Non Violence: An Antidote to the Violence of Northern Nigeria

Non violence: An Antidote to the Violence of the North. By Kwuelum, Obiorah Charles (Dip.Phil. /B.Phil./B.Theo. /MIAD/MA. Conflict Transformation & Peacebuilding).

1

Introduction

It was close to passing the teenage stage in my life, full of euphoria and exuberance for what the Future holds that my worldview was twisted by the violence, which broke out and resulted to the death of thousands, with the destruction of infrastructures thereby causing a ‘pulse’ to social and economic activities. As Displaced students, we had to take refuge in an Army Barracks within the vicinity. Pondering on the violence, which regarded by many as ‘ethno-religious’, I realized during a conversation with some University students around where my institution was situated, that persons or personalities are always regarded as embodiments of religious affiliations or beliefs.

A country, which is multi ethnic and religious, would always face the challenges that come with diversity. When some groups are not properly represented or neglected and their interests and positions seen as insignificant and irrelevant, then the struggle/quest for identity is visible as an exercise of agency. This phenomenon results to Militia group formations (as we have in the Regions of Nigeria currently). I am not in any way exploring the hierarchy of human needs only, according to Maslow as it is proffered in Psychology, which has largely been supplanted by the attachment theory in graduate and clinical psychology and psychiatry but rather tailor the various definitions and the place of human needs in the occurrence/construct of conflicts (The Human Needs Theories of Abraham Maslow (1973), John Burton (1979), Marshall Rosenberg (2003) and Manfred Max-Neef (1987). I should think that this reflection informs us of the necessitated ethnic and religious divide as a result not having our needs met as components of this great entity called Nigeria by the structure of governance1.

The Seville Statement on Violence written by twenty leading scientists from around the world, in Seville, Spain, on 16 May 1986, concluded clearly that ‘violence was not human nature.’ It convincingly argued that violence was not genetic, and was simply a social construct, and an invention (Dr. Havva KOK, 2013). Therefore, collections of Human Needs Theorists postulate the fact that “Human needs are a powerful source of explanation of human behavior and social interaction. All individuals have needs that they strive to satisfy, either by using the system, ‘acting on the fringes,’ or acting as a reformist or revolutionary. Given this condition, social systems must be responsive to individual needs, or be subject to instability and forced change (possibly through violence or conflict)” (Roger A.Coate and Jerel A. Rosati, 1988).

The Conflict Story

The phenomenal increase of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria has been referred to some writers as a rising incidence that is going out of proportion, a badge of national unity and an eruption, which is being traced to the return to civil rule (Ukiwo. 2003). Thus Ikelegbe (2005) affirms, “Since the 1990s, ethnic and ethno-religious contestation and conflicts have escalated in Nigeria. In particular, communal, ethnic, and ethno-religious politicization and mobilization have increased since democratization opened up a political space in May 1999…the very bloody and highly destructive ethnic clashes between the Itsekiris and Ijaws in Delta; the Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani in Lagos, Ogun, Kwara, Kano, Oyo, and Kaduna States; the Yoruba and Igbo in Lagos; the Hausa/Fulani and Igbo in Kano, Kaduna, Abia, and Imo States; the


2

Tivs and the Jukuns and Kutebs in Benue States and Taraba states; and the indigenous ethnic groups in Plateau and the Hausa/Fulani settlers/herdsmen have all included some participation of ethnic militias”.

The present Day northern Nigeria was formerly Northern Protectorate during the colonial era under the British. It is commonly referred to as ‘the Hausa States’2 due to its language that is Hausa and culturally rooted in Islam. Islam came into the northern part of Nigeria around the 9th century.3 It became more populated as a result of the cease-fire of the civil war which broke out around 1967 -1970 as a result of a unification that was not consented to by both parties (Kelechi.K. 1996). Worthy of note is that the twelve northern states are part of the thirty-six states that makeup Nigeria, including the Federal capital Territory Abuja.4

Such a movement implied that the indigenes of the north would unavoidably come into contact with other religions, cultures, languages and worldviews. One would not at this point negate the fact of incompatibility between the non-Islamic principles and Islamic ones. Such a migration into the northern region of Nigeria caused an economic tension which could be described as manifesting in the form of a growing economic disparity that has led to not only ethno-religious violence, but also escalated Gun violence in the said part of Nigeria (Ime.J et al. 2007). Amidst the fact of coexistence and adaptation, the national life, which is expressed through politics and governance, had its own complexities. The point I want to make here is that even though Religion plays supposedly like Ethnicity a unifying factor, but in the case of Nigeria its adherence is more divisive than unifying. Ibrahim (1991) discloses the 1987 report of the Political Bureau that prepared the mode for return to civilian rule in 1992, which states that ‘The two organized religions have the tendency to delay national integration’ because of their ‘negative tendency’ to ‘create competing social orders’, and to define ‘the most basic community’ thereby challenging ‘ the national community of Nigeria’. Cited from Federal Government of Nigeria, Report of the Political Bureau (Lagos, 1987).5

The first group of political parties that were formed at the formation of our nationhood was ethnic rooted and so resulted to biased policies (authoritative and undemocratic), power manipulation and elite dominance. Also, unequal representation, religious bigotry and supremacy as it became difficult to separate religion from politics (i.e. institutionalization of religious principles). Visible too, are victimization, nepotism, marginalization and lack of nationalistic interest and patriotism. Muslims or Christians who become Nigerian leaders tend to display their religious and ethnic identities at the fields of national assignments. Some have tried making Nigeria join the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) and others too, have tried associating with either the Roman Catholic Pontiff as an ally or put religious support at fore fronts. This struggle has resulted to religious intolerance, neglect and oppression of the minority. It will be good to note that Nigeria is multi lingual (about 400 languages) and cultural and yet three are said to be the major.

Apart from the fusion of religious and political interests by politicians, some biased religious leaders like some media outfits, have also become dividers instead of connectors to Nigerians. During the Danish anti Mohammedean cartoon of September/October 2005, some Islamic clerics in the northern part of Nigeria had in solidarity with some intolerable Muslim adherents of the Islamic world, called for the extinction of Christianity through the killing of Christians. Being in Kano during this incident and also as the editor of


3

the diocesan monthly paper, I was a witness to the press report, which confirmed about forty (40) % of Christian places of worship destroyed in Kano Municipal. There were so many deaths, and economic means of livelihood destroyed. This caused bitter and hatred on the part of Christians, as there was no reprisal attack from the Christians. Also, the international influence of the Twin Tower Terrorist attack (September 2001) and the fierce reaction of the United States on Afghanistan Taliban Government (October 2001) have a local transfer of aggression in northern Nigeria. It resulted to Christians being attacked, thereby yielding to human and structural destructions made.

At each display of intolerable vicious confrontation or retaliation from either Muslims or Christians, the Federal Government has only intervened by sending military and imposing curfew and also establishing judicial commissions. Apart from international insinuated or carry over ethno-religious actions, there is also the intra Islamic conflict that affected the Christians like the Maitasine violent religious conflict of Kano and Borno (1980 – 1982).6 Since these violent conflicts take place without being resolved by the Government either at the Federal or State level amidst the traumatic results/consequences including Gender Based Violence/Crimes, that constantly reoccur. They become recycled in different forms. There have been ethnic insinuated conflicts that became ethno-religious, like the 1999 and 2000 (Shagamu and Lagos respectively) spill over or reprisal attacks of Muslims on non-Muslims and non-Hausas in northern Nigeria. At such occurrences they unfortunately kill Muslims who are not Hausas. The struggle for territorial control on the part of both northern Christians and Muslims has also caused several ethno-religious violent conflicts, in which ‘settlers’ tend to impose their cultural and religious heritage on the ‘indigenous’ (Harnischfeger.J. 2006). The decade ethno-religious conflict in plateau state Nigeria that is a middle belt state having borders with three Hausa states, is a product of such even though there is a political undertone to such violent conflicts. There is also an unending tabulation of ethnic originated and Religiously identified violent conflicts which give rise to the wastage of human lives are constantly and development, either human and structural – (Salawu, 2010) ranging from 2001 through 2008/2009/2010 - respectively.7

Recently, there has been resurgence of an extremist Islamic sect called Boko Haram. One fact, which I tend to dwell with, is that it is a group that has its identity embedded in its needs, position and interests like any other militia group from other geographical zones within Nigeria. These Militias have in their formation stages undergone process transformations that can be evaluated by different Approaches of this construct. But one still contests the fact that a group actually represents in entirety, the claims of total and collective representation when it comes to the issues of ethnic, social, religious, economic and political/cultural motifs and interests. This group proposes to Islamize non-Muslims in the north and also to implement Shari’a, which is the Islamic legal system. I think that the group takes its position by implication, but I am of the view that the government and well meaning Nigerians should initiate an in-depth exploration and analysis of their interests in order to discover the underplayed causes of their grievances. As their principled methodology, they propose Jihad.

Exploring the depth of reasons

Realizing the centrality of the group as actor in contemporary conflict, it gives space for the systematic analysis a group and the organization they might claim to represent (identity group formation), the


4

dynamics of interaction and also collective action (Demmers. J. 2012). Since conflict four-dimensional (personal, relational, structural and cultural), it is a complex phenomenon that fosters interaction among actors with distinct identities, needs and interests; thereby endowing contemporary violent conflict with its particular character and leads to joint violence which Kalyvas (2003) describes as saddling the divide between the political and private, the collective and the individual.

Worthy of note is that the sect pointed out the fact of corruption on the part of politicians for the inequality of distribution of economic resources/poverty, joblessness/unemployment, lack of infrastructures, biased governance or protection of ethnic interests as some reasons for such a religious intervention termed ‘Purification’ as inspirational of their actions. These socio-economic grievances as indicated by the former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo during a BBC Radio and Television Interview (2012, September 14th)8, alongside their quest for the Independent Islamic State (referring to the 12 northern states) constantly fuel the numerous bombings on worship places, destruction of lives and property and even psychological fear and hurt as a result of the effects/impacts on both Christians and Muslims. This has also led to the economic paralysis of the north and the forceful relocation of visitors/non indigenes and discouragement of both local and foreign investors. The Federal Government on her part has always imposed curfews, the military and the police at times, in the management of the conflicts and also established panels of inquiry/commissions and made little financial compensation over lost lives.

My personal stake regarding the various causes of this ‘uprising’ might be that this group (and probably others) have been asking questions regarding/surrounding their dignity which has a nexus with the human needs theory and group identity formation.

There has been series of Boko Haram attacks in northern Nigeria as follows: 2010 – Bauchi; 2010 – Abuja; 2011 – Abuja; 2011 – Yobe and Borno; 2011 – Niger; 2012 – Kano, Bauchi, Gombe, Borno, Yobe and Kaduna. These attacks have at times resulted to reprisal attacks on the part of Christians. The bombings in Zaria and Kaduna towns in June 2012 resulted to the killing of innocent non-Christian travelers by angry Christian youths at the interception between Abuja (Federal Capital Territory) and other northern states. It was indeed tragic - a bloodbath as retaliation. Current attacks are still recorded in which innocent civilians; irrespective of identity of any sort are preys to guns and bombs exhibited in fury.

The threats that come from the South, East and West Militia groups are often times seen as justifiable ‘ as the face of sympathy is sought through empathy’. The reasons for which all these groups have operated should be harnessed and tailored for a holistic peacebuilding approach/intervention. The kidnapping of foreigners sends a wrong image impression to the world and thereby invite external mitigation, which often times is regarded as unhealthy as the partial interventions, which the government in Nigeria at her three-tier levels has unfolded in the past decade.

Many more violent conflicts that are deeply influenced by socio-political irregularities, together with the Nigerian ethnic complexity, grounded in the domination/control of Religion, have unfolded after that of June. More innocent worshippers have been killed, and just on Monday, October 1st, university students no fewer than forty (40) were killed by Gunmen regarded as Islamic militia-Boko Haram in a town called


5

Mubi in Borno State9. So many have been killed with their dreams terminated, children who are fortunate to be alive have become orphans; lucky women have become widows or some forced into childlessness after the death of their children. This has led to crime and drugs, together with large-scale poverty. The very core system of the individual, community and society is destroyed. Nigerians seem to have lost confidence on the government’s ability and capacity to reassure human security and development or the political will of the government, thereby live in fear, confusion and shock.

Timeline and Attacks

There have been recorded attacks of Boko Haram and they are said to have started since 2000 and have been in sequence till date. The Strategies, which the group uses, include Suicide Bombings, Sporadic Gun-Shootings/Gun Violence, Explosives and Kidnappings. The Attacks include Government Security Bases, Places of worship, Relaxation Centers/public places, Schools, Security Personnel, Politicians, Prisons and Financial Institutions/Banks. Some of the Cities/States where they operated are Kano, Kaduna, Jos, Abuja, Suleja/Niger, Bauchi, Gombe, Jigawa, Adamawa, Yobe, Bornu, Katsina. Communication/Media Outfits have also faced destructions, together with Garages/Parks for travelers and the number of Casualties has constantly increased in there Thousands which includes largely women and children.

Government Approach: What is being done.

The measures/initiatives, which the Government has put into this, can be said to worth Billions of Naira at both the Federal and State levels. Apart from unregulated and monitored compensations in terms of money, partial or total Curfews have always been imposed on the conflict-affected contexts thereby restricting and limiting the rights of free movement and meaningful lives. Seen as most pertinent approach to this issue of calming the storm of violence is Militarization. Military Personnel are deployed and empowered to discharge militaristic actions (using extermination principles). In the actual fact, these expensive military operations have led to Human Rights Abuses and Rule of Law. The Joint Task Force (JTF) is the Machinery set up to combat the violence and assumed perpetrators, leading to extended trauma, fear and instability and breakdown in communication and possible system fragmentation. Successful as though it may appear, such an intervention faces the measurement tape of Human Dignity and Rights of the Human Person to constitutional protection and trials. It implies then that the judicial system must be credible and impartial as an umpire of Justice.

The presidency has constantly set up Panels of Inquiry that have in a way been less fruitful/futile. There has not been clear cut constitutional guidelines for formation of such inquiries and subsequently, this has led to improper and weak installation of panels with both political and nepotism undertones. The credibility of the members faces lack of moral impetus. I do think that experienced and ‘academic authorities’ should be involved as Think Tanks for such initiatives. Office or political office holders and opportune Nigerians who are called into serving the country should not see it an opportunity for enrichment but of self-less sacrifice in patriotism. Consultations and exploration of ideas lead to much expected good results than failures.


6

Adjudication is seen manifested in the Nigerian society without a Constitutional guidance. Tribunals and committees, which are set up, oftentimes point to court-martialing. These have lately led to situations of inadequate constitutional trials with access to litigations being denied. Compensations (financial) have often times been done without proper planning and strategic implementation. Why would not politicians and public office holders who have voted Hundreds of Millions of Naira, not ‘pool’ those compensations together with that of the government for proper disenbursement?

An unprocessed Amnesty that lacks trust is proposed and it receives mixed reaction from both the public and the extremists. The Group (Boko Haram) rejects it; Northern Elders lobby for it and Committee is still inaugurated by the government. As much as it is a good initiative to form an Amnesty, it is worth every serious involvement from all levels of the society. There should be an accurate stakeholder mapping/analysis from which a core group’s perspectives can be knitted. It implies participation and ownership from all parties involved. The Presidency subsequently declares State of Emergency in three states in the north and increases the approach of Militarization upon the conflict-affected contexts. In this extermination military intervention, innocent citizens are killed and ‘culprits’ are killed also without constitutional trials.

What should be done.

Nigeria needs to invest in the empowerment of personnel whose operations involve the control of Borders. Results have shown that most of those involved in the formation of such militia/extremist groups are foreigners from neighboring countries. Intensive border checks and patrols would lead to a possible reduction of illegal immigrants. Citizenship certifications should be improved, amidst the fact that the National Identification Project shows no success story.

There should be a discontinuation of a ‘Gun-Boat Democracy’ in order to allow respect of Rule of Law, Credible Judiciary, Transparent Governance, Respect for Human Right, Equity and search for Legitimacy. Also, there should be De-Militarization of the conflict-affected contexts. Military Presence should be distinguished from Militarization and adequate development culture sensitive interventions put in place for a holistic recovery and subsequent prevention of violent conflicts. This is the Process of deepening Democracy that empowers lives and wellbeing. I should say that peacekeeping and strategic violent conflict prevention that respects live and honors human dignity is what Nigeria needs currently.

Forgiveness, Reconciliation and other mechanisms/steps that are interventions initiated for sustainable just peace, development and wellbeing face the lukewarm disposition of either the victims or recipients of such services, owing to the fact of worldviews and individual perspectives. There should be a rigorous public awareness campaign on reconciliation process together with civil rights advocacy and peace education; also mindful of true commitment to the Federal System, improved infrastructures and Basic Needs of the society. Nelson Mandela is quoted to have said, “ Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”. Fortunately, education as a tool would though in a gradual manner and sequence, used to deconstruct Pillars of our worldviews. By this phenomenon, we unlearn to learn.


7

Creating a Safe Space for Stories of both Victims and Perpetrators through the inauguration of Truth, Reconciliation and Justice Commission should be encouraged. The activities of this commission must be independent of the Government manipulations and should satisfactorily reach the victims and perpetrators at all levels, most especially at the grass root level, respecting each individual’s right to expression and guided by the constitution. Human security must be guaranteed as the society opens herself to walking through the bitter but healing path of recovery and wellbeing. The Law and Constitution should be the yardstick for the process and outcome as no individual or group would act above the Law. The recommendations of the commission and report must be appropriately implemented. This should be at Local Government, State Government and Federal Government Levels.

There should be a ‘behind the scene’ approach to Negotiation. A trusted 3rd party is to engage or meet with Stakeholders behind Cameras in order to create/initiate a common ground for a Reconciliation Program. Also simultaneous with this, is an Amnesty program that gives room for a ‘Hold/Halt’ of actions by both the Government and Boko Haram, while the safe space for stories is created. This will build Trust. The Track II mediation should in every way possible be encouraged.

The proposed Truth Reconciliation and Justice Commission should outline a holistic dimension to Peace building – Psychosocial Trauma Support and Wellbeing, Structural Development, together Restorative Justice (if adopted by the system) and Humanitarian Services. Possible Mediation interventions should be put in place to facilitate the process and also the strategies for reintegration together with psychosocial recovery and wellbeing. Meeting the needs of the internally displaced and probably re-engineering and re-designing the judicial system would go a long way to lubricating the peace process.

All Civil Society Groups that have the power of influence or advocacy over both perpetrators and victims should be engaged in creating awareness for knowledge on Harms that were caused and readiness to ask for forgiveness and possible acceptance of responsibility; also appealing for a space in hearing and telling of stories from victims. Compensations (economic reintegration) should be adequate alongside rehabilitation of the internally displaced. There should also be a commitment on the part of the perpetrators not to incur further injury. Also there should be a new, mutual and enriching relationship being formed/initiated from both parties.

The Tiers of Government should place the priorities of the citizens before other matters at parliaments. The many sessions of the Senate and the House have shown the choice of less important matters over oftentimes, what could be seen as the most important or priority. Worthwhile time should be spent on deliberations of security and wellbeing than trivial and self-centered issues. Also, members must be impartial and objective, guiding against ethnic, religious and political sentiments while deliberating on issues of national unity.

My bet on the issue of what should be done is that the responsibility falls on the shoulders of both the government machineries and the citizens of Nigeria in a collective manner. It is an inclusive and participatory process. I regard it as a path to recovery, which entails not only curbing terrorist actions, but also putting mechanisms in place for prevention and sustainability to avoid national disintegration and fragmentation. Our mitigation effort of the existing conflict should be holistic as the various forms of interventions that Nigeria would not only design but also implement for both short term and long term


8

implications. The approach should be proactive if there is proper management of resources for post violence reconstruction and contextual/situational reconstruction. This reconstruction is strategically at all levels of our society. Leadership is critical and so transformation should be injected into the Tiers of government and politics in order to bring about ‘restored confidence’ by the citizens.

Humanitarian assistance must go along with both structural and human development, through the process of integrating both strategies and initiatives. Security of persons and property must be reengineered strategically to respect human lives while operational. Early warning mechanisms should be put in place as well. The individual and the collective society have been traumatized in various forms by the acts of Boko Haram in the north and so; there should be psychosocial trauma healing on the victims. This would possibly prevent and break the cycle of violence. Education, like leadership is critical and this should be multiple and at all levels in order to ‘redesign’ our worldviews. Our multi ethnicity and religiosity can only be well facilitated towards a common ground for understanding and practice of spirituality from these religious heritages. There should be a ‘safe space’ for exchange of perspectives and so religious leaders play a paramount role in this process. I know that such a process would synthesize the fact that we are all human beings before we took/had our individual and collective religious identities.

Possible strengths and weaknesses

I acknowledge the fact that non-violence has often been regarded by many as a form of weakness or an indication of a sterile agency. The hidden truth about non-violence is that it is the power that controls or transforms violence in whatever form, context or content.

The process will embrace all levels of the society (micro, meso and macro levels in the system). It will be all-inclusive as it exhibits a holistic approach, covering the Peace building wheel, which is a model for social reconstruction after complex and violent conflict. Though it appears an exaggerated process, it involves costs but less that the worth of a just peace society.

The proposed intervention appears to create participation at all levels and it also shows some signs of transparency in participation and commitment. It revitalizes the whole system because it is a transformative process. It implies therefore, an equitable representation and a foundation for sustainable and stable society; as it democratizes the society and its systems/structures. We must not forget the issue of memorials, religious ceremonies and rituals in line with those who lost their lives as a symbol of respect and honor.

Corruption might still be manifest in the handling of the process as long as there is an adequate respect for human rights, dignity and freedom of actions. Also, the clash of inter-ethnic, religious and political interests might still be visible because Nigeria is multi ethnic and religiously indoctrinated. One basic fact is that the credibility of the judicial system is still not strong and so the victims would exhibit lack of trust. The fear of Deceit and Sabotage might among other variables, lead to a lack of interest and lack of commitment from the citizens.

Concluding reflection


9

Reconciliation would not be a sustainable and genuine process if it were devoid of forgiveness on the part of anyone who is either a victim or an offender. In Peace building Process, the language goes beyond the intellect to the language of the heart because it is a phenomenal emotive force and process. This process can only be realistic when there is ‘openness’ on the part of both parties most especially expressed as in-depth communication, which Thich Nhat Hanh spells out. This kind of loving and compassionate communication ends wars and all forms of conflict. Our wrong perceptions about the other ‘fuels’ conflict and violence.

One should be careful not to exaggerate the status of either the victim or perpetrator. Pathologizing or naming/stigmatizing the parties involved would be making the memories to interpret our future experiences/encounters without minding the ultimate truth that Human Dignity is the underlying and inherent factor, which defines and describes both parties. This might be a new form of dehumanization.

In exploring the three levels of our society, I should say that the grassroots should be empowered with peace education and community capacity increased in such a manner that youths would resist the juicy prices/compensations attached to their recruitment by Boko Haram for example. The community-youth task force is a good initiative but sensitive in itself. This might be mistaken as an opportunity for future gorilla group formation as these youths would still retain weapons and at the same perform jungle justice. Building community peace networks would go a long way to weaken the capacity for violence.

This shows how inadequate the civil/religious bodies and their leaders have been. What is the effect of religion on those who carryout these ungodly and inhuman actions against life either in a manner of initiating attack or in the manner of retaliation. Nigeria as a nation has the capacity to generate indigenous mechanisms (our patterns) to reducing violence and yielding a sustainable just society. This ownership of interventions would also mean our responsibility for the Hope we have for our dear country.

Worthy of note is the fact that dependent on deep objective analysis of conflict and determining the causes of the violence which we experience in the north of Nigeria (and also in the middle belt and south), non violent peacebuilding measures/initiatives if properly coordinated will promote a just, sustainable social, economic and political structures and relationships.

If the Conflict’s intensity were properly monitored, early warning response would be applied through Mediation with Facilitation and Negotiation at the point of awareness leading to possible community capacity building on peace and wellbeing. We should join efforts to prevent the fragmentation of the country our patriotic heroes labored to preserve.


10

1 http://www.turkishweekly.net/article/264/reducing-‐violence-‐applying-‐the-‐human-‐needs-‐theory-‐to-‐the-‐conflict-‐in-‐chechnya.html 2 The term ‘Hausa States’ points to the homogenous nature of those entities that shared a common language, culture and religion before the British colonial rule and the challenges of free trade with human integration. Their common language is HAUSA and they are regarded as HAUSAS. Though there is this argument that since there are some dialects from communities within the northern states, it is not assertive to say that all the northerners are Hausas. Sound as this argument may be, Hausa language is their lingua franca as it spreads across the twelve states. The twelve states share a lingua franca except for few differences in pronunciations. The states are: Borno, Bauchi, Taraba, Kano, Jigawa, Kaduna, Zamfara, Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, Gombe and Adamawa respectively. 3 According to historical presentations, the advent of Islam into the northern Protectorate was around the 9th century, established in the Kanem-‐Bornu Empire – present day Adamawa,Taraba, Bauchi, Gombe and Yobe States; during the reign of Humme Jilmi. We can still find more information from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia thus; http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam_in_Nigeria This is so many centuries before colonization, implying that they already had traditional Islamized structures instituted like their Southern counterparts who received deep Christian rooted principles around the 12th century. 4 At the end of the story, together with both endnotes and sources, is a Map of Nigeria, describing the geographical dimensions and ethnic statistics of Nigeria; http://www.africacenter.org/wp-‐content/uploads/2011/06/AfricaBriefFinal_14.pdf 5 Jubrin Ibrahim tends to cite a particular portion of the 1987 Report which states that ‘The two organized religions have the tendency to delay national integration’ because of their ‘negative tendency’ to ‘create competing social orders’, and to define ‘the most basic community’ thereby challenging ‘ the national community of Nigeria’. Cited from Federal Government of Nigeria, Report of the Political Bureau (Lagos, 1987), Vol. 2, pp. 460-‐461. 6 The Islamic Religion has Sects within and they seem to have different perceptive to their faith-‐content. The sects could be likened to the place of denominations in Christendom. The internal conflict within Islam also at times leads to unfortunate transfer of aggression on the Christians. Among these sects are radical ones like Boko Haram, Maitatsine and Darul Islam. 7 Salawu Benjamin tends to point out in his work with statistics of ethno-‐religious violent conflicts, the fact that the inability of the Nigerian government to transform the conflict would imply its continuous escalation as the government ineffectively handles the situation. He


11

explains the fact the use of police and military force in the intervention and control of internal crises, most especially when they are untrained/unequipped in the field of conflict resolution and mediation results to damage than repair. He proposes the shift to conflict prevention rather than conflict management or conflict resolution. http://www.eist.eu/resources/item.asp? d=3263 8 The Interview was reported by one of the media houses in Nigeria – Daily Trust, as written by Abdulkadir Mukhtar, 2012, September 14th). http://www.ailytrust.com.ng/index.php/other-‐sections/lead-‐stories/176786-‐ghaddafis-‐fall-‐fuelled-‐boko-‐haram-‐obasanjo 9 The information was reported by the media and one of such is The Sun Newspaper http://www.sunnewsonline.com/new/cover/mubi-‐massacre-‐fear-‐grips-‐students-‐in-‐adamawa/ Sources

1. Albert, I. O. 2001. Building Peace, Advancing Democracy: Experience with Third – Party Interventions in Nigeria’s Conflicts. Ibadan: John Archers Ltd.

2. Albert, I. O. 1999. Community Conflict in Nigeria: Management, Resolution and Transformation. Ibadan: Spectrum.

3. Basta, R. L and Ibrahim, J. eds. 1999. Federalism and Decentralization in Africa: The Multicultural Challenge. Fribourg: Institute of Federalism Fribourg.

4. Demmers. J. 2012. Theories of violent conflict: An Introduction. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

5. Harnischfeger, J. 2006. “Islamisation and Ethnic Conversion in Nigeria”. Anthropos: Anthropos Institute. Vol. 101.

6. Ibrahim, J and Toure Kazah, T. “Ethno-‐Religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria” . Nordiska Afrikainstitutet – The Nordic Africa Institute, Research and Analysis on Africa. http://www.nai.uu.se/Publications/news/archives/042ibrahimkazah/

7. Ibrahim, J. 1991. “Religion and Political Turbulence in Nigeria”. The Journal of Modern Africa Studies: Cambridge University Press. Vol. 29. No. 1.

8. Ikelegbe, A. 2005. “State, Ethnic Militias, and Conflict in Nigeria”. Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne des Etudes Africaines: Canada Association of African Studies. Vol. 39. No. 3.

9. Ime, A. J. et al. 2007. “Gun Violence in Nigeria: A Focus on Ethno-‐Religious Conflict in Kano”. Journal of Public Health Policy: Palgrave Macmillan. Vol. 28.

10. Kazah-‐Toure, T. 2003. Ethno-‐Religious Conflicts in Kaduna State. Kaduna: Human Rights Monitor.

11. Kelechi, A. K. 1996. “Political Economy in Nigeria: The Military, Ethnic Politics and Development”. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society: Springer. Vol. 10. No.2.

12. Kukah, M. H. 1993. Religion, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum. 13. Okpanachi, E. 2010. “Ethno-‐Religious Identity and Conflict in Northern Nigeria:

Understanding the Dynamics of Sharia in Kaduna and Kebbi States”-‐ http://www.ifra-‐nigeria.org/spip.php?article166


12

14. Salawu, B. 2010. “Ethno-‐Religious Conflicts in Nigeria: Casual Analysis and Proposals for

New Management Strategies”. European Journal of Social Sciences: EuroJournals, Inc. vol. 13. No.3.

15. Ukiwo, U. 2003. “Politics, Ethno-‐Religious Conflicts and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria”. The Journal of Modern African Studies. Cambridge University Press. Vol. 41. No. 1.

Non Violence: An Antidote to the Violence of Northern Nigeria

Documents

Transcript of Non Violence: An Antidote to the Violence of Northern Nigeria