;·:::.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~7~e~. rattan and willow ware ............. u ...................................... .

l:tlac~;~.nd. hose. lentber ·····-····;"" ·:···-··· ............... ............. _ .. .. Book . Itl.nn~: ( also Wbeelwr1ghtmg) ...................................... . Bo -lHnd1ug and blank-book making .... ·-································~··· Bo~: :~~ =~~= ~!tst.ock ......... - .. - ........... --··· ........ - ................... . B ts d sh · ~ "····~·--·~ .. ·········--· ········--···········--.... . oo an oes, including custom-work and repairing ............ ••••••

848 CONGRESSIONAL RECORP-SENATE.

Ne10 Hampshire-Continued. [Census of 1880, volume 2, page 149.]

.!9 Average number of hands c

Mechanical and manufacturing industries.

t~::: ~~~:~.dta~k?~g·:::::::::·::::::::::::::: : ::::::::::::::::: :: :::: :::::::::::::::::: Brass castings ............................................... ......... ......................... .. Bread and other bakery products .................... .. ............................. .. Brick and tile (see also Drain and sewer pipes) ............................... . Brooms and brushes ...................... ...................................... .. ......... . .. Card-board ......... ....................................................................... ... .. .. ..

~:~~~~~8:;-~g.~~-~·~~~i~i;·::::::: : :::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Carriages and wagons (see also Wheelwrights) .............................. ..

~~c~t.~~.:.~~-~~~~:.a.~-~-r~~.~-~~.'.'.'.'.'.'."::::::::::.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Cheese and butter (factory) .............................................................. . Clocks .............................................................................................. . Clothing, men's ............................................................................... .. Clothing, women's ..................................... ..................................... . Coffins, burial-cases, and undertakers' goods .................................. . COnfectionery ........................ ................ . ...... .. ............................ ... ..

~~~K:~!ga~d·i;i~~·::::.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.":::::.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.".::·:::::::::: Corsets ............................................. ............................................... . CoUon goods (see also Hosiery and knit goods; 1\Iixed textiles) ... .. Cutlery and edge tools (see also Hardware; Tools) ...................... .. Dentistry, mechanical. ..................................................................... . Drain and sewer pipes (see also Brick and tile) ............................ .. Drugs and chemicals (see also Patent medicines and compounds) .. .

B~:i~~ :::: fi~I::t::: ~itii~"S::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Electrical apparatus and supplies ................................................... .. Electroplating ................................................................................. .. Emery-wheels.; ................................. .......................................... ..... . Fancy articles ................................................................................. .. Felt goods (see also W oo1eri goods) ................... ; .. , .......................... .

·Files (see also Saws) ....................................................................... .. Flouring and grist mill products ..................................................... . Foundry and machine-shop products ............................................. . Furnishing goods, men's ................................................................ .. Furniture (see also Mattresses and spring beds; Upholstering) ... .. Furniture, chairs ............................................................................ .. Glass ............................................................................................... . Gloves and mittens (see also Hosiery and knit goods; Woolen

goods) .......................................................................... ................. . Glue ................................................................................................ .. Grease and tallow ........................................................................... . Hair-work ...................................................................................... . Handles, wooden ..... ........................................................................ . Hardware (see also Cutlery· and edge tools; Tools) ....................... . Hats and caps, not including wool hats ........................................... . Hones and whetstones .................................... ................................ . Hosiery and knit goods (see also Cotton goods; Glo\'es and mit-

tens; Woolen goods) ..................................................................... .. Instruments, professional and scientific .................... ....................... . Iron and steel ................................................................................. .. Iron bolts, nuts, washers, and 1·ivets .. ............................................. .

~J~iin~od:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::·.:·.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Lasts ................................... . ............................................................. . Leather board (see also Paper) ....................................................... .. Leather, curried .............................................. ; .............................. .. Les.ther, patent and enameled ........................... ............................ .. Leather, tanned .............................................................................. ..

H~~~~: :SJ~~~:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Lock and gun smithing .......... - ...................................................... . Looking-glass and picture frames ................................................... . Lumber, planed, (see also Sash, doors, and blinds; Wood, turned

and carved) ............................................ . ..................................... . Lumber, sawed ..................... ........................................................... . 1\Iantels, slate, marble, and marbleized ............................................ . 1\Iarble and stone work ................................................................... .. 1\Iasonry, brick, and stone .............................................................. .. Mattresses and spring-beds (see also Furniture) ............................. .. Mineral and soda waters ........................... ...................................... .. Mixed textiles (see also Cotton goods; Silk, and silk goods; Woolen

goods) ........................................................................... ................. . 1\lusicaf instruments and materials, .not specified ................ .. .... .. .. .. Musical instruments, organs and materials ................................... .. Musical instruments, pianos and materials .................................... ..

~:rn"li~s~t~~pp~~~h~;;g'h;g:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Paper (see also Cardboard; Leather board; Wood-pulp) .............. .. . Patent medicines and compounds (see also Drugs and chemicals) ...

if~E~~~~;:.:;~:~:~~~:~:::::::::::::.::.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: f~r~~:~~~lr~F.~~!.~ :::::::::::::::::::::.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Pumps, not including steam-pumps ................................................ .. Refrigerators ................................................................................... .

~~~~~;v~~~if~:E3~~~~~~:·:·:·::::.:::.:.::::::::::::::::::::::::::·::::::::::::::::::::::: Saddlery and harness .............................. .. ............... . ..................... .. Sash, doors, and blinds (see also Lumber, planed; ·wood, turned

and ca1·ved) ................................................................................... . Saws .... .. .......................................................................... ................. . Sewing-machines and attachments .................................................. . !:lhip-buildiug ....................... ........................................................... .. Shoddy (see also Mixed textiles) ..................................................... . Silk and silk goods (see also Mixed textiles) ................................... .

G)

a ,.c:;

~ ,Q .s ~

10 29 4

26 67 13 1

100 10 30 1 7 2 1

61 1

10 8

32 1 1

41 12 10 2 6 1 4 1 2 1 1 1 4

181 71 1

36 6 1

25 1 3 1 9 2 4 4

24 3 2 2 1 1 2 4

37 1

53 1 5 3 6

22 680

1 55 12 1 3

20 2 3 3 5

45 25 9 2

23 1 7

29 2 4 1 2 1 1

82

28 1 1

15 3 1

Capital.

$50,580 !IH, 700 23,500 49,935

120,84.5 . 19,015 15,000

223,228 69,800

618,857 10,000 37,300 10,400

500 183,750

1,000 21,450 22,300

142,050 15,000 1,000

19,993,484 255,600

8,900 4,500

17,200 1,000

2, 987,085 2,000 3,000 6,400 5,000

12,000 9,000

712,555 1,260,635

50 333,235 200,500 50,000

187,300 3,000

15,500 700

21,950 14,500 5,350

26,100

1,224,000 34,800

650,000 32,500 12,000

200 4,000

78,000 351,850 15,000

603,450 25,000

845,000 62,800 19,250

80,900 3, 745,790

20,000 153,331 13,100

200 6,1500

1,321,400 12,500 18,200 18,000 19,250 67,325

1,197,000 45,350 2,500

53,820 2,000

28,000 270,050

. 6,500 5,800

25 000 a:I50

450 600

203,350

2~3·~88 5,000

15,330 17,300 8,000

employed.

1\Iales Females Children above 16 above15 and

years. years. youths.

84 30 1 212 11 20 25 ............... 76 9 ................

642 ............ 4. ········· ······ 21 8 1

44.5 2 55 ............ 2 .. ...... .. .......

436 ··············· 200 ··············· ............... 89 1 3 2

125 456 4

14 1 1 27 10 5

248 4 3 4 R '""i','749" 5,138 9,631

257 6 6 8 4

13 1

637 111 106 5 3 3 7 3

18 4 19 20 1

253 1,416 21 52

1 573 3 33 157 15 7

80 8 14

171 300 1 4 ··············· ··············· 12 ............... ............... 1 ··············· 33 1 9 0 6

401 ··············· ... ............ 45 ··············· ............... 540 1,098 115 10 ...............

289 1 19 1 8 ............... ··············· .......... 11' ................ ··············· ··············· ··············· 39 ........... 17" ...............

260 ··············· 15 ............... 445 18 ...............

4 ............... ··············· 304 ............ 3. 104 5 17 1

114 8 2 3, 056 48

2 ............ i .. ..... ········· 351 ··············· 122 ............... ................

1 ................ ··············· 9 oooooo l oooo•oo o ··············· 653 581 284 11 1 ............... 29 .............. ... .............. 32 46 33 5

148 18 ............. 3. 497 202 21 11 ................. 5 ................

30 31 ··············· 3 ............... ··············· 36 .......... 4.2 .. 151 5

6 ··············· ............... 13 ··············· ··············· 25 ··············· ............... 4 ··············· ................ 1 ··············· ............... 1 ............ !. 202 5

366 7 1 1 4 ··············· ................ 26 ............ 2.

13 8 2 I:S 1

J .ANU .ARY 1 €>,

Total amount paid Value of Value of in wages materials. produds. during the

year.

$27: 800 $57, 000 $117,000 64,760 100,500 219,700 12,285 24,325 44,597 36,692 180,086 294,108

118.408 90,251 282,725 5,005 15,165 29,311 2,500 5,000 10,000

182,238 439,657 &'Xi,372 20,185 74,480 138,660

196,337 Z53, 275 559,932 55,000 12.'5, 000 201,659 23,525 33,100 87,700

780 20,683 27, 8f57 700 400 1,200

132,081 494,681 731,38!) 250 1,200 1,800

6,016 11,500 2.), 080 15,070 57,854 98,500 83,694 92,698 226,28t· 1, 908 7,320 13,196 2,()()(1 2,000 5,000 .

4,322, 622 10,329,184 18,226,573 100,492 108,364 270,444

3,212 4,530 19,600 1,158 3, 794 7,500 2,178 26,293 37,991

150 200 1,200 372,873 795,553 1,568,100

1,875 1,000 : 4,500 1,550 2,400 5,700 1,600 1,324 6,639 4,000 3,400 11,000 7,000 29,420 50,000 9,660 5,695 22,356

78,284 2,259, 718 2,54.2, 784 567,825 1,010,495 2,024,~

100 300 202,064 314,650 741,238 53,500 67,940 159,300 25,600 34,000 70,000

92,574 302,142 478,825 1,250 2,500 6,000 4,429 22,925 41,200

300 1,000 1,600 9,770 7,970 33,700 5,600 4,400 13,500 8,300 10,700 27,450

10,648 6,700 32,500

536,117 1,249,600 2,362, 779 4,670 5,000 18,100

127,690 523,355 807,340 6,000 29,700 39,500 5,500 19,500 32,000

............ 4,'4'00' 50 600 2,900 9,000

13,800 65,375 96,675 114,769 1,824,797 2,161, 734

9,000 55,000 150.000 199,146 1.732,564 2,315,616

1, 700 20,500 31,500 138,719 701,523 1,265,471 ir'/,500 35,300 100,500 5,250 7,11!7 19,432

40,276 81,726 162,420 548,056 2,272,991 8,842,012

673 1,300 2,000 157,887 91,119 374,603 39,738 58,977 117,728

25 350 550 2,925 5,300 11,951

491,945 1,456,647 2, 703,281 6,000 5,500 19,000

12,948 12,141 30,713 8,894 15,994 30,380

23,280 5,560 37,625 71,754 87,024 215,062

249,612 1,131,425 1, 731,170 14,672 52,028 135.594 1,227 551 3,249

23,267 24,826 81,022 1,250 5,000 8,000

24,720 64,880 ll0,128 88,088 91,076 264,750 2,100 4,250 13,400 2,886 6,498 16,475

10,000 15,000 50,000 520 2,200 -4,810 200 300 800 624 75 2,200

83,786 211,267 381,551

141,~ 237,402 444,119 800 1,500

1,500 2,000 5,000 12,243 14,369 30,070

5,700 38,900 49,600 2,500 11,625 15,000

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 849 New Hampshire-Continued.

(Census of 1880, volume 2, pag~ 149.]

ui ~ G)

Average number of hands employed.

Mechanical and manufacturing industries • . ~ ~

Capital.

Total 1-----.----..,.----lamountpa.id

in wages during the

year.

Value of materials.

Value of products.

Silverware ........................................................... ; ............................ . Soap and candles ........... ................................................................. .. Spectacles and eye-glasses .................................... ........................ ..

. ~r::~~.~: .~:.~~~: .~~~· .. ~.~.~. ~~~.~~~~:: ::::::::::::::::: :~ ::::::::::: :::·:. ::::::: ::·.::: :::::: . ~~~~~na~;a ;~~~~-~·~~~~:::::::.'.'.::::::·.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Surgical appliances .......................................................................... . Tin-ware, copper-ware, and sheet-iron ware ................................... . Tobacco, cigars, and cigarettes ........................................................ . Tools (see also Cutlery and edge tools; Hardware) ....................... .. Toys and ~ames .............................. .. ...... .... .... ......................... ........ . Upholstenng (see also Furniture) ................................................... .. Upholstering materials ................................. .................................. . Veneering ....................................................................................... .. Vinegar ................................................................ .......... .................. . Washing-machines and clothes-wringers ....................................... .. Watch and clock materials ....... ...................... ................................ .. 'Vatch and clock repairing ............................................................. .. Wheelwrighting (see also :{Jlacksmithing; Carriages and wagons) .. Wire-work ...................................................................................... . Wood-pulp ........................................................... ............... ............ . Wood, turned and carved (see also Lumber, planed; Sash, doors,

W~o~~~~:~:·.:::·:::::.:·:.'.'.'.'.'.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: Woolen goods (see also Felt goods; Gloves and mittens; .Mixed

textiles; 'Vorsted goods) ............................................................. .. Worsted goods (see also \\roolen goods) ......................................... ..

,&J .s en ~

1 22 1 1

20 4 5 3

89 22 1 9 5

12 1 4 1 1

10 110

3 7

36 49

59 2

3,181

8125,000 54,700 25,000 8,000

56,256 201, llOO 61,000 17,150

220; 050 19,285 12,000 24,000 4,800

51,800 2,500 7,200 1,000

10,000 11,630

128,400 2,000

2V8, 600

255,625 322,950

4,510,2il 2,628,581

51,112,263

Males Females Children above 16 above 15 and

years. years. youths.

20 41 35 7

76 62 61 19

2[;1 4.1 20 29 10 47 2

12 1

10 10

138 9

338

484 421

2,283 505

29,356

.......... 18' ............ 3. 2 4 2 ............. .. 4 ............. ..

12 1 ............ 9 ............. 7.

2 ............. ..

··············· ··············· 10 35 ......... "i"' ............ i ..

······························ 11

2 12;) 2 26

1,361 378 919 107

16,184 3,201

$12,500 ~G3,400 J200,000 17,289 61,170 104,541 15,000 30,000 W,OOO 3,500 10,000 17, OOo 4,499 49,977 60,800

37,050 266,897 355,015 28,825 12,6!0 Gl,OOO 6,900 4,100 25,000

108,873 225,92-1 463,997 18,169 24,912 65,940 7,104 5,621 16,368

10,949 14,033 33,128 5,020 10,325 19,475

16,6-16 13,084 47,1715" 300 600 4,000

1,012 9,000 17,500 624 500 2,444

4,800 6,500 36,000 4,086 2,580 11,398

42,576 60,162 175, 6!l9, 2,000 1,100 6,700

138,350 256,900 759,853

167,055 189,464 468,943. 132,260 206,163 4!11,290

1,181,738 4, 003,709 8,113,839 512,881 1,582,226 2,694,282

14,814,793 43, 552, 462 1 73, Oi8,C28

995 1~ I 129 833 252 17 27

542 &l 7,577 960 1,477 628

~~~i~~.t:·:_~·:i::···;:.·~:-:··I:·~~~:.·.t:::_:~::~~::::::_:.:··:·~···::·:::::::::~ m j: m: m ~m Hooking haw. County........................................................................ ~ 4, 369, 858 g.~~

653,559 1,600,245 2,963,892 2(}5,826 1,240,367 1,811,813

1,299,427 4,502,889 7, 768,943 336,010 1,397,362 z, 490,356. 633,869 2,59:>, 146 4,117, 710

5,130,178 13,789,849 28,671,908 1,875,042 4, 974,274 8, 742,560

1,1271 217 2965 804

':>22 I 116 Strafford County................................................ ............................... 186 8, 134,515 4:648 l3ullivan County................................................................................ 181 1, 420,700 843

1,503,371 4,0l3, 922 7,034, 939 2,730,1)42 8,029,025 13, 039, 753:

386, 969 1,409, 383 2, tl36, 604.

16,1841 ------------·------;------1------1·-----:-----

43, 552, 462 1 Total......... ................................. .......... ...... ...... ..... ...... ... ............. 3, 181 51, 112, 263 29, 356 3,291 14,814,703 73,978,028

I present, also, a comparative statement of manufacturing in New Hampshire in 1860 and 1880, which shows the increase in the number of ~ur establishments during the twenty·year period, the increase in cap1tal employed, in total amount of wages paid, and in the value of the material and of the products.

Manujactttring in New Hampsltire.

Items. 1860. 1880.

~otal number of establishments.................................. 2, 592 3,181 Capital. ..................................................................... ,... $23,274,094 $51,112,263. Average number of hands employed:

~iws!~i:.:.:~·~·~·-:.:.:.::::::~: ..... ~~·~·:: ... : ........ :·:·:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: .......... ~~.:.~! .. Total amount paid in wages during the year............... $8,110, o6l

~~~= ~{ :~td~~~~~:::::::::::::·:::.:·::::.~·.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~: ~~: r~

29,356 16,184 3,291

$14,814,793 $4.3, 552, 462 $73, 978, 028

Another table gives the same comparison between the years 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880:

New Ha-mpshire-Statistics of manufactures for years as noted.

[Census 1880, volume 2, page xii.]

Estab- Capital Hands Wages Value of Value of Year. li!<h- em- Rll mate-ments. invested. ploycd. paid. rials used. products.

1850 ............... 3,!Hl $18, 242, 114 27,002 $6,123,876 $12,745,466 $23, 164, 503 1!)6a ............... 2,592 23,274,004 32,310 8,110,561 20, 5.'39, 8.'57 37,586,453 1870 ............... 3,312 36,023, 74:J I 40,7l:S3 13,823,091 44,577,967 7l,Ga8,249 18!30 ...... ........ 3,1!!1 51, 112, 2<i3 48,831 14,814,793 43,552,462 73,978,028

He1·e is a further st~tement s~owing the. n.nm~er of persons engaged in manufactures and m mechamcal and mmmg mdnstries, with ages, sex, and nat.ivity, ~ccording to the census of 1880:

XX--54:

Ne:w Hampsllire-Pe1·sons engaged in manufactures and mechanical atid mining industries, 1oith age, sex, and nativity. ·

[Census1880, v-olume 2, page 30.]

Persons occupied ......................................................................................... !>S, 037 Age and sex:

All i~!a~~·:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::.:::::·.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~: ~: Ten to fifteen:

~~~~i~ ·:: :::::::::::::::: ::::::::::~·:::::::::::::::::::::.::::: :::::::::: ::·.:: ·.::: ::::: ::·. ·.:: :::::: ~ ill Sixteen to fifty-nine: ·

~r:~~i~ ·:::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::·:::::.: :g: ~ Sixty and over:

~r::~i~' ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::.: 2, i:~ Nalivity: . . .

~~~~~~i~~i:ii)iit:?Ji~i?!t?~iitt/~!~~\\\\~(~!J(f.~:~~~~iiiii.·)))) .. ~! It is a fair estimate, I believe, that at the present time there are

seventy thousand of the men, women, and children of New Hampshire engaged in her manufacturing and mechanical industries, which would make one-fifth of all our citizens, estimating our population at 350,000. With this one-fifth getting their living in manufacturing, manifestly the people of New Hampsl1ire are sensitive about any attacks upon those industries.

I have here some sta.tistics concerning the city of Manchester, our greatest manufacturing center, which fifty years aao did not exist, but which, at the Falls of the Amoskeag, solely by r~on of its manufact­uring industries, has grown np from a mere sand-bank to be the largest, the wealthiest, and the most prosperous city in the State.

City of Mancltesto·, New Hampslu'1·e. [Census 18SO, volume 2, page xxiii.]

~:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.~:·:·.'·.'·.::·:·:·:·:·::::::::::::::~::::::::::::::··:·::::::::::::::::::::::::: Sli, 1;~: pJ

850 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

Number of h!Ulds employed.............................. ................................. 10,838

;E~:~7:~~z~;F~~~~::·:·:·:::·:·::::::·:·:·:·:·:::.·.:·~:·:::::·:·:·:~·::·:·:·:·:·::::·::·:·:·::·:·:::~·:·:·:·:·:::·-.:::·:·: ·::::·:·: 5~:¥J·:~ "' [Census 1880 >olume 2, page 410.]

Number of e8tablislu:nents*................................................................. 121 Capital ............................... ................................................................. $15, 149, 153 Average number hands employed:

l\lales above sateen years ....... -............... ....... ......... ...... ...... ...... 4, 632 Females above fifteen years .................................. _...................... 5, 748 Children and youths ..................................................................... · 458

Total amount paid in wages during the year...................................... $3,370,404

:;:f~: ~1 :~~~~8::::: .. ::::::::::::::::::.~::::.:·::.:·::.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ~~ rJ~: grog "All industries.

Manchester, in its order of rank among the manufacturing cities of the country, appears, from the following table which I will insert, to be the thirty-first city in the United States in the number of l.Jands employed, the thirty-third city in wages paid, the thirty-fourth city in the value of the net product, and the thirty-sixth city in the value of the gross product.

Order of rank in cities, of Manchester. [Census18SO, volume 2, page xxiv.l

Order of rank. Name of city. Gross prod~ct.

Ne.t . Hands product. employed.

Wages paid.

=~~hl:d:::= ~~~~=~~ :: ::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::: ........ ~?.·.~ .... S3:37o:404 Thirty-fourth ..... 1\Ianchester- --.............. lf6,235,239, ....................... -...... _ .. Thirty-sixth....... Manchester ... $14, 136, 305 .................................................... ..

But ?tfanchester, although its pbsition varies from the thirty-first to the thirty-sixth in the statistics above given, occupies a much higher grade in the manufacture of cotton and of woolen goods.

Orde1· of rank of Manchester among the stmen leading cities in the United States in the production of the industries specified.

[Census 1880, volume 2, page xxvi.]

Rank. · Industry.

Fourth...................................................... Cotton goods. Sixth .......................................................... 'Voolen ma.nnfa_ctures (all classes).

In addition to the city of llinchester there are many other prosper­ous cities and towns in New Hampshire which are engaged in the profitable manufacture of cotton and woolen goods, which I will not undertake to name, but whtch equally with Manchester will cry out earnestly against any assault upon their industries.

So that our State is a busy hive ofindustry: and it has grown some­what in population and largely in wealth by reason of this front rank which it has taken as a manufacturing community.

Manifestly, Mr. President, the Mills bill, if it becomes a law, will injirre the State of New Hampshire. I present to the Senate a st'lte­ment of our leading industries which will be affected by the passage of the House bill, and I will insert in the RECORD these statistics, taken from the census reports of 1860 and 18&>, concerning four branches of industry:

Leading industries in New HampsMt·e.

Persons em-1 Amount paid for ployed. labor. Cost of materials.

Industries.-

1860. 1880. 1860. 1880. 1860. 1880.

Cottongoods .............................................. - ............................. - ............ ~ .......................................... 12,730 16,518 $2,883,804 $4,322,622 $7,128,196 $10,329,1S! Woolen, worsted, and felt goods, gloves and mittens, mixed textiles ................................................ 2, 614 7, 589 679, 742 3, 250,840 2, 834., 553 7, 402, 44.2 Paper, books, paper boxes,and wood-pulp......................................... ............................................... 333 1,449 125,580 514,600 3

3789,525

9!!. 1,502,189 Marble and stone ............................. _ ...................... __ ,,. ........ - .................................. -.................. 164 476 71,712 151,396 , 1 Hl8,298 Lumber, sash, doors, and blinds, wood turned, wooden-ware, carpentering, furniture.................... 2, 221 5, 896 655,880 1, 467,479 1, OQG, 340 3, 700,993

Let us examine :first the figures in reference to the manufacture of I the rates imposed by the House bill, and the rates which are proposed cotton goods. I have here the cotton schedule under the existing law, in the Senate substitute which is now under considerat~on:

Cotton goods. Cost of materials ........................... .............................................................................................. ~......................................... ................. ............................ $10, 3!?9, 184 Expended for labor................................................... .................................................................................................................. ................................. ...... 4, 322,622

Total..................................................................................................................................................................... ..... ...... ...... .. . .. . .. . ........... ...... .. . ...... 14, 651, 806 Number of persons employed. ............................................................. - ........................................................................................................... _.............. 16,518

Article. Existing law. ·

10 cents per pound ........... } 15 cents pe1· pound ......... .. 20 cents to 48 cents per

pound.

Cotton thread, yarn, warps, or warp-yarn: Valued at not over 25 cents per pound ............................................................. . Valued at not over 40 cents per pound .......................................... - ................. .. ·valued at from 40centsto &1 per pound ........................................................... .

'ra.lned over !1 per pound ............................................................................... .. 50 percent ......................... .. 7 cents per dozen ............... .. Spool-thre~d of cott-on containing on _each spool not exceeding 100 yards of

thread, dozen. Exceeding 100 yards on each spool, for e>ery additional 100 yards, or frac- ............................................ .

tionol part thereof in excess of 100 yards. Colton cloth, not exceeding 50 threads per square inch, counting the warp and

filling: Not bleached, dyed, colored, etc............................................................... . ........ 2} cents per square ya1·d ..... . Bleached............................................................................................................ 3t cents per square yard ..... . Dyed, colored, stained, etc ...... -......................................................................... 4t cents per square yard ..... . Exceeding 50aud not exceeding 100 threads to the square inch, counting the

warp and filling-Not bleached, dyed, colored, etc................................................................. 2t cents per square yard .... . Bleached. .............................................................. w.............................. ...... 3l cents per square yard .... . Dyed,colo-red,sla.ined, etc ................................................................. ......... 4.1- cents per square yard ... .

Not exceeding 100 threads per square inch, counting the warp and filling-Not bleached, dyed, colored, etc., valued at over6tcentspersquare yard ... 21 cents per square yard .... . Bleached, valued at over 9 cents per square yard....................................... 3i cents per square yard ... .. Dyed, colored, stained, etc., valued at over 12 cents per square yard......... 4} cents per square yard .... .

Exceeding 100 and not exceeding 150 threads per square inch, counting the warp and filling-

Not bleached, dyed, colored, etc................................................................. 3 cents per square yard ..... . Bleached.................... ................................................................................. 4 cents per square yard ..... . Dyed, colored, stained, etc.......................................................................... 5 cents per square yard ..... .

Exceeding 150 and not exceeding 200 threads per square inch, counting the warp and filling-

Not bleached, dyed, colored, etc................................................................. 3 cents per square yard .... .. Bleached.-................................................................................. h............... 4 cents per square yard ..... . Dyed, colored, stained, etc.......................................................................... 5 cents per square yard .... .. Not bleached, colored, etc., valued at over 8 cents per square yard.. ......... 40 per cent.

1 Bleached, valued at over 10 cents per square yard ........................................ , ..... do ............................... . 'Dyed, colored, stained, etc., valued at over 12 cents per square yard ................. do .............................. ..

House bill.

Per cent.

35{ 40

40 40

40

40 40 40

40 40 40

40 40 40

40 40 40

40 40 40 40 40 40

Senate substitute.

10 cents per pound. 18 cents per pound. 23 to 48 cents per pound.

50 per cent. 7 cents per dozen.

7 cents per dozen.

2 cents per square yard. 2t cents per square yard. 4 cents per square yard.

2} cents per. squa.re yard. 3 cents per squa.re yard. 4 cents per square yard.

33 per cent. 35 per cent. 35 per cent.

3 cents per squaro yard. 4 cents per square yard. G cents per square yard.

3} cents per squnre yard. 41- cents per square yard. 5• cents per square yard. 45 per cent.

Do. Do.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 851 O<Jtton goods-Continued.

Articles. Existiug law.

CoUon cloth, etc.-Continued.

House bill. Senate substitute.

Exceeding 200 threads per sqnare inch, counting the warp and filling-Not bleached, colored, dyed, etc ............................................................... 4 cents per square :vard .... .. Bleached ......... ............................................................................................. 5 cents per square yard ..... .

40 4~ cents per square yard. 40 5t cents per square yard. 40 6t cents per square yard. 40 45 per cent.

Dyed, colored, stained. etc.......................................................................... 6 cents per square yard .... .. Not bleached, dyed, coiored, etc., valued at over 10 cents per square yard. 40 per cent ......................... .. Bleached, valued at over 12 cents per square yard .. ... .................. ... ..................... do .............................. .. Dyed, colored, stained, etc., valued at over 15 cents per square yard .................. do .............................. ..

40 Do. 40 Do.

Stockings, hose and half hose, shaped wholly or in part by knitting machines 40 per cent .......................... . or frames, v11.lued at not exceeding $3 per dozen pairs.

40 60 cents per dozen and 20 per cent.

Cotton damask, clothing (ready-made), and articles of wearing apparel, includ- 35 and 40 per cent ......... ...... 35 and 40 ing hemmed handkerchiefs.

40 per cent.

Embroideries, laces, and edging, etc........................................................................ 40 per cent ......................... . Flushes, velvets, and velveteens, etc....................................................................... 40 per cent .............. ~ .......... .

40 45 cents per pound and 15 per cent.

From the above table it appears that as to nearly all the manufact­ures in the cotton schedule the House bill proposes to substitute ad valorem rates for specific duties. I believe that I am right in saying that in every case the House bill substitutes ad valorem rates for spe­ciiic duties, and that result of itself would be almost destructive of the cotton industries of the country. If no other changes were made than to substitute the equivalent ad valorem rate for specifi,c duties, destruction to cotton manufactures would follow froin fraudulent un­dervaluations in importations. But the House in their bill have not confined themselves to changing their specific duties to ad valorem rates; they have also reduced as I understand it the whole line of duties

40 10 cents per sqnare yard arid 20per ccrrt-.

upon cotton goods, while the Senate substitute proposes to retain sub­stantially in most cases the duties imposed by the present law, and in some cases, I believe, to increase the existing rates. It is- of vital im­portance to the cotton manufacture of this country that the attempt made by the House bill to destroy the industry by reducing the rates shall not succeed.

A similar table is presented showing the New Hampshire product of woolen and worsted goods. Incorporated in the table is also a state­ment of the proposed treatment of wool by the House bill and by the Senate suhstitnte.

The table is as fo11ows:

Woolen, 1oorM.ed, and felt goods; glot•es and mittens; mixed teJ.:tites. Cost of ma.lerials ............................................................................................................ ........................................................................................... ;........... $7,402,442 Expended for labor......................................................................................................................................................................................... ........................ 3, 250, &1.0

~ um;;,~~}· -p·~~~~~·~·;;;pi;;y;;d.-.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.':::::::::::.·::::.::::::: ::::::::.:·:.:·::.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.' .' :::::::.·:.· :: ::·::.·:.·::~·:. ·::.·:.·. ·.·::::.·.·:.·::::::::.·:.·.·.·.·. :::::::::::::::::::::::: ·.·.: ·.:: :::::: ·.:: ~::·. ·. :·:.::: 10• ~; =

Articles. Existing law. House bill. Senate substitute.

First class-clothing wools; a.nd second-clnss-oombing wools: Valued at. 30 cents per pound or less .................................................... . Valued at over 30 cents per poun<l ....................................................... .

10 cents per pound .......................... Free ............... 11 cents per pound. 12 to 35 cents per pound ........................ do............... ll to 33 cents per pound.

Tbinl class-carpet and similar wools: Valued at 12 cents per pound ............... .................................................. . Valued at over 12 cents per pound. ..................................................... ..

~?t cents per pound .............................. do ................ 2l cents per ponnd. 5 to 15 cents per pound ........................ do ................ 6 to 18 cents per pound.

Scoured ..... - .. ............... ......................................................................... . Waste, top, slubbing, roving, ring, yarn, and all other wastes, wholly or

in part of wool or worsted. -~o~elntspf~~~~~~::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::~~::::~.::~:::::: ~g ~!~~= E:~ E~~~:

Woolen rags. shoddy, waste, a.nd flocks .................................................... .. 10 cents per pound .......................... Free ............... 10 cents per pound. \Voolen shawls, cloths, and every description of woolen manufactures:

Value not above 40 cents per ponn~ ........................................... - ... ..... . Vruue over 40, not above 60 cents per pound ... 1 .................................... .

Value above 60 cents per pound .......................................................... .. Flannel'!, blankets hats of wool, knit goods, and all goods made on knit­

ting· frames, bah~ orals, woolen and worPted, and yarns, and every de­scripti< .. nofmaoufacturewhollyor in part wool, the hairofalpa.ca,goat, a.nd other animals. not specifically enumerated·in this act:

35 cents per pound and 35 per cent .. } { 35 cents per pound and 35 per cent. 35 cents per pound and 4.0 per cent.. 40per cent. 35 cents per pound and 40 per cent. 40 cents per pound and 40 per cent.. 40 cents per ponnd and 40 per cent.

Valued at from 30 to 80 cents per pound ............................................. .. .

Valued at above SO cents per pound .............. ....................................... .

From 10 to 24 cents pe1· pound and } { From 10 to 40 cents per pound and 35 per cent. 40 per cent. f 35 · .,0 t.

35 cents pe::pound and40 per cent.. rom to'"' per cen

The attempt to induce the woolen manufacturers of New England to consent to the reduction of duties up.on manufactured woolens by hold­ing out to them the bait of free wool has not succeeded to any great extent. It is my belief that the woolen manufacturers of my section are substantially unanimous in opposing the reduction of the duty upon wool, and in opposing the placing of wool upon the free-list, bf:'ruuse they realize that protection should proceed upon a principle, and that every natural and legitimate home industry should receive the benefits of protective duties; and there certainly is no reason, in their opinion, why the farmer who raises sheep and sells wool should not be protected against the cheap wools of foreign countries. Therefore I have placed in this table the duties imposed by existing law upon wool and the proposed. duties on. the main schedules of woolen goods, from which it appears, as it did with reference to the cotton schedule, that a reduc­tion of duty upon woolen manufactures is to be effected by the House bill if it passes, and the lower rate of duties is to be an ad valorem rate instead of a specific duty.

:Mr. President, the attack made by the House bill upon these two industries is one and the same; and if there was anv probability thnt it would succeed and that the cotton and woolen minufactures of this country would be subjected to the destruction which ·would result from the. passage of' ~he bill! the consequences to the State of New Hampshire would be m the highest degree pernicious.

Next, I submit to tJ;e Senate a ~tatement of the number of persons employed and the capt tal engaged m New Hampshire in the manufact­ure of paper and wood pulp:

Paper, books, pa1Jer boxes, and v:ood-pulp. Cost of materials .................................................... ..... . ................... $1,502,189.00 Expended for labor.......................................................................... 1>14, 600. 00

Article. I Existing Honse bill. Senate substitute. law. ----------------------------·1------- -Books, pamphlets, and eng-ravings,

bound or unbound, etchings, illus­trated books, mnps and charts.

Paper, slzed or glued, snitnble only for printing. ·

Printi-ng paper, unsized ................... .. Boxes, paper·nntlfancy ................... .. Envelopes, paper ..... .......... ............... \ Pulp for paper-making ................... .

20 15 per cent.- 20 per cent.

15 12 per cent ... · 15 per cent. 35 2:> per cent.- 35 per cent. 25 20 per cent ... 25 cents perl,OOO. Ill (*) 10 per cen$.

ot:Free by original l\lills bill, changed in House.

Here we ha'\'e a reduction of duty by the House bill all along the line. We have the Senate bill maintaining the existingrateofduty, with wood-pulp for paper-making, which has a 10 per cent. duty upon it un der the existing law. Wood pulp was made free by the original ~1ills bill, but it was chn.nged in the House, and the duty there retained as it is retained in the Senate bill; and these industries of woou-pulp, and all manuiactures of paper, which are larcre in New Hampshire and in NEfw England, need all the protection which the Senate bill will give them.

Another table which I will insert in my remarks is as follow.;:

Marble and stone.

~eC:t~}~~fa~~::::::::::~.::::::::::::::::::~:~:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 8Wr: =: ~ Total........................................................................................ 1, 916, 78;:-ro Total ....................................... ,. .................................................... 34.9.694..00

Number of persons employed ..................................................................... 1,494 Number of persons employed.............................................................. 475

852 CONGRESSIONA-L RECORD-SEN ATE. JANUARY 16,

Articles. Existing ~aw. House bill. Senate substi­tute.

Marble, in IJlocks, rou~h or sc;uaret.l, of all kinds.

65 cents per 40 cents per G5 cents per cubic foot. cubic foot. cnbic foot-.

Veined marble, sa~ed, dressed, or otllerwbe.

~l.lOpercubic 85 cents per $1.10percubic foot. cubic foot-. foot.

All manufactures not specially enumerated.

5:Jper cent.. .... 30 per cent ..... . :>O per cent.

Grindstones, finished ot· unfin­isl.led.

$1.75 per t{)n ... Free .... _........... $1.75 per ton.

Stones, freestone, granite, snnd­b!one.nnd all building or orna­mental stone, except mnrble, not enumerated in this act:

Hewn. dresseu , or polished .. . Unmanufactured or un­

dresseu.

20 per cent ...... 20 per cent ...... 25 per cent-. $1 per ton ....... Free ............... 14 cents per

cubic foot.

The industry of working granite has grown largely in New Hamp­shire, and is becoming a very considerable part of the occupations of our people, especially in the city of Concord. It appears that by the Hou~e bill nnmnnulilctureu or undressed granite is made free ·of duty. The duty under the existing law is $1 a ton. The duty reported by the Senate committee is 14 cents per cubic foot, and this duty is necessary to the profitable manufacture of granite in Nt:w Hampshire.

There appears, in consideriug this schedule, a curious history of the duty on murl.lle. Umler the existing law marble in block, rough, or squared, of all kinds, is dutiable at G5 cents per cubic foot. It was made free by the original Honse bill. Bnt after the bill was reported to the Ho;_tse or Hepresentatives it wa3 discovered that there was a large marble industry growing up in the State of Georgia, as there had been for a long time profitable marble quarrying in the State of Ten­ne3see, and at the instigation of the Southern State of Georgia, the House, instead of making marl.l1e free, adopted a duty of 40 cents per cubic foot. The Senate committee, however, recommend that mar­ble, which is a Southern product as well as a Northern product, ·shall be protected by a duty of 65 cents per cubic foot.

Another table which i present covers the industries dependent upon wood and lumber.

Lumber; sash, doors, and blinds; wood, tumeiL;. wooden-ware; carpentering; furnitm·e.

Cost of materials .... ; ........................................................................ $3, 709,993. 00 Expended for labor....... ................... ......... ................................ ..... 1, 467,479.00

Total ............................................. .................. ........................ 5, 177,472.00 Number of persons employed ................ : .. ,....................................... 5, 896

Article.

Timber, hewn and sawed, and tim­ber used for spars and in building wharves. ·

Timber, squared or sided, not spe­cially enumerated In this act-.

Sawed ooards, plank, deals, and other lumber of hemlock, white­wood, sycamore, a.nd bass-wood.

Sawed lumoer, not enumerated or provided fOT in the act.

Lumber a.s above, planed and fin­ished, additional.

Lumber as al.Jove, planed one side, tongued and grooved, additional.

Lumber as above, planed two sides, tongued and groovetl, additional.

Sta>es of wood of all kinds .............. . Pickets and palings ......................... .. Laths .................. ............................. .. Shingles ........................ ..... .... ........... . Pine clapboards ................................ . Bpruce clapboards ........................... .. Cabinet-ware and house furniture .... . )\.·ood,unmanufactured, notenumer-

ated. eawed boards, plank dealsl etc., of

mahogany, rosewood, satinwood, gra.nadilla., or other cabinet-wood.

Existing law. House bill. Senate sub­stitute.

20 per cent .... :· Free ............ !!0 per cent.

1 cent per cu- Free ..... .' ...... 1 cent per cu-bic foot. blc f<>ot.

$1 perM feet .. Free ............ $1perl\Ifeet.

$2 per l\1 feet.. Free ...... ...... $2 per l\Ifect.

50 cents per Free...... ..... 50 cents per l\1 feet. :M feet. •

Sl perM feet .. Free ............ $1per.lllfeet.

$1.50 per l\1 Free ........... . feet.

10 per cent...... Free ........... . 20 per cent...... Free .......... .. 15ccnts per r.I.. Free .......... .. 3.3cents per 1\I.. Free .......... .. "~per l'I.. .... ... l~ree .......... .. ~1.50 per 1\I. ... Free ........... . 35 per cent ..... 30 per cent .. 20 per cent ...... Free ........... .

$1.50 per 1.\I feet.

10 per cent. 20per cent. 15c. per 1\f. 3iic. per 1\I. IF2 per 1\I. ln.50 per 11.!. 35 percE:nt. 20 per cent.

Not in pres- Free............ 15 per cent. ent a ct.

From the u.bove stn.tistics it appears that ]umber, which under exist­ing law, is protected in all its varieties, was made free as to nearly all those varieties by the House bill. The Senate substitute proposes to retain the present duties. • .

Cabinet ware and house furniture is no inconsiderable industry in our State. Furniture is now dutiable at 3- per cent. The Honse bill proposes 30 per cent., while the Senate bill retains the present rate.

Mr. President, I have thus called the attention of the Senate to the manufacturing industries of New Hampahirc and to the i~pending danger to those interests arising from the pendency in Congress of the House bill The State of New Hampshire under the existing tariff system bas been growing wealthy, and its wealth has been that of the common people of. the. State. If there are la-rge fortunes in the State of New Hampshire I 1o notknowofthem. The only man of immense

• wealth in the State has made his money by the manufacture of beer. But the citizens of New Hampshire, like those of the other New Eng land Stat€!8, ba,·e largely invested their earnings in savings-banks, and I give here a statement of the deposits in the New Hampshire savings banks from 1850 down to 1888.

State-men t of 1Yew Hampsltire savings-banks.

'· Year. Banks. Degr~sit- Deposits.

Average I Average each de- each person Popula-positor. in State. tlon.

---------1-------1----1-----t----

1850 ............ 12 1860 ............ 26 1870 ...... ..... 45 1879 ............ 66 1880 ............ 67 1887 ......... ... 60 1888 .. .......... 69

13,031 30,828 70,918 f57,279 89, 93-j

132, 7L4 139,007

$1, 6t I , 543. 71 4, 860, 031. 86

18, 759, 4CH. 05 21l, 282. 1::16. 00 28,201, 791. 70 50, 292, 6GG. 85 53, 939, 079. 2fl

I

$125.97 $5.16 318, ()()() 157.65 14.90 326, 000 264.52 59.00 318, 000 301.13 80. f57 325, ()()() 313.61 86.78 3:!5, 000 378.95 141.67 355, 000 3&5. 36 151. 9! 355,000

In 1!;88 there were 69 savings-banks. There were 139, 9G7 depositot'S, nearl.v h:1lf the number of the people of the State. The amonnt of deposits was $53,939,079.29. The average for each depositor was $3!;5. 36. Then verage for each person in the State was $151.94, there being a population of 355,000, and these investments in our savings institutions show as well as anything can the prosperous condition of of our people.

:Mr. President, New Hampshire does not depend for her prosperity upon manufacturing alone, but upon agriculture as well. The agri­culturists of New Hampshire are not in so forlorn a condition as some Senators seem to think. Agriculture to-day is profitable in our State, and the statistics show that our agricultural wealth is well worth pre­serving even in comparison with the greater agricultural products of other America.n States. I ask the attention· or Senators to facts taken from the census of 1880, concerning the farms and the agricultural prod­ucts of New Hampshire.

New lfmnpshire-StaU~;tics of agriculture. [Census 1880, volume 3, pnges 3, 4, and 5.]

Number of farms ................................................................................ .. Land in farms:

32,181

Grand to!al ..... ~ .................... ...................................... ... .... acres... 3, 721,173 Improved-

Tota.J.. ........................... .................................... .. ............. do...... 2, 308,112 Tilled, including fallow and grass in rotation, whether past-

ure or meadow ............. ... ....... ................................... O.Cl'es .. . 907,088 Permanent meadows, permanent pastures, orchards, and

vineyards .................................................................. acres... I, 401, 024 Unimproved-

Total.. ..... ........................................................................ do...... 1, 413,061 \Voodland and forest ..................................................... do...... I, 296, 529 Other unimproved, including "old fields" not growing

wood .......................................................................... acres... 116,532 Value of farms, including land, fences, and buildings ........................ $75,834,389 Valne of farming implements and machinery................................... $3,069,240 Value of live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 .......................................... 19,812,06! Cost of building and repairing fences, 1879...... .................. ..... ........... $3-14, 410 Cost of fertilizers purchased, 1879........................................................ 3165 393 Estimated value of all farm productions (sold, consumed, or on · '

hand), for ,1879 ................................................................................... $13,474,330 Lh·e-stock on farms, June 1, 1880:

Horses ........................... ... ............................................. number .. . l\lu.les and asses .................................................................... do ..... . \Vorking oxen .......................................... ........................... do ..... . 1\iilch cows .. ..... .-................................................................... do .... .. Other cattle .............. ............................................................ do ..... . Sheep, exclusive of spring lamlJs ........................................ do ..... . Swine .................................. ................... ............................. do .... ..

Wool, spring clip ofl880 ........................................................ pounds .. . Dairy products:

40,773 f57

29,152 90,564:

112,689 211,825 53,437

1,060,589

Milk sold or sent to butter and cheese factories, 1879 ...... ga.llons... 5, 739,128 Butter made on farml:l in 1879 .......................................... pounds... 7, 247,272 Cheese made on farms in 1879 ....... ~ ...................................... do...... 807,076

We had, it appears from the above figures, 32,181 farms iu New Hampshire, according to the census of 1880. They were valued at over $75,000,000. We bad, it appears from the figures, in Indian corn (which is certainly under ordinary circumstances not a profitable crop to mise in New Hampshire on accountofthecheaptransportationofcorn from the West) 36,612acres, 29,485acres in oata, and even 11,248 acres in wheat. There were 211,825 sheep, and our clip of wool each year is no inconsiderable product, while, as every oneknows, the dairy prod­ucts of New Hampshire are of great valne.

New Hampshire-Statistics of agriculture.

Cereals: (Census 1880, volume 3, pages 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10.]

Barley, ~879 ........ : ......... .................................................. { b~~~~i8"" J· :~~ Buckwheat, 1879 ............................................................. { b~~':~i~:.:_:. 9~:~ 1 d • · rn 18~9 {acres....... 36, 612 n utn °0 ' 1 ......................................... :... ......... ...... bushels ... 1, 350,248

0 t 18-9 { acres....... 29, 485 a s, 1 .... ,.... . ................... . .......... .................. .............. bushels ... I, 017,620

R 1879 { ncrcs . .. . .. . 3 218 ye, .................... .... ..................... ................ ........ .. bushels 34' 638

Wh nt 1879 {acres .... ::: n'24s e .. • ............................ ..................................... ... bushels... 169:316 Flax straw, 1879 ............................................................................. tous... 3,359

1889. CONGRESSION-AL RECORD-SENATE. 853 l'r!a.ple sugar and molasses, 1879:

Sugar ................................................................................. pounds ... 2,731, 945 l\Iolasses ............................................................................. gallons... 79, 71:.:!

Grass lands, 1879: Hay-

Area mown ...................................................................... acres... 674.440 Crop .................................................................................... tons.... 588,170

Seed-Olo'\'er ................. ......................................................... bushels... 337 Grass ................................................................................. do...... 619

Poultry and eggs: Poultry_ on hand June 1, 1880, exclusive of spring hatcbing-

~~~~?~.~~.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.":.'.':::::::::::::::::::::::::::::~::::::::::::~~A~~~::: 4~: ~ Eggs produced in 1879 ......................................................... dozen ... 8, 3i7, 211

.Apiarian products: ' Honey, 1879 ....................................................................... :pounds... 87.886 Wax,1879 .................. .............................................................. do...... 2,856

Tobacco,1879 ............... , ......................................................... {~~~~d.~:::: 170, 8~ Irish potatoes,l879 .............................................................. { b~1se};;::: 8 ~~:~~ Value of orchard products of all kinds sold or consumed in 1879......... $972,291 Value of market garden products sold in 1879 ............................ · ............ $115,967 Forest products: ·

Amount of wood cut in 1879 .................................................. cords... 503,822 Valu'El of all products sold or consumed in 1879 ................................ $2, 046, 888

Wool. spring clip ofl880:

W:i~~t:::·.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::=:i~::: I,~:g~~ Ho 1879 · · {acres...... 59

nr:Os~-co~:·~~;~·:::::::::::·.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ... ~~.d~~-~::: 23' ~rg

Pulse, 1879: Peas ................................................................................... bushels... 5, 044 Beans, dry ................................................................................ do...... 63, 575

I have here, furnished at my request by the Department of Agricult­ure, an additional statement of the acreage, the product and value of the principal crops of New Hampshire, which I will .insert in the REc­ORD, which shows that on the whole the agriculturalindustries of New Hampshire are increasing in extent and value:

The acreage, production, and value of the principal crops of New Hampshire in 1S86 are thus shown:

Crops. Acreage. Product. Value.

Indian corn ........................................................ . .Arlres. 38,578 11,154 3,846

32,766 3,857 4, 784

27,577

Bushels. 1,364,000

169,000 38,000

1,0~1,000 89,000 92,000

2,813,000

1927,520 199,420

33,060 443,210 60,520 52,440

1,3?...2,11{1 6,579,072

Wheat ............................................................... .. Rye ................................................................... . Oats .................................................................... . Barley ............................................................... .. Buckwheat .............................. .......................... . Potatoes ............................ .. ............................... . Bay .............................................................. ~ ..... . 678,730 ' *548,256

Total ............................................... :........... 800,792 .................. 9,617, 852

*Tons.

A similar statement for the three leading cereals is also !riven for 1887: ~

'

Crops. Acreage. Yield Value .• per acre. Product. per · value.

bushel.

.Acres. Bushels . Bushels. I

Corn ....... .... .................... 38,578 34.3 1,323,000 $0.69 $912,870 Wheat ............................ 10,485 10.5 llO,OCO 1.04 114.400 Oats . ................................. 33,74.9 28.6 965,000 .43 414,950

Total ..................... 82,812 ··············· 2,398,000 ............... 1,442,:!20

Thenumberand value of live-stock on the 1st dayof .January, 1888, are thus shown:

Live-stock. I Number. Value.

Horses .............................................................................. , 49,878 $4,298,244 Mules ................................................................................................................. .. Milch cows ....................................................................... : 99,021 3, 020,14.1 Oxen and other cattle...................................................... 141,670 4,24.1,119

~~:::::::::::::::.·.·:::::::.:·:::::::.:::·:::::.::·::::::.::::::: ~::::: ·::·.::::::::::: 2~: ~ ~~: ~ Total ....................................................................... . 549, 991 12, 764, 783

The chief products of our farms, in addition to animal products, are hay, corn, p~tatoes, wheat, buckwheat, oats, barley, rye, beans and peas, wool, ~. butter, cheese, hops, and maple sugar and maple molasses, and the direct e~ect of the House bill upon the farming in­dustries of New Hampshire may be comprehended and some idea formed as to the injury wh~ch would be inflicted upon the farmers of New Hampshire if we co~1der the num~er and the importance of the agricultural products wh1ch the House bill proposes to put on the free­list or upon which it proposes to greatly reduce the duties. Potato, corn, and rice starches, for instance, would by the Mills bill be brought

into greater and closer competition with our native-made starches by reducing 50 and 66 per cent. respectively the existing duties, from 2 and 2! cents a pound to 1 cent a pound.

Of potatoes there were imported into the United States in the fiscal year 1887, 1,4.30,918 bushels, the value of which amounted to $214,-637.81. A million and a half bushels of potatoes were imported at the rate of duty of 15 cents a bushel.

I suppose Senators will say that potatoes are not placed upon the free-list by the House bill. It is possible that nnder the bill as it passed the House potatoes were not placed upon the free-list, but refer ring to the expectations of Sir Charles Tupper, who succeeded in na. gotiating a fishery treaty with the Administration not long since~ it is apparent that the great expectations of our Canadian neighbors were raised that potatoes were by tbe Mills bill placed on the free-list,- arid that at any rate, if they were not placed on the free-list by that bill; they soon would be made free of duty. I will recall to the attention of Senators the words of Sir Charles Tupper on this subject:

I say that under this bill which has been introduced, and which !believe will pass, for it does not require two-thirds of the Senate, where the Republican ma­jori~y is only 1 in the whole bouse, to pass a bill, it requires a majority of 1 oniy and I am very sanguine that tbi~ bill will pass during the present session. Mod ified it may be but I am inclined to think that the amendments will be still more in the interest of CanRda than as the bill stands to-day. If this is the case I think we may congratulate ourselves upon securing the free admission of our lumber, upon which was paid during the last year no less than 81,315,450. On copper ore, made free by the 1\Iills bill, we paid • * 40 $96,945. On salt, $21, 9\12 duty was paid. This is rendered free by the Mills bill.

I am sorry to tind, as I hoped would be the case from the first copy of the bill that came to me, that potatoes were not included amongst vegetables. I ani sorry there is a doubt as to whether the term " vegetables not specially enu merated "-will not. exclude potatoes. In grappling with this policy of making the natural products of the two countries free, you do not expect any person who wants .to carry a bill to put a heavier load upon his shoulders than he is able to carry, lest he mr.y break down and do nothing. You expecthimtotake it in detail, and, as I believe, you will find the policy contained in this bill of making those natural products of Canada free carried out until you have per feet freedom of intercourse between the natural products of Carlada. and the United States of America. Of wool we sent· last year 1,319,809 pounds of one kind, and a. variety of other kinds, upon which a duty was paid to the extent of $183.852. Now, as I say, on artjcles of prime importance and interest to Canada. the removal of duty by the Mills bill amounts to no ~ess than $1,800,193. .

It matters not, in the general aspect of this question, Mr. President that the great expectations of Sir Charles Tupper as to the free admis sion of Canadian products all along the American border have not y·et been realized. He stated what he expected. The policy of the advo­cates of the House bill is appa!'ent from the whole spirit of this discos sion, and the farmers of New Hampshire know perfectly well that if that policy should be carried out in- its full length and brea'dLh 'they would. be subjected to overwhelming inroads along the border of all these Canadian farm products, and that result would take place at a time when Canada is imposing duties at a high rata upon the same productsofAmericanfarms and of American farmers imported into Can­ada. So clear is this that the majority of the Senate committee in their renort declare that the bill is "a bill to favo.r Canada." The commit­tee say:

The discrimination is not less marked in favor of the people of Canada. and against the farmers a.nd lumbermen living along the northern border from Maine to Oregon. The following table contains a comparison ofthe rates which are imposed by the Canadian tariff upon certain arLiCles placed upon the free­list by the House bill under consideration:

Comparative stateme-nt of Canadian and United States iarijfs on certain articles affected by the House biU (H. R. 9051).

Articles. Present law. H. R. 9051. I Canadian.

0~h.~~~.~~ ... ~~~ .. 45 per cent................. Free............ 20 per cent. Oil, coal.................. 10 per. cent................. Free............ 7t cents per gallon. ~~C:~fd'~~~·~~d~tb;;;. 1 cent per pound........ Free............ 1 cent per pound.

meats................... 2 cents per pound....... Free............ 2 cents per pound. Vegetables .............. 10 per cent .................. Free ............ 10 per cent. · Peas ........................ 10 or 20 per cent ......... Free ............ 10 cents per bushel. Beans...................... 10 or 20 per cent.......... Free ........... 15 cents per bushel. Brick ...................... 20percent .................. Free ............ 20 per cent. Shingles.................. 35 cents perM............ Free............ 20 per cent. Hubs. spokes, etc... 20 per cent .................. Free............ 15 per cent. Lnmber and tim-

ber ........................ 20 per cent .................. Free ............ 20 per ceut.

And the committee say: Under our existing tariff the Cn.uadians send to our markets annually many

millions of dollars in value of their products which after paying duties not · greater than those levied by the Canadian ta'riff are' sold in competition with our domestic producers. The x.dvantages which ~oulu accrue to the peopl~ of Canada. by th1s removal of duties are manifest.

Beans and peas, that crop which in the State of New Hampshire and in the New England States generally is on~ o.ftbe•most important and valuable produced, are protected under eXISting law by a duty on for­eign beans and peas of 10 per cent. ad valorem, and split peas by a duty of 20 per cent. ad valorem. Yet by the ~ouse bill beans, peas, ~nd split peas were to be placed upon the free-hst. In 1887 there we~e Im­ported into tbe United States 478,205 bushels of beans and pe:J.S, the value of which was $492,752.39, and the duties collected amounted to

854 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. J..ANU.ARY 16,

$49,275.23. Of split peas 53,076 bushels were imported, T"alued n.t lanticStatesoftheUnion,wherethesystemofcultivatln2'thesoilwitboutmain-ii'A. Q40 d · d QS 121 73 taining its fertility by a. proper treatment prevailed for lila~y years, are not an .,.,.0,60o. ; Utles collecte ' ..., ' • · ·exception, since the condition of agriculture is rapidly improving in the oldest

Vegetables (beets, cucum hers, canlifiowers, mushroom.s, onions, of them, where this system was ea.rl'iest begun, and the generaJ average of crops, pros, sq uasbes, pumpkins, tomatoes, n.nd the like) in their natural with the exception of the potato, is increasing from year to year as a. more proper

l b · h" h d t t 10 t. d 1 culture is introduced and persevered in, the farmer being led to improve his prac-state or in sa t or nne, W lC now pay n Y a: per cen a va o- tice by the pressure of an increasing-population and constantly rising prices. rem, would be ~?-druitted free of duty if the House bill were to become IJ?- New Eng;Ja.ud, for instance, on~ of the oldest sections, the general average a law. The imports of these vegetables in 1887 amounted in value to Jleld of In dum corn per acre has riSen to about 85 bushels per acre, while crops ~::: 312 36 1i h" h II! n::: • d · ll ed of 50 and 60 bushels per acre are by no means uncommon, and 80 and 100 are .p;19, • ' or W lC ..,51,931.!w lll nues were co ect • sometimes obtained by careful tillage. The situation and soil of New England

Garden seeds, except seed of the sugar-beet, now pay duty at the rate are not such as to make it what is called a. wheat-growing region, and this fact, of 20 per cent. ad valorem. The House bill places them on the free- which farmers were long in understanding, bas caused o. great decrease in the

list Im · f d seeds · 1887 d · 1 t $14n extent of land devoted to this crop. • portations o gar en ln amonnte m va ue 0 .,,. ludian corn, root crops, and all varieties of fruits suited to temperate la.tl-

876.07; the duties collected amounted to $29,975.21. tudes are found to be more certain and remunerlftive, and attention is ~ven Provisions, like meats, game, and poultry, now dutiable at 10 per mainly to them. In the mean time the system of farm management is gradu­

cent. ad valorem, are on the lioUBe free-list. The imports in 1887were ally improving, new implements to facilitate labor are introduced, and much greater care ami economy than formerly in regard to manures everywhere pre-

valned .at $109,834.08; duties collected, $10,983.44. vails, most farmers having good barn cellars arranged for its preservation. into Tallow now pays the same duty; is put on the free-list by the Honse which peat and loam are carried in large quantities, and com posted from time

bill. to time during the winter as a.bs01·bents and divisors. The spiri,of inquiry and enterprise in agriculture was never more general or encouraging than at the

The existin~ tariff on bricks, which are no inconsiderable mannfact- present momeut. Societies have been established in all the States and inmost u:re in New Hampshire, is 20 per cent., and it is so kept in the Senate ofthe counties. • • * bill, while bricks by the House bill are put on the free-list. The cost of fertilizers purchased in a sin~;:Je year (1879) in New Ramp-

Bulbs n.nd bulbous roots, not medicinal, now dutiable at t-~e rate of shire was $165,793, as shown by the last census. 20 per ce~t. ad valorem, would be ~.:-de free ~y the House b~. T~e Mr. President, it is one of the most gratifying results of the chemical value of tm_ports of 1887 :was $160,.98" ... 47;_ duties collected, $~-,196.~9. ·researches of the present day that our agricultural products by means

Mr: PJ:es~.de~t, the agncnltnral mdnstries of Ne:v Hampshire are m- of modern fertilizers are being largely increased; and not only this, they creaslllg m theu-va~ne to the people ofN 6""! H~mpshire ~o:r the reason that are also being increased throughout the United States by the introdnc­new m~es of agytcul~ work are bet,'lilmng ~0 be mtroduced. We tion of new and improved modes of cultivation. In this condition of have h1gh authonty ~or going to th~ encycl~pedia fo~ fa~ts. a~d I have improved agriculture, against having the farmers of New Hampshire taken fro~ the Amem!1m Cyclope~1a some mt:ormat:i~n m re1ere~ce to injured directly or indirectly in their industries by the passage of this new and unpro.ved metho.ds _?fagn~ultnre, which I will not detam the House bill the people of New Hampshire, I am sure, will make very Senate by reading, but will msert m my remarks. decided protest.

[American Cyclopeilia, volume 1, page 234.] Our farmers nrc most fortunately situated because they find a near Chan~ nre grn.df!ally made ev:erywhere..o.n~ the ~u~ whlch attends the and quick market for their products. They have no expensive trans-

1nuoductiOoofnewunplementsdi.SarD1Spl"eJndtce. Wt.thinthela.sthalfcentnry, . . . chemistry, the indf!!pensable handmaid of agriculture, has grown with great portatwn to pay for. They take thell' produce to market easily; they ra.pi<lity,aml ineach !lew~verr ~me new truth applicable to pra!!tica.lagri- find near their own doors busy manufacturing villages full of inhabit­culture has come to light, wb1le wilhng e.xpe±lmenter:~ have labored m the field ants ready to purchase and consume· and men women and children to prove t.he truth or fall1ty of the theories proposed, and thus the weU-e.'ltab- . . • d . ' . ' ' . ll.shell facts from which llie science of ngriculture is derived and the sound theo- In all occupatiOns are _mtereste 1n preventmg the present Amen can l'i~ deduced from these facts are constantly increasing in number. The substi- tariff system f.rom being stricken down a.'3 is proposed by its present as­tutton of anl.mal for manual pcwer, nnd still more the saving of animal power sailants by the Sllbstltution of natural and mechanica:lforcesare the surest indications · . h h 1 of improvement. Mr. President, I have been at a loss to understand w y t ese assau ts

From the cha.nges !Vhklh have ~wn up in t~ese re~. and from lhei_Do~e have been made at this time upon the American protective system. I constant use of chemistry to de term me the qun.lrties of sotlsand manurc:sWltum can not see why the Democratic party as a whole has arrayed itself the last fifty years, we may safely o.sser:t that the progress made durmg tlu1t . . . , period or perhaps within the lasHwentyyre.rs, is whollyunpa.ralleled.. agamst the protected mdustries of the United States. Cettamly that

'• • * * • • • party in its effort to break down oor protected industries has received [American Cyclopedia., volume 1, page z;5.1 a signal rebuke ns the result of the late Pr~idential election; although

AB labor and time 83oving machines are now looked upon as wholly indis- the 8enator from 1llissonri (:Mr. VEST] undertook to declare the other pen8:1ble by all who ra.!M: grain and hay on a. large sca.~e, the reaper an~ the day that it WM not the tariff issue on which the Presidential election ~~r~! =:~ed a.s types of the present, as tho &ckle and the fiall are had been fought and won by the Republican party. I will read his

Among 'Lhe othe1' labor-saving implements which o.:re now gencmlly intro- statement of the reasons for the defeat of the Democratic party: duced upon farms of any exten' all over this country and Great Britain are the hor11e-rake, the improved horse-hoes, the seed and corn sowers, the broad-cast seed-sowers, the improved subsoil and trenching plows, the straw and root cutten:~, the cultivators, the thrashing and -winnowing machines, and many otbe of equal importance.

It is safe to y that the improvement Jn the implements namell. made wlthin the last ba.1! century, has en&bled the farmers of the United States to accom­plish at least double the amount of labor with the same number of teams and men. • * * And thus many millions of dolla.rs are annually saved by these improvementa in agricultural mechanics.

This is a grand and practical advance over all former periods in its history, and promises a future development of the resources of agriculture allnost be­yond lhe power of lo.nguage to describe.

* * * * [American Cyclopedia., volume 1, pages 23.3-236.1

The progress which bas been made in the application of chemistry to agyicuU­ure is hardly Jess gratifying; for though from year to year there may seem to be Jitt.le progress, yet w ben we compare any two periods of five or ten years, the increase of practical knowledge derived from the investJga.tions of the agri­cult.ural chemW. as well as its tmporta.nce, is very perceptible.

• • • Probably Professor Liebig has contributed more than any other man to th.is awakening-

The importance of applying the results of chemical investigations. • • • He remJU"ked. in his "Organic Chemistry" that "to manure an

aero of land with 40 pounds of bone dust is sutticlent to supply three crops of wheat., clover, potatoes, turnips, etc.. with phosphates. but the form in which they nre restored to the oil does not appear to be a. matter of indifference. For the more finely the bone!! are reduced to powder, and the more intimately they are mixed with the soil, th~ more easily are they llS'\imilated. The most easy and practical mode of effecting their division iJiJ to pour over the bones in t-he state of flne powder, half of their weight of sulphuric acid, dilated with 3 or 4 pints of water."

The graud leading idea. contaiued in this and similar propositions ofLiebig'A1 opened the way for the 'llfhole system of artiflcia.l manuring which has extendea. so far in modern times. Before this time the farmer had confined hiiD!Ielf to the use either of a compost of animal. and vegetable material&, or of other simple suhstitutes, as ashes, soot, ~alt, or something of the kind. not in accordance with any fixed principle derived from reaaontng or the results of observation, but simply because experien?C had shown them to be beneficial. llia idea was that sulphuric acid-the ntriol of commerce-would make the neutral phos­phate of lime solubl~ and give it. a powerful action in the soiL For the subse­quent> discovery ami use of mineral puosphates,.we are indebted to the same source, the development and application of the VIews first advanced by Liebig.

* * * k * (Americnn CyclopediA, volume 1, pe.ges 237, 238.]

• * • So in every country where a.,crricultnre receives the attention it de­serves the productive power o! the soil has largely increased. Even the At-

We were defeated-and I will dismiss the subject with that single remark, for I do not want any political discussion on an economic question-we were de­feated by a sectional issue. 'Ve were defeated because our friends (a.nd as a. politician I do not blame them) went into the Northern States and reawakened the fires of war, stirred up the embers of sectional strife.

They said to the Northern people, "Here are- these Confederate brigadiers whom we whipped face to face upon the battle-field, who now seek to strike us down by destroying our tnanufa.ctures." "Look at the composition," they said, "of the Committee on Ways and Means, with 1\IILLs, of Texas, at its hea.d and the B&ECKI~BIDGES from Kentucky and Arkansas upon it. The war lS agnin upon us. Union soldiers, to the front, and once more into the fray I"

'.rhere is where you won yonr victory, and not upon this tariff question.

I do not distinctly understand the position of the Senator from Mis­souri on this point. He begins by saying that it was a sectional issue and not a tariff issue, and yet he asserts that the argument was made to the people that the Confederate brigadiers were striking down the manufactures of the North, and tbere!ore he leaves it to be inferred, notwithstanding his claim that the victory was won upon a sectional issue, that really the Democracy were defeated npon the tariff issue.

In the Senate, on the 14th of September, 1888, the Senator from M:issonri certainly seemed to be making not a sectional issue but a tariff issue. I read from his statement on that occasion:

Well, :Mr. President, my p rty, whatever its fa.~lts may be, shirks no issue. The record ahows whether the DemocrR.tic party is willing to meet this issue fu.irly and squarely. The President or the United States, tr he bJ?.d chosen to skulk behind some other t!ISue, could hl\~e b en re-elected l>restdent with a. una.niinity unpamlleled in the history of the Itepublio. Like a. brave, honest and true man, he sl'nt his meRsage to Congress, which struck with steely point the shield of this infamous protective system.

Here, then, according to the Sena.tor from Missouri, on the 14th of September the issue was m?-de by the President and by his party upon what the Sena~orcalls the Infamous protective system put in operation by the Republican party, but when after election he undertakes to ac­()OUnt for the defeat, he says that it was the sectional issue and not the tariff issue.

The Senator is on record in another 'form not as some Senators say they are, as seeking to distribute througbo~t the whole country both the burdens and the benefits which may be derived from a protective tariff system, but as endeavoring to destroy all the protected illterests

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 0 855

I read from the famous letter of the Senator which of the country. begins:

UNITED STATJ.l:S SKSATE, Washington, D. 0., June 23, 1888. ltlY DEAlt Olll!lLEY :-After some other rema-rks, the Senator says:

Woo are entering upon the most fearful Presidential contest and the most im­portant since tbaL of 18000 l\lro CleYeland by his message, for which I sincerely honor him. has challenged the protected industries of the country to a fight of extermioa.tiolL

And later on he says: It is useleM for us to disguise the fact that the fight is to the death, and we

would be idiots to ignore l.b..i5 fact. Your friend,

G. G. VEST. C. M. NAPTON, Esq.,

St. Lo1tis, Mo.

I know the Senator from Uissouri has had some fault to find with what he says was an improper juxtaposition of his statements. He said that the expression concerning tho fight to the death in the orig­inal letter was further on from the declaration that the President had challenged the protected industries of the country to a fight of exter­mination than it was in the quotation that had been circulated over the country; and further, the Senator undertook to say that he was not seeking to destroy or to exterminate the American tariff system, but only the infamous feature.s of that system.

Mr. President, it is nn1ortunate for the Senator, if that is what he meant, that he did not so say, because we have a right to hold him to his bnguage. The people of the North, the men interested in pro­tected industries, will hold the Senator to the words which he used. He did not say that President Cleveland had challenged to a fight of extermination the infamous features of the protective tariff, nor did he say that he had challenged the tariff to a fight of extermination, but that he had challenged to such a fight of extermination the protected industries themselves. These are the pregnant words of the Senator:

Mr. Cleveland by his message, for which I s!ncerely honor him, has chal­lenged the protected industries of the country to a. fight of extermination.

The Senator from Texas [Mr. COKE] also made a memorable utter­ance in th~ Senate on the 12th of September, 1888, which has been gen­erally read by the people of the North. The Senator said, addressing the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. HoAR]:

I will just say to the Senator tha.t if there is any one thing in this world the average Texo.n would go any number of miles out of his way to kick and ldll and de!'ltroy it is a protective tariff.

l!Ir. Ho£.&. Is tlul.t murder? 1\lr. CoKE. It may l>e. That is the kind of murder they will commit if you

give them a chance. .

There is no qualification of these utterances; there is nothing to in­dicate that these two Senators only meant to remove the excrescences of the tariff, that they only wished to destroy its anomalies, that th~y only sought to reform the tariff and make it just and reasonable, diS­pensing its burdens and benefits as equally as possible throughout the United States, but there is the declaration of the Senator from Texas that he wants to "destroy" the tariff, and there is the declaration of the Senator from Missouri that the President of the United States, whom be sustains and justifies, means to "exterminate" the protected -indu8tries of the country, and tb~se words describe the issue which the American people, in November last, understood they were settling by their votes.

The Sen:t-tcr tries now to demonstrate it was a sectional issue a1one, 1and that the people of the North were alarmed and aroused because the Confederate brigadiers had taken the fieid. Mr. President, the people of theN orth were alarmed because the Confederate brigadiers had taken the field, hut their alatm was because the onslaught wn.s upon the pro­tected industries of the country; and that wn.s the political issue. The Senator was not far from right in his statement made after the election. The people of tbe North were aroused because the Confederate briga­diers, back in the Union to stay, as they say, had determined to destroy those protected industries which had grown up under the beneficent operatio.n of a tariff system.

The Senators have a good text from which to assail the tariff. From the constitution adopted by the Confederate States a principle un­doubtedly is implanted in their minds which, as they did not realize it in the experiment of secession, they seck torealizenow thattheyhave come back into 1,he Union.

Article I, section 8, of the Confederate constitution said: Nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laiu to

pl"omote or foster any bl"anch ofindut~try.

• That wa.s.the Conf~derate principle; a tariff for revenue only. That lB the doctm~e to which all these gentlemen are committed; tha-t unuer no pos,Jble cir~ums~ces-because they put it in their fundamental law-shall duties be Imposed upon importations of forejgn merchun­dise that will protect any home industry whatever.

The idea. of the founders of the Confederacy was a South purely ao-ri­cultural. They desired .to realize .the dream of Southern statesm~n; a government under which an agncult?Ial community raising mainly cotton-in which cotton should be king-should purchase all their manufactured goods from England; and therefore they put into the

Confederate constitution the declaration to the North and to foreign na­tions that there should never be, if the Confederacy succeeded, any pro­tection of American industries by a tariff system, and tbnt principle they are now trying in the Government of the Union to carry out-­the&e Confederate brigadiers whom the Senator from Missouri and not I hrought into tbis discussion. They now seek to realize in the ad­ministration of this Government the principle whlch they thus incor­porated into their Confederate constitution.

The Senator from Connecticut who usually sits in front of me [Mr. PLATT] called attention, in a speech which he made in the Senate on the 11th of October, 1888, to a resolution .introduced in the House of Representatives on the 1st day of December, 1877, by Mr. MILLS, of Texas, which is instructive as showing the purpose and object of the Confederate brigadiers as soon as they obtained political control in that House, and believed that ·the time .had arrived for them to begin the <lestruction of Northern industries. The resolution proposed by Ur. MILLS was:

Resolt·ed, ThatJ.ilie Committee on Ways and 1\[eans be instracted to so revise the tariff as to make it purely and solely a tariff for revenue and not for protect­ing one class of citizens by plundering another.

.And the author of this re..c;olution, to whom I suppose it is not im­proper t.bat I should allude, hn.s been true to the principle he laid down, and from 1877 to this hour he and those with whom he is associated have been endeavorin~ to eliminate from the American tariff every clause that could by any possibility operate to protect an American in­dustry, and have been trying to make the tarift' one for revenue only, which is free trade; and to-day the Senators on the other side of this Chamber stand up and continue that fight.

It is true that the other day one or two Senators, when an industry of 1\.:Ia.ryland, West Virginia, and Virginia was assailed by their Demo­cratic associates, emerged from their subjection to the Confederate brig­adiers and undertook to show their independence by voting to retain the duties on coal, but that was only a momentary spasm. They are gone. I see them no more. They fired their guns and fell back, and the next day the Senator from Missouri and the Senator from North Carolin.a again came to the front and resumed their war upon the pro­tected industries of the conntry, continued their declarations that the tariff is robbery, and did their best to justify and vindicate the charges made by the Republican party during the recent canvass, upon which the victory wn.s won, that these Southern gentlemen then, unfortu­nately, through theascendencyofaDemocraticad.ministrotion in power in this country, meant the destruction ofull Northern industries which were urotected by the American tariff system. 0

.Mr.- President, I had occasion shortly after the close of the war of tho rebellion to meet Mr. Justice John A. Campbell, who had been, I believe, a member of the cabinet of Jefferson Davis, and be gave me an interesting account of a conference which took place during the year 1864: between himself, Ur. Alexander H. Stephens, the vice-president of the Confederacy1 and some other prominent members of the Con­federate government. He said that Mr. StephenB'a advice at that time was not to prolong the war any further. He declared that he thowilit it was better for the Son.th to go back into the Uni<>n and vote down the thirteenth amendment abolishing slavery.

1\Ir. President, the Confederate brigadiers did not get back into the Union in season to vote down the constitutional amendment abolish­ing slavery. They did, however, under the reconstructed governments of President Johnson, get back nominally into the Union in season to vote down the fourteenth amendment. Every one of those recon­structed States, too late to vote down the thirteenth amendment, voted against and they voted down the fourteenth amendment, and it was only by destroying those governments through the reconstructive leg­islation of Congress that the adoption of the fourteenth J~.mendment wn.s secured, and that it was further made possible to secure the adop­tion of the fifteenth amendment, providing impartial manhood suffrage within all the States of the Union.

Our Southern brethren, thus balked in certain of their schemes for resuming control of this Government, finding the thirteenth and the fourteenth and the fifteenth amendmentq a part of the organic law of the country, have nothing left that. they ca.n do to ca.rry out the principles of the Confederacy but to kick, kill, and destroy the pro­tective tariff. That is the business in which they, as well as the Pres­ident of the United States, have been engaged for the last year; and notwithstanding the bad luck which they have had, thev still continue to make grimaces and to kick. •

1\.fr. President, I likethef4;ure ofthe Senator from Missouri by which he descr:ibed the President as bravely striking with steely point the hield of the infamous protective system. But the Senator ha.s not told us whet1er this knight-errant waq o~ foot or on horaeback.

We may fuirly assume that it was a hone back charge, and can easily B)cture the Pre..,iuent mounted on a steed, handling his free-trade lance, n.ttendeu by the Senator from .Missouri on another charger as one _ of his squires

1 and as another the Sen!J.tor from Texas mounted on a

burro, and these three gn.llant gentlct?en, knights of th.e modern De­mocracy, charging upon and undertaking to destroy the infamous pro­tective system of the United States.

856 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENA'fE. J .ANU.ARY 16, .

l\1r. President, the charge was a futile one, and the principal knight rolled in the dust. He has picked himself up and gathered himnelf into some sort of shape, very much bruised and a little dirty. He will never mount and advance again on that charge with that lance at poise.

The American people, by the election of a Republican President, who on the 4th of March, now close at hand, will be inaugurated, have effectually provided for protecting the industries of this country from the as3aults which the Senators from Missouri and Texas and the other Confederate brigadiers continue to make upon the protective principle set up l'Y the Republican party of the nation.

1\fr. PALMER. I desire'to speak on a question ofprivilege. This morning I was called away by an imperative call and was not

here when the vote was taken on the amendment upon the question of free salt. I merely wish to state that if I had been here, I should ba;e voted against the amendment proposing to put salt on the free-list.

I make this explanation because the people of my State are very much interested in that subject,

Mr. VANCE. I should like to say also that I have a general pair with the Senator from Michigan [:Ur. P ALl\1ER], anu if I had had no­tice of his absence, or bad observed from the roll-call that he was not present, I should have withheld my vote. I am sorry he did not give me eome notice of his intenued absence from the Chamber, because I have a general pair with him;

llrl'. PALMEL-?. I lay no blame at the door of the Senator from North Carolina. We are accustomed to notify each other, but I neglected to do it thi.s morning. ·

Mr. VEST. 1\Ir. President, I simply wish to remark in regard to the pending item in this bill that there is not orie single pound of tin-plate ruanuJactnred in the United States. It has been charRed that this in­dustry has not sprung up since it was injured several years- ago by a construction in regard to the tariff duty made by the then Secretary ot the Treasury. But whether this fact which I have stated comes from a co11struction of the Treasury Department or some other cause, it is absolutely true that not one pound of tin-plate is manufactured to-day in the Unit-ed States of America.

We have then the spectacle presented to the country in this pending substitute of a duty upon an article not manufactured in this country at all, a duty created for an article in fu~uro, and if protection could go beyond this limit I am unable to imagine how it could be _done.

We have protectio_n in this country for every variety of manufactures and productions, but in this specific item the framers of this substitute propose to go into the future as to a thing which may or may not exist hereafter and put a duty in advance for the purpose of creating an in­dustry in the United States which has not existed for years and does not exist at all to-day.

It has been said that tin bas been discovered in the United States, nnd there was testimony taken before the Finance Committee of the Senate as to the pending substitute to the effect that tin mines had been discovered in the Black Hills of Dakota, butthosemines have not materialized, and now I understand the Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. ALDRICH] to say that foreign tin can be imported for the purpose of using it upon the sheet-iron in order to create the tin-plates, and thereb constitute competition with the foreign imported article. We are to go abroad, buy tin-plate, impose this dp..ty .upon an article that does not exist in the United States, and is not produced here, for the purpcse of creating it. It is protection run mad. If this principle is to be adopted, where, then, are we to stop? All sorts of bountieR, for it is nt)tbing else, can be created by law in order to induce hereafter personA to engage 'in a particular business and make the venture.

We were told to-day by the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON] that he had reasonable hope, if this duty was adopted, that in the course of twelve months a plant would be erected in the United States for the purpose of manufacturing tin-plate. Sir, I know no instance in the history of tariff legislation equal to this. I know nowhere in all the history of tariffs in the United States, from the .first one that was levied, where the Congress of the United States was asked deliber­ately, when no such industry was in existence at all, to levy a duty and take the chance of the industry afterwards coming into existence in the United States. That is all I propose to say about it.

Mr: RA WIJEY. Mr. President, it seems the duty on tin-plate has not succeeded in inducing our people to engage in the business; it has not been sufficient. Tin-plate is an article of universal consumption, as much so as tea or coffee or sugar. Therefore the existing duty is precisely in accordance with free-trade doctrine. It collects revenue equally from all parts of the country and from all the people, and is not for protection. It is purely a revenue duty. It stands precisely on the ground of the English duty on tea, 10 cents a pound, of which the poor man pays as much as the rich man. He does not pay according t.o the vu.1ue of the tea. His 25-cent tea. pays 10 cents, and the rich man's 2-doUar tea pays 10 cents. .

The difficulty with the 8enator is that by a little increase in this duty, which is now purely a free-trade revenue duty, it is extremely probable, it is certain that the manufacture will be largely introduced into this conntry, and it perhaps may be that in two, three, four, or five years such things will happen, and all that we need will be produced

here. Then the inevitable result follows that by competition the pro cesses are improved, and after a time, and a reasonable time, the price goes down. For an example of what I am speaking of, see the mar­velous history of Bessemer steel. The Senator will find that a little higher duty becomes protective, while the present duty carries out the idea of free trade.

1ifr. ALDRICH. It is true. as stated by the Senator from Missouri, that of the enormous consumption of tin-plate in this countl'y there iR not a single pound produced by American manufacturers at the present time, but this unfortunate fact is owing solely to the inade­quate duty imposed upon its importa,tion by existing law, and to no other cause. If any other article in the metal schedule bad been treated in the ~arne manner a similar result would have followed. For in.stance, the American producers have almost the entire market to-day for bar-iron. If twenty years ago the duty on bar-iron bad been placed at a less rate than that imposed on pig-iron not a single pound of bar. iron would now be produced in the United States, and this industry would be extinct, and the Senator from Missouri could have called the attention of the Senate to the futility of maintaining a duty upon bar­iron.

The Senator from Missouri alludes to the fact that we do not pro­duce or have not produce<! tin in this country to any considerable ex­tent to be used in the manufacture of tin-plate. The manufacturers of tin-plate in Wales are not dependent upon Great Brita,in for their supply of tin. The tin used in Wales is very largely imported from the Straits of :Malacca; two-thirds, I think, of the entire amount used in Great Britain is foreign tin. We can obtain tin from these and othe1· sources, as I have already stated in the course of this debate, as cheaply as the manufacturers of Wales. We have the skill and capital to roll the iron or steel sheets as well and as cheaply, except cost of labor, as they can be rolled anywhere in the world.

Nothing but insufficient protection prevents the establishment and maintenance of this large and important industry in this country.

Mr. 1\Iill and other political economists of the school to which the Senator from Missouri belongs have favored protection of infant in­dustries. We are told every day by Senators on the other side of the Chamber, in discussing the rates . of duty on articles in this bill, that the industries affected are old and well established, and that they no longer need the protecting care and encouragement of the Government, thus admitting by inference that they arc in favor of the development and encouragement of new industries.

Here we have an industry which is entirely new, and in every sense an infant. The committee have been assured by the testimony of re­liable manufacturers who have plants now in use in rolling of sheet-iron or sheet-steel, that if this duty is made protective, that within six months from the date of the passage of this bill they will be prepared to make every pound of tin-plate that is consumed in this country.

What does that mean? It means the production here from Ameri­can iron or steel of 285,000 to 300,000 tons of tin-plate where not one single pound is now produced. It means giving profitable employment to at least 70,000 people. Is not the successful accomplishment of this result worthy of our efforts? ·

Now, let us examine the question of the difference in the cost of pro­duction and the price here and in Wales at the present time. The cost of production in Wales may be assumed to be in the neighborhood of $3 to $3.37 a box weighing about 105 pounds. Th~t same quantity could be produced in the United States for about $5.10 to $5.50.

The price of English tin ~ the New York market to-day is ~bout $5.07 or $5.25, orverynearthe price for which it can be manufactured in this country, the margin between the cost in Wales and in New York being made up of say $1.05 duty and $1, or whatever the bal­ance may be, of profit to the English importer. I believe, if this bill should be enacted into a law, that within one year from the time it takes effect domestic tin-plate of superior quality will be selling in New York City at a price not much, if any, in excess of the price of foreign tin to-day; and we should have ihe furtJ?.er beneficent result of furnishing employment to a large number of people and of creating an important American industry.

A Senator near me suggests that it is quite as much the function of a protective tariff to encourage new industries as it is to maintain ex­isting ones. It certainly fails of its highest functions if this be not true.

Mr. VANCE. Will the Senator yield for a. question? Mr. ALDRICH . . Certainly. :M:r. VANCE. Will not that tariff du by, if imposed, increase the

price of the domestic article? Mr. ALDRICH. If the increase in duty goes into effect before the

American producer secures a part or the whole of the American market, undoubtedly it will.

:Mr. VANCE .. Yes. Well, who will pay for that increased duty while the Amenc.:m producer is trying to get h,old of the ma1·ket?

1\Ir. ALDRICH. The people of North Carolina will pay but very little of it.

:Mr. VANCE. That is not the question. The people of Norbh Caro­lin::\ will pay their full share of it, and the Senator knows it, and if the Senntor will stand square up and answer that question I wiH ld him off. [Laughter.]

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENA'fE. 857 Mr. ALDRICH. The people who buy tin-plate and consume tin-

plate will probably pay the additional cost. Mr. VANCE. Will probably pn.y? Mr. ALDRICH. Yes, will probably pay. Mr. VANCE. If they probably do not, then who probably will? :Mr. ALDIUCH. Well, I can conceiveofagreatmanyother people.

.A13 the Senator from Vermont [Mr. EmruNDS] suggests, the importer of tin-plates might be obliged to redueehis profits, tbe wholesale jobber or retail dealer in tin-plates might contribute a share, the packer of canned goods might be forced to decrease his pnfits, and the difference might be distributed among many different people, or it might be paid in whole or in part by the ultimate consumer. No one can say exactly who would pay the additional price which would be pla~ed upon tin­plates. The Senator from North Carolina no more than myself can ac­curately make a statement as to the precise result.

Mr. VANCE. A favorite expression of a witness in ~ourt when be wants to dodge is "he mought and again he moughtn't." He mought pay this and again he moughtn't, and then the importer mought and again he moughtn't, and in all probability in the long run, as the Sen­ator says, the price will go down, but in the short run we know into whose pockets the money will go.

Mr. ALDRICH. Into whose pockets does the Senator think it would go in this case?

Mr. VANCE. Into the pockets of those men who have been hang­ing around here asking for this duty to be raised.

1.-Ir. ALDRICH. Before they commence the manufacture? Mr. VANCE. The whole amount of the increased price until such

time in the distant future as domestic competition will bring it down to where it is now.

Mr. ALDRICH. Let me see if I understand the Senator from North Carolina. We agree that ultimately the price may be xeduced by American production. Now, does the Senator say that until Ameri­can production commences the American manufacturer will receive the benefit of the increased duty?

Mr. VANCE. There was so much noise that I did not hear the ques­tion. Will the Senator please r~eat it?

l\Ir. EDMUNDS. Exactly. LLaughter.] Mr. ALDRICII. I will xepeat the question. The Senator from

North Carolina and myself agree that ultimately by American compe­tition the price may be reduced to near the foreign level.

Mr. VANCE. Hardly ever, because a trust would step in whenever competition got troublesome.

Mr. ALDRICH. Until that time arrives and before the American production could have any effect upon the price, does the Senator mean to say that the increased price would result in benefit to the American producer?

Mr. VANCE. Not until there is such a thing as an American pro­ducer. But whenever he comes into operation with this exclusive and prohibitory tariff put upon the foreign article, then he will begin to put the money into his pocket.

Mr. ALDRICH. I am quite willing to say to the Senator that so far as I am concerned, and speaking for myself alone, I will agree that the average effect of a protective tariff is to increase the price of pro­tected goods to the American purchaser.

1\Ir. VANCE. I am glad to hear that. Mr. ALDRICH. If it were not so, a protective tariff would not be

protective. Mr. VANCE. I hope the Reporter will get that down. Mr. ALDRICH. I hope be will, exactly as I have said it, and I have

no doubt he will. Mr. DAWES. I will suggest to the Senator from North Carolina

[ltlr. V ANO.F.:] one consideration when be inquires who will pay this duty nt once. He is well satisfied that by and by the article will be­come cheaper, but the struggle is apparently in the mind of the Sena­tor from North Carolina to make out that at first the consumer of the tin-plate will pay that duty.

Mr. President, that will depend upon another thing, and that is whether the foreign producer struggles to keep the American market. If he desires to run a race with the American producer and see which will keep this market, he will pay the duty in order to get into the market and compete with the American producer. So it is by no means certain that the moment the duty is imposed it will be added to the price to the consumer. That will depend altogether upon the con­clusion of the foreign producer, whether under these circumstances, whic~ are .a _disadvantage to the foreigner and an advantage to the Amencan, 1t lS worth while for him to contend for this market.

Mr. VANCE. Will the Senator answer me a question if I put it to him?

Mr. DAWES. If I can. Mr. VANCE. .I h~pe Y.ou can, because there is a good deal of meat

in it. The questiOn lS thiS: The proposed duty on tin-plates is about 100 per cent. of the value of the article. Does the Senator suppose that the foreigner will pay the duty of_lOO per cent. and then make the American people a nresent of the article?

Mr. DAWES. No; i hope he will not. . lt!r. VANCE. I hope he will. I am for that kind of a duty.

Mr. DAWES. I will answer the question. I hope he will give up at once and let the American market belong to the American producer, where it ought to belong. I hope he will give it up at once.

Mr. VANCE. Then it is the object of the Senator ,in voting for this high duty to force the foreigner to give it up.

Mr. DAWES. That is my object . Mr. VANCE. So that the American consumer will be at the tender

mercies of American manufacturers of tin-plates. :Mr. DAWES. I will answer the Senator further, so that there can

be no mistake between him and me. I had rather the American consumer should be turned over to the

tender mercies of the American producer than to the tender mercies of the foreign producer, and so far as I can understand every feature of legislation that it is possible for me to infuse into this tariff, it shall have that result. It is emancipation of American labor and American production from domination by foreign labor and foreign production that I am seeking.

Mr. VANCE. And submission to an American trust. That is the domination.

Mr. DAWES. Between an American trust and a foreign trust I have no hesitation.

Mr. JONES, of .Arkansas. lt1r. President, we have heard so often that one of the prime purposes of the protective tariff was to protect the American consumers a~ainst the high prices charged by the for­eigners that I take considerable pleasure in presenting to the Senate some statistics furnished by .Mr. Swank in this very connection.

I have heard the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. DAWES] again nnu again assert on this floor that the purpose of a protective tariff was to decrease the cost of articles to our consumers; but when the question was asked him some days since if there was not also a reduc­tion abroad in the prices of articles consumed in this country, he re­plied that it was very often the case that it was, and the reduction was forced by American competition-that these prices came down by reason of the manufactures that we built up here by our protective system.

ltir. DAWES. I did not say so. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I so underst-ood the Senator. :Mr. DAWES. I did not say we brought it down. I said the

foreigner brought it down in order to bring his goods into our market. Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. I understood the Senator to say that the

foreigner brought itdownonacconntof American competition; that the building up of American industries compelled the foreigner to reduce his price.

Mr. DAWES. The Senator mistakes me. The Senator refuses to understand plain English. I said that the foreigner finding that the American market being at the disposal of the Americans brought down the price, that that induced him to bring his price down in or­der to compete here with us.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. That is in effect what I stated that the Senator had said. I was satisfied that when he came to think of it that he would say so.

I wish now to call attention to the fact that there have been reduc­tions in this article of tin-plate when there have been no American in­dustries to compel the foreign proJucers to reduce their price. The statement submitted by Mr. Swank was that in 1871 there were im­ported int-o the United States 82, n69 gross tons; that their value was $9,946,373. There was an incrense of the importation, with an in­crease also in value, but the latter much smaller in proportion than the increase in the amount ofimportation-I will not detain the Sen­ate by reading the entire table, though I will put it in the RECORD untill887, when there were imported into this country 283,836 tons at a cot of $18,699,145-about five times as much of importation at about twice the cost. This is the table:

Years. Gross tons.

1871..... .. . ....•..• .••• .. . 82, 969 1872 ...•• ••••·•...... . . . .. . 85,629 18i3..... ....•• .....• .•..•. fJl, 177 1874........... ..... . .. .... 79,778 1875........... ..... ...... 91 054 18i6 ............ _.... .. ... 89:946 1&77 ....................... 112,479 187R.... . .. .... ...... ... .. . 107, 864 18i9.. ..... ... • .. . . . . .. . . . . 154, 250

Values.

$9,946,373 13, R93,450 14,240,868 13,057,658 12,098,885 9, 416,816

10,679,028 9,06!1, 967 13,~7,659

Years. Gross tons.

1880.. .. . ..•..•.. ....... 158, 049 1&!1................ .. . . 183. 005 1882. .... .. ...• •. . .••..• 213; 987 1883.. .. . ....•. .. . .. ... . 221, 233 1884.................... 216.181 1885.. .•••...•. .•. .•..•• 228, 596 1886....... .. . . . . . . . .. . . 257, 822 1887 •.••..•••••...•.•... 1283, 836

Values.

$16,47 ,110 14,886,907 17,975,161 18, 156,773 16,858,650 15,991,152 17,504, 9i6 18,699,14.5

So you have bad tin-plates reduced without an American industry to bring the price down, when we get our entire supplies from abroad. I want to CJ.ll the attention of the Senator from Massachusetts to the fact that there has been a o-reat decrease in the value of this article which has not been brought."'about by any American p1·otcctive tariff, and I want other Senators who are constantly pointing us to the fac that there have been decreases in the prices of goods that have been protected and who always claim that protection brings about these re sults, that there are some things which may be reduced in price with out a protective tariff.

858 CONGRESSIONAL ,RECORD-SENATE. JANUARY 16,

Mr. DA. WES. Did the Senator from Arkansas understand me to say that every rednction of price in everything was brou~ht about by the reduction of the price on particular things in the United States; tbat that was the result of the tariff? There is no doubt that there are a great many reasons which combine to reduce prices abroad, and a great many reasons combine to reduce prices here; but where an article is not produced at all in this country, of course the reduction of price abroad is not affected for that reason, and I do not think the Senator under­stood me to say that the price of an article that was not produced in this country was lessened abroad because it was produced in this conn­try. I did not Ill!lke myself so absurd as that.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas. Not at alL Mr. DAWES. I know ~hat the price of tin-p1ate abroad has been

diminished from time to time as other things .have, and I know tha.t the price of-articles that are produced in this country has been reduced from other considerations not imputable entirely to the effect of a tariff. There are other reasons which combine with the condition of the Amer­ican market to make it necessruy for a foreigner to reduce his price. The fact that the American market bas brought them down is an ele­ment that compels him to bring his own down if he comes near our market. But any man who undertakes to ascribe the reduction ot prices to one thing, to one element., to one cause, does not do justice to himself any more than he does to the v-ery industry he is discussing.

Mr.. JONES, of Arkansas. If 1 may be permitted to resume, I will stat-e once more that it bas been again and again claimed on that side of the Chamber, whenever there was a reduction in the price of any particular article foreign or domestic, that this reduction has been caused by pr.otection; and while yon have not said in distinct terrus that all the recluctioQ comes from the probective tariff, you have in ef­fect so said, ami you have often given us to understand that there is hardly a single blessing known to .American citizens that has not come from protection, and you have even claimed tha.t it has gone to the ex­tent of creating a commercial Elysium in some sections of this Union.

I simply call attention to this article of tin-plates ta show that it was possible, while it might have escaped the attention of the Senators on the other side, that there should be a reduction in the price of an article of necessity which did not result from a protective tariff. That is one instance. That was the purpose I had in view in callin~ the attention of the Senator to it.

There is one other thing that I wish to mention. Ever since I have been in Congress, before every committee that! have ever knownany­thing about investigating this question, the statement has been made that by the erroneous ruling of Mr. Fessenden the tin-plate business had been construed out of eXistence. lt was characterized by one of the witnesses before the committee at this session as being ''the most inexcusable and costly decision on record.''

There are some things in the history of this matter to which I want to call the attention of the Senate. In 1846 it was provided that tin­plate should be taxed 15 per cent., and this was the language used in the bill:

Tcrne-plates, tin in plates, tin-plates gal\'anized, not otherwise provided for, 15 per cent. ad valorem. ·

The tariff of 1857 referred to the schedules of the tariff of 1846, and by naming the schedule fixed the tariff on tin-plates at 10 pet cent.

On page 181 of volume 12 of the Statutes at Large we find in the tariff law of 1861 the following words:

Tin-plate galvanized, galvanized iron coated with Zinc, 2 cents o. pound.

On page 188 of the same book and in the same act we find the fol­lowing:

Tin-plates in sheets, terne tin in plates and sheets, 10 per cent. ail valorem.

So yon see there was a Q.istinction in the act of 1861 between the item of'' ~in-plates galvanized and galvanized iron" and the item of "tin-plates, tenie-plates, and taggers' tin," and in 1862 the same dif­ference was pre erved ~ pretty near the same language.

In 1864, when tbe tariff law was enacted which the advocates of this tariff have been fond of saying was misconstrued by :!VIr. Fessenden the following language was used. This act ~ade no reference specif: icallyto tin-plates, terne-plates, and tag{!ers' tm, as had been uniformly the rule up to that time. It did not repeat tha.t langw:ge, but it re­peated the precise langna(J'e of the other section, leaving out the single word'' galvanized," and I want to call the attention of Senators par­ticularly to the structure of this clause. Oil page 204, volume 15, Statutes at Large, we rend:

On tin-plates and iron galvanized or coated with any metal by electrical bat­tedes or otllerwitre, 2k cents a. pound.

That is precisely the language that appears in the act of 1862 in de­scribing an article well known, ex~pt that the word "galvanized" is left out in one place. When that bill was passed with that provision in it it was immediately claimed by those who were advocating an in­crease of tho tax upon this article of universal consumption, of abso­lute nece..<mty, that this clause was intended to embr-o~.ce tin-plates, terne-plates, and taggers' tin. :Mr. Fessenden held otherwise, and the wa.ils tba.t have come up from these people who claim to . have been wronged and outraged by that ruling of his have been heard by every committee that has investigated this question from then until now;

but in the tariff bill of 1874 aud in the succeeding tariff bills the dis­tinction between tin-plate galvanized, etc., and tin-plate, terne-plate, and taggers' tin was made, as it was in 1861. On page 233 of the seven­teenth >olume of the Statutes at Large we find-

On tin in plates or sllects, ternc, and. to.g-gers' iron, 15 per cent. o.d valorem; on iron and tin-p1ates gah·anized or coated with any metal by electrical bat­teries or otherwise, -2 cents per pound.

Showing that the uniform, nnmrying practice of Congress ha.s been in every instance, except in the enactment of tbe tariff of 1iqG4, to make a distinction between these two articles and to impose d:iiferent taxes upon them.

Now, it does look very much as if somebody bad devised that clause in the tariff of 1864 to increase tbe tax on tin-plates more than 200 per cent. covertly-by a fraud-without the knowledge or consent of Con­gress or of anybody except the anthors of the scheme. I have looked at the record on the passage of that bill and I find no reference made to the marvelous change that would be effected in this tariff on tin-plates by the adroit omission of a single word. I belie-.e Mr. Fessenden <;ar­ried out the spirit of the law and the intention of Con~e."'S. I believe he acted wisely in refusing to 'tlllowthese people to levy additional taxes upon the consumers of the country. I know that his action has been ratified by Congress since, and, as I read this morning, no less a person­age than the venerable and distinguished 1ather of the tariff himse~ in 1H83, when this matter was under collSideration, took strong ground in favor of not increasing this tariff.

In 1875, when the tax was first changed from an ad valorem to a spe­cific ta.x:J it was made 1.1 cents a pound, when the ad valorem at that time wasnotoverthree-fourths ofaceut. Yet by reasonofmaking it aspecific tax you have increased the real rate of taxation steadily from then until now. Up to that time the rate bad never been above 25 per cent., and had generally peen 10 or 15 per cent., but by the cunning imposition of a specific tax yon have increased the rate now to more than 30.per · cent., and now you propose to carry out openly what was attempted in 1864, as I believe, by a fraud.

Mr. ALLISON. I desire to modify the amendment I offered, or to amend it in line 21 of the printed amendment, after the words "than the," by inserting the following words:

Rates imposed by the preceding paragraph upon the. And by inserting the same words, in line 29, after the words ''than

the.'' These amendments are really to make certain what the intent of the

original amendment now is, and do not change in any way the sense. I ask that they may be adopteu.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The amendment will be stated from the desk.

The SECRETARY. In the amended paragraph 145, line 21, after the words "than the," it is proposed to insert "rates impQsed by the pre­ceding para,graph upon tue;" and in line 29, after the words "than the." to insert "mtesimposed by the preceding paragraph upon the."

The amendment was agreed to. . Ur. ALLISON. I will move in a moment or two that the Senate adjourn, but I want to call the attention of Senators to the !act that we have a great many very important amenrlments still peniling to this bill where oppoutunity ought fairly he given to discuss them. I do not wish to reflect uponanyspeechestha.t have been made to-day, but if we occupy much more time in general de hate as to whether the prices are advanced or reduced, or whether the generaJ system of protec:tion is wise or otherwise, I fear we shall not have time enough left lor the discussion of these questions between now and the 22d of January, when the final vote is to be taken. Therefore I wish to consult tho convenience of Senators whether or not we should not begin our session to-morrow at 11 o'clock. Of conrse I know that I can not carry that motion now at this l:lte hour, unless it is with tb.e general consent of the Senate. I therefore ask the consent of the Senate that when we adjourn to-day it shall be to meet at ll o'clock to-morrow.

Mr. HOAR. I wish the Senator would change that notice so as to make it Friday instead of to-morrow. I have an important committee meeting called for to-morrow morning at half past 10 o'clock.

Mr. ALLISON. If it will not suit the convenience of Senatol'S, I shall not press the matter for to-morrow.

INTEllOC.EANIO OAN AL. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate the following

message from the President of the United States; which was read, and with the accompanying communication, referred to the Committee o~ Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed: To the &nate and House af Representatives:

I llave th~ honor to lay hcfure {OU a r~port from the Secretary of State, with accompanying corre8_pondt:nce, lll relatiOn to t11e possible disturbances on the Isthmus !Jf Panama, m the event of the stoppage of work on the proposed in-teroceantc canal. .

GROVER CLEVELAND. EXECUTIVE 1\IANSIOY ·, Washington, Ja1tu~1·y 16, 188!>.

BILLS I -TnODUCED.

?tfr. JONES, of Arkansas introduced a bill (S. 3830) to amend an act entitled "An act to authorize the Choctaw Coal and Hail way Com­pany to construct and operate a railway through the Indian Territory

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 859 and for other purposes,-" approved February 18, 1888; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

Mr. REAGAN introduced a bill (S. 3€"Jl) for the relief of H.. C. Oglesby; which was reacl twice by it title.

:Mr. REAGAN. I ask leave to refer the two papers inclosed in the bill with it to -the Committee on Claims, in order that they may have the informntion. ·

The PREHIDING OFFICER (Mr. PUGH in the chair). The bill will be referred to the Committee on Claims, with the accompanying pa_pers.

:Mr. EVARTS introduced a bill (S. 3832) granting a pension to Mary Hamilton; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Com­mittee on Pensions.

IIOUR OF 1\IEETING.

:Mr. IIOAR. I waive any objection on my p:rrt to the motion sug­gested by the Senator from Iowa [Mr. ALLISON].

Mr. VEST. Let it not begin until Friday. J\Ir. ALLlSON. I will ask unanimous consent that on Friday and

Saturday we meet at 11 o'clock instead of 12, so that we may be able to go on with the paragraphs that have not been considered.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Iowa asks unani­mous consent that on Friday and Saturday of this week the hour of daily meeting shall be 11 o'clock a. m. instead-of 12 o'clock m.

1tlr. ALLISON. I will add Monday and_Tuesday next al<>o. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. And Monday and Tuesday of the

week following, that the daily hour of meeting of the Senate upon the four days na.med shall be 11 o'clock a. m. instead of 12 o'clock m. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

Mr. ALLISON. I move that the Senate do now adjourn. The motion was agreed to; and (at 6 o'clock p. m.) the Senate .ad­

journed until to-morrow, Thursday, January 17, 1889, at 12 o'clock m.

HOUSE OF REPRES:Ih~ATIVES. WEDNESDAY, January 16, 1889.

The House met at 12 o'clock m. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. W. H. MILBURN, D. D.

The J ourll!ll of the proceedings of yesterday was read and approved.

SA:MOAN ISLANDS.

The SPEA.KER laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States; which was read, and, with the ac­companying documents, reterred to the Committee on Foreign A.:!Thirs; and ordered to be printed: To the Con orcs&:

On the 2d day of .\pril, 1888, I transmitted to the House of Representati'"cs, in re~ponse to a TC! olutioo pa.B!Sed by that body, a report from the Secretary of State rela-ting to the condition of 1\lTa.irs in the Samoan Islands, together with numerous letters, dispatches, aud documents connected with the subject which gave a hiRtory of all disorders in that locality up to that date. '

On the 21st day of December, 1~, this information was suvplemented by the transmis.,.ion to the Congress of such further correspondence and documeuts as extended this history to that time.

I now subwit a report from the Secretary of Slate, with later correspondence and dispatches, exhibiting the progress of the disturbances in Samoa up to the present clute.

The in formation thus laid before the CongTess is of much importa-nce, since it has relation to the preservation of American interest.s and the protection of American citizens and their property in a distant locality and under an unstable ami unsatisfactory government.

Iu the midst of tho disturbances which have arisen at Samoa, such powers have been exercised as seemed to be ·within executive control under our Con­stitution and laws. and whi•·h appeJU" ~o accord with our national policy and

~~~o:&''I. ~~~~~~lo~~~~~t~:-~e~?e~:C:ilb0G~t!'i~\rar~ ~u:d c/i!r::un:~Y, which, with our own Government, coustitute the treaty powel'!l interested in Samoan peace and quiet. the attempt has beeu made to define more clearly the part which these powers should assume in the governmentofthatcouutry, while at tbe !'lame time its autouomy has been insisted upon.

Tllese negotiatio11s were at one time interrupted by such action on the part of the Germuu Government as appeared to be inconsistent with their further COlltinuance.

Germany, however, still asserts, as from the first she bas done, that she has no desire or int-eution to overturn the native Samoan Government or to iguore our treaty rights, and she still invites our Government to join her in rest.orino­P•·ace and quiet. Hut thus far her propositions on this suhject seem to lead t~ such a preponderance of German power in Samoa as was never contemplated by us, nod is inconsistent with every prior agreement or understanding, while her recent conduct as between native warring fact.ionsgives rise to the suspicion that she ia not content with a nentrlll position.

Acting within the restra.ints which onr Constitution and laws have placed upon executiyo power, I have insit;ted that the au~-ouomy a.nd independence of Samoa _shoulu be &el'upulous1y pro,..erved according to the treaties made with Samoa by the powers namecl and their agreements nnd undel'!ltanding with each ~the~. I have p1:otested ~inst every a.ct arpnrently tending in an oppo~ site dtrectJOn , and durmg th_e ex1stenceof interna disturbance o·ue or more ve -sel t'l of war have been kept m Samoan waters to protect American citizens anr1 property.

These things will abundantly nppeRr from the correspondence a.nd papers -w-hich have been submitted to the Cougres.'i.

· A receutcollit~ion between the fOI'ces ft·om a. German man-of-war stAtioned in Samoan waters and 1\ body of ufltives rende:ed the situation so delicate and critical that the war-ship Trenton, under the tmm~diate com manti of AdLO.iral Kimberly, was ordered to join theNipsio ~l;eady at ~moa. for the better protec· tion of the persons and property of onr CltlZens and m fw'therance of efforts to restore order and safety.

The attention of tbe Congre. sis especially called to the instr11ctions given to Admiral Kimberly, dated on the 11th instant, and t.be letter of the 8ecretary of

tate to the German rui nister, dated the 12th instant, hich will be found IUDOng Ute papers herewith su-bmitted.

By menns of the p:.1pers and documents heretofore submitted and those which I.WCOmpany this oommuuica.tion, the precise situation of affairs in Samoa is la.id ht'lfore the Congress, anc.l such executive action as ha.s been taken is fully ex-hibited. ·

The ~ews of the Executive in respect of the just policy to be pursued with regard to this group of islands which lie in the direct highway of a growiugand important commerce between Australil\ and the United States, have found ex­pression in the correspondence and documents which have thus been fallycom­ruunicat.ed to the Congress; and the subject in jts present stage is submitted to the wider discretion conferred by the Constitution upon the legislative branch of the Government.

EXECUTIVE 1\.U.!\SIO~, January 15, 1839. GRO~ CLEVELA~"D.

SCHOO.~:m& AMil"'DA TOMPKINS.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House a letter from the Secre­tary of the Treasury, transmitting au estimate of an appropriation to pay the owners of the schooner Amanda Tompkins for injuries sus­tained by collision with the United St-ates steamer Nina; which was re­ferred to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be printed.

TENURE OF OFFICE, ETC., OF APPRAISE TIS.

The SPEAKER also laid before the Honse a letter from the Secre­tary of the Treasury, with inclosures, recommending legislation rela.­tive to the tenure of office and salaries of apprai~rs at the ... principal ports; which was referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Department, and ordered to be printed.

ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House a. letter from the Secre­tary of 'Var, transmitting an estimate of an additional appropriation for prosecution and operation of the Rock Island bridge for the cur­rent fiscal year; which was referred to the Committee on Appropria­tions, and ordered to be printed.

EMPLOYES IN NAVY DEPARTMENT.

The SPEA.KER also laid before the House a letter from the Secre­tary of the Navy, transmitting a report of the names and salaries of the employes in that Department, and stating that their services are indispensable; which was referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the Navy Department, and ordered to be printed.

ECKINGTON AND SOLDIERS' IIOME RAILROAD.

The SPEAKER also laid before the Honse a report o£ the president of the Eckington and Soldit:l'S' Home Raih;oad Company, submitted

.in compliance with the requirements of its charter; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. and ordered to be printed.

LEAVE OF .ATISENCE.

:M:r. BuNNELL, by unanimous consent, obtained indefinite leaye of absence on account of private business.

EMPLOYES IN POST-OFFICE DEPART~""T.

The SPEAKER. Thegentlemanfrom:J\Iississippi (Mr. b"'DERSON], on behalf of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, asks tha.t that committee be discharged from the further consideration of tho bill (H. R. 11819) for the relief of employes and late employes in tho Post-Office Department, and that the bill be referred to the Committee on Appropriations. If there be no objection, that order will be made.

There was no objection, and it was ordered accordingly.

PllOVlNCIAL l\10..:-ASTEB.Y OF TilE GOOD SHRPllERD, NEW . YORK.

The SPEA-KER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. F.ELIX CiliPllELL], on behalf of the Committee on Appropriations, ru1ks th~t that committee be dischar~ed from the further consideration of the btll (H. R. 6318) for the relief of the P:roYincial .Monastery of the GooLl Shepherd, East Ninetieth street, New York City, and that. the bill he refPrrrerl to the Committee on Claims. If there be no objection thn.t order will be made.

There beiug no objection, it was ordered accordingly. E:XCA V ATION OF SHIP-CIIA!\7EL1 !\'EW YORK H.ARBO:&.

ltir. DUNN. I am .directed by the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries to report back two re.-;olution~ of inquiry, which were re­ported at the last session, hut were then obJected to on account of the absence of a. quorum.

The Clerk read as follows: lY ITOuaE OF REPRESn"TATIVES, AU!J1Ul6, L.~.

Mr. BVCE[ANAN submiU.etl the following resolution· which wasrcfcrreu to the Committee on :Merchant l\Inrinc nnd Fisheries: '

"'Vberens one .Toscph Cumings has a contract from the 'Ynr Dopnr'lment for the excavation of 800,011() cubic ya.rds of material from the main sh1p-chnnnel in New York Harbor, and bas chartered for use in filling such contract the Eu~­tish steam-ship State of Alaha ma , a YCsscl bnllt in 11'173 !it Glru;g~w, Scotland, to run be tween that port and N e w Orlen.ns which vessel1s now bemg fltted out nt t he 17r ic b:.1sin with a uew dredging ~chine owned by an EnglLo.;ll syndi-cate; and · ·

·· v uereas it appears by the following Jet-ter that the said steam-ship llas been allowed to be imported free of duty for that purpo c:

"' TnKABunY DXPAnT~, Wnshi11gfon, D. C., J!lne2. '' 'Sm: The Department iR in receipt of a letter from the Secretary of War,

in which, upon the recommendation of the Chief of Engineers, be req~ests that Joseph Cumings, who bas a contract. under tho "Tar Department to deliver 800,•

860 OONGRESSION AL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 16~

000 cubic yards of material from the main ship-channel in New York Harbor, may be permitted to import to our port without payment of duty thereon and use for the purpose of fulfilling this con traot a. large foreign vessel a.da.pted for the necessary powerful mMhinery. It is represented that no domestic vessel of sufficient strength and capacity can be obtained for the purpo11e mentioned and that it is of the utmost importance that the work be completed prior to the 1st of December next. or during the present working season, which can only be done by the use of said foreign vessel. The Chief of Engineers states that the ve.'!sel referred to is to be used solely for the purpose of carrying out said contract, nnd that she will not engage in any way in the coastwise trade. Under the circum­esances you are authorized to comply with the request of the Secret.ary of War.

" 'C. S. FAIRCHILD,

"'CoLLECTOR OF C GSTOMS, New York.' " 'Secretary of the TreasunJ.

"And whereas it is alleged that domestic vessels of sufficient strength and ca­pacity could have been obtained for that purpose and were ready to be char­tered: Therefore,

"Re:;olved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, requested and directed to transmit to this House copies of all correspondence, orders, and decisions in his Department relating to said matter."

The amendment reported by the committee was read, as follows: Add to the resolution the words, " together with his reasons for such action."

The amendment was agreed to; and the resolution as amended was adopted.

Mr. DUNN moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to. Mr. DUNN. I ask now for the reading of the other resolution and

proposed amendment. The Clerk read as follows:

1\Ir. BucHAYAY submitted the following preamble and resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries:

"Whereas it appears by a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury to the col­lector of customs at the port of New York, dated June 2d instant, that the said Secretary is in receipt of a letter from the Secretary of War in which, upon rec­ommendatoin of the Chief of Engineers, he requests that Joseph Cumings, who bas a contract under the War Department to deliver 800,000 cubic yards of ma­terial from the main ship-channel in New York Harbor, may be permitted to import through our ports without payment of duty thereon and use for the pur­pose of fulfilling this contract a large foreign vessel adapted for the neces3ary powerful machinery; and

"Whereas upon receipt of said letter from the Secretary of War the said Secre­tary of the Treasury instructed the said collector as follows: "Under the cir­cumstances you are authorized to comply with the request of the Secretary of War;" and it is alleged that under the said instructions the steam-ship State of Alabama., built at Glasgow in 1873, has been so entered and is being fitted up at Erie basin, in the city of Brooklyn, N.Y., with machinery owned by an English syndicate, for such work: Therefore, . .

"Be it resolved, That the Secretary of War be, and be 1s hereby, directed to transmit to this House copies of said recommendation of the Chief of Engi­neers, of his said letter to t.he Secretary of the TreMury, and of all correspond­ence on file in his Department relating to said matter."

The amendment reported by the committee is as follows: Add to the end of the resolution the following: "Together with his reasons for suoh action."

The amendment of the committee was agreed to, and the resolution as amendecl was adopted.

Mr. DUNN moved to reconsider the "ote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to. ORDER Oll' BUSINESS.

Mr. ABBOTT was 1·ecognized. 1\ir. SPRINGER. I demand the regular order of business. Mr. BLOUNT. I ask the gentleman from Illinois to withdraw his

demand for the regular order until I can submit a request for unani­mous consent from the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. I ask the gentleman from illinois to yield to me for that purpose.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois can not yield for that yurpose; he must withdraw the demand for the x·egnL'\r order.

Mr. BLOUNT. I ask the gentleman from illinois to withdraw his demand for the regular order.

The SPEAKER. If the demand for the regular order is withdrawn the Chair will have to submit the request of the gentleman from Texas [Mr. ABBOTT], who has already been recognized.

l\Ir. BLOUNT. I merely ask the gentleman from Illinois to with­draw his demand for the regular order so I may submit a request to the House on the part of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post­Roads.

FILING OF REPORTS. 1\Ir. SPRINGER. I ask, by unanimous consent, that all members

having reports to submit from the several committees of the House may file them.

There was no objection, and it was ordered accordingly. The following reports were filed by being handed in at the Clerk's

desk: FORT BROW:Y 1\III. .. ITARY RESERVATION.

Mr. FORD, from the Committee on Military Aff..1.irs, reported back favorably the bill (II. R. 10422) to provide for the purchase of the Fort Brown military reservation, Texas, and to extinguish all claims for the nse and occupation of ~:~aid reservation; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

RODl\IAN M. PRICE. lffr. McADOO, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, reported back

with amendment the bill (II. R. 8550) for the relief of Rodman M. Price; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

JOHN C. GREEN. Mr. GEAR, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported back

favorably the bill (S. 67) to perfect the military record of John C. Green, of Tennessee; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, or­dered to be printed.

THO:ll.AS D. MEARES. Mr. STONE, of Kentucky, from the Committee on War Claims, re­

ported back favorably the bill (H. R. 11872) for the relief of Thomas D. Meares, administrator of Armand D. Young, deceased; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calen­dar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

FRANK L. WOLFORD. Mr. HUNTER, from the Committee on Invalid Pensions, reported

back favorably the bill (H. R. 12062) gTanting an increase of pension to Frank L. Wolford; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

1\IARY A. LONG. Mr. HUNTER also, from the Committee on Invalid Pensions, re­

ported back favorably the bill (H. R. 11993) granting a pension to Mary A. Long; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

1\IARTIN KEATING. -Mr. LAWLER, from the Committee on War Claims, reported back

favorably the bill (H. R. 11724) for the relief of Martin Keating; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Cal­endar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

CHARLES A. FOLSOM. Mr. LAWLER also, from the Committee on War Claims, reported a

bill (H. R. 12229) for the relief of Charles A. Folsom; which was re­f~rred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

BRIDGE ACROSS DETROIT RIVER. Mr. PHELAN, from the Committee on Commerce, reported a joint

resolution (H. Res. 254) as a · substitute for joint resolution (H. Res. 207) to authorize the Secretary of War to cause survey and report to be made oftbe practicability and necessity of a bridge across the De­troit River; which was read a first and second time, referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

CONDEMNED CANNON, ETC. :Mr. McADOO, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, reported back

with amendment the bill (S. 3612) donating condemned cannon and small-arms to Naval Post, No. 400, Grand Army of the Republic, Department of Pennsylvania; which was referred to tlle Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

JOHN G. ROSE. lrir. ~IcADOO also, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, reported

back favorably the bill (H. R. 112GB) for the relief of John G. Rose; which was referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the Pri­vate Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

OREGON PAVING CO :!'tiP ANY. Mr. BAYNE, from the Committee on Rivers and Harbors, reported

back favorably the bill (S. 3159) for the relief of the Oregon Paving and Contract Company; which was referred to tbe Committeeofthe Whole House on the Private Calendar, and, with the accompanying report, ordered to be printed.

ORDER OF :B1;SINESS. Mr. BLOUNT. I understand the gentleman from Illinois [1\Ir.

SPRINGER] to withdraw his demand for the regular order. Mr. SPRINGER. For a moment only. .The SPEAKER. . The de~and for the regular order having been

withdrawn, the Chau recogmzes the gentleman from Texas [Mr. A:n­BOTT].

Mr. BLOlJNT. I understood the gentleman from Illinois to with­draw his demand for the regular order at my request.

The SPEAKER. But the gentleman from Texas [Mr. ABBOTT] had been recognized, and was on the floor when the demand for the regu­lar order cut him off.

PUBLIC BUILDING, FORT WORTH: TEX. Mr. ABBOTT. I ask, by unanimous consent, to call up for preseni

11889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 861 consideration the bill (S. 1974) for the erection of a public building at Fort W ortb, Tex.

The SPEAKER. The bill and report will be read subject to objec­tion. •

1\Ir. BUCHAN AN. I demand the regular order of business.

ORDER OF BUSL"'ESS.

Mr. BLOUNT. I desiT;e the floor only for a moment, to supmit are­quest on the part of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

The SPEAKER. ThegentlemanfromNewJersey [1\Ir. BucHANAN] demands the regular order of buainess, and the Chair has no discretion in the matter.

Mr. BLOUNT. I am not complaining of the Chair, but merely ask that the demand for the regular order may be withdrawn until I can submit my request •.

Mr.· BUCHANAN. I object to the bill which the gentleman from Texas [Mr. AnnoTT] asked unanimous consent to call up for present consideration, and then will withdraw the demand for the regular order of business.

CLERKS IN FIRST AND SECOND CLASS OFFI CES.

Mr. BLOUNT. I desire, Mr. Speaker, to make to the House. a request at the instance of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Ro.:.tds. and it is that that committee be allowed to report in the Post-Office appropriation bill legislation providing for the classification of clerks in first and second class offices. It has been recommended by the President and by Postmasters-General from time to time, and the only reason the matter bas not been disposed of bas been the difficulty under the rules of the House of reaching the matter~ I hope there will be no objection to my request, so that the matter may be brought before the House for disposition.

Mr. BURHOWS. To be considered in order. 1\Ir. BLOUNT. That is all. I merely ask that it may be brought

befor~ the House for consideration. The SPEAKE R. Is there objection? 1\Ir. TAULBEE. I shall have to raise the point of order against the

proposition if it is to bring these clerks under the provisions of the civil service.

Mr. BLOUNT. It ha.s no relation to the civil service. Mr. TAULBEE. I would like to hear, tb~n, exactly whatis the ob­

ject of the proposition. Mr. BLOUNT. The object of it is simply this: The gentleman from

Kentucky is aware that the clerks in the Post-Office Department have their salaries fi~cd. He is also aware that the letter-carriers have their salaries :fixed by law. The postal clerks also have their · salaries fixed by law, but so far as the first and second class offices are concerned the clerks therein have their salaries fixed, not by law, but regulated by the chief of the salary and allowance division in the Post-Office De­partment. The proposition we ask to bring before the House for con· sideration is in relation to that matter. -

Mr. TAULBEE. That is the object of t.he provision then. 1\Ir. BLOUN'r. The object is to fix the salaries or' these clerks in

first and second class offices. Mr. TAULBEE. I am for it. I do not object to that. I thought

it was a proposition to classify them within the civil service. Mr. HOLMAN. I wish to inquirewhethertheobjectofthisrequest

is to classify in the same manner as in the Department, or to increase or diminish the salaries of the employes?

Mr. BLOUNT. No, sir; not to increase, but simply to classify them. So far as the details are concerned, whether the salaries shall be higher or ower, is a matter for the House to determine.

Mr. HOLMAN. I wish to know whether my friend proposes in any respect to increase these salaries or the grade of the employ~s in the branches of the Department to which he refers?

Mr. BLOUNT. I do not. Mr. CUTCHEON. Will the clMsification proposed carry any par-

ticular rate of salary ? . . Mr. BLOUNT. \)ell, that is just the very object, to fix t-he salary

and to limit the power of the bend of the bureau in the matter. !r!r. CUTCHEON. But will not this allowance of sahuies have to

be paid as heretofore, thtough the Department? The SPEAKER. This is not debatable. 1.fr. TOWNSHEND. I wish to ask the gentleman from Georgia if

a bill has been reported heretofore to tlte same effect as he now pro­poses from the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads?

Mr. BLOUNT. Oh, ye.<~, I think on se"eral occasions. Mr. TOWNSHEND. Bn~ I mean during the present Congress. Mr. BLOUNT. N?t dunng the present Congress, for the reason

that there wer~ certait;t element~ then wanting to enable us to reach a proper conclus10n, whtcb have st!lce been supplied Ly the Postmaster­General and hence are not wantrng to-day.

1\Ir. ?ticMILLIN. 'Yb~t is the objection to letting the provision be lJrought in when the b1h lS bef~re the House, without asking us be­forehand and without our knowrng what the provision is to make au exceptio~ to the general rules of the House which have p'roved so sal-11 tary in tho past ?

Mr. BLOUNT. I will say to my friend from Tennessee that if it is brought in outside of the Post-Office appropriation bill, the gentlema"Q bimself will readily understand ihat the chances are not one in a hun­dred of ever reaching the bill.

Mr. COX. That is so. ?tir. McUILLIN. But what I mean is1 why not go along until you

reach the consideration of the bill, then submit your proposition and a.sk unanimous con8ent when the bill is being considered to let the amendment come in, notwithstanding the rules which would prohibit the consideration of the subject? ·

Mr. BLOUNT. Why, that would be absolutely futile work. I have no objection whatever to letting the House vote upon it, and accept or reject it, but it woald certainly seem superfluous to go to 'Y.ork aud pre­pare a bill on this subject, notwithstanding that it has the recommen· dation and indorsement of the President, the recommendations of the Department, and others interested in and familiar with the subject, when one single objection on the floor of the House would prevent the House from considering it.

1\Ir. ADAMS. But a single objection will do that now. Mr. BLOUNT. I am only asking that the House will give consent

that the committee may formulate the proposition in the bill, and then it will be for the House to determine whether it will accept the propo-sition or not. .

1\Ir. McMILLIN. But the gentleman ought to bring in his propo· sition first. The difficulty about his request is that I do not see why the House should bind itself beforehand to consider a proposition which is brought in in violation of the rules when it does not even understand what the proposition is. If the gentleman will state his proposition at the time that the bill is being considered, and if it commends itself to the sense of justice of the House, it would no doubt, as many other matters of the same kind have done heretofore: be considered by the House and no doubt agreed to. On the contrary; if the proposition is an objectionable one, it i~ too late, after the privilege is given in this manner-after the point of order is waived-to make objec~ions w:hich, under the present circumstances, would pre.-ent the cons1derat10n of the matter.

Mr. BLOUNT. ?tir. Speaker, it is prefectly competent when the bill comes before the House to discuss it and vote it out if the House is un· willing to accept the proposition.

M:r. Mc11ULLIN. But the gentleman from Georgia knows that the power to vote out is often utterly useless, and that it can not be exer­cised here always in cases where it ought to be exercised.

M:r. BLOUNT. I wish to say to my friend that I appreciate his great desire for extreme care in legislation; and I also appreciate that rule which excludes certain legislation fromappropriation bills. But there is not a member on this floor who does not feel at times the necessity for legislation for a great Department of the Government which is" ab­solutely essential, but which can not be entered upon because of the stringent provision of the rule which ma!tes no e~~eption. T!Iis is a matter we believe to be essential. 1\:Iy ihend certainly recogmzes the difficulty that we have had in reference to the distribution of the mails by reason of defects in this very matter of-legislation in rega,d to the clerical service of the Department. It has been urged for a great many years that such a change be made. It is not by any means anewques· tion. M:y friend will ~ce that hereafter, if it is fixed by law now, in­stead of a chief of division havtng to contest with every member on this floor as to the salary of each employe thro:1ghont the :first and sec­ond class offices in the United States, when you shall ascertain his sal­ary by law as you ha'\"e dono in relation to the postal clerks, letter-car­riers, and clerks in the various Departments, that there is but little to surprise the House with in the matter which will <:.orne from t~e Co~­mittee on the Post-Office and Po3t-Roads. That IS all there IS of 1t, simply to fix the salaries ourselves nnd take the right of fixing them from the chief of division. Let them be ascertained and fixed by law, as the salaries of other employes are fixed.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will again state that this subject is not debatable. If any gentleman objects to the request of tPe gentleman from Georgia the matter is not before the House.

M!- BLOUNT. ::M:r. Speaker, the matter is of _such importance that I hope the Chair will permit a brief effort to satisfy gentlemen.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Georgia?

Ur. HOLMAN. I wish to understand from him-­Mr. MoHAE. I demand the regular order. l\Ir. COX. I hope the gentleman will not do tba.t. l\.Ir. BINGHA?tf. Give us a minute longer. ?tir. McRAE. I do not object to the request of the gentleman from

Georgia, but I do object to further debate. The SPEAKER. The Chair has stated that the matter is not debat-

able. If any gentleman objects the_ question is ~sposed of. . Mr. HOLMAN. I wish to nscertam from my fnend from Georw.a to

what extent he proposes to increase the aggregate appropriations for clerical service for first and second class post-offices? _

.Mr. BLOUNT. ],.fr. Speaker, that is a matter difficult of ascerta.in­ment. So far as the allowance for clerk-hire goes now, the sa.l.lll'ies ue fixed by the chief of the division.

·'

862 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 161

l\Ir. HOLMAN. I know; but you make the appropriation for cler­ical hire in gross, do you not?

1\Ir. DUNN. To be distributed according to the favoritism of the chiefs of divisions in the Department, instead of by law, as it should be.

1\.fr. BLOUNT. That is true. Mr. HOLMAN. Do you propose to diminish the amount appropri­

ated for the coming year? Mr. BLOUNT. I can not say whether it will increase or diminish

the allo~ance for clerk-hire, because that is dependent upon the arbi­trary action of a chief of division! and I do not know sufficient about the details of the Department to know whether it increases or dimin­ishes the appropriation.

Mr. STEWART, of Vermont. 1\Ir. Speaker, I rise to a point of order.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state the point of order. Mr. STEWART, of Vermont. There is so much confusion that we

can not hear what is before the House. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Georgia has submitted a re­

quest for unanimous consent, and the Ch..'lir is endeavoring to ascertain whether there is objection. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered.

ADMISSION OF SOUTH DAKOTA.

Mr. SPRINGER. The gentleman from New Mexico is entitled to the floor for thirty minutes.

1\Ir. J OSEPR rose. Mr. SPRINGER. 1\Ir. Speaker, was leave given to file reports in

accordance with the request made a few moments ago? The SPEAKER. It was. Mr. SPRINGER. I wish to state, without-any arrangement having

been made as to the closing of the debate, that I desire to move the pre­vious question not later than half past 2 o'clock to-day.

Mr. STRUBLE. I do not think that will give time enough for this side.

Mr. SPRINGER. We will endeavor to accommodate everybody. 1\Ir. BURROWS. Let the debate run on. 1\Ir. JOSEPH. Mr. Speaker, New 1\Iexico, the oldest Territory now

in the Union, bas joined hands with her giant sister Territories, Dakota, Montana, and Washington, and forthefonrtb time in her political history she is again knocking at the doors of Congress for admission into the sis­terhood of States on an equal footing with the States that now compose this grand Republic. New Mexico, in my opinion, has st.x:onger claims for admission at this time than the other Territories included in this bill under consideration, in the line of treaty obligations under which she was ceded and annexed to the United States, and by virtue of which this nation's honor is pledged to her admission as a State.

In 1530, bntthirty-eight years after Columbus first behel-d the shores of America, an intrepid ~p:misb voyager, Cabeyade Vaca by name, found his way into the valley of the npRer Rio Gmnde. He was the first Eu­ropean to visit New ~Iexico. Stimulated by the accounts which be brought of the wonderful fertility of the country and the prosperity of its native inhabitants, and aroused partly by that spirit of adventure which then animated the entire Spanish nation and partly by that eager zeal for the salvation of souls which possessed the Christian church, various other expeditions during the next sixty years explored this new country, and each brought back more wonderful accounts of the dwell­ings of the inhabitants, of the abundance of precious metals, of the fertility of the soil, andofa genial day where the kindly sun was never obscured by clouds.

In 1591, Don Juan de Onate, an in.fluentiall\Iexican, descended from the first Spanish explorers of that country, organized an expedition partly of soldiers, partly of friars, and partly of colonists, who passed through Northern .Mexico, reached the Rio Grande, and traveled up that river until near the present border of the State of Colorado. Choosing a site upon the banks of the Rio Grande, surrounded by a country of great fertility, attracted bv its convenience of access, its beautiful prospect, and ~ts won_derfnl climate, a place long before chosen bv the Indians for one of therr pueblos, at a date about fifteen years b~fore the settlement of Jamestown, and more than twenty-five.Years before the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Rock, they founded the city of Santa Fe, the earliest permanent European s~ttlement and seat ~f gl?v~rument within the present borders o.f the Umt~. States.

Thts anClent seat of civilization and Chriqtianity in .Amertc:1o has re­mained for over three hundred years the political center of New Mex­ico.

New Mexico continued a Spanish possession nntil Mexico declared its independence of the Spanish crown in 1821, when it became a part of the Republic of Mexico, entitled to representation in the Mexican Congress and other privileges of statehood. In the year 1822 the first public sdhools were established in New .Mexico, and from time to time their number and efficiency wereincreasea.. The first newspaper printed on the continent west of the Mississippi Rlver-El Crcpnsculo (The Dawn)-was published, in 1835, at Taos, N. 1\fex., by Padre 1t~artinez.

With the American occupation under Col. S. W. Kearny m 1846, and the treaty of Guadalnp~ Hidalgo of Febru~ry 2, 1848, N~w Mex­ico became a part of the Umted States of Amenca. At that tune the

people of New Mexico believed that they were entitled under the pro· visions of the treaty and the inducements held out to them to be ad­mitted into the Union as a State. Accordingly, on the 20th of June, 1R50, a State constitution (prohibiting slavery) was 1'\dopted by New Mexico and subsequently submitted to Congress. An election was held under this constitution. Henry Connelly was elected governor and-WilliamS. 1\Ieservy Representative in Congress; the Legislature, under the constitution, chose R. H. Weightman and F. A. Cunningham as Senators to represent the new State. This Hepresentative and these Senators appeared and demanded admission for the State under its con­stitution, btLt their prayer was denied, and Mr. 1\Ieservy, elected as a Member of Congress, was admitted to the House as a Delegate.

1\Inch disappointment was felt by the people of New Mexico at this action of Congress, but this in no manner abated their allegiance to their new Government. Snch was their feeling of attachment that at the outbreak of the war, only thirteen years after the treaty of Guada­lupe Hidalgo, the people of New Mexico rallied to the support of the national flag and furnished more troops to th~ Federal Government than all the then existing Territories combined, including the present States o.f Nebra.ska, Nevada, and Colorado. No stronger answer than this can be given to the charges that the native peop1e of New Mexico are foreign in spirit or lacking in devotion to the United States.

In the year 1874 a bill was presented to the Forty-third Congress for the admission of New 1\Iexico as a State. .An extended debate occurred in the House of Representatives (see CoNGRESSIONAL RECORD, volume 2, part 5, pages 4129 to 4138, and part 6, Appendix, pages 295 to 302), and the chief argument which the opponents of the bill could then advance, bealled by ihe distingnishen member from New York, Hon. Clarkson N .. Potter, now· deceased, was that the constitutional representation in the Senate was greater than should be possessed by a new State. At that time the population of New .Mexico was but 110,000, as compared with over 175,000 at the present date, while hundreds of miles of rail­road now existing, which render intercourse easy between the different sections of the Territory and invite immigration, had not then been built.

This bill passed the House by a threa.fourths majority-160 to 54. Among the votes cast in favor of the bill were those of the following members of the present House: Hon. R. R. BUTLER, IIoii. JOSEPH G; CANNON, Hon. ALFRED C. HARMER, Hon. ROGER Q. MIL:t.S, Hon. CIIARLES O'NEILL, and Hon. DAVID WILBER. There were also then recorded in favor of the bill the following distingished members of the House who now occupy seats in the Senate: Hon. HENn.Y L. DAWES, Hon. CHARLES B. FARWELL, Hon. WILLIAl\I P. FRYE, and Hon, PHILETUS SAWYER. Amongotherdistinguishedgentlemen who have since then passed out of both Houses of Congress, who tlien voted for the admission of New !Iexico, are the late President Garfield; the dis­tinguished Interstate Commerce Commissioner, Hon William R. Mor­rison; that distinguished Republican from Iowa who has since repre­sented his country abroad with great credit, the Bon. John .A.. Kasson; together with Hon. 0. D. Conger, of Michigan, afterwards Senator; Hon. Charles E. Foster, of Ohio; and Hon. William Lawrence, of the same State. All of those whose names are mentioned, excepting Represent­ative MILLS and Commissioner Morrison, were members of theRe­publican party. Certainly that party, urged on by such leaders, can not now fail to include New 1\Iexico among the Territories to be ad­mitted into the Union.

In the Senate the bill met a like receptiOTi (see co~,.GRESSlO~ AL REc­ORD, volume 3, pnges 1691, 1692). After a dehate in which very little opposition was developed to the au mission of the Territory, the Senate passed the bill by n. vote of 32 to 11. Among the Senators now hold­ing seats in that body who voted for the bill are Senators ALLiso~, INGALLS, MITCHELL, and ST.EW ART, while other no less distin~nished i{cpublicans who are no longer in the Senate were recorded in favor of the bill, among them being Hon. GeorgeS. Boutwell, of Mas.~achnsetts, Hon. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, of M:aine, lion. John .A.. Logan, of illinois, ancl Hon. William Windom, of Minnesota. It is certainly to be supposed that if, three-fourths of both Houses of Congress at that time were in favor of the admission of New 1\Iexico the vote at the present time should be practically unani­mous. Certainly none of the distinguished gentlemen whose name_s are mentionetl and who are still in either House of Congress, can fall not only to vote for, but also to advocate vigorously, the admission of New 1\Iexico. The passage of the bill by the Senate was at so late a day that the two Houses were unable to a9.1:ee upon points of detail about which differences existed and the bill failed to become a law hPfore the adjournment of that Congress. But for the accidents of leg­islation New l\Iexico would now be a Stn.te.

In the Fortr-fourth Congress the Senate again passed a bill to au­mit New ~fex1c? as a State, by?' Yote of 35 to-15, among tho. e voti~g for the bill bemg the followmrr distin,.,nished Senators who still oceupy seats in that body: M~rs. INGALLS, Jmnr.s, of Nevada, MITCHELL, PADDOCK, HANSmti and SHERl\1AN (see CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, volume 4, part 2, page~ 1G07 to 1617}. This san;te bill was subsequently reported back to the House of Representatives by tho Committee on Territories but in the crowded condition ofpnblic busi­ness in the House it failed to receive consideration or become a law.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 863 Had the House considered it there can be no doubt that New Mexico would have entered the Union as a State at that time. How strongly do the votes of these distinguished leaders of the Republican party re­fute the slanderous report of the minority of the Committee on Terr~­tories of the present House.

The rightof New .Mexico to admission as a State thus practically ad­mitted both in 1874 and 1876, upon what ground, I ask, can it now be denied after a great increase in populationand material development? I have sought with great diligence to ascertain the objections urged by the opponents of admission. I have read editorials from some of the Eastern papers opposing admission, and have given careful attention to the minority report filed in the House. So far as I have been able to find., the objections urged are the result of groSs ignorance of the peo­ple, the conditions, and the prospects of New Mexico. I am amazed that persons in responsible public positions should attempt t? assert themselves in respect to matters as to which they have .plainly made no reasonable inquiry. To read some of these accounts one would sup­pose that New Mexico was one vast Sah~ra, with scattered oases o~cu­pied solely by tribes of savages, and destmed to be forever a desert With­out resources of any avail for human use.

First among these accusations is that tho people of New Mexico are not only ignorant but are not desirous of learning, and that to their ignorance they add a willful disregard of law. It is undoubtedly true that the opportunities for education in a sparsely settled Territory can not be those afforded by a thickly inhabited State like Massachusetts, and in years past the advanta?:es of a complete school system have neces­sarily not been open to New Mexico. But this state of affairs no longer exists. People to whom the best opportunities for educatien have been denied are often those most deeply interested in obtaining a greater measure of knowledge for their children than they themselves have been able to acquire. A special school tax is now assessed throughout the whole of the Territory, a compulsory school law exists, and public schools are held in sufficient numbers for every child of school age to attend. The people of the Territory are eager in availing themselves of the present opportunities. The daily demand is for a still greater expansion and development of the school system. The Lincoln County Leader of recent date voices this demand in these words: •

The coming session of the Legislature will give us a schoolla.w which will compare with any of the States. '!'he people have demanded it !rom present necessity aud assured development.

This sentiment is common to the whole Territory. There are no peo­ple in the United States more devot,ad to the public-school system and more determined that its advantages shall be spread among them than the people of New Mexico. Nothing will give greater impetus to this sentiment than the recognition by Congress of New Mexico as a State and the gift to its people of the well-earned right to exercise their share in the government of the United States.

Any assertion that the native citiz6ns of New l\.:lexico are character­ized by a contempt or defiance . for law betrays the grossest ignorance. Among all the people of this continent no more peaceful and law-abid­ing citizens can be f.mnd than these. Their regard for law is so great that the statistics show that 75 per cent. of the crime of the Territory is committed by wandering desperadoe:~ from n~ighboring States and Territories.

Upon this point I again quote from the Lincoln County Leader of December 22, 1888:

As to the character of the people, no subject has been so grossly misre.pre· sented and so generally ft~.lsitied. It is an outrage upon our people. We defy any one to na.tne a community either North or South that is more law-abiding than our own White Oaks. With its public school with an attendance of 75 daily, our a.oademy wiLh over 23 pupils a~ a start-er, the Young Men's BeneYo­lentAssociation with a. membership of 75,Knighta ofPythias, In.iependent Order of Good Templa.n, o.lollge soon to be of 4,noient Order United Workmen, the Methodist ObllTcll auout completed, and otJlerre1igiousdenom.ina.tions holding service, the .1\Ia.sonic fraternity building a. hall, tbe Grand Army of the Repub­lic strong and growing, with the a.uxilia.ry \Voman's Relief Corps, it is the uni­vers'n.l remark: of strn.ngersthat White Oak:s~.morally, socially ~nd intellectually, is far ahead of many pretentious places. What is true of white Oaks is in a manner the case throughout Lincoln County, the largest of the Territory and setLling very fast. The proportion of Mexicans to the whole number is over­estimated by our outside chaps. Reliable estimates place the Mexicans about two-fifths of the whole in the Territory, while in White Oaks precinct, with over 270 voters at the last election, there were less than 20 :\Iexicans.

'Ve have among our Mexican fellow-citizens some a.s able and brilliant men a.s any community can boast of, and as a whole no cla.ss of people in this coun­try have been so Yilified as t.be Mexicans of New Mexico. The court statistics a.ro our best guide. New Mexico, compared with Nebraska, to-day bas less crime per capita.

The objectton t<> Catholic Spaniarcls should bo no stronger th11n to Catholic Irish or Germatll'l, S des, and Lutherans in the other Territories. In a word, the Mexican<! of New l\lexico, for the purposes of statel10od are in advance of the recent:arrived Swedo of l>akota. or the lawless clements 'of other nations in many sect10ns of the couutry; when compared to a Southern State, far superior.

To the.strang~r i_n ~ew Mexico, next after the industry of the citi­zens, theu hospitality lS notable. Their last crust is divitled with the stranger-not eq~aUy, for the _New Mexican takes the lesser portion. Whatever the nati_ve New: Mexican possesses, tLat is free to his guests. In aU their fi.nanclll.l deahngs they are open nnci honorable. In short these descendants of that nation which discovered the New World and first brought it under European and Christi_an control, possess in a high degree all the qualities necessary to fulfilling the obligations of com· plete citizeilShip.

But the objection most frequently made- to the admission of New Mexico is that her inhabitants are of a foreign race, alien to popular government, and unable to appreciate the blessings and ~d:rantages of the American Constitution. Such contention haa no baSlB m fact, but even if it were tme it is plain to my mind 1.hat the easiest mode to teach such people the proper method or exercising th~ ~uties of citizen­ship is to confer its privileges upon-them. Thes~ pn~egescan.not be forever denied without a violation of the treaty st1pulat10ns of thlB Gov­ernment. Article IX of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of February 2, 1848 contains the following promise in relation to the admission of the terrltory acquired under this treaty:

Mexicans who in the territory aforesaid, shall not preserve the c.hara.cter or citizens of the ~Iexi.can Republic, conformably with what is s~pnlated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the Umted States, !Wd be admitted at the proper time (to be judged o! _by the Congres~ of the Umted States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the Umte~ l:itates. ac­cording to the principles '!f the Constit~tion; ·and in ~e. mean t1me sba.lliJe maintained and protected m. the free ~DJo~~ent of tbe1r bber:y .and property, andsecured in the free e.xermse ofth~1r religiOn Without restrwtion.

It is true that Congress reserved to itself the right to determllie when the time should arrive for the admission of New Mexico as a State. But it is plai.n on the face of this provis~on ~at the people of Ne'! M~­i.co have a right to demand that that discretion ~honld be ex;erCISed 1?­good faith. and that the circumstances un~er wh~ch the pr~~ ?f ulti­mate adnn.ssion was made should· be considered m determuung Its pro­priety at any given time. When this stipulation was made it was per­fectly well known to the framers of the treaty that the inhabi.tants of New Mexico were then Mexican citizens and spoke the Spamsh lan­guarre. All persons remaining in the Territory by so remaining re­no~ced their Mexican allegiance, but can it be said that Congress can fairly oblige them to renounc:e their ~tive langnage_before .ente~in~ as a State of the Union? Can 1t be believed thatMeXlco, while Yielding this discretion to Congress, believed that, as a condition-precedent to the admission of New Mexico, it could properly be required that all its inhabitants should forswear the Spanish language? I can not think that any such condition is coilSistent with carrying ol!t. in ~odf~ith ~e promises of the treaty. To interpolate such a condition lS a VIolation of the treaty obligations.

But even if such a condition is required it is now fully met. It may be that in a few remote districts of New Mexico some persons may be found who still have no knowledge of English, yet there is but a small proportion of native New Mexicans ofSpanic:;h descen~now in the T~r­ritorv who can not both speak and understand Enghsh.freely, while practically all the younger generation who have recently attained t9 years of manhood speak and understand English as they do the Spanish of their forefathers. It can not be expected that the Spanish language will wholly disappear. A language is as much an integral part of a. people as the contour of the face or the tint of the skin. It will remain for generations. Enn in Wales many persons are yet to be found who can not make themselves understood in the English tongne. The devoted natives of that little country who have found homes in America cling so tenderly to that language, -to us so harsh, yet to them the sweetest of all tongues~ that they have in America two papers pub­lished wholly in the Welsh language. Yet in spite of this devotion to the ancestral tongne I have yet to hear it asserted that the subscribers to these Welsh papers in this conn try are any the less fitted for the duties of American citizenship, nor has it ever been-contended that the mem­bers whom these devoted Welshmen send to represent them in the British Parliament are less fitted to legislate for the British Empire than the representatives of purely English-speaking constituencies. The Representatives upon this floor from the State of Louisiana can tell you that many of the most respected of their constituents st:ill ~re­serve in family use the French tongue as the means of com.mtlD.lcation between father and son, mother and daughter.

The honorable gentlemen upon this floor who represent the agricult­ural regions surrounding York and Lancaster, in the State of Penn~ sylvania, can tell you that that curious Compound of German and Eng­lish known as "Pennsylvania. Dutch" still survives as a living lan­guage among their constituents, and that religio~ services are held, sermons preached, schools taught, and the laws printed in that lail­guarre, and that many citizens of these localities who are as well quali­fiel'as any in the country to exercise the sovereign right of franchise conduct all their conversations and negotiations in tha.t dialect and are none the less fitted for their duties. I doubt if anywhere in the Union can· be found any more substantial class of citizens than these very men, and the State of Pennsylvania would sadly miss them if they should disappear. .

A recent editorial in the New York Tribune thus states this obJec­tion to the admission of New Mexico:

Its popnl.ntion is not American a.s we understand t.he word. The people n.re largely of Mexican descent and speak the Spanish_ language. A few yea.rs ago five-sixths of the schools were taught exclusively m that language, and m ha!f the remainder Spanish and English divided ~e h'!nor . .In many essentials tt is still a Mexican province. The average of mtelligence 1s low. •

T~e Las Vegas Daily Optic thus pointedly and fully answers this unwarranted position:

In thts o.rticle, which is one of the least abusive that we hllMo ;_ren•.;!f~ll ~ noticed t.ha.t Hgares are taken from the condition of New c co · railroads had reached her borders. It such criticism ha.d been applied to too

CONGRESSION-AL RECORD-HOUSE. J-.ANU.ARY 16,·

much-vo.unted Dakota, before railroads had been continued to that section, it is doubtful if she could have made e1.·en so good a. showing as New Mexico is able to make, notwithstanding the fact that the figures are manipulated by her bitter partisan enemies. Then, too, on what ground does the Tribune assert that immigrants from Old Mexico are not desirable? On what ground does it put them as inferior to the Swedes, Hungarians, Poles, Italians, and foreigners of other nationalities by whom much of the Northwest Territories have been populated? .

Then, too, suppose the peovle arc largely of Mexican descent and speak the Spanish language, can the Tribune show that they are any the worse for that? Were they not the same at the time the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was_ sig_ned? 'Vere they not then guarantied the rights and privileges of American cit1zens, and was there any stipulati<?n that the most important of these rights, that of self-government, should be Withheld until they learned to speak the En­glish language?

Those who advocate the exclusion of New l\fexico because the Span­ish la!!guage is still spoken there by some of her citizens belittle the greatness of this country. The American Union is so extensive and the privileges of American citizenship so great that the one flag can wave ab~ve nersons of all races and descent, and representatives of everypopu:. lat1on on the globe to-day are gladly embracing the opportunities af­forded by a free Government and equal rights.

But in what just sense can even the Spanish-speaking citizens of New 1\Iexico be classed as a foreign race? If their interests are not with the United States to whom do they hold allegiance? Not to Spain, for 1\Iexico severed the bot;tds that. bound her to the Spanish crown long year~ ago; not to Me:nco! for 1t now approaches a half century since Mexico yielded to the Umted States all right and title to the Territory

· of New .Mexico, and all feelings of obligation and allegiance have long since disappeared. The material ties are aU with the United States. The great railroads now span New lfexico east and west, and every article of commerce produced in the Eastern States finds its way to these great arteries of travel into New Uexico, while the connection with Old Mexico is difficult and the commerce of but small impor­tance.

It is difficult to see 4ow objection can be made to the admission of New Mexico upon the ground that its inhabitants are of foreign alle­giance and interests when no objection on that account is raised. to the admission of the Territories of the Northwest. The census of 18ti0 furnishes informatic;m which places New Mexico in the highest rank of all the Territories of the United States in the proportion which its na­tive-born inhabitants bear to their whole number. The following table, from ~he ce.nsus o! 1880, sho:vs t~e proportion of native-born to foreign­born mhabitants m the Terntones of Dakota, Montana, ~ew Mexico, and Washington: ,

Territories.

N::~~i~~:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::·:·:·:·::-::·:·:::::::::::::::::::::::::: Washington ............................................. .. ... .. . ..... . .. ... ... .

Native.

83,382 27,638

111,514 n!l,::ll3

Foreign.

51,795 11,521

8,051 Jfi.B.')1

Historical Sketches of New Mexico, by Hon. L. Bradford Prince., as a fitting tribute to the people of the· Territory:

To the people of New Mexico, threefold in origin and language, but now one in nationality, in purpose, and in destiny;

To the Pueblos, still representing in unchanged form the aboriginal civili­zation which built the cities and established the systems of government and social life which astonished the European discoverers nearlyfourcenturiesago;

To the Mexicans, who,jn generosity, hospitality, and chivalric feelings are worthy sons of the Conquistadores, who, with undaunted courage and match­less gallantry, carried the cross of Christianity and the tlag of Spain to the end ofthe eru:th;

To the .Americans, whose energy and enterprise are l>rin~ing all the appli­ances of modern 11cience and invention to develop the almost lin1itless resources which nature has bestowed upon us;

To all, as NewMexico.ns,nowunitedly engaged in advancing the proBperity and working for the magnificent future of the Territory, of which the a1Jtbor is proud to be a. cit-izen-

These sketches of part of its earlier hit;t .>ry are respectfully dedicated.

Upon·what grounds does New Mexico assert her title to a position among the States of this Union? Any investigation of these will am­ply establish that in tenitory, in population, in natural resources, and in prospects for the future she is fully entitled to such a position. The areaofNew Mexico comprises 122,460 square miles, ornearly80,000,-000 acres. The area of New Mexico is three times as great as Ohio, antllurger than all of New England, New York, New. Jersey, and Del­aware combined. The average elevation of the southern portion is 4, 000 and of the northern portion mo: e than 6, 000 feet nbove the level of the sea, thus producing a mild and equable climate throughout the year.

The population by the census of 1880 was 119,565, this including 9, 772 India"Q,S, most of whom, being those dwelling in the ancient pueblos, are citizens of the United States and men of industrious and peaceful habits, well advanced towards civilization. No census of the Territory has been recently taken, but the present governor, in his re- . port to the Secretary of ihe Interior for the year 18B8, places the pop­ulation at 175,000, an estimate which I deem erroneous, if at all, in the direction of too great moderation. I quote his remarks from his report:

POPULATION.

No census of the Territory having been taken since lSS:S, it is impossible to state definitely the increase-in population since that date. From information 1 have been able to obtain upon careful inquiry in different quarters of tho Ter­ritory especially in the public-land sections, I am certain that the increase ll ur­ing the past year has been from 10,000 to 12,000. Fully one-quarter of this has ' been in the southeast, and largely from the State of Texas. The bureau of im­migration bas, during the past _year, received :.;uan;y: th.ousands ofletters o_f in­quiry from States eastward, mamly from the M1ssissJpp1 Valley States, des1ring information of New Mexico as to business chances, a~ricnltural condiUons, cli­mate, opportunities for ~rofitable investment, etc., which would indicate 8: grow­ing- interest in the Terr1tory on the part of home-seekers, and the probability of a very considerable -immigration in the near future. I deem it a. safe estimate that the population of New Mexico is now a.bout 1751000, exceeding by several thousand the number of people entitling it to admisston to statehood.

The apportionment bill of February 2, 1872 (volume 17, Statutes at Large, page 28), provides that no State shall hereafter be ad­mitted to the Union without the necessary population to entitle

, it to a.t least one Representative. This declaration, a permanent state-. From this it wi.If be _seen that while the proportion of 1oreign to na· ment of the principles governing the admission of future States, car­

tive born population 18 about 1 to 14 in New Mexico it is 1 to 4 in ries with it, as a necessary converse, the proposition that any Terri­Washington, 1 to 3 in Montana, and 2 to 3 in Dakom: The propor- tory is entitled to admission into the Union upon proof that it has tions have certainly not changed since 1880 to the disadvantage of New reached such number. Under the last apportionment the ratio neces­Mexico, for the Territories of the Northwest ha-.ereceived tremendous sary for a Representative was 150,000, and it is beyond a donbt that accessions f:om N?rwayandSweden, as well as from Hungary, Poland, New Mexico bas far passed this mark. She therefore appears before and llohenna, while the most unfortunate cia..~ of Russians have been you for admission, fulfilling the requirements of law,_ and demands settled by thousands upon the broad plains of Dakota, and even no.w admission as a right. At the last election for Delegate m Congress the are loudly calling for substantial aid in their extreme necessity from total vote was 32,G27. . our citizens of the East. The immigration into New Mexico in this This, it must be remembered, represents a larger number of inhab-. period has been of the best class of farmers from States farther east itants in New Mexico, where the polling places are. widely scattered who have greatly aided in the progress of the Territory. Such ha~ than in a more thickly settled vicinity. · The Congressional Directory been th~ development that I do not hesitate to affirm that a knowledge discloses the striking fact that more votes were cast at this election ofSpamsh would not be half so essential in the remotest part of New than were cast in electing Representatives to this Congress in two hun­Mexico as a knowledge of Scandinavian in many recently settled parts dred and thirty-eight districts out of a total of three hundred and of Dakota. twenty-five.. That is to say, the vote cast at the election of -each of a

Can it be said that a native of New Uexico who renounced his al- two-thirds majority of the members of this Congress was less than the legiance to the Republic of :Mexico over forty years aao has less inter- total vote cast at the last election for the Delegate from New Mexico. es~ in. the Government of the United S~tes, le~ devoti~n to republican Less than one-third of the members of the present House hold their prmc1ples, or less fitness for full Amencau CitiZenship than a subject seats as the result of elections at which vot€s were cast in larger num­ofthe European kingdoms who has within but a few years left his na- ber than in New Mexico. Surely no member can object to the a~s­tive home? The honorable and industrious inhabitants of New l\Iex- sion of New Mexico ifthe Delegate upon this floor from that Terntory ico of Spanish de~ent are devoted to American principles) will ever come here as the result of an election at which a greater number of uphold the American Constitution and will continue to honor and votes were cast than in the election by which the Representative holds support th~ Ameri~n :flag as the sign and symbol of that Government his seat. There is no grottnd for fear that the population of New Mex­under whose aut~onty thes: have so long lived. The mingling of the ico may suffer any diminution. While New 1\fexico has not been the blood of the SpaniSh race With that of the Anglo-Saxon such as is now scene of such wonderful strides in population as some of the Territories taking place in New Mexico, can not fail to produce,~ such mixtures of the Northwest, yet ever since she became~ part of the United Stutes always have done, wonderful results of the greatest benefit to humanity her population has steadily and gradually grown greater. Since the and I do not hesitate to prophesy that before many years have elapsed' railroads have entered the Territory this increase has been most und~r th~ genial warmth of the sun which always shines upon Ne~ marked. MeXlCO, a1ded by the material prosperity which is now pouring in upon The mineral resources of New Mexico are famiHa1· to _all who have her from the East, New Mexico will raise up to the glory and pride any knowledge of the West. Gold and silver ~re foundm l_arge quan­of our common country orators, poets, artists, and statesmen of the tities, while enormous deposits of copper, w~lCh only aw:a1t devel?p­highest rank. I can not forbear quoting the eloquent dedication of the ment to rival the copper mines of Lake Supenor, are known to eust.

I889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE .. 865 These mines were known to the Indians before tlie Spanish conquest. In her deposita of coal New :Mexico stands easily pre-eminent. Not onlv are there immense fields of bituminous coal, but a pure anthra­cite, rivalillg in ,its valuable qualities the famous anthracites of Penn­sylvania, i1> found in such large quantities that with the further devel­opment of these mines New Mexico will doubtless stand to theW est as Pennsylvania does to the East in furnishing the finest quality of fuel. In the northern part of the Territory, near the present Navajo Indian reservation, petroleum is found of the finest quality, and already East­ern capitalists have fixed their eye upon these fields, which give promise of a certainly lucrative future. Arrangements are already made for a pipe line from these fields to the railroad, an enterprise involving mill­ions of dollars, which capitalists who ·know the capabilities of New :Mexico are anxious to invest. The mineral resources of New .Mexico, notwithstanding the already large production, have but begun their development.

In my former remarks on this subject, which appeared in the CoN­GRESSIONAL RECORD of M~ay 28, 1888, I referred i~ full to the agri­cultural resources ot' New :Mexico and to the fact that New :Mexico produced vastly greater quantitieS of corn than either :Montana or Wash­ington Territories, whose admission as States appears assured. The total production of corn in the two Territories of New Mexico and 1\Ion.,. tana appears from the following table, taken from the Agricultural Re­port:

Bushels.

W~!tM-:;i~~: ::: :::·:::·:::·::::::::: ::::.'::::::::::::: ::::.·.·::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::. ~: ~ New Mexico, too, is well fitted for the cultivation and production of

all the best-known fruits. Peaches, plums, and pears grow in great abundance and luxuriance, as well as figs and pomegranates, without danger of killing frosts or blighting mildew. There is no part of the country where the grape flourishes with less care and with greater pro­fusion than upon the hillsides of New Mexico. New Mexico and Cali­fornia will in the future produce the wines of Amedca, and our people can be free from the evil effects of doctored and impure foreign wines.

I have met at times an impression that New Mexico is one vast desert, where farming can never be successfully carried on. This idea is wholly due to ignorance. It is true that in many partaofNew Mexico rain sel­dom falls, and that irrigation is essential to agriculture in the greater por­tion of the Territory. But irrigation as an aid to agriculture is known the world over, and has been practiced from time immemorial; while the incidental fertilization and the certainty of crops derived from irrigation vastly exceed the disadvantages brought on by the absence of min. So general has become the interest on this subject, and so important i3 irrigation to the welfare, not only of New 1\Iexico and Arizona, but of Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, and Nevada, that at the last session of Congress an appropriation of $100,000 was made for the beginning of a national system of water storage an~ irrigation which would render vast territories, which are without such aid not suscepti­ble of cultivation, among the most fertile of this country. I quote from the last report of the governor of New 1\Iexico to the Secretary of the Interior, as showing the great advantages of a system of irrigation and the vast possibilities of agriculture in New 1\Iexico under that sys­tem:

In view-of the fact that a failure of m·op iu not possible with a reasonably com­plete system of wate1· storage and distribution, whereby the farmer can com­pute his crop practically to the pound, in -advance, year by year, with a giYen extent and thoroughness of cultivat:ion, it follows that that system of cultiva.tion will pa~ all, or more~ the additions.~ C?st of irrigation, as the liability of failure of crop IR thereby reauced to the m1mmum.

New Mexico differs materially from all the 'Vestern Territories in that, lying in the !'outhern foot-hills of the Rocky 1\Iountains, it has few of the continuous, rugged ranges that characterize much of the North. The country here is broken

~~~~~i~!~~~-~~h~~doid~r::th!0;~~~ri~C:~· s~~~;~~rt wr:~~~!~d~~c!f!~~ tions that permit its distribution, by the force of gravitation, to practically every tillable acre of land in the Territory. ·

The area of Kew l\Iexico is 79 OOO,OOOacres. Of this it is estimated that not less than 60,000,000 acres may be ciassed as tillable with sufficient applianc>es for placing water thereon. This can be done only by a general system of storage in the higher altitudes, so disposed as to gather and hold the surplus that comes down from the mountains and runs the streams bank full at certain periods of every year, and thus reserve it for distribution during the dry periods of the later spring and earlier summer months.

In the same report a full exhibit is made ofthe recent achievements of New :Mexico in agriculture and fruit:.raising, so interesting that I incorporate it as a portion of my remarks:

• AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT.

There has bee!l in all parts of the Territory marked progress in the develop· m!!ut ?four agncultural industries, illustrated by the-late local and Territorial faus , m grains, vegetables, fru!ts, and garden products, and by the correspond­mg cheapness and abundance 1n which they are found on sale in the markets. La1·ge areas of ~nd have been brought under cultivation for the first time this year, a~d the y1eld has been good. These productions include all va.1·ieties pe­culiar to the temperate zone, and some, such as figs, almonds pomegranates, Englieh walnuts, etc., that are cla~sed as semi-tropical. The gr~atrange of lati­tude of New Mexi~o, from the thutr-second to the thirty-seventh parallel, af­fords a 1·ange of chmate unknown 1n any Eastern State and a. conesponding variety of product, while the range of alti~de of tillable land, from 8,000 to 8,000 feet above sea-level adapts the country alike to the products of the extreme North and the mor~ northerly States 9ft:Pe South.

The development in agriculture has more than kept pace with the increase in population, and New Mexico is this year well started on the road towards self­supply in all the staples of consumption. In fruits, esp~ially, the advance has

XX-5o

been very marked. Orchards and vineyards that were planted a. few years ago by the earlier colonists have this year come to bearing, and the volume on product has been something remarkable and exceeded only by the quality.

The Doiia Aiia. County fruit fair, held in September atLas Cruces, in the qual­ity of the fruits displayed of all kinds, was a surprising exhibit and a revela­tion of the wonderful capacity of the country, and of the Rio Grande valley especially, for the production of every description of fruits, more especially o grapes. The Black Hamburg, the Muscat, the l\luscatelle, the Flaming Tokar, and many other equally valuable varieties, including excellent wine and l'aism grapes, are there p1·oduced in astonishing size and profusion and of rare excel­lence. It is apparent from that exhibit that the manufacture of wines and rai sins and the preparation of canned fruits are destined to become staple and profitable industries of that section.

The Santa. Fe fruit exhibit, during the same month, was a gratifying display of the capacity of that region for tlle production of fruits of all kinds adapted to the latitude and the altitude-between 35° and 36° north and 7,000 feet.

At Las Vegas, last fall, was displayed an exhibit of grains, fruits, an<i vegeta­bles especially adapted to the northern portion of the Territory, which indi· cated a marvelous productive capacity in a region that had been accounted al most a desert. The grains comprised wheat, oats, barley, and corn gathered promiscuously from the fields, maay specimens of the small gr~ins standing 6 to 8 feet high and the heads surpassing the average of the 'Vest, even in the weight of the grain-much of it grown without irrigation.

The Territorial fair at Albuquerque was an equal surprise to those unac­quainted with the capacities of the country. In grains, Yegetables, fruits, and textiles the display was of surpassing interest in its demonstration of the ca. pacity of the Territory for the development of, practically, every product of the soil that contributes to the satisfaction of human needs and human comforts. Here were exhibited deliciously-flavored apples that weighed from 20 to 23 ounces, and peaches, pears, quinces, apricots, plums-in fact, every yariety of corresponding size and quality, gathered from every quarter of the Terri rory; wheat weighing 70 pounds to the bushel and yielding 40 bushels to the acre, and oats, barley, corn, all the usual grains, fully up and even superior to the yields of the Middle States, as also in variety and quality; potatoes weigh ing 2 to 4 pounds, cabbages 40 to 50 pounds, and every variety of vegetable product of corresponding yield and weight.

During the past few years especial effort hns been made_to the introduction of improved agricultural machinery and modern methods of agriculture, and the result of that effort has been perceptible in these displays. Deep plowing and the introduction of intelligent, systema,tic pursuit of the science of agriculture have developed the fact that the soils of New Mexico, though at first sight for bidding and apparently a desert, possess in a remarkable degree all the.elements of fertility, a.nd that the great bulk of its lands, with intelligent cultivation, is susceptible of a high degree of development.

Until very recently the impression has prevailed that the successful produc tion of American corn was impossible on account of the altitude, but the pas year's experience has effectually dispelled that unpleasant delusion. As large and perfect American corn, the product of New Mexican corn-fields, was dis played a.t the late fairs as can be produced in any of the Mississippi States, and of quite equal yield, evidencing that that ce1·eal is destined to hold its rank here as one of the great Western staples.

A gratifying indication of the increasing interest in and growth of onr agri cultural industries is the incorporation of irrigating companies. Ninetee,n o these associations have been chartered during the past year, and construction commenced on several of the number. Conspicuous among the latter is the Pecos Irrigation and Improvement Company, in Linco_ln County, which has projected two canals, one 25 and the other 40 miles in length, and sufficient to inigate 150 000 acres of land, now under contract. Other similar enterprises are also under way there, aggregating, in all, 14.0 miles of ditches and intended to water 250,000 acres of land. Lincoln County is more especially an a~ricult­ural county, and is rapidly filling up with farmers. The facilities for irriga. tion are generally good, and what was not many years ago known only us the Llano Estacado, or Staked Plain-waterless and treeless-comprising the east­ern half of the coun-ty, will, before the lapse of many year'!! become one of the most populous and prosperous agricultural sections of the ::southwest.

An extensive ditching enterprise is also on foot in the northwestern counties another yery promising agricultural section.

In Grant County an experiment at storage and distribution has proven an abundant success, eo much so that a. project for a considerable extensio:1 of th~ system has become a. certAinty. . In western Bernali~lo County a~ enterprise is now under way for the estab

lishment of a reservOir to be supphed from the watershed of the surround in"' country and independentof running streams. This experiment will be watched. with much interest, as, if successful, it will solve a. troublesome problem and demonstrate the possibility of water storage and irrigation under con1itions that have heretofore been coruddered impossible. -

New Mexico, however, justly claims pre-eminence for its suit:1bility for domestic animals. The following table, also from the Agricultural Report, shows that in the total number of horses, mules, and cattle New Mexico exceeds the whole of Dakota and far surpasses Montan::t and Washington, while the number of sheep in New 1\Iexico is three times as great as in the other three Territories combined: out of which it is proposed to make four States:

I I New Washiu g-

Dakota. Montana. ~ex.ico. ton. Animals.

218, OOi 129. 710 1 30, 494 82, 954 810,490 751, 000 l' 169, 789 843,0 88

Horses and mules ............................ . Cattle .......... .................................... .

Total ........ ..... .. ....................... .. 1,028,494 sso, no 1 1,200,283 1 426, 042

Sheep ............................................... . 253,672 1 718, 750 14· 328, 753 1 5U, 54.8

What fit answer can be made to this as displaying the resources of New :Mexico? I tis safe to say that enough sheep can find grazing in New Mexico to supply wqol to fill the need ofthe people of the whole United States. Recent experiments show that a combination of the native breeds of sheep with the best American and foreign breeds re· suits in the production of wool of the finest quality.

There are now over 1,500 miles of railroad in the Territory, while other lines projected-some now in course of construction and nearly all to be constructed within one or at most two years-will triple the total mileage. Along the lines of every railroad spring up thriving towns, while the increase of population is composed of responsible and intelli·

866 CONGRESSIONA.-L RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 16,

gent settlers from the Eastern States who desire to try their fortunes in a region where cyc1ones and droughts are alike unknown, and where that dreaded scourge of the eastern coast, consumption, cau not invade thei" households, and where t ,he fever and ague of the inland States is equally a~~ . •

Ofthe advantages of New Mexico from a hygienic point of view too much can not be said. During the past two years the rush of travel has been directed towards Southern California, and fortunes have been made and lost in a single week in speculation there. nut those who know the futnre of that country best assert that its continued devel­opment is absolutely assured, because in that region can he found what multitudes from the East and Northwest have sought in Yain­freedom.from many of those dread diseases so prevalent throughout other parts of the Union. New Mexico presents precisely the same advantages. In her beautiful elevated valleys the sun shines every day throughout the year. Diseases of the lungs are unknown, while that aftliction which has at length come to be known as the national disease-caturrh-never plagues the inhabitants of New Mexico. The following testimony on this point is taken from a . work entitled '' Rocky Mountain Health Hesorts, '' by Charles Denison, M. D.:

In New 1\Iexico, Arizona, and Utah not a. little evidence of an altitude of im­munity is shown in communications I have had the pleasure of receiving f1·om .Army surgeons who have served at elevated stations. Surgeon John F. Ham­mond, United States Army, writing on the diseases of New Mexico, Rio Grande valley, says: "Phthisispulmona.lis I have ne>er seen in the country except in two instances-once in an officer of the United States Army, and once in a.n American emigrant. Ito was developed in each before he left the States, and each Yery gradually improved."

Dr. Irwin reports for Fort Defiance (6,500 feet), Northwestern New Mexico:

During a service of some seven years in New Mexico and .Arizona, ranging over a .region embraced between tbe thirty-first and thirty-sixth degrees of north latitude-Fort Union, New Mexico, to Fort Bucha.~n, Arizona-I never saw or heard of a case of tuberculous disease amongst the native inhabitants of those Territories. ·

In connection with the altitude and the dryness of the air, the numer­ous wonderful mineral springs of New Mexico co-operate to make it the great health resort of the continent.

In 11 former Congress, when the bill for the admission of New 1.Iexico passed the Senate, a distinguished Senator from California, Senator ~argent, gave this eloquent description of her resources and future:

A doubt with reference to the resources of New l\Iexico would seem to be hardly plausible. New l\Iexico has peculiar advantages for wealth. It is a great pa!:!toral country. Of that there can be no doubt;, and it h~ en;ormou_s wealth in the way ot cattle and sheep. But Newl\fex:lco ISsomethmg like Ca.h­foruia in one respect. If I am not mistaken, Daniel Webster, in discussing the treaty or Guadalupe Hidalgo, by which California became a. pot·tion of the ter­ritory of the United States, E~aid it was a. land of rocks and deserts with rattle­snakes enough to fence it. Whether he ever said that or not, I do not know; I have never sou~.:ht to verify it, but it is popularly believed that that was the esti­mate put upon California by Daniel 'Vebster.

I went there before the State was admitted into the Union, in 1850, and I know the estimate among our own people at that time wo.s that we had no agricult­ural capacity, or very slight. The idea of raising fruit in the mountains would have been considered absurd, and was so for a number of years after I went there, until the first experiment was timidly tried, and the hills then blossomed wilh frnit trees at once, bearing most magnificent and luxurious fruit. Our valleys were supposed to be sterile, to be impossible of cultivation; and yet now we are feeding Europe; we Sl"e beating Russia in the markets of Liverpool with the wheat which we send around the Horn, the product of our great valleys which were considered so sterile; and very much the same conditions exist in New 1\Ierico. We do it partially by irrigation: we do it partially by differently alternating seasons; as, for instance, during this year the winter has been open, the snows and the rains have come on ou1· State until the heart of the State is made glad by the promise of a. harvest more abundant th~n that eYer known to the history of the State, while last yP.ar the h .arvest was slight. on account of the light rains and there being no snow whatever. So I s..<\y the seasons alter­nate.

The vast crop of a single year is enough to enrich the State for five, the lux­uriance is so teeming. We can garner iu our granaries a.s they did in Egypt in the old time against seasons of drought or periods of slackness of trade, and wait for the markets of the world. These same conditions exist in a. very large degree in New Mexico. They have these vast plains. They have occasional seasons of heavy rains. They have their mountains garnering their snow, with t.he opportunity for irrigation, as we have in California. Of course the great agricultuJ·al resources are confined prlncipa.lly to the valleys, but the valleys are broad and extensive. The mountains, I have no doubt, are adapted to fruit raising a.s they are in California., and those mountains are seamed further with valua.l.Jie resources of minerals, with coal, and the precious metals, given prom­ise by and by of enormous development, as our people shall pour in there.­Congrusiona~ &cord, volume 4, part 2, page 1610.

The people of New Mexico are anxious to be relieved from the con­dition of tutelage and dependence in whlch they are now situated.

Tho governor in his last annual message to the Legislative Assem­bly thus referred to the development of the Territory and to the ne­cessity for its admission as a State:

Especially in -.he mining and agric~ltural industries the advancement and development have been of a. subs~antla.l ~nd very gratifying character, surpass­ing the .record of any correspondmg P':nod of our pTevious history. These two inunstries are destined, and for all time, especially agriculture, with which stock-raising will become closely blended and a constituent, to become and continue the brtsicindustries of the Territory. In the mining of gold, especially, the development has been exceptional in extent and volume, which, if contin­ued will tend largely to obliterate the present factitious discrimination 1n val­ues ~f the gold and silver metals as commercial standards of exchange.

In the nature of things, however, as all industries and all values are bottomed on successful agriculture, it becomes us in all ways and under all conditions t-o conseTve and stimulate that industry. To that end, as it is apparent that in large areas of the Territory any general, prosperous system of agriculture is dependent on an equally general and effective system of water supply and irri-

gat1on, a. bill was introduced i_n Congress ~t its last session providing for the admission of New Mexico to statehood, and donating a stipulated amount of the public lands in the Territory to be devoted to the establishment of reser­voirs for water stom?:e for purposes of irrigation. As it is not at all probable that this donalion Will be made except upon the admission of New•Mexico to the Union, and in order that we may be placed at the e:U"liest possible day in possession of that very important means of development, as also that we may be able to utilize as speedily as possible the usual appropriation of public lands for public schools and the purposes of public education, I suggest tl1at the Leg­islative Assembly by public resolution memorialize Congress for the prompt passage of the measure now pending in the House of Representatives for the admission of New 1\Iexico to statehood. It is confidently believed that the pas· sage of this measure containing these two very imporla'nt propositions 'vould be the means of very greatly stimulating immigration, investment, and devel­opment.

The people of New 1\fe:rico are anxious to assume the full obligations of citizenship. The leaders of both parties alike are calling for state­hood. From a recent number of the Chicago Times I cut the follow­ing article, displa.ying the sentiment of one of the leading Republicans of the Territery:

Ten years ago W. H. H. Llewellyn, of Omaha, was appointed Indian agent for the ~Iescalero and Jical"illa tribes of Apaches in New 1\Iexico. ·when his term of office expired he moved to Las Cruces, in theUio Grande valley, and en­joyed a. lucrative law practice. The town in which he resides is in the center of the great fruit section of the country a.ntl much property is owned by Chicago investors. He was a delegate to t-he Republica.n national convention four years a.ooo and, naturally, is intensely interested in the question of admitting Kewl\I;xico into the Union. "The people of Newl\Iexico feel entitled to some consideration from the rest of the people of the United States," says he. "Both Democrats and Republicans are working for the cause. It is not a. party ques­tion in the least,.a.nd of all the souls in the Territory fully three-quarters of them would vote yea to the question. 'Ve polled 40,000 votes at the last elec­tion, and with our natura.l resources we are as fully equipped for statehood as any Territory. A great cry in the North iR, 'Don't let the Greasers in.' They are an orderly, well-behaved race, who respect the Government, and if the cou1·t records of all the crimes committed in that country were looked up, it would be found that 75 per cent. were committed by the so-called Americans."

l\lr. Llewellyn says that civilization has progressed most rapidly in his Terri­tory during the last few years. This is especially notable among the Indians. The Navajos, the largest individual tribe· in the United States, are now self­supporting, save the establishment of schools, wbich work is carried on by the Government. Last year they sold 1,500,000 pounds of wool of their own rais-

in~Ir. Llewellyn will remain at the Leland for a few days and then visit the Ea~;t.

The Lincoln County Leader of December 22, 1888, thus presents the need of admission:

New Mexico h:~.s a taxable value of $130,000,000; Montana, SB~.ooo,ooo. Why admit Montana and not New Mexico? The discrimination seems to be religious as well as partisan. From all sides we receive such assurances of renewed im­migration when we arc admitted as a. State as to assure us that capital will feel more secure; and while we are at present expending large sums in private en· terprises, notably the irrigation of 200,000 acres of land in this county, involving an expense of oveT ~2,500,000, -we have untold wealth in our mines, undeveloped, to say nothing about our superior climate.

The following appeal for statehood and the promptresponse show the general interest now existing in this subject:

AN APPEAL FOR STATEHOOD.

NEW YoRK, December 15, 18S8. There "is a subject of the greatest, importance to New .Mexico that requires

immediate action wibhin the Territory. I refer to its admi11siou as a. Slate. A number of Territories are to be admitted either before 1\Iarch 4 or very soon after. If that number should not include New Mexico it will be the cause of great injury to us. A Territorial condition is considered here as a. proof of back­wardness and lack of progress. Heretofore we have had the excuse that no Territory could be admitted as parties stood in Congress, and pointed to Dakota as an illustration; but if three or four are now broug-ht in and we are left out, it will be understood as meaning that we are notfitfor statehood, a.nd~re retro­grading rather than improving. Every acre of our land would lose vo.lue and eYeryindustry be injw·ed by such an event. ·

And yet there is grave danger of it. The States talked of here are Dakota, 1\'fontana, and "\Vashlngton. Even Idaho is mentioned; but not New l\Iexico. There are various reasons for this. Some we can not prevent. But one we can obviate. People think we are not prepared because we are not clamoring for admission as other 'l'erritories are. In them they take every means possible to obtain admission Their Legislatures petition, their boards of trade pass resolu­tions, they hold meetings and send delegations to Washington, and they fill the newspapers with accounts of their efforts and their claims. The general public thinks that each Territory is prepared for sta.,tehood in proportion to its e1forts to obtain it. Just now the subject is attracting much a.ttent10n: Every one un­derstands that a number of new States are to be formed. DiSpatches appear every day fro·m Dakota., 1\Iontlma., and 'Vashington on the subject. Scarcely a. day passes that I a.m. not asked whether New Mexico will not have population enough before a. g~·eat while to make application! My answer that we have had population enough for years, and we are far more ready in every respect for statehood than either 1\Ionlaua or Washington, is received in surprise and pert haps a little incredulity, and they say, "'Vhy, I haven't noted any movemen there on the subject." .

This is vel'y vexatious, and worse, beca.URe the o~derlying idea. ~ h!"rmful. People will not go to Ot' inYe!!t their money in a. sect10n that they thmk 1_s back­wan! or non-prog1·esaive. Men are like sheep. They want to go Wllh the crowd. If they emigrate they prefer a. locality which is growing up rapidly. And the idea. of statehood, or at least of e1forts for statehood, are directly con· nected here with progress.

So it is important that our people should act promptly. Every board of trade should pass resolutions and have them telegraphed by the Associated Press. Every organization that can have a meeting should do likewi!:!e. The Legisla­ture of course, should act as soon as it meets. This very morning the Ne"W York Tribune has an editorial which shows the dang-er of longer inaction. It urges the admission of four new States, but the keeping out of New 1\Iexlco o

1 n

the avowed ground that the Territory iR too ba.ckward and has not tbe e e­ments of a substantial community. I will endeavor to answer that here, bnt we should act unitedly and enel'gctically all over the Territory. 'Vill not the press of New 1\Iexico aid in this? L. BRADFORD PRINCE.

·To the citizens of Lincoln Oount11: As cHizens and residents of New Mexico we very fully appreciate tho truth of

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 867 the foregoing communication, and comprehend the value and importance of a democratic representative government, equally with 1;he blessings of the great Union of States. 'Ve believe that we have outgrown a Territorial government, and that the Territorial condi!Jon is detrimental to the development of our in­teresls and our industries.

Therefore we earnestly urge upon the citizens of Lincoln Oounty and the Territory of New Mexico to convene in mass meeting in their respective com­munities on the 5th day of January, 1889, for the purpose of general discussion of the subject of statehood, and to select delegates to a. general convention to be held at Santa F&, N. Mex.,January12, 1889; said convention to urge our claims to admission to t.he sisterhood of States, and select a committee to go imme­diately to 'Vashington and present the same to Oongress.

It is suggested that delegates be selected on a basis of one for each 100 votes or fraction thereof, each precinct to be entitled to one delegate regardless of the vote.

The importance of each citizen of New Mexico taking an active interest in the maltor can be readily understood by reading the columns of slanderous and damaging matter daily being circulated throughout the East by the leading ~f~~~lsl\~~~i~~·~i:J"~?s~fo~~~\i~t~b'~:d~esources while dis~ussing the question

It is also suggested that delegates selected who are unable to attend send their proxy to the chairman of the board of county commissioners, at Lincoln, N.Mex., who will deliver them to such delegates or other persons asmaybeselectedand signify their intention of being present at the convention at Santa Fe.

:M. ORONIN. 0. H. WEIDMAN. JOSE MONTANO. ARCADIO SAIS. H. H. PIERCE. JOliN Y. HEWITT. l<'LORENOIO GONZALES. P. F. GARRETT. S. B.A.OA. GEORGE OURRY. J. K. BYERS. SIPIO SALAZAR. A. M. ROBI!:RTSON. HENRY LUTZ. JONES TALIAFERRO. WILLIAl\I SLANE. G. A. RICHARDSON. JAl\IES R. BRENT. S. T. GRAY. H. H. C. HARRISON. JOHN BURKS. GEORGE B. BARBEU. H.. 1\IICH.A.ELIS. JOlli~ J. COCKRELL. E. ORR.

The eonvention thus called has met and has adopted resolutions de­manding immediate admission. These will be presented to the Rouse as soon as they arrive.

New Mexico as a Territory has long suffered from the neglect of the General Government. In years past the mvages of hostile Indians have been unchecked, and, while on the one hand protection has been denied, on the other compensation for past injuries has been refused. Then, too, by the neglect of Congress the titles to land for a great number of acres in the Territory have remained unsettled ever since the first occupation of New Mexico. Notwithstanding this her people have been patient, believing that at last some redress would be afforded. Now they call upon Congress for that consideration to which they are entitled-their admission as a State. No greater encouragement to immigration and development can be given.

The admission of New Mexico will stimulate her people to renewed activity in developing the resources of the country, and will operate to attract extensive immigration from the States of the East, for as a State its resources will become known. Once admitted as a St::tte her rapid development is assured. Her future is not doubtful. High up among the mountains of New Mexico numerous smelting furnaces will be busy in preparing for use the vast mineral wealth now buried in the earth. Thousands of prosperous citizens will be employed in the min­ing industries, and mountain cities equal to those of Colorado will arise. Throughout the upland region millions of cattle, horses, and sheep will pasture, increasing in number every year, since they escape all danger from the stress of hostile winters. On every side thousandR of thrifty farms wil). be cultivated, and the diligen1t farmer, freed from the uncertainty of drought or floods, will contentedly cultivate his fields knowing that his diligent labor will surely result in an abun­dant harvest. Vineyards and orchards will adorn every hillside, and the fruits and wines of New Mexico will be as widely celebrated as .those of California.. Under these' conditions prosperous cities will in­crease, while all of the inhabitants of this favored region, in a climate the delights of which are unequaled throughout the globe, will be blessed with health and longevity not to be surpassed in any other part of our common country. .

These resources and possibilities New l\Iexico tenders to the Union. Her citizens will esteem it their highest honor to be admitted to au equal share in the responsibilities of the Union, and should danger menace they would deem it their greatest privilege to bear their full share and thus exhibit their devotion to our country's flag and the American Constitution.

During the delivery of the above remarks, The SPEAKER pro tempore said: The time of the gentleman from

New Mexico has expired. Mr. HENDERSON, of illinois. I ask that the gentleman from New

Mexico be allowed to proceed. !M· SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman desires ten or fifteen

mmutes more, and I hope 1t will be granted him. Mr. MACDONALD. I move that he be allowed to conclude his re-

marks. · There was no objection, and it was so ordered. M.r. JOSEPH. I thank the gentleman from Uinncsota for his court­

esy. :Mr. JOSEPH resumed and concluded his remarks. Mr. JOSEPH. I ask unanimous conseut to incorporate in my re­

marks some resolutions in my possession in reference to the admission of New Mexico as a State.

, The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New :Mexico? The Chair hears none, and His so ordered.

The papers referred to are as follows:

LAS VEGAS, N. l.\Ixx., December 29, 1883. To the Speaker of the IIr;use of Rfp1·esmtatives in Congress assembled:

A public meeting was held here last night for a canvass of the statehood ques­tion. The following resolutions were adopted:

"Besoh•ed, That we, the citizens and voters of San l\Iiguel Cotlllty, in mass meet­ing assembled, hereby p1:oclaim that in our judgment the time has come for the people of the whole Terrifory of New l'llexico to unite in a demand that New l\Iexico be admitted as a State into the Uuion as soon as the preliminary steps can be taken to secure,aueh admission.

''Resolved, That we hereby ask the Territorial Legislature, as soon as possible after it shall convene, to pass a joint resolution memorializing Congress and ask­ing the passage of an enabling act authorizing the calling of a consLitutioB.al con­vention to frame a constitution for New l\Iexico, and that the Legislature of New l\Iexico pass alawproviding for the holding of an election for delegates to a. con­stitutional convention fixing the time and place for holding the sruq.e.

"P..esolved, That the press of New Mexico be requested to give these 'resolutions as wide publicity as possible, and that the friends of the movement for statehood· everywhere in the Territory be invited to meet in mass meeting and by similar resolutions request the Legislature of New Mexico to take prompt and decided action in the matter, in order that Congress and the whole country may become fully advised of the general desire to secure a. State government before the ad~

· journment of the present Oongress." -F . .A.. BLAKE, J. J. FITZGERRELL, A. 0. ABEYTIA, PABLO ULIBARRI, J. S. ELSTON,

Committee.

DE.UA~"'DING STATEHOOD-NEW MEXICO L.~STSTS ON DEcrG ADID'l"l'ED TO THE FED• ERAL UNION.

[Special to the Republic.j SANTA F~, N. MEx .• January 13.

At the statehood con,vention, held in Santa F6, the following resolutions were passed:

Whereas the Territory of New Mexico was ceded to the United States by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in the year184S, and has been an organized Terri­tory under the laws of the United States ever since the year 1850; and

Whereas by the terms of said treaty it was stipulated and guarantied that the people in this Territory who should not preserve \he character of citizens of Mexico should be incorporated into the Union of the United States and be admitted at a proper time to all the enjoyments of all the rights of citizens of the United States according to the principles of the Constitution~ and

Whereas the people of this Territory have frequently demanaed and asked for a compliance on the part of the Federal Government with the said terms of said treaty, and have always been desirous of being admitted into the United States and the enjoyment of the rights of citizens of the United States; and

W'.hereas the people of this Territory have ever since the cession of ~ew 1\Iex­ico to the United States be~n loyal to its principles and institutions and desire its perpetuity; and

Whereas the population of the Territory of New l\lexico at the present time exceeds 170,000, exclusive of all Indians, whhth said Indians have no right to vote in the Territory and by its laws have always been prohibited from voting and ne•er ha>e voted at any election in the Territory; and

WhereR.S the Territory is now traversed by railroad and telegraph lines in various directions, giving every part of it speedy and easy communication with all other parts of the United States, such railroad lines amounting to about 1,400 miles in length, all ol which ha.ve been constructed within the last nine years, bringing with them from the States of the Union a. large, wealthy, intel­ligent, and enterprising immign~tion, nearly if not quite equal to the populo.­tion which was in this Territory prior to the advent of said railroads; and

'Vhereas the assessed value of property in this Territory has been constantly and largely on the increa~c ever since its annexa.tion to the United States, and in the last ten years such mcrease has been tenfold; and

'Vhereas there has been an increase during the last two years of over 5 000 >otes-actually cast at the last generll.l election over the vote cast at the gene'ral election held two years previous, showing an increase in population in that lime of about 30,000; and

Whereas a large and intelligent immiltl"8.tion from all parts of the United States is constantly coming into this Territory, settling it up and rapidly de­>eloping its resources and increasing its wealth, intelligence and prosperity; and

Whereas tbe Territory of New Mexico is possessed of sufficient resources, in­telligence, and inhabitants, not including Indians, to authorize and require its admission into the Union as a sovereign State, equal in every respect with the present States of the Union; and

Whereas under the Territorial form of government limitations upon our right to legislate not contemplated by the Constitution of the United States or the spirit of American institutions are imposed upon us, the progress and de­velopment of our Territory are retarded, leaving us in a condition of tutelage and minority, thus impairing confidelice in the stability of our institutions on the part of those seeking homes and investment in the West, all of which will be obviated by our admission to statehood· and

'Vhereas the name of New Mexico has 'been for more than three hundred years applied to that portion of the United States now embraced within our Territory, and the inhabitants have for generations held that name 1?- venera­tion and desire to perpetuate it in our history as the name of a sovere1gn State: Now, therefore, . .,. . . . • Be it resolved by the people of the Ten:t.tory of ~.ttl} .Me:e~co ·m conven~ton assem­bled, representing every po1·Uor., and pol<twaL s~dl~I.S~On and every poZitictU party therein That we insist upon and demand adm1.8S1on into the Federal Union as a Stat~ in fulfillment ofth,e pled~es and guaranties solemnly made by the Gov­ernme~t of the United States in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, a.nd also by virtue of our wealth, :population, and intelligence which are am~ly sufficient to support and main tam a free and sovereign State' and all the in..st1tutions inci­dent thereto.

Resolt:ed, That we further insist and demand thnt speedy action be taken by the Congress of the United states to the end that New Mexico shall be at once admitted into the Federo.l Union as a State thereof.

Resol.ved That we deem it a sufficient answer to the many misrepresentations promulgated throughout this country as to the intelligence and morality of pur people to advise the fair·minded people of the ~nited States that more tha.ll one-fourth of all the revenue raised in this Terntory, 90 per cent. of which is collected and paid into the school fund, is devoted to the support an.d ~ain­tena.nce of free non-sectarian pubho schools and that such schools eXLSt m all parts of this Territory.

And be it further t·esolved, That simple j~1stice to this people demands th!l-t they should be permitted to perpetuate the fustory and achievements of t-he1r fore­fathers by retaining "New Mexico" as the name of the new Sta.tc.

•

•

868 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J.ANU.A.RY 16,

1\Ir. STRUBLE withholds his remarks for revision. [See Appendix. J Mr. MANSUR. Mr. Speaker, before proceeding with my remarks

by an arrangement with the members of the committee, I desire to yield twenty minutes of my time to the Delegate from Washington Territory [Mr. VOORITEES].

Mr. VOORHEES. Mr. Speaker, four years ago the people of Wash­ington commissioned me to present to the Congress the urgent com­mercial, geographical, social, and political importance of the erection of that northwest angle of the Republic into an American State. During all that period, frequently at the risk of rendering myself obnoxious to members, so little have they seemed to realize the intense bitterness of a disfranchised condition, I have laboriously sought to induce such re­sults in this connection as would justify the confidence which im­pelled my constituency in placing in my hands this important and far-reaching trust. That the appeals of the people of this remot-e re­gion of the Republic have thus far found dull ears has been to me a source of the keenest regret, not unmixed with a feeling of profound indignation. Whatever the causes may have been which wrought ont this policy of non-action, a more indef{msible position was never as­sumed "!;ban that predicated upon a supreme indifference to the repeated petitions of disfranchised thousands for constitutional enfi"ancbise­ment.

On the 28th day of July last I made in this House a plea for American citizenship for a disfrancbished constituency, in the course of which I used the following language:

Confronted by the majestic presence of American citizenship mere political considerations grow mean and small. I address myself to this great question to-day, not as a Democrat, but as an American citizen. I care not what the future political complexion of the Territory may be, the citizenship of its inhabit­ants can not become less sacred, be the administration Democratic or Repub­lican. American citizenship presents too exalted a question to be circumscribed by political considerations, and I shall always protest against the utilization of such a question for the perpetuation of party supremacy or for the achievement of mere party advantage. It is a question of statesmanship and not of politics.

My sentiments as then expressed have. undergone no change or dimi­nution. The rapid advancement and progress of the great common­wealth which I represent since that time have but served to intensify such a feeling, and to-day" I feel that any scheme of party advancement which is to be based upon the continued disfranchisement of the peo­ple who sent me here will involve a grave crime against constitutional government and an indefensible transgression of the fundamental prin­ciples of civil liberty. .

It is a subject for congratulation that this House has a_t last placed itself in a position to mete out tardy justice to more than a million of American citizens.

It is not possible to discover any sufficient reason for the apparent apathy which has heretofore characterized this House in its treatment of this vital question.

As so ~loquently suggested by my learned and distinguished friend from New York [Mr. Cox], an invocation of all the powers of imagery and of prophecy fails to furnish forth any adequate notion of the stu­pendous and unparalleled growth and development of the communities affected by the pending measure.

Even thefiu-reachinginstinct of Thomas Jefferson, which bequeathed this empire to the American people, could not have felt the extent of the blessings to posteritywhichlayconcealed in his wise and unerring statesmanship. The sturdy and intrepid spirits of Lewis and Clarke little dreamed that the vast and mighty solitude of that country-

Where rolled the Oregon, And heard no sound save its own dashing,

would, in less than a century's life, respond to the ringing voices of an imnerial and astounding progress. Even in prophetic vision they could not have foreseen the establishment upon the splendid waters of Puget Sound of a seat of commerce which, in less than three genera­tions, outstripping its older competitors, challenges the admiration of the commercial world as the ocean port fifth in importance in the Un~ted States. No amount of prescience could have revealed to them that in the-year 1888 the total val~ation of taxable property of Wash­ington wpuld be $84,641,548, havmg advanced to that amount from $18,922,922 in 1878. •

Was there a prediction 1n any of the voices of the will and savage life by which they were surrounded that there would be polled in the Terdtory, in the year 1888 46 353 votes, representing a population at the least calculation of 231,'665

1 as against a vote of 12,647 in 1878,

the basis of a population of 63,235? In the variety and permanency of her natural resources and advan­

tages Washington has no equal amongst her sisters. In her superb maritime advantages she surpasses every other Territory, and very many of the States. By reason of her inexhaustible coal supply and her abundance of iron she bas been very aptly styled the Pennsy,lvania of the Pacific Northwest. Within her borders is to be found the great lumber reserve region Of this country. Her agricultural possibilities are excelled in no quarter of the globe, and her production of the pre­cious metals is very pronounced. It will thus be seen tqat, in the ag­gregate of her resources and advantages, she is in advance of any State or Territory in the Union. ·

Admiral Charles Wilkes thus describes the maritime features of Puget Sound:

Nothing can surpass the beauty of these waters and their safety. Not a shoal exists within the Straits of Juan de Fuca, Admiralty Bay, or Hood's Canal that can in any way interrupt their navigation by a 74-gun ship. I venture nothing in saying that there is no country in the world that possesses waters equal to these; they cover an area of about 2,000 square miles; the shores of all its inlets and bays are remarkably bold, so much so that a ship's side would strike the shore before her keel would touch the giound.

The country by which these waters are surrounded is remarkably salubrious and affords every advantage for the accommodation of a vast commercial and militar_y marine, with convenience for docks, and a great many sites for towns and cities, at all times well supplied with w ater, and capable of being well pro­vid~d with everything by the surrolmding country, which is well adapted for agriculture.

The Straits of Juan de Fuca are 95 miles in length, and have an average width of 11 miles. At the entrance (8 miles in width) no danger exists, and it may be safely navigated throughout. .

No part of the world affords finer iJ:llands, sounds, or a greater number of har­bors than are found within the Straits of Juan de Fuca, capable of receiving the largest class of vessels and without a danger in them that is not visible. From the rise and fall of the tide (18 feet) every facility is afforded for the erection of works for a great maritime nation.

The country also affords as many sites for water-power o.s any other.

Washington has 1,984 miles of coast line, all but about 170 miles of which is washed by the waters of Puget Sound.

In my speech of July 28last I thus alluded, in a statistical way, to our vast maritime interests: ·

The gigantic lumber, coal, agricultural, and other interests are·of such propor­tions that tn 1887 the number of American steam-ves!3_elsengagedin the foreign trade, which was 674 entering and clearing in the Puget Sound customs district, exceeded that of any other district in the United States, New York standing sec• ond with 488 vessels; and the tonnage of such vessels, representing532,748 tons, was only exceeded by New York, where the tonnage was 764,551. During that year in the aggregate number of American and foreign steam-vessels engaged in the foreign trade, at 1,312, this .district stood second only to New York, and in the aggregate tonnage of such vessels the district was seventh in importance. In the aggregate number of entrances and clearances of American and foreign yessels, steam and sail, the district was fifth in the United States, with 881. ves­sels, and in the aggregate tonnage of such vessels it was seventh. In the fiscal year of 1886 the collections of this district were $'i9,000, while such collections for tlie fiscal year of 1887 will not fall far short of $300,000. · . It is estimated that the export trade of Puget Sound in coal, lumber, wheat,

and other products amounts to $10,000,000 annually.

The fact that Washington alone, of all the Territories, occupies a maritime position should long since have induced the couviction that delay in clothing her with a settled and certain form of government is fraught with the gravest peril and concern to the nation. Her ex­posed and totally defenseless position is a perpetual invitation to the aggression of every hostile foreign power. Great Britain, in the ex­penditure of more than a million of money in providing for the public defense in her provinces immediately to the northward, has set an example worthy of the emulation of the American Republic.

So forcibly did this consideration present itself that Senator MoR­GAN, in his most admirable speech upon the admission of Washington, in the first session of the Forty-ninth Congress,-put forth the follow-ing observations: '

Considered in a political view, there could be nothing more important t{) the welfare of the whole Union than to have a State established at that angle of our Northwestern possessions, one side of which is washed by the Pacific Ocean and the other by the Straits of Fuca. I may describe it as a political buttress standing out there partly in the sea, opposea directly to the power and enter­prise of the greatest rival that we have in the world-people of our own kit~1 and kindred, whose power and enterpdse we certainly ought to learn to esti-mate if we have not done it yet-the British people. ·

Considerations of this character, 1\Ir. Speaker, are worthy-of the thoughtful and earnest attention of the wisest statesmanship, and I commend such a course to the statesmen of this House.

So widespread and overwhelming is the desire for constitutional gov­ernment amongst the people whom I represent that during the i·e­cent election it constituted the living, burning issue · between the two parties. So keenly did these people in that election resent the delay in this House in responding to their continued appeals for statehood that a pronounced Republican majority was the result. In the intensity of their desire to rebuke the Democratic party for. what they conceived to have been an unwarranted indifference to their appeals, they lost sight of the persistency with which I have during my four years of service here urged my friends in this House to immediate action. ·

I have no personal regret over my defeat, but it is a source_o_fvery considerable regret to me that my efforts have proved unavailmg to impress upon my party friends in this House the wisdom of ·moving in such a way toward the accomplishment of this mighty result, which, during every hour of my service here, has been demanded by every dictate of American citizenship, as to inspire in the hearts of the people of Washington a feeling of friendliness for the splendid party of which I am an humble _member. That I failed was not through a failure of diligent, determmed effort on my own part, and I stand here to~day, in the shadow of overwhelming political defeat, to insist, with the same vigor and zeal that animated me in the sunshine of political success, that any further delay in the consummation of this paramount result is -an m~ _ onscionable usurpation of the inalienable rights of neatly three hundred thousand American citizens.

1\.Ir. 1\IANSUR. Mr. Speaker, from what I bel~eve to ~e the cons~n· sus of opinion upon the floor of ~he House, there 1s practically nothm~

1889. CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD~HOUSE.

left at this time to discuss, so far as the admission of Washington and guished gentleman from Iowa [Mr. STRUBLE] who bas just taken his Montana are concerned. I feel confident that this side of the Chamber seat. - -has reached a conclusion in their own minds to support and vote for By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, forty years ago, I think it is their admission. I believe a similar sentiment obtains on the other side safe to say that the honor of this nation was pledged that in due aiJ.d of the House, and hence there is little to discuss in regard to them. reasonable time, when theN ew l\Iexican people should become citizens

The propo~ition that seems at present to meet the best favor on this of our country, that country should be admitted into the Union as a side of the Chamber is that known popularly as the "omnibus" meas- State as other Territories have been. And I see from the observations rue. A few words in regard to that bill, and as to the points that I and discussions in the "past that Senators especially took that view years understand our f1iends on the other side differ with us upon. I be- ago, to wit, that the good faith ofthe Union demanded that New Mex· lieve I may say that in the formation of that bill the Delegates from ico should be admitted into the Union. This is especially the case in all of the several Territories interested were consulted as to the de- the debate of 1874 in the Senate upon the question then of admitting tails, and, so far as I know, from the time of its formation and presen- New Mexico as a State. tation to the House down to the present time, in regard to these details What my friend says about the past conaition of New :Mexico is as there has been no difference of opinion and no exception taken to them, wholly irrelevant to the condition of affairs as they exist to-day as it I repeat, so far as my knowledge extends, by any member of the House would be for us to undertake to compare the condition of the Pilgrim on either side, and I mean now all the details in the way of land Fathers after they had been in Massachusetts a month or a year-not, grants, the mode and manner of calling conventions, their power and perhaps, in moral condition or in intellectual capacity, for that was duties, etc. So that we narrow the :field of our discussion down con- great-but upon the~ financial ability to maintain a State government. siderably when we say that in the details of this bill, so far as the The House should remember that in 1876 there was not a mile of committee were concerned, they were agreed, the several items of de- railroad in the Territory. The House should remember that none of tail being acceptable alike to both sides. our Territories have suffered as much as.New Mexico from the ravages

.What then, 1\fr. Speaker, were the differences of opinion in the com- of Indians of the fiercest and most hostile character, for the Navajoes, mittee? One was that these Territories should not all be included in the Arapahoes, and the Cheyennes have been the fiercest and bravest any omnibus bill, but that each of them should stand on its own in- warriors in the West and Southwest, and they have ravaged this Terri­dividual merits. Another was that Dakota ought to be per force .of tory more than any other, and kept it down and kept it backward for sentiment divided, and the southern part be admitted upon the con- very many years. With these disadvantages, separated as it was by a stitution adopted a little over three years ago. thousand miles from the settled States of the East, with no means of

Another, and the last point of objection, was in regard to New getting to and from New Mexico except what used to be called in Mexico-the Republican side of the House was not in favor of its ad- those days "bull-trains," which would only carry a person from our mission into the Union at the present time. I believe I have stated Missouri frontier to New l\fexico in a period of from six to ten weeks, fairly the differences, and gentlemen on either side of the committee there was of course little opportunity for improvement for the people can supplement these points of difference with any other existing. I of the Territory. But the condition of affairs as described by writers know of none, but I may have forgotten, and if so I hope they will be thirty years ago, their descriptions of the utensils with which the people presented to the House in the course of this discussion. · of the Territory then cultivated the ground, and the quotation of such

Whatever may haTe been the opinion of this side in the past, tme it descriptions as if they were applicable to the present condition of is that now our side of the Chamber have reached a conclusion that things, is, in the light of the progress that we make in the West each Dakota should be admitted into the Union; .and we have also reached and every year of our lives, simply futile, and infantile besides. the conclusion that if it be the will of her people, upon due notice given The gentleman says that he will make no attack upon the religion and in a formal manner, to declare in favor of the division of the Ter- of the people of New Mexico. I am glad to hear him say 80. It is ritory, we will assent to that also. very hard indeed to read the report, of whlch he confesses himself t-he

So that, having conceded these great vital points on this side, it author, and reach that conclusion; but a late repentance is perhaps seems to me there is comparatinly little left to differ with the other better than no repentance at all. It will not do to say that those New side upon, it is true, though personally I believe that it would be more Mexicans who are white, and who are within our territory and pro­than wise to resubmit the adoption of the constitution framed in the tected by' the treaty stipulations made with Old Mexico when we took fall of 1885 to a direct vote of the people; and not only that, but that them within our limits in 1818-it will not do to say that they are not it should be done in such a manner as to disembarrass the minds of the to be counted as a part of the popUlation to entitle them to statehood; people of that Tefl'itory from all fear that if they no not accept the con- but it would seem from the tenor of the argument of the gentleman stitution already adopted that they can not get another hearing. from Iowa as if ·the only character of people within the limits of the

Personally I would be glad to submit that question, and to couple Territory of New Mexico' is such as is stated in his report upon this with it another thing that would take from the mind of every person bill apd in his speech to~day, namely, that the people are ignorant, and every voter in Dakota Territory, North or South, all apprehen- stupid, superstitious, and uneducated. This is not so. sion on that subject, and would do it in this manner: That at the time Let me call the attention of the House to a couple of incidents occur· -when the people vote upon the question of ratification anew of the con- ring in the years 1874 and 1876. And first let me remind the House stitution of 1885, with the various amendments submitted at that time what period of time that was in tho history of the Republican party. separately, there should be also coupled with it a call for another con- Politically, gentlemen, it was the greatest era in your history. In 1872, vention and the election of delegates, who, in the event of a failure when General Grant was elected President for the second time, you had on the part of the people of both Dakotas to ratify the convention of unlimited control over every department of the Gm·ernment. The 1885, should immediately assemble in another convention and there Senate and the House both were two-thirds in your favor; the Supreme form another constitution, taking all the good features of this consti- Court was on your side; General Grant was your idol, and you had tution they desire, and amending it in such manner as to make it thor- everythlng your own way. Iu that administration, :in the year 1874, oughly acceptable to all the people of Dakota of the present day. a bill was introduced in the Forty-third Congress to provide an enabling

This should be done, particularly when we remember that tllree act for the admission of New Mexico into the Union. That bill passed years ago North Dakota bad no voice whatever in that convention or both Houses of Congress. upon the question of division, and when we remember that to-day, It passed the House of Reprensetatives at the first session, on the according to the vote of ;November, 1888r there is largely over 100,000 21st day of May, 1874, by a vote of 160 yeas against 54 nays, lacking voters in that Territory. So that when they come .to vote upon the only two of being a vote of three to one. At the second session of the question of the adoption or ratification anew of the constitution sub- sameCongress, on the 24th day of February, the bill passed the Senate mitted for South Dakota they shall not be under any fear that by by a vote of 32 yeas to 11 nays, lacking only on_~ v~te of being three· declining to ratify it anew they will be put to de1ay in the formation fourths; ::md that. was in the most stalwart Republican Congress, both of a new constitution, but that at the one election they may pass in the upper and lower branch, that our history has known. But upon all these questions. I believe it to be the preferable and better that is not all. That bill failed for want of agreement on some minu· · plan to get afresh the will of the people, and to give that right anew tire in conference, and two yeara l&.ter the Senate led off and introduced to all the people of that Territory, instead of permitting less than one- a bill which passed by a large majority. Since that time neither House third of the number of voters that now exist in that State to decide it; bas passed a bill for the admission of New Mexico. Now, 1\Ir. Speaker, , f?r less than one~thi;d of their present number voted on these.ques- I understood the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. STRUBLE] to say that the t10ns at the election m 1885, when the constitution referred tom the agricultural lands of that Territory are incapable of supporting sue}). Senate bill was adopted. population as would reasonably authorize New l\Iexico to demand to ~y s':ch means we would get at the very last and be3t expressio~ of be admitted among the States, and I unders!ood him to says also that

therr WlShes. It would enable us tQ get a solution of the whole dlfli- there were only about 5~ per cent. of the agricultural lands of the Ter­cultv and truly enable the people of Dakota to determine these ques- ritory which could be cultivated profitably without irrigation.

_tions of local self-go~ernment for ~hemselves. In that way they could Mr. STRUBLE. Yes; withou~ an imp1·oved system of irrigation. , consider all the ments and demen~ of the old constitution and accept I made that statement and ga.ve as my authority the governor's re-or reject it, free from all.fear of losmg statehood. It is not my pur- 1 port. . pose tocanvassthisquest10n at any length, but rather to devote myself Mr. MANSUR. The gentleman from Iowa has been qnotm~ f~om · in the few remarks ! -shall address to the House in reply to the distin-llitetature on this subject as stale as a last year's almanac, but I desire

870 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 16,

in this connection to quote from the last two reports of the governor of the Territory, who ought to know something about the condition of affairs there. In his report for 1887 Governor Ross says:

It is impossible to ac~urately or definitely estimate or describe the undevelo~cd resources of New .Mex1co, so vast is the range of natural resources known toextst.

Company. Under the stimulating influences of this great rail way 50 ~ ,000 population has been added to the Territory, and these people a:e now building cities and peopling its valleys, carrying there wealth and adv-ancement, creating farms, growing orchards, developing minesof fabulous wealth, and all this done by the best brains of New England and many .other of the Northern ~tates.

I appeal to the other side to say whether these 75,000, added to its population since 1880, our own brethren, Americ..'ln citizens, who when

In his report for 1888 he says: they left their homes were blessed with all the privileges of statehood, There has been in all parts of the Territory marked progress in the develop- have done anything to forfeit their rights as American -citizens by go·

ment of our agricultural industries, illustrated by the late local and Territorial ing into that Territory. Those people there say that they have not. fairs, in grains, vegetables, fruits, and garden products, and by the correspond- I received this morning resolutions adopted by a conv-ention held on ing cheapness and abundance in which they are found on sale in the markets. the lOth of this month, at Santa F6, in favor of statehood-vigorous,

I, Of the 122,500 square miles of land 10,000 are covered with pine forests; of the 78,-000,000 acres, 40,000,000 are good average agriculturallands, and probably 20,000,-000 of the balance are mountainous.

Again: ringing resolutions, showing good reasons why, in the opinion of those The developmen• in a~riculture has more than kept pace with the increase people, that Territory should be admitted. Why should she not? Or-

in population, and New 1\Iexico in this year well started on the road towards · d · 1850 h h · th S t am· d · t h self-supply in all the staples of consumption. In fr1,1its especially the advance gamze ln , s e as smce en seen seven ta es a 1tte ill o t e has been very marked. Orchards and vineyards that were planted a few years Union from a Territorial condition. She has to-day a larger popula­ago by the earlier colonists have this year come to bearing, and the volume of tion than any Territory ever admitted as a State, if we except Texas product has been something remarkable and exceeded only by the quality. and 1\:faine. She certainly has wealth sufficient to entitle her to ad-

The DofuL .Aiia County fruit fair held in September at Las Cruces, in the 9.uality of the fruits displayed of all kinds, was a surprising exhibit and a revela- mission. tion of the wonderful capacity of the country, and of the Rio Grande valley But, says my friend from Iowa [Mr. STRUTILE], although we may especially, for the production of every description of fruits, more especially of concede that the elements of wealth to sustain statehood are there, yet grs.pes. The Black Hamburg, the .Muscat, the 1\Iuscatelle, the Flaming Tokay, and many other equally valuable varieties, including excellent wine and raisin there is so little intelligence among the people, so little education in grapes, are there produced in astonishing size and profusion and of rare excel- her Legislature, that they quarrel and fritter away their timfl, and lence. It is upparentrrom thatexhibitthatthemanuractureofwinesandraisins have in the last session of their Legislature-for there has been none and the preparation of canned fruits are destined to become staple and profit-able industries of that section. since the one to which the gentleman refers-shown their inability to

The Santa Fe fruite.xhioit, during the same month, was a gratifying display frame a revenue law adequate to the demands of that country. Well, of the capacities of that region for the production of fruits of all kinds adapted the governor of that Territory did state, of course, what the gentleman to the latitude and the altitude-between 35° and 36°north and 7,000 feet.

At Las Vegas, last fall, was displayed an exhibit of grain fruits and vegetables has cited; but in his more rece-nt report of 1888 be declares that public especially adapted to the northern portion of the Territory, which indicated a opinion is now wonderfully awakened on this subject, that everywhere marvelous productive capacity in a region that has been accounted almost a th 1 th •t fi h 1 · I t• d th t desert. The grains comprised wheat, oats, barley, and corn gathered prom is- e peop e see e necessl y or sue egis a wn, an a as soon as cuously from the fields, many specimens of the small grains standing 6 to 8 the Legislature again convenes, so great being the public interest in feet high and the heads surpassing the average of the West, even in the weight this question, he doubts not a suitable law to remedy this evil will be of grain-much of it grown without irrigation. d

The Territorial fair at Albuquerque was an equal surprise to those unac· passe · quainted with the capacities of the country. In grains, vegetables, fruits, and I am also informed by my friend 1\Ir. JOSEl'II, of New Mexico, that textiles the display was of su!"passing interest in its demonstration of the ca- hitherto railroad property has not been assessed; that property is val-~~lli~ha~f !~t';i~~:!~~ ~~re t~~~r:~li~~~~~u~i;~~~~~llir;31~!~~o!~}~~!~e ued at some thirty millions or more of dollars. Hereafter it will be

Again: assessed, and when so done, will carry the assessed wealt.h of this Ter-Duringihe past few years- ritory to between eighty and one hundred millions of do1lars.

Furthermore, Governor Ross states this wealth other than the railroad When did the railroads get in there? · All of them, you may say, is equitably distributed amongst the entire population of the Territory,

practically, within the last six or eight years. and it is as fairly distributed in proportion to the number of people During the past few years especial effort has been made to the introduction of in the Territory as it is in any other Territory in the Union.

improved agricultural machinery and modern methods of agriculture, and the I want to call the attention of the House to the disingenuousness of result of that effort has been perceptible in these displays. Deep plowing and ~ the introduction of intelligent .. systematic pursuit of the science of agriculture the gentleman from Iowa, if be will pardon me for the assertion. The have developed the fact that tne soils of New Mexico, though at first sight for- first extract my friend read from his own report, and which was copied bidding and apparently a desert, possess in a remarkable degree all tile ele- from Governor Sheldon's report in. 1884 made as governor of New ments of fertility, and that the great bulk of its lands, with intelligent cultiva-tion, is susceptible of a high degree of development. Until very recently- Mexico, is as follows: / ,'

.Mark the language- The people of the Territory have not for several years in the past been pro-ducing enough to supply the necessaries of life so far as food articles are con-

1::-ntil very recently the impression has prevailed that the successful product cerned, but have been purchasing breadstuffs abroad which has depleted the tion of American corn was impossible on account of the altitude, but the pas- country of cash. For several years the construction of railroads was extensive, year's experience has effectually dispelled that unpleasant delusion. As large which gave employment to a large number of people.t...and reliance was placed and perfect American corn, the product of New Me::rican corn-fields, was dis- on this source of revenue to supply their wauts. vuring the last eighteen played at the late fairs as can be produced in any of the l\1ississippi States, and months there has f>een little railroad building, and the cultivation of the soil of equal yield, evidencing that that cereal is destined to hold its rank here as having been neglected the people find themselves without much money. Hence one of the great Western staples. trade is light and times are dull.

The governor then proceeds to speak of what they arc doing in the This was all he read. If he had read the next six lines ho would way of irrigation and the introduction of canals. He states: have found the following antidote for the situation portrayed in the

Nineteen of these associations have been chartered during the past year, and foregoing extract: ' construction commenced on several of the number. Conspicuous among the latter is the Pecos Irrigation and Improvement Company, in Lincoln County. This year there has been a. considerable increase in agricultural and fruit which has projected two canals, one 25 and the other 4.0 miles in length, and productions. FI·om the very best information at command I am of the opinion sufficient to irrigate 150;000 acres of land, now under contract. Other similar that the production of cereals, vegetables, and fruits is nearly, if not quite,

h · · 11 14 il f d'tch sufficient to supply the consumption of the people. There seems to be a general enterprises are also under way t erel aggregatmg, In a • 0 m es 0 1 es, appreciation of the importance of these interests, and it may be expected that and intended to water 250,000 acres ot land. Lincoln County is more especially d th an agricultural county, and is rapidly filling up with farmers. The facilities in future no money will be sent out of the country for articles offoo at can for irrigation are generally good. be raised at home! '

.And he winds up his remarks on this subject by saying- Now, a word as to what t}Je gentleman said as to the ancient .agri-'Vhat was, not many years ago, ~?wn as the Llano Estacado, or Staked cultural implements in use in the Territory of New Mexico. Of course

Plain-waterless and treeless-comprlSmg the eastern half of the county, will, no one can know just exactly what agricultural implements are in before the lapse of many years, become one of the most populous and prosper- use in New Mexico unless he has seen them, and it is my belief from ous ngriculturalsecti.{)ns oftl?-e So~thwest. These are r~markable state~ents, and what I know that agricultural machinery has been taken into that Ter­prove conclusively that all Ideas 1D regard to the sterility of New .Menco, based upon observations 'and experiences prior to the advento~ railroads and the new ritory in sufficient quantity to answer all the requirements of the most modes of cultivation arismg from the use of modern Improved farming ma- improved cultivation of much of its cultivated soil. A son of mine chinery, are absolutely to be discarded, and in determining the agricultural re- travels for the firms of Deere & Co. and Deere, :Mansur & Co., well­sources and capability of New Mexico to sustain a population wc-rthy of a State both now and in the future, must be sought and obtained only from the period known firms in Dlinois who o.re engaged in tbe sale of agricultural im-within .t!lt: advent of railroads and of an aggressive, active, energetic farming plements, and I 'lmclerstand they have supplied very largely to that class w1thm her borders. Terribory.

I have now called the attention of members of the House to the fact I have not th~ data at band as to just what amount of improved ag-tbat the Republicans on t:vo different occasions-! may say three, ricultural mn.chrnery has been sent to New Mexico but it has been two in the Senate and one m the House-in 1874 and in 1876, voted going there beyond. all doubt _for a dozen years past ~nd is going there that in their opinion New 1\fexico was entitled to admission; that she every day, so that m my belief the Territory of New Mcxic? is fully had all the elements necess:1ry to entitle her to admission as a State. up to the standard of most of the other Territories in supplymg 1tself What has caused the chan lYe since? If anything, the climate has surely with all the necessary adjuncts of modern civilization so far as the bettered. The improvem~nts in other respects are great; and best of cultivation of the soil is concerned. Of conrse gentlemen will under­all, at least 75,000stalwart American citizens-manyofthemNorthern stand that nearly all the machinery has 1}een i:Dtroduced there within men, many of them Union men-have gone in· there and are develop- . tho last ten or twelve years; that is, since the railroads were constructed ing that country under the auspices mainly of a Boston company-a ! and have been running into the Territory. . g1·eat railroad company-the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railway 1 By the census of 1881 there were only 101,000 mhabitants there.

i1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. -871 \

The governor in his last report states that the present estimate is 175, 000 of population.

Now, I have an article here written by J. J. Fitzgerrell, member of tlle Territorial board of immigration, and who signs himself past department commander, New :M:e:dco Grand Army of the Republic. In that article he states that he is a lifelong Republican, and went to New Mexico from Illinois. He states that the present population i8 estimated by the bureau of immigration at 204,040. I give it as my own opinion that the Territory of New Mexico in the last eight years has made more substantial progress than either Wyoming, Arizona, Idaho, or Montana not onlyinincreaseofpopulation but also in all sub­stantial developments necessary to permanent statehood. Vi'"ith her rich valleys and her capacity for irrigation, there are more elements for the future sustenance of a large population in New Mexico than in any of the other Territories I have named.

1\Ir. JOSEPH D. TAYLOR. You stated the amount of arable land was 40,000,000 acres. Now can you state how much of that arable land is under cultivation?

Mr. MANSUR. I do not know that I can state at this moment just how much is under cultivation. What investigation I have made has been on very short notice for the purpose of replying to my friend from Iowa. Indeed, what facts I have been able to gather have been there­sult of my work during the last few hours. I can not at present give an answer.

In this connection, 1\fr. Speaker, I desire to call the attention of the House to an extract from the report of the governor just printed, there­port for lBSB, on the subject of education, in which Governor Ross says:

The educational interests of the Territory have not been neglected. If there has not been that advancement that was hoped for substantial progress has been made. A compulsory school law waR passed at the last session of the Leg­islature, but its conditions have been such that it has been practically inopera­tive, and yet it is o. step in the right direction.

Ou lho whole, the school attendance has been increased, and larger amounts of money have been expended in the maintenance of the public schools. The number of schools has increased, as bas also the number of denominational and parochial schools and the attendance thereon. Schools in the Territory gener­ally arc in a perceptibly better condition, and an increased and increasing pub­lic interest in the education of the youth is very manifest.

This is the latest official report made by one of the officers of the Gov­-ernment, who is in position to give definite information upon the sub-ject. ·

Mr. WARNER. Mr. 1\:IA.NSUR. :M:r. WARNER.

this subject?

Will my colleague allow a suggestion? Certainly. Can my colleague give any figures bearing upon

1\-fr. MANSUR. I ha\e no figures at hand, but-1\ir. 'VARNER. I take it for granted that my colleague is familiar

wi!h the report of the auditor for 188G and 1887, wherein it is shown that in New Mexico the total amount paid to school teachers for the yenr 'vas, in round numbers, $33,000, and thattherewere but forty-one pul>lic school buildings in the Territory, or one to each 3,000 square miles of Territory. Is that the condition of things in the Territory that my colleague approves of?

Mr. MANSUR. That is one of the strongest reasons why this Ter­ritory should have the rights of statehood. Now, any donations or largesses ·of land to which she may bo entitled tmder the general law when she shall be admitte(l as ~State are not available. If we gi•e her all of the sixteenth and thuty-sixth sections of her vast area she ·will have money to go on and develop her school system, and will ho,ve means to aid in the advancement of the education of her people to a remarkable degree.

1\'Ir. WARNER. Will my colleague allow another shggestion? .Mr. UANHUR. Certainly. ~Ir. W .A.RNER. The Territory of Dakota did not have any such

provision, and did not have the lands, and yet she has expended about $2,000,000 for her public schools.

Mr. BUCKALEW. She had moro taxable property. Mr . .MANSUR. The comparison may be to the advantage of Da­

kota. I know not how that may be, for I have not the figures at hand to compare the two; but I do know this, I know that South Dakota would be shorn of much of her reputation abroad if separated from North Dakota, for North Dakota grows all of the twenty millions or more of wheat which has made the no,me of Dakota. famous the world over.

I understand also that up to four years ago-! do not know how it may be_ now-North Dakota. paid more taxes than South Dakota. But that ~s altogether an agricultural country, and the people reside generally m settlements and they close up the gap and keep together, and therefore they can have numerous schools. Dnt here is a Ter­r~tory with a ~opulation of 175,000, and 125,000 square miles of ter­ntory, monntamous, uncrossable, and inaccessible in many parts, and therefore you can not have the same number of sclrools there under the circumstances that e~t in her Te.t:ritorial condition that you can have in a smooth, le-vel, agnc~tural ~untry like Northern Dakota.

But, 1\'Ir. Speaker, the mcrease m the number of schools of both kinds in this Territory under the compulsory law shows, and I think in the opinion of everybody present it will be conceded, that the Territory is making rapid and laudable strides to a better condition.

My friend, 1\fr. STRUBLE, stated also as his last objection, and I be­lieve it is the last to which I shall call the attention of the House, "''that the charact-er of her people was such as to militate against her admission as a State," and that this character which he has assigned to her people as now constituted did not fit them for successful self­~overnment. What has brought about this remarkable change since 1876, when the Senate by a two-thirds vote wanted them in, or what has brought about the chn.nge since 1874, when both Houses of Con­gress by a three-fourths majority wanted them in? We can not say it has been a chan~e in the climate, for if there has been 11 change that way it is a change for the better, for the annual rainfall has increased from 17 inches to 23 inches in the last five years.

The only thing that is different now in her condition from that time is this: There has been an influx of some 75,000 of our Northern citi­zens, and they must have mado the change, but they are all Uepub­licans and all Democrats alike, nud this House will be slow to believe anysuch proposition as thn.t. No; on the contrary, thefact that there have been 75,000 of the best and bravest spirits of the country within eight years past seeking this Territory to make homes and fit it for future statehood is a reason why thoy ought to be admitted. In more than one-half of the counties in this Territory to-day, according to the last statistics, the Americans, if you please to call them so in contra­distinction to the term'' Isiexicans," are now predominating. Not only that, but the majority of these men are Republicans. This is shown to be the fact, for the Territorial Legislatures for the last three or four sessions have been essentially Republican; and if you shall say that many of the Uexicans, a majority, perhaps, are Democrats, then you ought to say at once that many of the other element, which are in the majority, are Republicans.

But let me call your attention, in concluding, to a statement made by Mr. Fitzgerrell over his own signature, which I find published in the edition of the Weekly Optic of January 10, 1889. ·

The SPEAKER pro tempore (1\ir. 1\Ic~iiLLIN in the chair). The time of the gentleman from Missouri has expired.

1\Ir. 1\I.A.NSUR. I would like, then, to print a brief extract from this letter.

Mr. BAKER, ofNewYork. Iaskunanimousconsentthatmy friend from Missouri have leave to finish his remarks.

1\Ir. 1\IANSUR. I will not longer detain the House, but will print with my remarks in the RECORD the entire letter of 1\Ir. Fitzgerrell.

It is as follows: EAST LAS VEGAS, January 3, 1889.

Editor Ohicago T!•ibune: In your is~ue of December 25 you publish my letter, written by rue as an old

Illinois soldier, a life-long Republican, and a resident of Las Vegas for the past eight years. In publishing my letter and in your editorial reply you insert several interrogation points, and dispute the statements made by myself and other New Mexico correspondents. The impression created in my mind by your editorial is that if the statements made by the citizens of New Mexico are true New Mexico is entitled to statehood; not being true, she must be kept in a Territorial condition until her citizens can tell the truth. You say, "l'arty reasons should cut no figure in admitting Territories." That is right. But New Mexico is safely Republican for time to come, because her mining, agricultural, horticultural, and manufacturing industries demand protection. This is shown by her Legislature for a number of years past. Her present Legislature, too, is two-thirds Republican in both houses. The Republican party in the United States can not possibly object to the admission of New 1\Ie.x:.ico on party grountls.

You say, "Dakota does not urge her case because she has thousands of Sioux (Indians) within her borders whom she does not count, but because she has over one-half million of Americans. 1\Iontana. and 'Vashington do not include or base their claim upon their Indian population, but upon their American and white inhabitants. It is not right that New Mexico should enumerate her ig· norant, mongrel, foreign-speaking Greasers in order to qualify on a representa­tive basis for admission."

In your issue of December 20 you say: "Much time must elapse before this dense mass of Spanish-Aztec {Aztec means the Pueblo Indian) alien igno­rance and superstition can be sufficiently infused with intelligence bytheoper­at.ion of immigration to entitle New 1\Ie.x:ico to such nn honor. To couple the weak, stagnant, mentally childish, unprodooti>e rubbfBh population with the enterprising~.-,.energetic, industrious, and rapidly-increasing population of the magnificent .uakotas, and make the admission of the latter dependent upon that of the wretched, imbecile character of the former, or to demand their ad­mission at the same time, is not only ridiculous but insulting."

New Mexico does not count the wild or Pueblo (called Aztec) Indians in her population. They are not taxed and are by law prohibited from voting. They ne~·er in one single instance attempted to exercise any or the rights of citizen. sbtp, all statements to the contrary notwithstanding.

The I>Opulation in 1880, not counting o. single w1ld or Pueblo Indian, was 119,56:5. The semi-decennial census of 1138.3 shows a population of over 134,000, an increase of 15,000 in five years. Since 18&3 the growth of population has fn.r exceeded that of the five years J?receding. 1~. The inc~·ease has been princi­pally farmers, horticulturists, mmers, capttahsts, and active business men, gen­crn.llyfrom the New England, 1\IIddle, and Western States, drawn here through the influence of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Hail road-the same clo.ss that have peopled the State of Kansas. They are largely the old soldier popu­lation,_ and none are from the slums of Europe, such as aredumpedbythe thou· sands m the Northwest. . Carefully prepared s~atit;tics just issued by tllc Territorial bn:~a~ of immigra­

tion place the populatiOn for 1889 at 204 040 an increase of 84,4,o smce 1880. As an illustration of the character of the i~cr~asod population, there were eleven hundred homestead, pre-emption, aud other lnnd entries mRde nt the Santa l<'e land oftice during the last twelve mouths. One single township within 20 miles of Las Vegas one year ago did not contain one land entry; now it contains thirty-six entries by actual settlers. This is but a sample of the actual settle­ments made by farmers throughout !'ew 1\Iexico. The days of range cattle here in New 1\Iexico are ending. . · .

The best indication3 of the actual iucren.se in population is sl10wn by compar_t· son of the vote cast in 18S6 and 1883, sllowing a net increase of 4,045 votes. Tht:,~ will show the estimated population by the bureau of immigration for 1889, at 204.040, to be a conservative estimate.

·An analysis of the census for 1885 shows tlle Mexican population to be about

872 CONGI{ESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 16,

101,000. They polled abouL19,000votes, and are practically at astand-3till. With J Third . .A home market at advanced prices for all her products for many years an American population of about 75,000, nearly one-half the votes cast at tlle I to come, to miners and other non-producing classes of people. Whlle the bus· last election were cast by Americans from the East. Not by a naturalized Euro-~ bandmen in the Northwest must cont-end with blizzards in winter, cyclones, pean rabble element. In almost one-half the counties inN ew Mexico the A mer- sunstroke, and droughts in snmmer, the husbandman in New l\Iexico pursues ican vote predominates to-day. 'Vith a rapid increase of American population,! his daily vocations with comfort every day in the year, fre e from winter's cold there C'an be no doubt that the next United States census will show a majority of and summer's heat. 'Vith us blizzards, cyclones, and sunstrokes are absolutely American voting population. unknown.

By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo with Mexico, in 1848, the admission of ltappeat·stothc citizens of New 1\Iexico that no porth . .n oft he United States has New Mexico RS a State was guarantied. In 1850 a Territorial government was been so foully and maliciously misrepresented. It is still mo.intained that New given New l\Iexico. l\Iexico is a barren, waterless, treeless waste. IIear William E. Dane, in the

During General Grant's administration, in 1874, a bill was passed by a Repub- bureau of irrigation paper just issued. He says: "For thirty years I fed cattle lican Congress, to admit New 1\Icxico as a State, by o. two:thirds vote in e nch and hogs in Iowa. Becoming disgusted with the cold and with the stock busi- · EouRe, but failed to become a law for lnck of agreement between the Houses in ness, I provided myself with improved agricultural impliments, and came to ' tbe mntter of detail in the process of admis8ion. New 1\Iexico. In 1887 I put 450 acres of cor~, oats, barley, and alfalfa, and found

In 1876 the !Jill for the atlmi.ssiou of New l\Iexico passed the Senate by a large I produced more feed ·and a better quality, without irrigation, than I dill in m ajority I.Jut failed in the House for want of action. Iowa. Last winter I fattened 120 head of steers on one-third of the feed it re-Califor~ia was admitted in 1850 with a populatiou of 92,597; Minnesota in qni.red to fatten cattle in Iowa. The winter is about right for feeding; t.he

1858 with. 120,000; Oregon in 1859. with 50,000; Kansas in 1861, with 107,000; climate is dry, cleart bracing, and healthful,'with e.lmost constant sunshine. I Ne\"'ada in 18<H, with 40,000; Nei.Jraska in 1867, with 100,000; and Colorado in sowed oats and barley in July and August last. They harvested from 40 to 18761 with 100,000. New l\Iexico, with her population of 175,000, is as well 60 bushels to the acre in November. I hn>e cut 2 to 3 tons of oat hay to the equ1pped for self-government as any people who now seek admission. Of the acre since the election, and am generally well pleased with farming in New 75 ,0GO Ameri<:nn population the facts are that they are composed largely of the Mexico." The experience of l\Ir. Dane is but one among thousands in New soldier elemt-at, reinforced by the young, active, progressive, enterprising, l\Iexico. farmer, horticulturist, miner, and capitalist who have come to till the soil, de­velop the mines, and add to the material wealth and prosperity of the Terri­tory.

'l'he assessed valuation of New Mexico is $43,151,920, not including railroad property amounting to over 1t30,000,000. This does not include fully lflO,OOO,OOO Ys.lualion of una<Jjudicated private land-grants that escape assessment. By careful comparison with the assessed valuation and population of other Terri­tories seeking admisHion, as &hown by Bradstreet's report, it is -found the per capita valuation of wealth in New Mexico is equal to that of the other Terri· tories.

The Territorial census oC 1885 also shows the rate of illiteracy was reduced 20 per cent. The ratio of reduction since 1885 has been much greater. Thi!! arises from various causes.

In 1874, when the Congress of the United States by vote deemed New Mexico ­worthy to be admitted to statehood, she cast a little over 15,000 votes; the popu­lation being almost entirely of Mexican del!lcent. Hence, if New Mexico IS not entitled to statehood to-day, it mul't be for the want of intelligence, virtue, and fitness for-self-government ofher75,000 American population, who have immi­grated into New Mexico since that time. In 1874 and 1876 there was nota single f"oot of railroad built within her borders. The only means of communication was by bull-trains and the stage-coach. To-do.y there are over 1,300 miles of rail­road in active operation; with a number of well-built, active, enterprising American cities, built of brick, etone, and wood; with wateHng-places, health­resorts, and hotels, for size, beauty, and elegance of appointments equal to those of tb.e large cities of the New .England States.

The physical resources of New Mexico are to-day equal lQ those of any Terri­tory at the time of admission to statehood. She is superior to many in her ag­ricultural and horticultural resources. Her coal and mineral resources are su­perior to any, while her climatic condition excels any portion of the United States, as shown by the mortality table of the United States census for 1880. Denth ra te per 10,000 from the dread diseases of consumption, pneumonia, and ditJhtheria: New l\Iexico is the lowest, with a death-rate of 17.97; 'Visconsin, 35.37; Washington, 35.93; California, 36.86; Illinois, 37.18~ Dakota. 38.99; Colo­rado 46.27· New York. 46.SO; J\laine, 51.79; Utah, the hignest, 76.47. Th~ rec~rd of the Unit-t!d States Signal Service at Fort Union, N. Mex.,

!<how.s the range of the thermometer is limited and the seasons remarkably uni­form. The clear days, without a single cloud, prepondero.te. The average an­nual sunshine of New Mexico exceeds that of Central Park, New York, 50 per cent.; and that of Greenwich Observatory, in England, ll2 per cent. The an­nual average temperature is 50.6°; the coldest month is January, with 31°; the warmest, July, 79.70°. But little snow or rain falls during the eight fall, winter, nntl spring months, leaving the husl>andman, the miner, and the business man free to pursue his labors with comfort. The annual rainfall during the past few years was 21.-19 inches; for the ten years preceding 1883 the annual average rain­full was 17.68 inches, a gain of 6.49 inches in three years. The rainy season comes annually during the months of June, July, August, and September, with annual average during the last three years for the months named of 13.85 in('hes. The lowest rainfall for the mont11 of August for the past thirteen years was 4.76 inches, the higllest 8.04 inches. 'Vhile the annualaverage rainfall is lower than in the ~tates, tlle rainfall in New Mexico is greater during the months that pro­duce crops than in tlle States. Experience shows it is a matter of proper prepa­rtltion of the soil and planting, according to the seaso~s &S they exist, to pro­rl nee abundant crops without irrigation. Rs.ins are more sure in New :Mexico during the crop-producing months than in the States. Agriculturist and horti­culturist })refer to use iiTigation when practical, for the reason that with irriga­tion abundant crops are absolutely insured one year with another. 'Villi her mountain ranges and a system of water storage ample water l:!Upp!y can be se­cured.

There are 60,000,000acres of tillable land in New .Mexico, capable of furnishing homes for 2,000,000 inhabitants, not counting tl.te vast population engaged in mining, manufacturing, merchandising, the professions, and in othet• lines of bul:!ines!l. There ate over 12,000,000 acres of limbered lands, millions of acres of wh ich ar<: covered "With ns fine yellow pine as grows in Georgia or Alabama.

'.rhe attentiOn of the American agriculturists and horticulturists is but just be­ina C'alled to the grand possibilities of New Mexico. Only during the past three ye7u·s with the introduction of improved agricultural implements and planting according to tho seB;sons, have the grand possibiliii.rs of X~w Mexico be.en shown in U1e product: on of abundant ct·ops of a supenor quality and quan,t1ty of wheat both spring and winter, oats, rye, barley, buckwheat, hemp, hops, flax (:ast~r beans, sorghum, broom~corn, and goubcr peas· or pea.nuts. - 'v'lnle we can not enter into details of the amounts produced m bushels and

pounds per acre, the challenge is made to the agriculturist and horticulturist of the Eastern, Middle, and 'Vcstern States to stand up the exbii.Jits mo.tle in dif­ferent New l\Iexico fai.rs against the exhibit made in the different State f11irs. New Mexico will take the blue rihbon with ease all reports and statements to the contrary notwithstanding. 1\Iany cereals pr~duce two crops per year, such a."! oats, rye, and barley. In hay crops, from 1hree to five crops per yea1· can be cut of alfalla, esperC'ettc, clover, etc. Of these feeds; as grown here, 2 tons by actual feeding test will fatten a steer for the market. ·

Over the Northwes, which for many winter months is blizzard-cursed, by wh!ch life and property are destro~c~. nml disea~e o.nd death are produC'ed, wlt1le during tile summer months It JS the l.lreedmg-ground for cyclones, by which terror is struck to the Rtoutest h earts, and of droughts and overpowering heats, the advantage of New Mexico over these regions to horticulturists, agri­culturist!', ~ardeners, an"d vine-growers are as follows:

First. Greater certo.inty of producin(l" abundant crops of all kinds by rainfall without irrigation, and absolute certnluty wit!J irrigation.

Second. Owing to the superior soil and climatic condHion the grain is heavy, plnmp and bright; the straw and hay cure better, contain more saccharine matter' and remain green antl bright for feed. In the case of fruits, freedom from b'ligllt, worms, and pe:;ts. a superior delicacy in taste and flavor. In the ease of vegetn.bles, the size, weight .and quality are simply astonishing, requir-ing personal inspection to belie\·e the t.rn.th. ·

MINISG RESOURCES.

The mining resources of New Mexico are in Cheir infancy. The deepest mines are but a few hundred feet deep. Enough has been developed to show that no portion of the United States possesses greater or richer fields with the advan­tages of an all-the-year-round climate for mining opero.tions. Mineral is found in every county. Large fields of gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, coal, and other less valuable minerals are known to be on Government lands, that 1\re practi­cally valueless on account of the distance from railroad transportation and the want of the means to mine or washout the gold,asinplacet·mining. Let an in­vestigator visit the mining camps and he will be struck with tlae richness of the yields, and with the fact that the country has not even been prospected yet. Up to two years ago the hostile Indians scalped the miners and ranchmen within sight of the mining camps and of many of the leading towns, and held undisputed sway over millions of acres of valuable mineral and farming lands. The out­put of precious metals during 1888 will fall but little short· of $10,000,000, while large amounts of high-grade ores have been shipped to reduction works in Colo- , rado, Texas, and elsewhere, for which credit is given elsewhere. Large and valuable deposits of iron and coal, both anthracite and bituminousJ of a superior quality, equal to the best in Pennsylvania., are known to exist, ana are now par­tially opened.

With the building of new railroads the development of ne'w mining districts will follow, building up cities where now the wild animals are the only occu­pants. At present the leading mining camps and reduction works are at White Oaks, Socorro, Silver City, Kingston, Hillsborough, Cerrillos, Chloride.~. Fair­view, Magdalena, Nogal, Glorieta, Elizabethtown, Lake Valley, and vrgan.

It appears to the citizens of New ~Iexico that no portion of the United States has ever been so foully, maliciously, and undeservedly maligned and misrepre­sented as New Mexico. In case her enemies still maintain that the statements made in this paper are not true, the writer would refer to the fol !owing-named gentlemen for confirmation: Hon. :F. A.l\Ianzanares, ex·meruber of Congress; Hon. E. V. Long, chief-justice for New Mexico; Jefferson Reynolds, banker; G. W. Hartman, merchant and farmer; Edward Haren, Atchison, Topeka ana Sxnta Fe Railroad, Las Vegas; Ron. E. I:!. Stover, ex-lieutenant governor of Kansas; Hon. ,V, S. llurk,editorandfarmer; Hon.J. U.Aibright.,~editorof l>em· oc:-at, Albuquerque; Col. G. W. Morman, Laguna; lion. Henry Lockhart, hotel man and capitalist, .Coi.J.A.Bahney, postmnster. lion. J. C. Woodyard, drug­gist, Socorro; 'Villiam Locke, merchant and stockman, Farmington, N.Mex.; Hon. A. Gusdotf, capitalist and ranchman, Taos; J.B.Dawson, farmer, ,V, E. Dane, farmer, Cimoliro; 1\I. W.l\IiiJs, attorney, Springer; F. R. Butler, editor, 'lion. H. Wigham, secretary Maxwell Grant Company, Raton; Col. 0.111. Shan­non, capitalist, Col. J. C. Miller, miner, Silver City; Norman C. Raff, banker, Col. J.P. Hyland, miner, K.in~ston; William H. Weed, merchant, Lee H. Rudisell, merchant, 'Vhite Oaks; J. C. Lea, ranchman, E. T. Stone, ranchman, Roswell; S. V. Axtell, ex-chief-justice, L. Bradford Prince, ex-chief-justice, E. G. Ross, gov­ernor, Santa Fe. ·

THE MEXICAN PEOPLE.

The Americans that know the l\1exican people tho best are their warmest defenders. It comes with as bad grace for an American to call a 1\fexican a Greaser, etc., as for a Mexican to call an American a Gringo, etc. Both. ~ttcr­unces are in bad taste when used in calling Amorican-l>orn fellow-Cltlzens

n~~~~Y Mexican born in New Mexico during the last fort-y years is. as much an American citizen as if born in lloston. In 1848, cnt o.tf from :l\Iex1co by the fortunes of war1 and isolated from the otates of the Union as an advanced out­post of civilizatiOn, surrounded on all sides by a wat·like, stealthy, treacherous Indian foe that greatly outnuml>ered them, the war-whoop of the Comanche, Apache, Cheyenne, NaYajo, and other hostile tribes constantly in their ears, the only means of communication with their Government and to the first outpost of civilization was by bull trains and the stage coach over 1,000 miles of a truck­les.'>, waste country to Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri River.

The bloody trail left by Victorio, Geronimo, and other hostile chiefs shows at what fearful cost of life and treasures these people have maintained them­selves, and at the same time supported their little ones, with none of the oppor­tunities to eduC'ate their children, as enjoyed by their fellow-citizens in the East, who now call them ignorant Greasers. .For forty years the strong arm of the Government failed to notice them, and only until two years ago, with the aid of the volunteer militia, in which the American citizen of l'o[exican dcsl'ent bore an honorable and conspicuous part, was the last hostile Indian corraled.

During the dark days of the rebellion theRe people voluHteered for the defense of our flag and country, with a patriotism and devotipn n.nexceJlcd, in propor­tion to thei.r number, by any portion of our co tmtry. The bones of thetrhProes lie l>leaching on Val Verde, Glorieta, and other hard-fought battle-fields, defeat­ing the well-appointed armies of the Confederacy, and maintaining New 1\-Iex­ico in her allegiance to the Government.

The writer has sat on juries of his peers in the cow·ts of Illinois, anu hns sn.t on juries in New 1\~exic~, with the citizens s~eeringly called Greasers. He is free to say the l\I~x1can JUrors gr~:~:sped the ev1dcnce and law points presented by the judge in his charge to the J"l_l1';y' as fully as their American brotl..Jcrs, a!ld were as much and as obstinately dtvtdedamong themselves as the AmericunJU· t·ors were among themselves.

The Mexican <:itizen make~a.n honest, conscientious juror. The record of crime among the 1\Ie.xlCan people 1sfar less than among the American people. Now that opportuntties for the education of their children are presented no people are more eager to avail themscl>es of such opportunities. None make ~etter students. The proceedings of the courts of New 1\Iexico are conducted In the English language. Interpreters are userl here the same as in the courts of Chi· cago, when a witness or juror rloes not clearly understand the use of the English tougue; to the contrary notwithl'tanding. . . . _

- It is respectfully submitted that the American-born 01t1zen of 1\Iextcan descenlil born within the past forty years, who know~ no other flag than the Stars ana Stripes, whose patriotism has stood the ct·ucutl test of w~r and been found true as steel, whose life has been one of constant warfare for lts defense and preser•

1889. CONG·RESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 873 Yation, is more entitled to and is more capable of the self-government that comes from statehood than are t~e hundreds !l'nd tholll!ands of Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Polanders, IIungar1ans, Slavon1ans, ltabans, Russians, etc., who are landed at Castle Garden, on contract and otherwise, and railroaded by train­loads to the Northwest; who ~now nothing of the English language, and never will learn it; who know nothmg of American institutions, who never had one single heart-beat in sympathy with the principles of universal liberty; do not know its meaning; whose steps never have and never will keep time to the mustc of the whole Union; who never gave a prayer for the preservation of the Government during her days of trial.

Their virtue, intelligence, and devotion to the principles of self-government are not to be named in the same category nor spoken of in the same connection as the American citizen of Mexican descent, whose blood has been shed and whose baptism by the bas sealed his devotion to this Government and the principles of universal freedom.

This rabble from the slum8 of Europe, who~if naturalized, are voted like cn.t­tle at so. much pe~ hea~, i~ th«:ir education and feelin~ have nothing in com­mon w1lh Amencan m st1tutwns. They come to th1s country from various causes, hoping in some blind way to better their condition, as showp. by recent Congressional investigation. The spectacle of bribery and . corruption among such people at electious would cause our Mexican people to stand aghast with horror, as the 1\Iexican people have political convictions of their own, and, hav-ing them, they dare as .American freeman to exercise them. .

LET JUSTICE BE DONE.

Since New 1\Iexico became a Territory seven Territories have been admitted to statehood, not one of them possessing the qualifications of population wealth, natural resources, and possibilities of New :Mexico. None have bee~ more patriotic or more devoted to our :flag and country. Let even-hauded jus­tice be done New Mexico by her admission into the sisterhood of States by the present Congress. It will at once give strength to immigration, stimulate in­dustrial pursuits, develop our vast mineral resources, and give a prosperity to our people, whose blessings will fall as the gentle dew on the heads of her friends who in the Cnngress of the United States do even and exact justice to her liberty-loving people.

Respectfully submitted. J. J. FITZGERRELL,

Member Territorial Board Q/ Immigration, Past Department Commander New Me:rt-eo, Gl"and Army of the Republic~

. MESSAGE FROM TIIE SENATE.

A message from the Senate, by Mr. McCooK, its Secretary, announced the passage of a concurrent resolution authorizing the printing of 6, 000 additional copies of the annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission, with the appendices thereto, 2,000 of said copies to be for the use of the Senate, and 4, 000 for the use of the House of Representa­tives; in which concun-ence was requested.

It also requested the return of the bill (S. 205) for the relief of the State National Bank of Louisiana.

It further announced agreement to the report of the committee ot conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the ·amend­ments of the House to the bill (S. 154) for the erection of a public build­ing at Milwaukee, Wis.

It also announced agreement to the report of the committee of con­ference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendments of the House to the bill (S. 182) to provide for the purchase of a site for the erection of the public building therein named at Omaha, Nebr.

It further announced agreement to the report of the committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amend­ment of the House to the bill.(S. 1931) to increase the appropriation for the purchase of a site for a public building for a post-office, court­house, and other offices in San Francisco, Cal.

1\IESS.A.GE FROl\I TilE PRESIDENT.

A message in writing from the President. was received, by Mr. PRu­DEN, one of his secretaries, who also announced that the President bad .on January 15, 1889, approved and signed bills of the following titles:

An act (H. R. 11042) for the relief of Motier Howe; An act (H. R. 206) granting a pension to William H. Starr; An act (II. R. 210) granting a pension to Ephraim Nye; An act (H. R. 308) granting a pension to John Lynn· An act (H. R. 2702l granting a pension to :Mary Ann' shook; An act (H. R. 2707 granting a pension to Baker Saine; An act (H. R: 2839 gm~ting a pension to Henry Sommers; An act (H. R. 3512) granting a pension to Anthony Shafer; An act (H. R. 4101) granting a pension to Martha Giddings, formerly

Martha Priest; An act (H. R. 4648) granting a pension to Jemima Sterling; An act (H. R. 4649) granting a pension to Daniel .Tanner; An act (H. R. 4737) granting a pension to Micah French; An act (H. R. 11317) granting a pension to Fredericka Liesegang · An act (II. R.1133.3) grantingapensiontoUrs. Louiseli. Hnmphr~y; An act (H. R. 2677) for the relief of Ida :M. Howell; An act (H. R. 11362) for the relief of William R. Rodgers; An act (H. R. 10947) for the relief of John Sweeney; . An act (H. R. 724) for the relief of Louisa McLain· An act (H. R. 2061) granting an increase of pensi~n to Francis De

Freitas; An act (H. R. 5593) granting an increase of pension to Laura L.

Wallen; An act (H. R. 9654) grantinganincreMeo(pensiontoJesseJ. Clark;

and An act (H. R. 2499) increasing the pension of Miss Sarah :Mary Car-

roll. , VETO MESSAGES.

The fo~owing messages were severally laid before the House, read,

and referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and ordered to be printed: ·

To the House of .Repr68entatit•68: I return without approval House bill No. 7, entitled "An act granting a pen·

sion to Thomas B. \\Talsh." This beneficiary enlisted January 1, 1864, and was discharged August 1, 1865. lie is reported absent without leave in April, 1864, and further recorded as

having deserted November 24, ISM. He was restored to duty in 1\Iay 1865 by the President's proclamation. ' '

He filed an application for pension in December, 1881, alleging that he con­tracted rheumatism in l\Iay, 1865.

'.rhis statement of the claimant and nearly if not all t-he evidence in the case wh~ch tends to show the incurrence of the disability complained of, appears tO fix Its appearance at a date very near the return of the beneficiary after his de• · sertion.

In these circumstances the proof of disability, such as it is, is as consistent with its incurrence during desertion as it is with the theory that the beneficiary suffered therefrom as the result of honorable military service.

GROVER CLEVELAND, ExECUTIVE MANSION, January 16, I889.

To the House of Repr68entatit'68: I return without approval llouse bill No. 223G, entitled "An act granting a pen·

sion to Eli·J. Yamgheim." · The beneficiary named in this bill filed an.application for pension in the Pen­

sion Bureau Aprill5, 1875, basing his claim upon an alleged wound of his left leg from a. spent ball, about October 15, 1861.

Th_ere is no record of his incurring any woun~ or injury during his service, and 1t does not appear that the company to whiCh he belonged was in action nearer to the date he specifies than September 17, 1851, and his captain testifies that the beneficiary was·not injured in the engagement of that day which lasted ' only about fifteen minutes. '

The proof taken in the case establishes that before enlistment the beneficiary had a sore on his leg which was quite troublesome, which suppurated, and after healing would break out again, ·

In the medical examinations made during the pendency of the c!aim the dis­eased leg was always found, but no mention is made of any other injury, and no other injury seems to have been discoverable.

.I. can not a;void t!Je convie~ion upon the facts presented that whatever disa­bility has eXIsted smce the discharge of the beneficiary arose from causes which ~ere pres~nt before enlistment, and that the same is not chargeable to his mil· Itary serviCe.

GROVER CLEVELAND. EXECUTIVE MANSIO!<, January 16, 1889.

To the House of Representatives: I return without approval House bill No. 4887, entitled "An act granting a.

pension to Charles E. Scott." This beneficiary entered the volunteer service nearly at the close of the war

of the rebellion, and served from the 8th day of l\Iarch, 1865, to July 24, in the same year, a period of four months and sixteen days. ·

He filerl a claim for pension in ISS!. alleging that he incurred camp itch in July, 1865, which resulted in partial blindness.

Upon the proof presented, and after examination, the claim was rejected upon the ground that it did not appear that the impairment of his vision was the re-sult of any incident of his Army service. ,

I am entirely satisfied that this was a correct disposition of the case and that upon the same ground the bill herewith returned should not be appr~ved.

EXECUTIVE !.lANSION, Janua1·y 16, 1889, GROVER CLEVELAND,

To the House of Repr68cntatit:68: I return without approval House bill No. 8469 entitled "An act for the relief of

Michael Pigott." Tbis bill appropriates the sum of $48 to the beneficiary therein named, for­

merly the postmaster at Quincy, Dl., which was paid by him for the use of a telephone for the year ending June 30, 1873. ·

There is evidently a mistake made in the statement of the period covered by the use of this telephone, for the official tet·m of the beneficiary extended from May 16, 1881, to June 18, 1885.

Assuming, however, that it was intended to describe the period ending June 30, 1883, it appears that the use of a telephone during that time was wholly un· authorized by the Post-Office Department, and that the only authority given for any expenditure for that purpose covered the period of one year from the 1st day of January, 1884.

The following letter, dated July 16, 1884, was sent to the beneficiary from the salary and allowance division of the Post-Office Depa.rtmen t:

"In reply to your letter relative to aJnounts disa.llowed for use of telephone for your office, you are informed that the said expenditures were made with­out the authority of this office, and it is therefore deemed advisable not to ap. prove the same.

"Yom· authority for a telephone was for one year beginning January 1 1884 .At the expiration of the timo named, if you desire to continue the telep'hon~ service, you should make application to the First Assistant Postmaster-General for a renewal of the same."

The mullitude of claims of the ·same kind "which the legislation proposed wou~d _bree~ and en~o1_1~age and the absolute necessity, _in the inter~st of good admmlStrntlon, of lmntmg all })Ublic officers to authonzed expenditures con­sll·ains me to withhold my approval from this bill.

GROVER CLEVELA.l\!>. EXECLTITE MANSION,

Tl'ashlngton, Janua1-y 16,1889. PAN Ali!A CAN .A.L.

The following message from the President was laid before the House, read, referred to the Committee on Foreign A.ffairs. and ordered to be printed: ·

To the Senate and House of Repr68entat-i us: I have the ho~:wr to lay before you a report from the Sec!etary. of State, with

the accompanymg correspondence in relation to the possible dlSturbances on the Isthmus ofPanama in the event of the stoppage of work on the proposed interoceanic canal.

GROVER CLEVELAND. EXECUTIVE MANsiON,

Washington, 16th January, 1889.

To the President : I have the honor to transmit, with a view of its communication to Congress,

a copy of a dispatch just received from the consul-general at Panama, which

874 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 16,

inilicates an apprehension on the part of t.he local authorities along the route or the proposed interoceanic canal of disturbances among the varied popula· tions which have been employed on that enterprise in the probable contingency of a cessation of tne work. ·

The exigency referred to by Mr. Adamson is peculiar; and as I am unaware of the existence of any fund which could lawfully be applied to aid in the de­portation of American citizens from foreign countries when they are not mar­iners , nor are connected with the public service, it hn.s been considered proper that the discretion of Congress should be consulted, in order that a.n adequate sum of money may by their action be placed under the direction of the Execu­tive to be applied to the humane and charitable purposes indicated in the cor-respondence. · .

In this connection it may be well to take into consideration the obligation of the United States under the treaty of 1846 with New Granada in relation to maintaining an unembarrassed route of transit of the Isthmus of Panama in the locality in question. It will be remembered that in 1883 it became necessary for the United States

to send sufficient forces to the Isthmus for the purpose of performing their duty under treaty, to suppress disorder at that point.

Respectfully submitted. T. F. BAYARD.

DEPAR'nl'E~T OF STATE, Washington, Janua1·y 15, 1889.

.M1·. Adamson to Mr. Rices. Co~SULATE-GJn.""ERAL oF THE 'GNITED STATES,

Panam,a, January3, 1889. [Received January 14.] SIR: Unrlcr date of the 2d instant the secr{ltary-geneml of the department of

Panama. addressed to me a letter, as per copy herewith, showing that the local govm·nment fears that disturbances of the public peace may follow the suspen­sion of work on the Panama. Canal, which suspension is expected soon.

In view of what may be anticipated, the governor of the department suggests that the foreign consuls should solicit authority from their respective govern­ments to send home their countrymen who may thus be deprived of the means of subsistence.

I acknowledged the receipt of the letter of the secretary-genern.l, a.s per copy, and now submit the matter for your consideration. The work on the locks still continues, and it is understood that Mr. Eiffel, contractor for that part of the work, had a large advance placed to his credit with a third party before be commenced. The supposition IS that he will continue until that advance is ex­hausted.

Work ha.S stopped at Bas Obispo and will be stopped at Culebra on the 5th instant. ·

'Ve appear to be on the verge of a crisis, and grave results may well be ap­prehended.

Fortunately there are comparatively few Americans employed on the canal, but those few will surely demand my aid.

Whatever may occwo, I shall do my best for the protection of American inter­ests here, and hope to merit a continuance of that kind support heretofore given tome.

I am, etc., THOMAS ADAl\ISON,

Consul-Ge1le1"al.

[Inclosure No. I.-Translation.]

Mr. De Fabrega to Mr. Adamson. (Republic of Colombia, government of the department of Panama, secretary­

ship-general. Department of government, bureau of public order. Circular No.1.] ~n:.: I ba,·c been instructed by his excellency the governor to direct to you

the pre~nt cit·cular with the object of learning, in all courtesy, tile steps which you will take in the events which may result from the suspension of the canal w~nks, thus leaving without employment a considerable number of laborers, the majority of whom derive their sustenance from daily work. -

The government has unquestionablyth duty of maintaining peace and order, anu, with the necessary elements, relies upon doing so, and though desirous of avoiding severe measures, will not omit any effort which permits a proper and peaceable solution. . .

His excellency the governor thinks that an understanding between the consuls with the local government to ship away their respective countrymen appears to offer the most convenient measure which could be adopted, and as it is supposed that you have received no instructions upon this matter, it would be desirable to notify your Government of the anticipated emergency, and to ask definite orders, so as to co-operate in the solution as above indicated.

In the name of his excellency the governor I must say to you that the local government will at all peril comply with its duties, and will maintain peace and order in the Isthmian territory, no matter how painful may be the meas­ures it may feel obliged to adopt, thereby protesting against any responsibility which it might be claimed to result from the measures adopted.

Ploase acknowledge the 1'6ceipt of this, and accept, etc., · FRANCO DE FAllllEGA, Jn.

[Inclosure No. 2.] Mr . .Adamson to Mr. De Fabrega.

U~D STATES Co~SULATE-Gm."ERAL AT PANA..'LA, January 2, 1889. SIR: I have the honor to nckJ!-owledge the ;receipt of your official communi·

calion of this day's date, informmg me that his excellency the governor desires to know what measures this consulate-general will take in case that the opera. tiona of the canal company should be suspended and the labo1ers on said enter­prise be thus deprived of the means of subsistence.

I note with pleasure that while the government acknowledj!es it to be its duty to maintain peace and order and has the elements necessary for this purpose it desires to a void severe measures and will spare no efforts to b.dng about a proper and peaceable solution of the case.

I also note the opinion of his excellency the governor that an understand­ing between the consuls and the local government, with a view to the removal of the laborers, appears to be the m<?st fensib1e plan; wherefore he suggests that the governments of the respective consuls be notified of the emergency which it. is expected may axise, and that they ask for definite instructions in the case.

. I note also .that his excellency the governor ~s th:mly resolved to .It?-aintain p·eace and order on this Isthmus, and that be d1sclauns any rcsponslQility for the results of the measures which may be adopted.

In acknowledging the receipt of your very important communication, I limit myself, for the present, to saying thatJ shall send a copy thereof to my Govern­ment immediately and await instructions.

I am, etc., THOMAS ADAMSON, Consul-Genera~.

. ADlllSSION OF SOUTII DAKOTA.

.Mr. BAKER, of New York. I desire to yield thirteen minutes to the gentleman from Oregon [Mr. HERl\IANN]. When he shall have finished I will resume the floor.

:Mr. HERMANN. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the kindness of the gentleman from New York; but as muchhas been already said on this great question I shall not ask the indulgence of the House for even the limited time so kindly allotted me. Cordially uniting with my asso­ciates as to the advisability of an immediate ailinission into the Union of Dakota, Montana, and Washington, I desire more particularly to address the Houee as to the latter Territory, though I should, in jus­tice, even favor au enabling act for Idaho and Wyoming.

No State, sir, feels so deep an interest in tho admission of Washing· ton Territory as the State which I have the honor to represent.

For over 325 miles the great Columbia River is a common boundary. The same mountain ranges which divide Oregon into its principal parts also divide Washington Territory, producing the same climatic changes and conditions and yielding substantially the same productions. The resources are likewise similar, and wonderful in each. Our commer­cial interests are largely reciprocal. This Territory was once a portion of the Oregon Territory, and the struggling trials and privations in the early settlement of each were borne by a common people. This indi­cates briefly the bonds which unite us, and explains the univer::m.l desire among our people for the admission of this Territory into the Union of States. The people of this great section now number at least two hundred thousand and the increase is continuous and large. They em­brace the best elements of the Eastern population-tho moral, the in­telligent, the pro~essive, the energetic, and the inventive.

Capital from every portion of the Union is seeking investment there in the vast coal fields, the lumbering mills and camps,· the fisheries, the gold and iron ore mines, the railroads, the shipping, and the man­ufacturing, grazing, and agricultural interests. No stronger proof of these various industries can be pxesented than that shown in the assess­ment-rolls of the Territory. That for 1887 exhibits assessable prop~ erty to the extent of $61,562,739, and still later exhibits are here 1or 1888, which show a further remarkable increase. I have not the exact figures at hand. When we are reminded that assessments as usually made represent less than 50 per cent. of the actual value, it can be seen that the full property value is over $100,000,000. This does not includ~ millions of rich acres of the Northern Pacific land grant, the immense value of which I do not pretend to approximate. The in­crease of population as well as the material riches since 1880 has sim­ply been phenomenal. Bnt one other Territory excels her.

The commercial importance of Washington 'l'erritory is as far differ­ent from as it exceeds that of all the other Territories. It is the only Territory yet remaining which has a coast line. All others are inte­rior. In the light of her ocean commerce she presents a record that stands out in astonishment even to tho great States of the Union. This has been well adverted to by the honorable gentleman representing her on this floor, but it is so important that I may be pardoned for n. second reference.

Quoting; from the statistics of the Puget Sound customs district we find that-

1. In the number of American steam-vessels engaged in the foreign trade, this Territory stands first.

2. In tonnage of American steam-vessels engaged in tho foreign trade, second only to New York.

3. ln the aggregate n1,1mber of American o.nd foreign steam-vessels engaged in the foreign trade, second only to New York.

4. In the aggregate tonnage of Americo.n and foreign steam-vessels engaged in the foreign trade, seventh.

5. In the aggregate number of entrances and clearances of American and for­eign vessels, steam and sail, fourth.

6. In the aggregate tonnage of all vessels, American and foreign, steam and sail, seventh.

The revenue annually collected in the Treasury through the custom-house now exceeds one-quarter of a million of dollars.

Over two thousand vessels have entered and cleared dw·ing the past year, and this, of course, does not include an immense fleet of coasting vessels under license.

The export trade amounts to o>er ten millions of dollars. Thls alone affords the strongest showing of the immense resources of the Territory a.lre:1dy being utilized by her busy and energetic population.

In 1853 Washington was separated from the Oregon Territory and organized as a separate Territory, and for thirty-six years has re­mained such and been subjected to all the inconveniences and obsta­cles which always attend Territorial limitation. In view, however, of the marvelous development made, with all these disabilities to retard her, what further aggrandizement would she nothave achieved bythis time had she been favored but for half of this interval with the ad­vantages of statehood. Six years after the separation of the two Ter­ritories Oregon was admitted into the Union while Washington still remain~, _:wit~ all her !llagni:fi.cent develop~ent and nearly one-fifth of a million rn population, a mero province so to speak, among States many of which she far exceeds. In the face of such arecord what be­comes of that compact in the fundamental laws of the Republic as to that great expanse of empire west of the :Mississippi?

Whenever any of said States shall have 00,000 free inhabitants therein such State shall be admitted by ita delegates into .the Congress of the United States on an equal footing with the original States m all respects whatever.

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 875. Judged in a political or national sense every consideration of public

duty pleads in behalf of prompt and unconditional admission. Indeed, the long delays already suffered reflect no credit on the majority in this Congress thus far. Washington Territory should have been a State in _ this Union ten years ago, and then would have exceeded the wealth as well as population of mosb of the States of the Union ab the time of their admission.

Lying as she does, contiguous to a foreign power, with numerous con­flicting interests, inviting serious contention at any time, it is highly essential that her people be clothed with those higher powers which enable a State to put forth greater and more immediate defenses than when a mere Territorial body. Her people have discussed this question of admission for many years, and now there exists a perfect unanimity of sentiment. There is no dissension either as to the bl)undaries, the form and substance of the organic act, or as to the necessity or expe­diency of :immediate admission. In conventions, in' legislative ses­sions, and in the elections this sentiment has repeatedly been ex­pressed. It is not a question there between Democrats and Republicans, nor should it be in this body. It is a question for every citizen impar­tinlly to consider. There. is to-day throughout our whole nation not a single valid reason or objection urged against admission. All parties are now in favor of it, and there are no constitutional impediments existing, while every argument of local benefit to the people directly concerned, ns well as that greater eenefit which appeals to every patri­otic American, earnestly and loudly protests againsL further delays.

:M:r. BAKER, {)f New York. I desire to invite the attention of the House for a few moments to the real question at issue.

Mr. BUCHANAN. Before the gentleman begins I should like to ask him if it is the intention to press this matter to a vote tbis even­ing?

],fr. BAKER, of New York. It is the intention to press this matter to a vote at the earliest possible hour. The chairman of the commit­tee is better able to state when that will ba than I.

:Mr. SPRINGER. I desire to have disposed o~ this evening the for­mal amendments which were submitted by the Delegate from Dakota to the Senate bill, so as to perfect that bill, as the friends of the bill de­sire that it should be perfected, and thus make it possible for me to submit the substitute which I intend to submit at the proper time, and take a V<'te as early as possible.

Mr. BUCHANAN. Is it the purpose to submit the substitute to-night? .

1\ir. SPRINGER. It would be to-night, if possible. Mr. BAKER, ofNewYork. Mr. Speaker, I desire to invite the at­

tention of the House for a few moments to the real question at issue. The debate thus far has proceeded upon the proposition presented by the so-called ''omnibus bill.'' The House bas been instructed in the situation as regards the claims to statehood of Monta-na, Washington, and New Mexico; while Arizona and Idaho have also advised us that they are getting ready to demand memb1uship into the family of States. Utah also urges her claims. :My idea of our duty is that we should speed the coming of every new State when assured that the proper conditions exist; that a Territorial government should be tolerated and continued so long-as the people thereof are too few in number and too scant in resources, material, moral and otherwise, to maintain a strong and healthy State.

A Territory is acquired to become a. State and not to bo held as a. colony and go>erned by Congress with absolute authority.

This has been and is the policy of the Republican party. For four years we have vainly endeavored to exemplify it in the case of South _Dakota, but have encountered so many obstructions along the way that all e1rorts thus fur have been in vain.

My views as to the claims of South Dakota ·were fully expressed in the speech delivered by me during the present Congress, in May last, upon the bill presented by me, which had been reported adversely by the House Committee on Territories, and which is the same bill sub­sequently passed by the Senate and allowed to slumber in committee until the 17th of December, when, under the influence of the recent

· Presidential contest, as I take it, the honorable chairman of the com­mittee was persuaded to request that the Committee on Territories be discharged from the further consideration thereof and that it be made a special and continuing order for the next and succeeding days of the session until -disposed of, with leave to offer as a substitntethereforthe ''omnibus bill," to which attention has mainly been directed by the debate thus far had. Th~ real questi.on before us, then, is the passage of the pending Sen­

ate bill for the rmmediate admission of South Dakota a new State created by carving o"!l-t of tho great Territory of Dakota' the southern haJ! thereof,. embrac~ng a State which in area will rank eighth in the Umon, and m matenal and other respects to-day ranks ahead of many of the older States. . Theirs is a contest for home rule. A new State embracing a populat10n of about 400,00~ people of push and enterprise, with an area of about 77,000 squar~ miles, with wonderful resources, as I have shown on a former occas10n, bas for a decade been denied admission to the Union upon grounds and for rensons that are un­worthy in the extreme.

The resolution of the 17th of December also provided that after this

bill should ha~e been considered the House would go on and consider until disposed of other bills for the admission of new States. The only State asking admission with a constitution already adopted by the people is the State of South Dakota, except, perhaps, Montana. For several years, ever since 1885, South Dakota has been knocking at the doors of Congress for admission_ to the Union. - The proposition has been antagonized on the Democratic side of the House with propositions of different kinds, so that in one way and another final action has been postponed and no general debate in the House has been permitted un­til the present. The "omnibus bill," so far as it relates to all the Territm:ies named, is in the nature of an enabling act. In eff-ect it dis­regards all the steps taken heretofore by the people of South Dakota in the way of preparation for statehood.

South Dakota is ready for statehood, equipped with a constitution which has received the indorsement of the people of that Common­wealth.

Montana, a year or two before, adopted and brought to Congress o. constitution, and later on in this debate the Delegate from that Terri­tory will, he informs me, offer an amendment with a view of having that State admitted under the omnibus bill. So far as Washington, New Mexico, AriZona, andidaho are concerned, the only effect of this proposed legislation will. be to create an enabling act under which those Territories, by future action of their people, may form constitutions, or­ganize State governments, and come to Congress for admission to state­hood. I insist, M:r. Speaker, that it is the duty of this Congress to ad­mit immediately the State of South Dakota under the pending Senate bill. I am opposed to the omnibus bill, because it seems to load Dakota with the other propositions; moreover, because there is no more neces­sity for these enabling acts than there is for a fifth wheel to a wagon.

Hepresentative Grow said, in .January, 1857, in reporting the enabling act for Oregon:

Gentlemen seem much averse to giving this authority, which is a mere mat­ter of form, as the people of the Territory can meet in their assemblies and form a constitution and send it here as well without this authority 11.!1 with it.

And Representative .Tones, of Tennessee, said: That is exactly my opinion.

In my remarks on a former occasion I discussed this subject in the following language:

It is said, first, that she has proceeded in her application for admission in a.n irregular and revolutionary method; second, that tl1e State has been organized out of a. portion only of the great Territory of Dakota. This Territory was org-anized subsequent to the admission of the States of Iowa, 1\Iinnesota., and \Visconsin, which were carved out succes.'3ively and admitted as States from territory including what is now the Territory of Dakota.

Let us examine these propositions and ascertain if the objections made are at all tenable. It will be borne in mind that twenty-five States have been ad­mitted since the Constitution was adopted by the thirteen original States. Of the twenty-five, Texas was admitted under a. treaty compact, it being at the time an independent sovereign State; West Virginia was admitted by virtue of the power to consent to a division of one State into two or more States; Maine was admitted by the consent of l\lassachusetts, of which it formed a. part; Ver­mont was admitted by the consent of the contiguous States of New Hampshire and New York, which made some claim to it; Louisiana. was admitted under the treaty with France but was already an organized community.

Twenty:States, therefore, are all that have been admitted into the Union from the Territories to the United States, exclusive of Louisiana.. Some of these have been admitted without any previous Territorial organization. One hnlf of them had previous en_abling acts ~nd the remaining half had no such acts, or at least none under wh1ch proceedmgs were taken to organize themselves into States and make application for admission. The method pursued by Dakota is pre- . cisely identical in principle with that pursued by Tennessee, Iowa., l\Iichiga.n, Arkansas, 'Visconsin, California, Oregon, Kansas, Florida, and Kentucky. Thus it is shown that one-half of o.ll the States admitted into the Union from the out­lying and unorganized Territories belonging to the United States pursued the same identical course which the people of Dakota have pursued in their efforts to obtain admission of their State. Can itt then, be olauned with reason that Dakota. has pursued any irregular methoa, since she has followed the prece­dents which have been approved by Congress in one-half of all the States ad­mittedfrom Territories? Upon principle, are not these precedents just as bind­ing upon Congressasthosewhere theoLhermethod was pursued? "\Vhat, I ask, is an enabling act but a mere invitation to the people of a. portion of the terri­tory of the United States to organize themselves into a State and applv for ad-mission into the Union? •

I have said Congress can not make a State. n has the power to ndmit new States, not to create them. Congress organizes Territorial governments solely under the authori~y of the Constitution, which gives the right "to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territories or other property be­longing to ~he ,United States." The people alone can organize the State. It must be their work. No otherpoweror tribunal can do it for them. Thepowe:r is reserved to Congress to allmit new States.

Congress may clothe a community in a. Territory with the forms of laws under which they may proceed to o11:rnnize for themselves a. constitution and State government, and all the effect which the law of Congress has upon the subject is merely to throw around their proceedings such forms of law as will a.llow and direct an orderly movement of the people to the desired end. U Congress neglects or refu.~es to thw directly furnish such community with the forms of law-the invitation-under which these proceedings may be ha~~ may not the local legislativ-e authority perform that or mny not the people tnemselves in their primary capacity assemble in pnbilo convention, frame and adopt a. con­stitution, organize a. State gov-ernment and demand admission of the new State thus formed into the Union? Either ~ethod is clearly regular.

No objection was made, none has ever been made upon the ground that the constitution framed is not republican in form. No objection has been made to the admission of the State upon any grounds that are important and weighty in the consideration of a question of such mag­nitude as this. Consiqer for a moment, Mr. Speaker, the tacti<_:S of the opponents of the Dakota bill. At one time it -wa.s proposed,.~ order to defeat the object of the people and their efforts for admiSS~on, to compel a division upon a line running north and south, and a bill ~as

876 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J .ANU.ARY 16,

introduced by the gentleman from Illinois [:M"r. SPRINGER] accord­ingly. Subsequently, after that bill had been introduced, printed, and buried in the archives of the Committee on Territories, another propo­sition was brought forward by the same gentleman for the admission of Dakota only as a whole, and the committee in their majority report on such bill made the absurd and now confessedly ridiculous argu­ment which I will read fr·om their report, presented May 25, 1886, No. 2577:

The question as to whether the Territory should be admitted as a whole or subdivided into two or more States or Territories is not remitted by this bill to the people of that Territory, that being a question, in the opinion of your .com­mittee, m which the people of all the country are equally interested. As demon­strated in your committee's report on the Senate bill, that Territory has neither the area, the population, nor the legal right to be admitted into the Union other than as one State. If Dakota should be admitted into the Union as one State, it will be bnt a few

years until State pride, local interests, and its diversified resources will be such as to demonstrate beyond all pe1·adventure the wisdom of single statehood. The demand for division will not be insisted upon when all questions of the present and future are carefully considered.

In view of these facts and considerations, yonr committee are of the opinion that no greater wrong could be done to the inhabitants of that Territory than to provide for its divisi?n•

That report was made in the first session of the Forty-ninth Con­gress, on the 25th of May, 1886. At that time the population of the Territory was over 400,000. Now it is conceded to be nearer 600,000, and I have heard it stated by residents of that great Territory that ·its population is to-day much larger. The proposition to insist upon the admission of Dakota as a single State was ne>er seriously urged in Con­gress because it was clearly in violation and disregard of the will and wishes of the people. It was of a kind with many others that have emanated from our Democratic friends in regard to Dakota.

Why, sir, if I were a Democrat, standing up here and speaking of the treatment by Congress of the Territories, I should unhesitatingly say, and I believe at least one member on the other side of the House has admitted, that the treatment of the Territories by Congress during the last twenty-five years bas been such as to lose to the Democracy every Democratic Territory in the United States. [Applause on the Repub­lican side.]

Mr. Speaker, upon the question of division of South Dakota, and of the rights and qualifications that entitle her to statehood, I need spend no time. Some question was made by the honorable chairman of the Committee on Territories [Mr. SPRINGER] as to some minor portions of the constitution which has been adopted by the State, but I regard those objections as frivolous. Without doubt the :first act of the Legis­lature of the new State of South Dakota will be provided for a consti­tutional convention. In my judgment the duty of the hour is to ad­mit South Dakota. to statehood. That State should come in untram­meled by these other propositions. The pending Senate bill, with the amendments proposed by the Delegate from Dakota [1t!r. GIFFORD], meets the question, and the whole question. Pass it, and under the resolution adopted by the House on the 17th of December we can go on and consider fairly and fully the case of every other Territory seeking admission or asking the pal:'sage of an enabling act under which it may proceed to the adoption of a State constitution and the organization of a State government.

What is -the attitude of the other side? Simply this: Our Demo­cratic friends say, by their acts, South Dakota, though in all respects worthy and well qualified, although having passed the most rigid civil­service examination, and having been duly instructed in the correct countersign, is so made up as to the people thereof that there is little hope for the Democratic party there for all time to come; therefore, unless we can be permitted to incorporate in the bill an enabling act for New Mexico and the other Territories, and unless we can reduce South Da­kota to the necessity of traveling over again for the third time the steps preliminary to statehood, so that she shall not be admitted in advance of her less enterprising sisters, we will continue to hinder, de­lay, and obstruct.

I have said before, Mr. Speaker, and will repeat and emphasize: The three millions of .American people rebelled against the exercise of the

same identical powers by Great Br1tain over them which the Government ex­ercises over the Territories. They complained, and were by the world justified in complaining, that they were kept in a state of semi-vassl\lage. They had their governor appointed by a foreign tribunal; so have the Territories. They had their judges ap,Pointed by the same foreign tribunals; so have the Territo­ries. They had thetr local legislatures, which enacted laws for them, subject to the revision of the same foreign agency; and so have the Territories. They were taxed without representation.~ and so are the Territories. Laws were made for them by a tribunal in which Uiey had no vo~ce and in which they could exercise no influence except such as one citizen may, by petition and argument, exercise over another; so have the Territories. They dared the force of the most power­ful nation on the face of the earth to be rid of these evils. They were rid ofthem, and it never was contemplated that in this 'day and generation they should impose upon their fellow-citizens the same evils which had been imposed in those days by their fellow-citizens upon them. It will be a happy solution of many difficulties in legislation when all the outlying Territories may be popn­l~ted,, created Into States, and admitted into the Union. The necessity for ::rer­ntorial governments is unquestioned, but no effort should be made to constitute it an enduring evil anywhere. It is unjust to the new State to reject it. It is a self-imposed wrong upon the old States to keep her out, and to do so can not be defended on any ground.

[Applause.] . One of the redeeming features of this discussion on the Democratic

aide of the House is the attitude ofmy colleague from New York [:1\Ir.

Cox] on this question. He has stood up here bravely and expressed himself in favor of the admission of South Da.kota singly, if possible, or with the other Territories if it~ must be. In the views he has ex­pressed he is leagues ahead of his party. He deserves honor and praise for the advanced position he has taken with reference to this great question. [Applause.] We owe it to ourselves, we owe it to the peo­ple of Dakota and of these other Territories, that immediate legislation be had in their behalf; but no good reason can be gi'fen. none has been attempted, why the pending act to admit South Dakota should be turned into a mere enabling act and Ute Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, Montana, and Washington included in one bill thexewith. An enabling act is a mere invitation to do what Sonth Dakota has al­ready do:::te. So far as it relates to South Dakota. the omnibus bill is an insult, to be borne only bec.c'mse those people consider the source from which it comes. The gentlemen from Montana and Washinl!ton Territories have characterized in appropriate language the sentiments · of their Territories in respect of the treatment of them by the Con­gress during the past four years. [Applause.]

What I object to is the attaching to this bill of the provisions for an enabling act for Washington, for Montana, and for New Me;rico. Tlie Delegate from Arizona [Mr. S::IHTII] is prepared to offer an amendment to include his Territory in the bill and to provide for its admission two years hence. There is no objection, perhaps, to an enabling act, but what is the necessity for it? As I have said, such an act has been held over and over again to be a mere matter of form, an invitation to the people of a Territory to form a State constitution and organize them­selves for admission to statehood, but such an act is in no case neces­sary. Every one of these Territories has a legal ancl constitutional right to come here at any time, with a constitution already prepared, with a State organization already perfected, and ask immediate admis­sion to statehood. And that is what I claim for South Dakota.

For seven long weary years Dakota was knocking at the doors of Congress for the passage of. an enabling act in her behalf. That was denied. Then her people went forward, as they hacl a perfect right to do, organized a. government and prepared a State constitution, which has been before this House for several years. It was before the Forty­eighth, Forty-ninth, and the Fiftieth Congresses. These people are abundantly equipped for statehood, and by all the precedents con­nected with the admission of twenty-five States are entitled to imme-diate admission. . .

It will be urged by my friend from illinois [1\!r. SPRINGER], the chairman of the Committee on Territories, that his bill, the ''omnibus bill," will meet the whole question by one vote. But this is too. great a question to be disposed of by a single vote, without the fullest and fairest consideration. Arizona, if entitled to be attached to this " om­nibus bill," ought to be. Her case is certainly entitled to the fullest consideration. Wyoming desires to be embraced in this same bill. Shall these two Territories be denied consideration? Why are these Territories left out and New Mexico alone included?

Mr. SPRINGER. I will nnswer my friend. All the Territories em­braced in the " omnibus bill " have a population exceeding the ratio of one Representative in Congress; the other Territories have not. That is the reason.

Mr. BAKER, of New York. It is claimed that Wyoming bas such a population.

Mr. SPRINGER. Wyoming has a population of less than 100,000. Mr. BAKER, ofNewYork. Wyoming claims a population sufficient

to entit.le her to statehood, and is asking admission or the passage of an enabling act. Now, if we are to have action on a case where a com­munity equipped in all respects for statehood comes asking, not for an enabling act, but for admission into the Union, let the case be considered alone; and then, if enabling acts are desirable for other Territories, let us pass acts meeting tbose_cases. I trust the House, when it comes to vote on thjs question, will reject the proposition to pass the "omnibus bill," because when we come to that the other Territories will prop­erly urge their claims. They have a right to be heard. We have given no consideration to Wyoming, no full and satisfactory consideration tO­the claims of New 1\Iexico. Washington and·Montana have had but a partial hearing, although the representatives from those Terxitories have spoken out in condemnation of the treatment which they have re­ceived at the hands of this Democratic Congress.

I appeal t.o the House and desire to urge with all the power l possess that we shall reject the proposition to load down Dakota with four or five other Territories. I am in favor of their admission as States at thG earliest possible day. I would vote enabling acts for them if they de­sired it. But I say to those people, come up as Dakota has done· build up your constitution, organize your State government, come to Con~ gress and claim the constitutional right you have of admission to state­hpod.

I hope I have-made clear the status as to the present bill. The gen­tleman from Min~esota [1\Ir. MACDONALD J proposes, after the consider­ation of the substitute of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. SPRINGER], to urge his ~ubstitute which has been printed in the RECORD. It will take some time to read it. It is perhaps entitled to b~ debated. All those matters ought to be considered, as we have the ngbt to.consider them under the continuing order of the House, but let us in the dis- _

1889. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 8771 charge of our duty under the obligation resting on us :first vote on the Mr. SPRINGER. ·You can move any amendment you desire. Senate bill, which is alone the proposition before the House to-day. Mr. ADAMS. I know, but I wish to discuss an amendment.

The bill for the admission of South Dakota ought to be passed with- The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the out any barnacles in the shape of enabling acts in reference to four or gentleman from Tilinois? :five other Territories, andtherebydelayingthe admission into the Union MI·. ADAMS. I object. of South Dakota, as provided for in the Senate bill. Mr. SYMES. I object, unless there is an unclerstanding with the

Mr. BUCHANAN. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a ques- chairman of the committee, which I presume I can have, that I ean tion? take the floor in my own right for the purpose of debate. It was undeJ;•

Mr. BAKER, of New York. With pleasure. stood that I should have the floor in my own right after the gentleman Mr. BUCHANAN. Will the gentleman· from New York allow me from New York [Mr. BAKER]; but both the gentleman from NewYorlt

to ask him whether there is anything in the situation which prevents and myself have refrained from taking the floor before, Mr. Speaker, the Committee on the Territories from reporting an enabling act for with the intention of giving the Delegates from the Territories an op• each one of the Territories comprised in the so-called ."omnibus bill" portunity to represent their people by arguments in support of the~ instead of attaching them to the substitute? views upon amendments to be submitted by them or on the bill as pre-

Mr. BAKER, of New York. Nothing at all. sented. I shall insist, therefore, on having the floor in my own right, Mr. BUCHANAN. Can you suppose any other purpose in the ac- and will say for the information of the House that I have promised

tion proposed than to smother the Senate bill? more than one-half of my time, as much, perhaps, as two-thirds of it, l\Ir. BAKER, of New York. It appears to me that the effect oflum- to other members on both sides of the House who desire to ta~ poitit­

bering up the Senate bill with propositions in reference to the other edly upon the bill and the substitute, as well as some proposed amend-Territories is to delay and obstruct action and defer the admisSion of I ments to the bill. · South Dakota into the Union. It can have no other result. The case Mr. SPRINGER. I am perfectly willing, and ask unanimous consent as to the other Territories of course is entitled to full consideration. now that the gentleman from Colorado shall occupy that hour to-mor­Tbat will have to be given to it in any case. row morning, immediately after the reading of the Journal, provided

1\Ir. ADAI\IS. Can not we go on and pass the Senate bill, and im- we can have these amendments taken up and disposed of at once. mediately afterwards, under the extraordinary power given to the Com- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair has already submitted the mittee on the Territories to control the time of the House, go on to- request for unanimous consent. morrow and the day after to-morrow and pass bills in reference to these Mr. GROSVENOR. I do not want to object to the proposition of the other Territories? gentleman from Illinois, but I want to remind ~be gentleman, as well

J.c!r. BAKER, ofNew York. That is exactly what I have said. We as the me~bers of the Committee on the Territories, that there are have the right under the continuing order to take up the case of each other members of the House who would like to have fiv-e or ten minutes' of the several Territories and consider it on its merits. We have had time to explain their position upon so important a measure as the pro­a· discussion between the gentleman from New 1\Iexico and the gentle- posed introduction into the Union of several new States. man from Iowa [1\Ir. STRUBLE] in regard to New Mexico. There is as Mr. SPRINGER. This will not prevent gentlemen from exercising much, perhaps, to be said on one side as on the other. I am strongly that privilege. disposed to legislate in favor of New 1\Iexico, but I think all these 1\Ir. GROSVENOR. The interest in this question is not confined cases ought to be considered, each upon its own merits, and at length. solely to two or tb~·ee Territorial Delegates or to the members of the

Washington Territory, in whose behalf the Delegate [1\fr.VooRHEES] Committee on the Territories; and I shall object to any consent which spoke so eloquently, is entitled to proper consideration. This side of will involve the cutting off of gentlemen who desire to be heard for at the House has always been ready to give it. Montana has been here least a brieftime. I think they should be permitted to make an ex­for several yeru:s asking for admission as a State. This side of the planation of their position upon the bill. House has been ready to consider its claims and to admit it as a State Mr. SPRINGER. I have no desire--into the Union. North Dakota asks simply for an enabling act, but 1\Ir. SYl\fES. Permit me to say in reply to my friend from Ohio they have already taken steps to formulate a constitution and to come that my principal object in claiming the hour is to -&ry to distribute here fully prepared to ask for admission as :::. State. It matters not it so that gentlemen may have the opportunity to which be refers of whether we pass enabling acts for these Territories, as it will not delay expressing their ·views upon the subject, and I shall retain but a very their admission as States. They can come in as other States have small proportion for myself. done, but it is not just to obstruct and delay the passage of the Senate Mr. SPRINGER. The proposition that I have submitted did not bill for the admission of South Dakota by unneceRsarily tacking these involve the cutting off of gentlemen who desired to participate in the other Territories upon the Senate bill, which is now under considera- debate but only asked consent to take up each of these amendments tio?· ~ e hav-e the rig~t, .unde~ the continuing order, without inter- offered by the gentleman from Dakota an~ cons~er them now se1·iatim. ferrng With the appropnatwn b1lls or the contested-election cases, to 1\:lr. GROSVENOR. The gentleman will understand that my only go ?nand legislate in reference to each and every one of these Terri- object was to secure time for those who desired to be beard. tones. 1\Ir. SPRINGER. I understand.

?lfr. BUCHANAN. I nm not entirely familiar with the provisions 1\fr. BAKER, of New_ York. How much time havo I remaining? of the proposed substitute or "omnibus bill." Is it not provided there The SPEAKER pro temp01·c. The gentleman has eight minutes. that this question in referenee to Dakota shall be remitted to the peo- Mr. BAKER, of New York. I yield that to the gentlemi\P- from ple for-another election? Will not the effect be, if that ''omnibus '' Idaho. . _ proposition be adopted, to hinder and delay the admission of South Da- 1\.Ir. SPRINGER. I wish to renew the request I made, that the kota into the Union? amendments of the gentleman 'from Dakota [1\ir. GIFFORD] be read

Mr. BAKER, of New York. The adoption of that omnibus prop- and considered seriatim. Let the first be announced, and_if there IS osition must result. as every gentleman can see, in obstructing and de- objection--laying the admission of South Dakota. As originally reported by the 1\Ir. REED. I suppose it is. understood that whenever the substi­committee the "omnibus bill" provided for the admission of one Da- tute is adopted, if ever, the House will have an opportunity to amend kota. The majority of the committee prior to the last election con- that? . ceived it to be their duty and only the right of Dakota to come in as 1\Ir. SPRINGER. Of course. one State. Subsequent to the election new light came to the minds of Mr. REED. That is the understanding, then? our Democratic friends, and they have come to the conclusion that the 1\fr. SPRINGER. Of course the opp01·tnnity will be offered. people of Dakota are entitled to consideration and admission as two I renew the request, 1\Ir. Speaker, for unanimous consent. States. 1\.fr. ADAl\lS. I object, and the reason is that I desire to take more

But, ?lu. Speaker, I wish to emphasize the fact that the passage of than five minutes myself on a substantial amendment which I propose the "omnibus bill," or the substitute which has been printed and of- to move. . . · fered by my friend from illinois, will practically operate to do away 1\fr. SPRINGE~. Well, you can have the ~nne nght now. with all the legislation and the acts of the people · of South Daltota Mr. BAKER, of New York. I propose to Jleld the remainder of the already d~me in regard to statehood. It practically resubmits to them time belonging to me to the gentleman from Idaho.

- the constitution and requires a new vote upo:q that instrument; ~nd T~e SPEAKER pr_o tempore. :The gentlem~ from New ~ork not so I repeat, we had better put aside all these collateral propoSitions havmg reserved the t1me a~ t1Ie tm;te b,e took hiS seat, the Chair recog­and act directly upon the bill of the Senate now before us. nized the gentleman from Illinois for the purpose of asking lmanimous

Thanking the House for its patient attention I reserve the remainder consent; but after this matter is determined the Chair will recognize of my time. [Applause.] ' the gentleman from New York.

M:r. SPRINGER. 1\Ir. Speaker, I desire that those gentlemen who :Mr. SPRINGER. The gentleJ;D!lP from New York did reserve his wish to take par.t in the debate, or wh.o propose to do so, will proceed time, but allowed m~ to W.k~ the fl.oor for a request. . · tQ-nigbt, or t}ln.twe ca~ agree upon at1~ewhen the debate sballclose. 1\Ir. BAKER, of New Y?rk. The gentle~an from Illin,q~s desued ~ut before that I desrre to ask UJJ.anrmous consent that the aJ;Den~- to make a reqnel:!t f~r un~n®O~J ~~ns.ent, which has be~n obJecteu to; :xp.~nts i.Jttroduced by the Delegate from Dakota mil'y now be read sert· and now I yield the r~.mamder ~y ti~ to ~he ge~tl.~~ from Id~bo. atm1- and 1\gr~~d to by the House. The SPEAKER t;ro tempore. Does llie ~entlffi:Dan from New

Mr. ADAl\IS. I object. York-

i878 I

J.ANUARY 16,· CONGRESSIONAL· RECORD-HOUSE. --------------------------------------------------~--------------------------------------------------

Mr. SPRINGER. I desire to ask of my colleague that the -proposi­tion I made be -adopted.

Mr. BAKER, of New York. I object. Objection was made, and I want my friend from Idaho [Mr. DUBOIS] to occupy the remaining eight minutes of my time. .

Mr. DUNIIAl\I. I move that the House do now adjourn. Mr. SPRINGER. I hope that that will be withdrawn. The question was taken; and the Speaker announced that the noes

seemed to have it. Mr. DUNHAM. Division. The House divided; and there were-ayes 37, noes 46. So the !louse refused to adjourn. Mr. SPRINGER. Now I ask that the amendment first submitted

by my friend from Dakota [l'tlr. GIFFORD] be read. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Objection has been made to the re­

quest of tbe gentleman from Illinois. l'lfr. BAKER, of New York. We had better have the regular order. :Mr. SPRINGER. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have the right to move to

close debate upon this amendment. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will state to the gentleman

from Illinois that the gentleman from New York reserved the balance of his time, and as there are only eight minutes remaining, the Chair will recognize the gentleman from Idaho, after which the Chair will recognize the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. DUBOIS. Mr. Speaker, I take it for granted that there will be no objection, founded on sound public policy or justice, to the admis­sion of North and South Dakota, Montana, and Washington.

There seems to be a doubt in the minds of some members as to the expediency of admintingN ew Mexico. No argument has been advanced to prove that the citizens of New Mexico are not law-abiding and at­tached to the principles of our Government. On the other band, it is admitted that New Mexico is well governed, and is inhabited by an industrious, intelligent people, whose higher and only civil allepauce is to the Government of the United States.

The foreign and native-born population is about equal in numbers, and they live and act in harmony. An end has about come to more than the usual foreign immigration which is seeki.tl.g homes in the far \Vest, and with statehood the only valid objection to the admis­sion of New Mexico would quickly pass away. The brave and am­bitious youth ofNewEngland, the Mississippi Valley States, the North­western and Southern States would flock there as they do to the other Ten-itories. With or without statehood New ]'}fexico must inevitably be peopled >ery l!oou by a majority of native-born citizens. M was clearly shown by the able and conscientious Delegate from New .:Uexico, she is fully equipped in e>ery way for statehood.

I regret that the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. STRUBLE] has considered it to be his duty to object to the admission of New Mexico for the rea­sons which he gives. The claim that Congress will best settle the dis­puted land titles and develop the country by a system of irrigation from streams or artesian wells is contrary to all the teachings of the past nnd present in the history of national legislation affecting the Ter­ritories. If anything has been settled by this debate it is that the only hope that the Territories have for. the full expansion of their resources is under a State government.

Congress dqes not legislate for the Territories in Uz:,<Y!'eemcnt with their desires and needs, and will not allow them to legislate for themselves. They h\ve shown no disposition to appropriate money to the Terri­tories for any purpose, and do not eve'n allow them the money pro­vided by law. In my judgment, the arid lands of New Mexico and all those Territories whose lands require irrigation will not be reclaimed until the Territories become Stafes. The people of New Mexico desire statehood and its accompanying respon,sibilities, and I believe it will accept and bear the promotion proudly and to the hono.r and glory of the nation.

There seems now to be an era of good feeling toward the Territories, and disposition among the members to divest their minds of all partisan prejudice, and do the Territories t;u"dy j~¥ce. I trust this is not merely a "spurt," and that you will not break and go to pieces" over the stated objections to New Mexico. .

The remarks which have been made by the vanous Delegates whose Territories are included in the bill under discussion apply with full force, clearness, and fa.i.rness to Idaho. They could be iterated and reiterated in a hundred different ways, yet the truth would not be half told. The order under which this discussion is being held pro-vides~ ·

That afier the Dakota bill is disposed of other bills in relation to the admis· sion of Territories reported from the said committee shall be in order in the House in like manner until disposed of, to be considered in the order fixed by the committee.

I will not at this particular ~ime in this discussion insist on a. rec­ognition of the just claims of the Territory which I have the honor to represent, because it t:right retard the justi~e which .I ~elieve and hope you are prepared to mete out to our SlSter Terntones. I will please my fancy in the hope that the journey on this road of fairness to these brave and loyal people, who have been harassed and handi­capped so 1ong beyond the nsnal probationary period of Territorial government will bring such unqualified peace and contentment to your

minds that- you will quickly recognize and pass upon the appeal of Idaho.

I do not ask immediate statehood. My people do not claim admis­sion at once.. We ask an enabling act whic~ will definitely fix a time when we can assume the responsibilities and blessings of a State. We care not what conditions you may impose as to population or resources. It makes no difference to us whether we come in under the ordinance , of 1787, which requires 60,000 free inhabitants, or whether wo are to have the number equal to the ratio of representation for a member of Congress. \Ve desire a certain "stake" which we can mo•e to. We . wish to avoid the danger of being made a political football in the future, and are anxious to catch this tide of good-nature and brotherly love at the flood, and prepare tho way for our admission when we fill . all the conditions which the most te<lhnical can demand.

I do not intend to make a detailed statement at thia time in regard to our resources, but will in a general manner briefly call yonr atten­tion to the present condition and capabilities of the Territory.

Idaho is greater in area than New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire combined. Its climate is unexcelled. The warm currents of the Pacific sweep over the Territory and.have a most ben· eficial effect on its arable belts. The average or me::tn annual temper­attire of the valleys is about 51°, about 4° warmer than Connecticut.

No Western or coast State or Territory is so well watered as Idaho. The Snake Hiver, Clarke's Fork, Spokane, Salmon, Boise, Payette, 'Yeiser, Big and Lfttle Wood, Bruneau, :Malad, Portneuf, Clearwater, Cccnr d'Alene, St . .Joseph, and Kootenai are all large rivers into which many smaller ones empty. '£here are at least 15,000,000 acres in the valleys and upland.<~ which can be irrigated and made lavishly pro­ductive.

All cereals and vegetables wllich can be ra.iscd north of the cotton­growing line in the Atlantic States flourish in the greatest profusion. Apples, pears, prunes, apricots, nectarines, and all smaller fruits, and berries of the finest quality are produced with never-.fhiling regularity.

Irrigation is necessary in South Idaho. Nearly all the lands which lie adjacent to the smaller ·streams, and which can be irrigated with trifling cost, have been taken up and o.re cultivated. The expense of . building large canals from the great streams is so great that individuals can not afford it, and companies are loath to invest their money in it without subsidies of land. By giving Idaho statehood and grunting them the control of certain lands, provided the State will fi1·st reclaim it by putting water on it, every acre would be settled up within four years. The lands which could be made the most productive in the · country are now valueless and will remain so for years to come under our present system of Territorial government.

North Idaho is different in climate somew bat, and raises grain, vege­tables, and fruit in the greatest abundance without irrigation. There is no better farming country anywhere than in North Idaho, and it is fast settling up with an intelligent and indnstrious class of farmers. North Idaho alone will have 200,000 people within eight years, and South Idaho will have double or treble the number if statehood is given. Between 1,200,000 and 1,500,000 acres of land in Idaho are now under improvement, and within the region of 1,000,000 acres of agricultural land has been patented. Five hundred thousand acres of agricultural land were taken np last year under the various land entries.

When you consider that Rhode Island contains less than 900,000 acres of land, you can form some idea of the present condition and future possibilities of the agricultural resources of this ~erritor!. The forest area of Idaho is 7,000,000 acres, and the growth lS heavier than in a majority of the timbered States east of the Rocky Mountains. There are varieties of fir, white, red, nnd black spruce, scrub oak, yel· low and white pine, mountain mahogany, juniper, tamarack, birch, cottonwood, alder, and willow.

Such a prodigious amou:Q,t of timber to the acre can be found in no other part of the United States, except on the western slopes of the western mountains in Washipgton Territory. The timber is of large growth and magnificent for !umbering purposes. White-pine logs, 5 feet in diameter, 100 feet long, without a knot and straight as an ar­row, are common.

Nine million dollars of gold, silver, and lead was produced ln.st year, and you might say tha.t mining is in its infancy in the Territory:. ~­perts say that it is the best of all the mining States or Terntor1es. Rich copper mines have also been discovered.

The population of the Territory at the present time is carefully esti­mated at 106,000, ~nd the property at $60,000,000.

The unstable form of Territorial government i.s IJ, great drawback to the development of the country. The people all eagerly desire state· hood.

Nearly 1,000 miles of railroad are operated in the Territory, almost all of which has been built since 1882.

During the delivery of tho foregoing remarks the Speaker announced , that the time had expired.

:Mr. SPRL.~GER. I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Idaho be allowed to conclude his remarks. · Mr. DUNHAM. I move that the House do now adjourn,. ·

Mr. NELSON. I do not think the gentleman from Idaho oup:ht to ! be taken off the floor by a motion to adjourn.

118139. CO~GRESSIONAL RECOl{D-HOUSE. 879 I

I The SPEAKER pro tempm·e. The Chair will state to the gentleman from 1\iinnesota that he is not taken off the floor by the motion to ad­journ, but because the time allotted him has expired.

Mr. NELSON. I ask that he be given an adilitional five minutes. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection? Mr. DUNll.A.M:. I withdraw the motion to adjourn in order that

the gentleman's time may be extended five minutes. Mr. BURROWS. Let him have ten minutes. 1\fr. DUNHAM:. Let him have five minutes. The SPEAKER p1·o tempore. Is there objection that the time of the

gentleman from Idaho be extended until he shall have concluded his remarks? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none, anditissoordered.

Ur. DUBOIS then resumed and concluded his remarks. . Mr. SPRINGER. I desire to move to adjourn, but will withhold that motion in order that the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. O.UTHW . .UTE] may make a request.

PORT OF DELIVERY AT COLU:MBUS, OHIO. 1\Ir. OUTHWAITE. I ask unanimous consent to discharge the Com­

mittee of the Whole from the further consideration of the bill which I send up, and that it be considered and passed by the House at this time.

The Clerk read the title, as follows: A bill (H. R. 12060) to constitule Columbus, Ohio, a port of delivery, and to

extend the provisions of the act of June 10, 1880, entitled "An act to amend the slatutes in relation to immediate transportation of dutiable goods, and for other purposes," to said port of Columbus.

The SPEAKEH. pro tempore.. The bill will be read, after which the Chair will ask for objections.

The bill was read, as follows: Be it enacted, etc., That Columbus, in the State of Ohio, be, and is hereby, con­

stituted a port of delivery, and that the privileges of the seventh section of the act approved June 10. 18SO, entitled "An act to amend the statutes in relation to immediate transportation of dutiable goods, and for other purposes," be, and the same are hereby, extended to said port, and that there shall be appointed at said port a surveyor, with compensation at $900 per annum and the usual fees.

The SPEAKER pro tempor·e. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Ohio? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none.

The bill was accordingly ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was according read the third time, and passed.

1\:fr. OUTHWAITE moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

Tho latter motion was agreed to.

ORDER OF BUSINESS.

1\Ir. SPRINGER. I think there should be one recognition given to the o{her side of the House.

1\:fr. HOLl\IAN. I move that the House adjourn. Mr. SPRINGER. · I desire that there should be one recognition

made on the other side of the House before an adjournment is taken. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massachusetts

[Mr. DAVIS] will be recognized, after which the Chair will submit the motion to a.djourn.

1\Ir. DAVJB. I ask unanimous consent to consider the bill which I send up to the Clerk's desk.

The Clerk read the title of the bill, as follows: A bill (S. 2182) to amend sections 4488 and 4-!89 of the Revised Statutes rcquir­

iug life-saving appliances on steamers.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair will state to the gentleman from Massachusetts that this is a Senate bill, and that the Clerk has not been able to find the copy transmitted by the Senate to the House. Can the gentleman inform the Chair which Calendar the bill is on?

1\fr. DAVIS. It is a Senate bill on the Speaker's table. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Cllair will state that the Senate

bill will have to be considered. · 1\fr. BUCH.A.....~AN. I ask unanimous consent that it be considered

as pending in the morning. Mr. DAVIS. I can not be here in the morning. Mr. BUCHANAN. I withdraw that motion, as the gentleman can

not be here in the morning. Mr. SPRINGER. Then I move that the House do now adjourn. The motion was agreed to; and accordingly (at 5 o'clock and 10 min­

utes p. m.J the House adjourned.

PRIVATE DILLS INTRODUCED AND REFERRED.

Under the rule private bills of the following titles were introduced and referred as indicated below: ·

By Mr. BLISS: A bill (H. R. 12228) to provide for an .American register to the steam yacht Nautilus, of New York N. Y.-t-o the Com-mittee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries. '

By Mr. CATCHINGS: A bill {H. R. 12230) for the relief of the es­tate of Charlotte Jacques, deceased-to the Commiitee on War Claims.

By Mr. CLARDY: A bill (H. ~· 12231) to increase the pension of Lewis D. Thurman-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr: COUPTON: A bill (H. R.12232)forthereliefofGeorgeW. Bish~p-to the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. DIBBLE: A bill (H. R. 12233) for the relief of 1\Ioses Gold­lsmith-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12234) for the relief of Thomas Black-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12235) for tho relief of Henry C. Stoll-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12236) for the relief of Eugenia F. Sams-ta the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12237) for the relief of Julius J. Sams-to the Committee on War Claims.

'Also, a bill (H. R. 12238) for the relief of H.obert De T. Ellis-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. n. 1223H} for the relief of the heirs of L. Ree\o Sams-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12240) for the relief of William Morrison-to the Committee on 'Yar Claims. ·

Alsor a bill (H. R. 122-U) for the relief of Stephney Riley-to the Comtp.ittee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12242) for the relief of Robert Oswald-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12243) for the relief of Frederick Williams-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12244) for the relief of Edward W. Marshall, snr­vi:~ing partner, etc., of Charleston, S. C.-to the Committee on 'Var Claims. ·

By Mr. HOUK: A bill (H. R. 12245) for the relief of Charles Baum­to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. OWEN: A bill (H. R. 12246) granting a pension to Henry H. Denton-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By Mr. ROBERTSON: A bill (II. R. 12247) for the reliefofSyphroien Bondreau-to the Committee on ·war Claims . .

Also, a bill (H. R 1224.8) for the relief of Alexandre Stelley-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12249) for the relief of Louis Marks-to the Com­mittee on War Claims.

Also, a bill .(H. R. 12250) for the relief of Louis :Marks-to the Com­mittee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12251) for the relief of Felicite Chretien and heirs of H. D. Chretien-4:o the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12252) for the relief of Clemense G. Smith-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (IT. R. 12253) for the relief of David Roos-to the Com­mittee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12254) for the relief of Eremisc Meche, admin­istratrix, etc.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12255) for the relief ofSosthene Lagrange, admin­istrator, etc.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. H. 12256) for the relief of the heirs, etc., of Jean B. Pousson-to tho Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12257) for the relief of tho heirs, etc., of Eugene Petetin-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12258) for the relief of Joseph Marks, adminis­trator, etc.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12259) for the relief of Albert N. Robin, execu­tor, etc.-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a uill (H. H. 12260) for the relief of Theodore S. Richard-to tbe Committee on 'V ar Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12261) for the relief of Alexander Fournier-to _ the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12262) for the relief of Benjamin A. Smith, of St. -Landry Parish, L'misiana-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12263) for the relief of Hypolite A. Meche-to the Committee on War Claims.

Also, a bill (H. R. 12264) for the relief of Philip Stagg, of St. Landry Parish, Loui iana-to the Committee on War Claims. ~o, a bi~.(H. R.12265J for th.ereliefofJoseph:M:arks, of St. Lanary

PariSh, LouiSiana-to the Committee on War Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 12266) for the relief of Jerome Stelley-to the

Committee on War Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 12267) for the relief of Azelie Bergeron-to the

Committee on War Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 1226S)for the relief of Jacob Hirsch-to the Com­

mittee on War ClaimR. Also, a bill (H. R 12269) ~or the relief of J !lmes Burleigh and Augus­

tus Burleigh-to the Comnnttecon War Clauns. Also, a bill (H. R 12270) for the relief of Pierre Pitre-to the Com­

mittee on War Claims. Also, a bill (H. R. 12271) for the relief of Barthelemy A. Martel;

syndic, etc.-to the Committee on War Claims. By Mr. WILLIAMS: A bill (H. R.12272) topensionLuicndaAdams­

to the Committee on Im·alid Pensions.

PETITIONS, ETC.

The following petitions and papers were laid on the Clerk's desk, under the rule, and referred a.s follows:

l3y 1\Ir. BOUTELLE: Petition of the Maine State Grange, in favor of the passage of House bills 11266 and 11027, to prevent adult~ration of food-to the Committee on Agriculture.

Also, petition of citizens of East Lowell, 1\Ie., for repeal of certain

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. J-.ANU AR Y 17,-

'statutes concerning importation of lumber-to the Committee on For­'eign Affairs.

Also, petition of citizens of Dexter, Me., for drawback on tin-plate used for canning purposes-to the Committee on Ways and MeaiL3.

By Mr. FUNSTON: Petition of S. S. Akin and 19 others, citizens of Xansas-to the Committee on Agriculture.

By 1\fr. HAYES: Petition by citizens of Dakota, for admission, but protesting against the Sioux :Falls constitution-to the Committee on the Territories.

By Mr. T. J. HENDERSON: Petition and papers relative to state­ment of appropriations, new offices, etc.-to the Committee on Appro­priations.

By Mr. MAISH: Memorial to pay Mrs. Boydanna Potts, widow of A. R. l!otts, deceased, who was an employ6 of the House of Representa­tives, a sum equal to six months' salary-to the Committee on Ac­counts.

By Ur. PLUMB: Petition of Mrs. Arnie Lucas, for compensation as laundress to Union and Patent Office Hospitals-to the Committee on War Claims.

By Mr. ROWELL: Petition of Emma Minson, widow of Eutiles Min­son, Company G, Sixty-eighth Regiment Indiana Volunteers, for re­lief-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Also, petition of citizens of Meadows, Ill:, for free distribution of the CO:YGRESS10NAL RECORD-to the Committee on Printing.

By lt'Ir. WILLI~1S: Petition of Lucinda Adams, for relief-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

By 1\Ir. W. L. WILSON: Petition of the State Grange of West Vir­ginia, in favor of pure food and lard-to the Committee on Agriculture.

The following petition against the passage of the international copy­right bill was received, and referred to the Committee on Patents:

By Mr. TRACEY (by request): Of 46 citizens of Albany, N. Y.

SENATE. THURSDAY, Jamta1·y 17, 1889.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. BUTLER, D. D. The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved.

CERTIFICATE OF ELECTORAL VOTES. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communica­

tion from the Secretary of State, transmitting, in pursuance of the pro­visions of the act of Congress approYed February 3, 1887, a certified copy of the .final ascertainment of the electors for President and Vice­President appointed by the State of 1\lississippi; which was ordered to be printed, and, with the accompanying certificate, to lie on the table.

SOMER TILLE (MASS.) POST-OFFICE. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communica­

tion from the Postmaster-General, transmitting, in response to a reso­lution of January 10, 1889, correspondence in regard to leases by the Gove1'11ment of buildings or parts of buildings for the use of the post­office in Somerville, Mass., and stating that there nave been no such leases formally executed since the 1st day of December, 1887; which, with the accompanying papers, was ordered to lie on the table and be printed.

PETITIONS A~'"D :ME:\IORIALS.

Mr. PUGH presented a petition of 494 citizens of Alabama, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. GOR])!AN presented a petition of159 citizens ofMaiyland, pray­ing for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. DAVIS presented a petition of 22 citizens of Sleepy Eye, Brown Comity, Minnesota, praying for a constitutional amendment to prohibit the sale or manufacture of alcoholic liquors as a beverage throughout the United States; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. COCKRELL. I present a petition, transmitted to me by Mrs. M. E. Catlin, secretary of the department of Sabbdhobserrance, Na­tional Woman's Christian Temperance Union, signed by 157 citizens of 1\lissouri, praying for legislation against the running of interstate Sun­day trains and mail trains and against military drills on the Sabbath. I move that the petition be referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

The motion was agreed to. Mr. SHER?t1AN presented the petition of Francis L. Swift and other

members of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, pray­ing for the passage of the resolution reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations in regard to international arbitration; which was re­ferred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

M:r. PLATT presented a petition of the Woman's Christian Temper­ance Union of the State of Connecticut, Mrs. S. B. Forbes, president, reprEMenting 3,600 members, praying for prohibition in the District of Columbia; which was referred to the Commitliee on the District of Co­lumbia.

Mr. FAULKNER presented the petition of the Brotherhood of Lo­comotive Engineers inMartinsburgb, W.Va., praying for the passage\ of a national Sunday-rest law, prohibiting needless Sunday work in the. Government's mail, military service, and interstate commerce; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. GIBSON presented the petition of the members of the Beaver Creek Baptist Church, of St. Landry Parish, Louisiana, praying for the1

passage of a national Sunday-rest law, prohibiting needless Sunday work iu the Government's mail, military service, and interstate com­merce; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor.

Mr. V .A.NCE presented the petition of 331 citizens of North Carolina, praying for the passage of a national Sunday-rest law, prohibiting need­less Sunday work in the Government's mail, military service, and in­terstate commerce; which was referred to the Committee on Education and Labor • .

1\IARGARET S. HEINTZELMAN. l\1r. DAVIS submitted the following report:

The committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the amendment of the House to the bill (S. 2726) entitled "An act granting an increase of pension to Margaret S. lleintzleman," having met, after full and free ~~~~~~~~ef~u~!.:~reed to recommend and do recommend to their respective

That the llollSe recede from its amendment to said bill and a~ree to the same. C. K. DAVIS, D. TURPIE, H. W.BLAIR,

Managers on the pa1·t of the Senate. J. LOGAN CHIPMAN. THOMAS L. TIT01\1PSON, A. C. THOMPSON,

Managers on the part of the IIouse. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. No action is required by the Senate.

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES. Mr. STEW ART, from the CoJ!Ullittee on Military Affairs, to whom

were referred a memorial and findings of fact by the Court of Claims and other papers jn the case of Flora .A.. Darling, reported a bill (S. 3833) for the relief of l't1rs. Flora A. Darling; which was read twice by its title.

Mr. D.A. VIS, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 3515) granting a pension to Lottie R. Hunter, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

Mr. DOLPII, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom was re­ferred an amendmentsubmitted by 1\Ir.l\IITCHELL on the12thinstant, intended to be proposed to the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill, reported it formally and moved its reference to the Committee on Appropriations; which was agreP.d to. ·

lie also, from the Committee on C.lmmerce, to whom was re~erred an amendment submitted by Mr. M:ITCIIELL on the 12th instant, intended to be proposed to the sundry civil appropriation ·bill, reported lt fa­vorably, and moved its reference to the Committee on Appropriations; which was agreed to.

Mr. HAMPTON, from the Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. 3754) to construct a road from the village of Plattsburgh, N.Y., through and along the Government military res­ervation in said village, reported it with amend.m."ents.

Mr. SAWYER, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom was re­ferred the bill (S. 3734) to authorize the construction of a bridge or bridges across the Mississippi River at La Crosse, Wis., reported it with an amendment.

Mr. WALTHALL, from the Committee onl\Iilitary Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. 3G61) authorizing the Secretary of War to trans­fer the United States barracks and grounds at New Orleans to the •ru­lane University of Louisiana, atNew· Orleans, foreducationalpurposes, submitted an adverse report thereon; which was agreed to1 an'd the bill was postponed indefinitely.

Mr. JONES, of Arkansas, from the Committee on Indian A:fl'airs, to whom was referred the bill {S. 3794) granting to the Big Horn ·south­ern Railroad Company a right of way through a part of the Crow In­dian reservation in Montana Territory, reported it with amendments.

Mr. MORRILL, from the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, reported two amendments intended to be proposed to the sundry civil appropriation bill; which were referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be printed. ·

Mr. SAWYER, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom were re­ferred the following bills, reported them severally without amendment, and submitted reports thereon:

A bill (H. R. 5752) for the relief of Julia Triggs; A bill (H. R. 9163) granting a pension to Eli Garrett; and A bill (H. R. 11378) granting a pension to James S. Hardin. l\1r. SAWYER, from the Committee on Pensions, to whom was re­

ferred th~ bil~ (H. R. 22Gl) to increase the pension of Elijah W. Penny, reported 1t with an amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

COUNT OF ELECTORAL VOTES. Mr. HOAR. I am directed by the Committee on ~ri:rHeges and

Elections, to whom was referred the concurrent resolutiOn m regard to the count of electora.J votes, to report bac~ the sa~e without amend· ment and recommend its passage. I des1!e that It may be printed. It is not necessary to have it read now, as 1t was read the other day. I will call it up for passage to-morrow or Monday.

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