MEN WHO CHEER

MEN WHO CHEERAuthor(s): MICHELLE BEMILLERSource: Sociological Focus, Vol. 38, No. 3 (August 2005), pp. 205-222Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832269 .

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MEN WHO CHEER

MICHELLE BEMILLER* University of Akron

This study examines the maintenance of gender and sexuality within a female-dominated

sport, focusing specifically on men who cheer. Data were collected at a northeastern Ohio

university using focus group discussions and one-on-one interviews. The interviews and

discussions provided themes regarding stigmatization of male cheerleaders, the need

to project a heterosexual image, and methods of saving face. Findings indicate that the

gender and sexuality of men who cheer are called into question. In order to affirm their

gender and sexuality as masculine and heterosexual, the men engage in behavior that

sexualizes women and desexualizes their relationships with men. Overall, the findings demonstrate how the patriarchal superstructure manifests in smaller institutions in

society. Implications of these findings and areas of future research are further addressed

within the study.

he institution of sports has long been associated with the construction and maintenance of masculinity among boys and men (Anderson 1999; Connell 1995; Koivula 2001; Lantz

and Schroeder 1999; Messner 2002). As an institution, sports reinforce the patriarchal superstructure where masculinity is valued over femininity. The devaluation of

femininity is reflected in the subordination of women, as well as men who participate in non-masculine activities or exhibit non-masculine characteristics or mannerisms.

Participation in competitive sports that emphasize physical size, strength, and power reinforces and reaffirms the masculinity of men who participate as viewers or players (Connell 2002; Messner 1992; Suitor and Reavis 1995). Thus, sports such as football, basketball, ice hockey, and baseball that emphasize mental toughness, competitiveness, and domination are viewed as the domain of men (Griffin 1995).

* Address correspondence to Michelle Bemiller, Department of Sociology, University of Akron, Buchtel College of Arts and Sciences, Akron, OH 44325-1905. E-mail: [email protected]. I am grateful for the helpful comments from Dr. Michael Kimmel, my SWS mentor, anonymous reviewers of the manuscript and to Dr. Kathy Feltey for the insightful comments and suggestions provided on earlier drafts of this article.

205



206 SOCIOLOGICAL FOCUS

Athletics provide young men with status among their peers, increasing their

popularity and acceptance (Griffin 1995), assuming, of course, that these men are

participating in appropriate "male" sports. Men who do not participate in masculine

sports are stigmatized, leading to negative appraisals regarding their gender and

sexuality (Suitor and Reavis 1995).

Despite the possibility of negative appraisals, men have become more visible within female-dominated sports such as cheerleading, leading to a unique opportunity for research on gender presentation, relations, and identity. Yet, this area has not received a lot of attention to date. In contrast, notable work has been done on men's

entry into female-dominated occupations. Wilhams (1989,1995), for example, indicates that when men do women's work, gender differences are reproduced. Men are viewed as highly competent at their work and rise quickly through the ranks. The same is not true for women in male-identified occupations.

Men in female-dominated occupations do encounter questions regarding their sexuality. This questioning, however, does little to impede their progress in the organization. To reaffirm their masculinity, these men seek out male-identified

specialties, emphasize masculine aspects of the job, and pursue administrative positions (Williams 1989,1995). Similarly, in her work on men working in "safe" and "embattled"

organizations, Dellinger (2004) found that when men work in an organization that is dominated by feminist ideals, they construct their masculinity by separating themselves from women in the work context and aligning with other males. In contrast, when men

work in an environment that is supportive of masculinity, they have better relationships with their female co-workers.

While these findings are useful in helping us understand men who do women's

work, we still know little about men who do women's sports. Do these same patterns and outcomes emerge when men participate in women's sports? To further our

understanding of men in female-dominated arenas, this paper will use cheerleaders at one northeastern Ohio university to examine the maintenance of gender and sexuality in a female-dominated sport.

A debate exists regarding whether or not cheerleading is a sport or an activity. I define cheerleading as a sport based on Hanson's (1995) discussion of cheerleading as well as the cheerleaders' own perceptions that cheerleading is a sport. According to Hanson (1995), as cheerleading has evolved, it has included extensive gymnastics ability as well as the ability to build mounts and perform stunts, both of which require strength and agility, leading many to label cheerleading a sport (Hanson 1995). Given our knowledge that men use traditional sports to assist them in "doing masculinity" (West and Zimmerman 1987), this paper will explore how men in a female-dominated co-educational sport negotiate their gender and sexuality.

The available research has focused on how men maintain their masculinity through the gendered division of labor in cheerleading. However, to date this work has not linked sexuality, gender, and power. Further, strategies to deflect stigma and maintain gender differences have yet to be examined. The current study fills this gap in the literature. Before turning to the methods and analysis of the current study, I

provide an overview of literature on gender, sexuality, and sport, emphasizing literature that examines how gender is constructed and maintained, followed by the literature on

male cheerleaders.



MEN WHO CHEER 207

LITERATURE REVIEW Current views of gender and gender differences tend to emphasize gender as socially constructed by individuals through gendered practices situated within a specific system of gender relations (Martin and Collinson 2000). Gender differences are maintained because people create and re-create them through social interaction. So, gender is created and maintained as individuals consciously and unconsciously engage in behaviors that are linked with specific gender meanings (West and Zimmerman 1987; Lorber 1994). In other words, women "do femininity" and men "do masculinity" in interactional situations.

Lorber (1994:56) asserts that much like gender, sexuality is socially constructed as we learn and enact "scripted" sexual behaviors (see also Butler 1990; Ingraham 1997). According to social constructionists, sexual behavior varies over time and place. Sexualities are socially shaped as individuals produce, reproduce and modify sexuality (Martin and Collinson 2000). Ingraham (1997) discusses the heterosexual imaginary as a way of thinking about the concealed operation of heterosexuality in structuring gender, closing off any critical analysis of heterosexuality as an organizing institution. Gender is viewed as central to the organization of social life, while sexuality is taken for

granted and viewed as unchangeable. Yet, the two are inextricably bound. One cannot understand gender without examining the role of sexuality in shaping individual lives. Similarly, in her discussion of the heterosexual matrix, Butler (1990) argues that the culture demands heterosexuality by creating a need for specific gender markers which allow sexual partners to choose one another correctly. Because heterosexuality is viewed as natural and unchanging, it is privileged as normal, while other sexualities are devalued.

To fully understand the experience of men who cheer, this paper will examine how both gender and sexuality operate to shape men's experiences in a female-dominated

sport. More specifically, I look at how men who cheer "do masculinity." Research on

masculinities has indicated that different definitions and enactments of masculinities exist in men's lives. Connell (1995, 2002) discusses the existence of a hegemonic masculinity which privileges a heterosexual masculinity that reinforces traditional,

patriarchal beliefs and social practices. Masculinities are constructed in specific contexts

and are constantly negotiated. For example, masculinities can be soft, aggressive, expressive, playful or militaristic (Sabo 1995). If gender and sexuality are socially constructed, it is possible for definitions and enactments of gender and sexuality to vary for men and women in different social circumstances. In other words, new definitions can be constructed, or old definitions can be maintained as we "do gender."

Building on Acker's (1990) research on gendered organizations, Williams (1995:15) found that the workplace is a "central site for the creation and reproduction of gender differences and gender inequality." Both men and women are expected to act in ways that are traditionally masculine or feminine, maintaining a traditional gender structure.

Organizations encourage gendered behavior by streamlining males and females into

gender specific positions and rewarding men for their masculine attributes through promotions and higher salaries. Thus, the workplace maintains gender arrangements that exist in a patriarchal society through the social construction of gendered

practices.

Some of the men in Williams' (1995) study were accused by outsiders of being homosexual because of their career choices. Men whose sexuality was called into




question adhered to a "macho" image and distanced themselves from their female

counterparts. They did this by segregating themselves into male-identified specialties, emphasizing the masculine elements of their jobs, and pursuing higher administration

jobs. By distancing themselves from females, the men practiced hegemonic masculinity, rather than creating new definitions of masculinity that would encourage equal relationships with women. Thus, maintenance of the traditional gender structure is ensured. Williams' work will be used to examine whether men in a female-dominated

sport interact with their female counterparts similarly. The maintenance of hegemonic masculinity is also apparent as men participate

in traditional sports (Connell 1995). Both Bird (1996) and Griffin (1995) identify characteristics that maintain hegemonic masculinity. Bird (1996) sees emotional

detachment, competitiveness, and the sexual objectification of women as instrumental in maintaining hegemonic masculinity in society. Griffin (1995) focuses more specifically on the role of sports in maintaining this form of masculinity by defining and reinforcing traditional conceptions of masculinity, providing a context for acceptable and safe male

bonding and intimacy, estabUshing status among other males, reinforcing male privilege and perceptions of female inferiority, and reifying heterosexuality.

Part of men's socialization in organized sports uses sexuality as a mechanism of gender control. Accusations of being gay are used to call men's masculinity into

question. Fear of being perceived as gay keeps male athletes within the confines of traditionally masculine and heterosexual attitudes, encouraging rejection of and resistance to gay athletes. Messner (2002:35) argues that, "The main policing mechanisms used to enforce consent with the dominant conversation are misogyny and homophobia: boys and men who reveal themselves as vulnerable are subsequently targeted as the symbolic 'women,' 'pussies,' and 'faggots' on athletic teams." Messner

(2002) demonstrates how gay athletes who have come out of the closet (or athletes who violate gender norms) are stigmatized (see also Anderson 2002; Griffin 1995; Wolf-Wendel, Toma, and Morphew 2001).

In a study of male athletes' attitudes toward gay athletes, Wolf-Wendel et. al (2001) found hostility expressed toward gay men and lesbians. By objecting to

homosexuality, Wolf et. al argued that the athletes in their study were embracing masculinity. Similarly, in a study of openly gay high school and collegiate athletes, Anderson (2002:874) found homophobia enacted through the implementation of a "don't ask, don't tell" policy within these sports. Heterosexual athletes ostracized other athletes through the use of homophobic discourse, calling them "fags" and referring to situations as "gay." Given the link between masculinity and heterosexuality, how do

men in non-masculine sports fare?

The Literature on Male Cheerleaders Prior to the 1940s and 1950s, cheerleading was a predominantly male sport (Davis 1990). However, due to the feminization and sexualization of cheerleading in the years since, men who cheer are viewed as gender deviants. This deviation from gender norms results in stigma, which, according to Goffman (1963), occurs when an individual possesses an undesired differentness from what is anticipated as normal. Much work goes into

countering stigma. Davis (1990, 1994), for example, found that male cheerleaders

actually construct and demonstrate their masculinity as they cheer by emphasizing the sex-based division of cheering activities. Cheerleaders are expected to tumble, perform



MEN WHO CHEER 209

stunts, chant, encourage crowd participation, and sometimes to dance. Males within this sport gravitate more toward performing stunts and tumbling, both of which are

equated with power, while the females are responsible for these two activities, as well as for chanting and dancing (Hanson 1995). Male cheerleaders often claim that they are

only in the sport to assist the females. In other words, they are secondary cheerleaders whose physical strength is required to help the females perform the strenuous stunting activities (Davis 1990; Hanson 1995).

Several studies have focused attention on the fact that gender-role attitudes have become markedly less traditional over the past two decades, often citing participation in sports as an example of an institution where change has occurred (Suitor, and Reavis

1995; Mason and Lu 1988; McBroom 1987). The majority of this research has focused on the increased participation of women in male-dominated sports and the resulting consequences. As in other areas of gender research, the focus has been on women

moving into male spheres, rather than on men participating in female realms. In this

paper, I explore the experiences and perceptions of male and female cheerleaders about men who cheer. Central to this study is the way that male and female cheerleaders think about gender, sexuality and stigma. This study differs from past work on male cheerleaders by focusing not only on the gendered division of labor in the sport, but also on perceptions and strategies used to construct and maintain the gender order. In addition, the present study allows for consideration of how, compared to previous

work done by Davis (1990,1994), findings about masculinity are similar, suggesting no

change in gender role attitudes, or different, suggesting a transition from traditional

gender role attitudes.

METHODS

Sample and Procedures

Participants for this study were selected from a cheerleading squad at a northeastern Ohio public university. To recruit participants, I attended a cheerleading practice and asked for volunteers to participate in a study about men who cheer. I was introduced by the cheerleading coach as a sociologist interested in doing research on cheerleaders. The coach's introduction provided me with status as a legitimate researcher, which may have influenced the cheerleaders' decision to participate in the study. Upon introduction, I

simply told the cheerleaders that I was interested in learning about men's participation as cheerleaders and that I would appreciate their assistance in learning more about the men who cheer. At the time of recruitment, the men and women had just finished

practice and were talking among themselves about their plans after practice. Most of them were planning on going out to the local bars. A few men and women agreed to

participate. Once these individuals agreed, their friends decided to participate as well.

My assumption was that they agreed to participate together, because they were all

going out after the practice. Convenience sampling-sampling cases that were available at the time of the

study-was used (Singleton, Straits, and Straits 1993). Out of 25 possible participants, 17 volunteered: 8 men and 9 women between the ages of 18 and 25. Four men and four women declined to participate. Because both men and women were equally willing to participate, there does not seem to be anything unique about the individuals who




chose to participate. The individuals who chose not to participate did not provide me

with a reason for declining. Of the 17 participants in the study, no racial minorities were present. Had any minorities participated, some of the information provided by the

respondents might have been different, since experiences may have differed not only based on gender, but also based on race.

The data provided are meant to present a glimpse into the lives of men who cheer at one university, not to be generalized to all cheerleaders at all universities.

University and regional culture may certainly play a role in an individual's experiences, with the size of the university and region and the cultural diversity of the campus and

community affecting individual attitudes regarding men's and women's participation in

gendered sports. The community where the university is located is a large urban area

with over 200,000 residents. The residents of the city are predominantly white, middle class individuals with high school educations. The university is a large, urban campus with roughly 20,000 undergraduate students; roughly 11,000 are women and 9,000 are men. Non-whites make up roughly 20% of the overall student population.

Data collection consisted of two stages. Focus group discussions were held in the summer of 1999. Reviews of earlier versions of the focus group research indicated that men may not be willing to discuss issues related to sexuality in focus group settings so in-depth; one-on-one interviews were conducted in 2001 to probe for a deeper understanding of issues related to sexuality and stigmatization. One-on-one interviews were conducted with both new participants (n=7) as well as participants from the 1999 focus groups (n=4).

Stage 1: Focus groups. In the initial stage, participants were asked to take part in sex segregated focus group discussions about the experiences of male cheerleaders. Focus group discussions were used to gather detailed information concerning the motivation behind participation in cheerleading and the behaviors that coincide with

cheerleading (Carey 1995; Krueger 1994). Because group members shared experiences as cheerleaders, conversations in the focus group discussions provided information that was not attainable with traditional information-gathering techniques such as individual survey-research methods (Flores and Alonso 1995; Krueger 1994). For

example, during the male focus group, one participant discussed how cheerleading is a sport that requires a great deal of strength and toughness, so it's not a "girly" sport. Based on this participant's statement, several other men shared similar examples of how cheerleading is a manly sport. Since individual survey methods generally contain fixed response questions, they would not have allowed for conversation about shared

experiences among the men.

One male (n=8) and one female (n=9) focus group was held. The questions asked in the focus groups were general, beginning with open-ended questions exploring the reasons why men and women chose to become cheerleaders. Prior to the focus

groups, participants were told that their discussion would be tape-recorded; however, they were reminded that their comments were confidential and participation in the

project was voluntary. In short, participants knew that they could decline to answer

particular questions if they wished. Field notes were taken during the focus group discussions detailing participants' demeanor and body language as they participated in the discussions. Participants were seated around a rectangular table. I was seated

at the head of this table and was responsible for leading the focus groups, taping the

conversations, and taking field notes.



MEN WHO CHEER 211

The focus groups were held in an academic building at the university and lasted

approximately 45 to 60 minutes. This site was chosen because it was located away from the practice area, providing the participants with a psychological break, encouraging them to share their ideas in a safer environment than the practice area (Carey 1995). Had interviews been done in the practice area, the participants may have been less willing to

participate or to share their stories with coaches and other bystanders present. The volunteers were divided into sex-segregated focus groups in order to create

homogeneity among the participants, providing a comfortable atmosphere for discussion.

Sex-segregated groups were assumed to be more appropriate as the men and women were sharing sensitive information that they may not have shared in a mixed gender setting. For example, the men talked about touching the females in an intimate manner, and may not have discussed such issues in front of the female cheerleaders.

It is possible that the respondents' answers were influenced by my gender. In other

words, the men and women may have been "doing gender" for me. Research on same

gender interviews indicates that people often have a sense of rapport with a person of the same gender. For example, in a study of noncustodial mothers completed by Greif and Pabst (1988), Pabst completed interviews with the mothers with the understanding that the women would feel more comfortable talking to another woman. Research on

mixed-gender interviews is inconclusive, with some studies finding that men are more

comfortable talking to females about sensitive topics (Fowler and Mangione 1990) and others finding the opposite to be true (Williams and Heikes 1993). Since I was

the only interviewer conducting the research, I have no basis for gender comparison between multiple interviewers. Since responses were consistent between the male and female interviews, I am inclined to believe that both males and females were relatively forthcoming about their experiences.

Several key themes emerged from initial analysis of the focus group discussions,

including issues of sexuality and the objectification of women. Given the demeanor of participants (e.g., shuffling around, whispering) and some of the comments made during the focus group discussions, these issues were clearly sensitive and

emotionally charged. Moreover, they appeared too sensitive for further exploration in a focus group setting.

Stage 2: One-on-one interviews. The second stage of the project involved one on-one intensive interviews, which offered participants a level of privacy that was not available to them in the focus groups. Individuals could talk more freely during these interviews without the influence of their peers. At the time of the one-on-one interviews, seventeen cheerleaders were available to participate. Of these seventeen individuals, eleven chose to participate in the interviews (six women and five men). Four of these

respondents were part of the original respondents who participated in the focus group interviews two years prior to the one-on-one interviews. The other thirteen cheerleaders declined to participate because they were too busy with classes and work schedules. The cheerleaders who declined to participate were new cheerleaders who had not been

interviewed in the original data collection. The one-on-one interviews took place outside of cheerleading practice; the men and women had to schedule an interview time with

me, which cut into their free time, unlike the focus groups that were held right after

practice. Thus, new members may have seen doing focus groups as more desirable. But at this stage in the process I wanted to gather more detailed, personal information than I felt could be obtained in the focus groups.




Like the focus group discussion, the one-on-one interviews took place in an academic

building at the university that was separate from both the athletic department and the

practice arena. The interviews lasted between 45 minutes and an hour. Respondents were told that the interview would be an informal conversation and they should feel free to discuss whatever issues they wished regarding participation in cheerleading, including positive and negative personal experiences.

The respondents were asked to tell their personal stories about cheerleading. What have their experiences been as cheerleaders? How do they think the campus and community views male and female cheerleaders? As the participants responded, I moved the discussion to the issues that had been raised in the focus group discussions

(i.e., sexuality and objectification of women). I wanted to understand both the males and females' thoughts about men who cheer, their feelings regarding the perceived and constructed sexuality of the male cheerleaders, and the relationship of these perceptions to the way women were treated in cheering.

The interviews were transcribed, and themes were inductively generated from the data using a line-by-line open coding method (Strauss and Corbin 1990). I compared the

themes, noting similarities and differences regarding responses to the themes that had

emerged from the focus group discussions. The data were merged, and overall themes and sub-themes were created from both sets of data. Early versions of the analysis were examined by an outside researcher to ensure reliability of the codes. The findings provided below are a collection of both the focus group discussions and the one-on one intensive interviews. The respondents have been assigned pseudonyms to protect confidentiality.

FINDINGS

Two main themes emerged from the cheerleaders' narratives. The first was the

stigma that coincides with being a male cheerleader. Stigmatization included the

negative experiences men had because they are cheerleaders as well as accusations

regarding their sexuality. The second theme analyzes face-saving strategies that men use to protect their masculinity in a female-dominated sport. These strategies include

emphasizing the masculine qualities of cheerleading (e.g., injury and risk) and acting in hyperheterosexual ways (e.g, claiming ownership over the sport and objectifying the female cheerleaders).

Stigma Goffman (1963) argued that an individual is stigmatized when they possess an undesired differentness from what is anticipated. In the present study, the differentness under

investigation is men participating in cheerleading. Goffman (1963) pointed to the need to determine if one's stigma is evident (e.g., race) or less visible and difficult to discern.

Men who cheer possess a potentially discreditable identity due to their deviation from

gendered proscriptions regarding participation in sports. This identity is "discreditable" because it is not a status that everyone necessarily knows about, yet if known or found

out, it can be stigmatizing. Participation in a feminine sport. Throughout the focus group discussions and

one-on-one interviews, the male and female cheerleaders talked about the stigmatization



MEN WHO CHEER 213

and resulting undesirable outcomes associated with being a male cheerleader. This is consistent with prior research showing that men are stigmatized because of their

participation in what is considered a feminine sport (Connell 1987, 1992; Goffman

1963; Griffin 1995, Kimmel 1996; Messner 1992; Messner and Sabo 1996; Suitor and Reavis 1995). Thus, male cheerleaders are labeled as non-masculine and homosexual for "crossing over" into a female domain. The following quotes capture some of these comments. According to Betty in her one-on-one interview:

Cheerleading is known more as a girl's sport than a guy's sport, so the guys get a lot of teasing. I give them a lot of credit for putting up with people talking about them. The comments bother them, but

they really like doing it, so they put up with them.

Annie elucidates this point further. "I think it is more acceptable to be a girl cheerleader than a guy cheerleader on campus. It is hard for people to adjust to the idea that men are cheerleaders too." In the all-male focus group discussion, one participant asserted that his fraternity brothers give him a hard time about being a cheerleader, teasing and taunting him about participation in a female-dominated sport. Another stated that he works in construction and that the guys at work "rib him pretty good" about being a male cheerleader.

The stigma of participation is further magnified because cheerleading is in a

category of activities that many people would not define as a sport at all. John discusses other men's views of cheerleading as a sport by specifically focusing on the teasing that

goes along with cheerleading. He claims that, "men from other sports say 'you can't

participate in a real sport.'" The suggestion that cheerleading is not a "real" sport implies that men should be playing football or some other contact sport that demonstrates their manliness and that the majority of society labels as a sport (Suitor and Reavis 1995).

Brett provides an interesting look at the importance of playing a "real" sport as opposed to a feminine sport. While Brett participates in cheerleading practices, he has not yet performed at a football or basketball game. In other words, he has not made a "public" appearance as a male cheerleader. Brett tells me that he does not intend to cheer at the games. Although he enjoys cheerleading, he fully understands and attempts to avoid the stigma that he faces as a male cheerleader. "I'd rather be

playing football than cheering for the football team. It would hurt my self-esteem, because guys don't cheer. I mean what percentage of the male population cheers? I

mean, I like cheerleading, but it's a girl's sport." By participating in the cheerleading practices but not the public events, Brett attempts to have his cake and eat it too. In other words, Brett enjoys participating in the practices, but has avoided being publicly labeled as "a man who cheers." Thus, he has attempted to avoid the stigma associated with participation in a female activity. The emphasis on "real" sports not only stigmatizes the males who choose to be cheerleaders but also marginalizes cheerleading as a sport altogether.

Sexuality. Besides the stigma that occurs with participation in a female-dominated

sport, men's participation in cheerleading calls into question their sexual identity, interpreted through the lens of gender. Men who cheer are perceived and labeled as

homosexual. As a case in point, prior to becoming a male cheerleader, Adam assumed that men who cheered were homosexual. "I was hesitant to become a cheerleader because of the idea that you have to be gay to be a cheerleader." After discussing this

issue with several of the men and women who cheer, Adam decided to participate in the




sport despite these stereotypes. Even after discussing this issue with his teammates, however, Adam still faces stereotyping regarding his and his teammate's sexuality. "A lot of people think that the men are gay and ask me if they are. People make fun of them. People say they're all a bunch of fags." Similarly, Brett is teased by his close friends. "People definitely perceive that the male cheerleaders are fags. All of my friends

give me a hard time about being a cheerleader." Brett's words demonstrate that not

only do strangers react to male cheerleaders, but also the people who know them. Since

significant others (e.g., family and friends) often have a strong impact, Brett's friends' reactions affected how he saw himself as a cheerleader. Thus, Brett's friends' reactions

probably had a stronger impact on how he saw himself as a cheerleader than strangers' comments would.

Perceptions about male cheerleaders' sexuality, however, do not just come from external forces. As in the cases of Adam and Brett, men who cheer bring internalized

stereotypes with them into the sport. Specifically, many of the respondents claimed that

they thought that male cheerleaders were gay prior to their own participation in the

sport, and some current participants indicated that some of the men on the squad might be gay. Brett provides an example of that belief:

The men here have more feminine characteristics. I would assume that they are gay. I would say they seem to be gay because they are cheerleaders but then I put myself in that group. I think that I per ceive them as gay because they gossip a lot and have more girl friends than guy friends. Something is weird about a guy who can have all girls for friends.

By claiming that men who exhibit these qualities are gay, Brett buys into the

stereotypes associated with nonmasculine men or men who participate in nonmasculine activities. Brett acknowledges that he is a male cheerleader, but he does not belong "in that group" (i.e., gay cheerleaders). Both Adam and Brett distance themselves from the homosexual stereotype of male cheerleaders by referring to other male cheerleaders as "the men" and "they." By using the third person, they verbally and mentally remove

themselves from an association with men whom they perceive as gay. In other words, they might be cheerleaders, but they are certainly not gay.

Brett and Adam articulate the gendered belief system that limits men and women to certain activities and claims that deviation must relate to sexuality and a

departure from heterosexual normativeness (Connell 1987; Lorber 1994; Pharr 1997). For example, Brett's comment regarding the strangeness of males with female friends coincides with perceptions that all male-female relationships are inherently sexual. In other words, if a male has a female friend, he must have a sexual interest in her, and if he does not, he must be gay. Brett's comments reaffirm what is normatively assumed and accepted, that women and men cannot be friends unless a sexual relationship exists. Brett's assumptions regarding cross-gender friendships is not necessarily supported by research on this topic. While some research on cross-gender friendships does indicate that male-female friends may experience sexual feelings toward one another (Egland, Spitzberg, and Zormeier 1996), other research finds the opposite to be true. It is possible for men and women to be friends without a sexual interest or

dynamic (Monsour 2002).



MEN WHO CHEER 215

In Annie's discussion of male cheerleaders, she draws attention to the male cheerleaders' tendency to believe in the stereotypical image of men who cheer:

We had a guy come in the last week of tryouts and he fit the media's image of a gay person and the

guys made fun of him behind his back. It's almost like the guy cheerleaders believe the perception that male cheerleaders are gay. So, they participate but they still believe the stereotype.

This adherence to stereotypical images of male cheerleaders, however, does not rest solely with men who cheer. The female cheerleaders also indicated that they had

thought all male cheerleaders were gay until they participated in college cheerleading. In her one-on-one interview, Cindy asserted:

Before I started cheering, I thought it was different for guys to cheer because when I was in high school we only had girls on the squad. People think the guys are gay and they say they wouldn't want to cheer. They say they're gay' and I tell them that I know all of them and they're not gay.

Cindy's views are not far from the other women's perceptions. In the focus group discussions, one woman said, "I thought they were gay" and another woman stated, "Yeah, I thought they were freaky."

Throughout both the focus group discussions and the one-on-one interviews, the male and female cheerleaders acknowledged that it is more acceptable for females to cheer based on perceptions about sexuality. One woman explains why participation is less acceptable for the men. "The people that don't know the men still have the idea that the guys are gay and the girls are okay." This response was followed by nods of

agreement by the rest of the females in the focus group. In his one-on-one interview, Adam states, "I've been made fun of by people, they've said like, What are you doing? You're in a girl's sport, you're gay, blah, blah, blah.'" These responses capture a central issue: if the image of male cheerleading can be heterosexually validated, then any man

should be able to cheer without the assumption that he is homosexual. Unfortunately, the link that was established by the female participants between being gay and

being "freaky" reflects the power of the labeling and stigmatization process of people believed to be sexually deviant (Connell 1987; Lorber 1994; Pharr 1997; Schur 1984).

Homophobia limits choices by labeling anyone who deviates from gender-appropriate norms as sexually deviant or gay (Johnson 1997).

SAVING FACE

In response to stigma and stereotyping, the male cheerleaders participate in strategies to help them save face as they participate in a female-dominated activity. According to Goffman (1959), face-saving behavior involves attempts to salvage an interactional

performance that hasn't gone as planned. By participating in a female-dominated

sport, men who cheer fail to "do gender" appropriately because of their failure to

participate in masculine sports. They, therefore, must use face-saving techniques to be viewed as acceptable in interactions. The men in this study saved face by acting in

hypermasculine ways. According to Connell (1992) hypermasculinity becomes manifest

when hostility exists toward homosexual men, and heterosexual men attempt to create

social distance from homosexuality by emphasizing their heterosexuality. For the men

who cheer this hypermasculinity was demonstrated as the men claimed territoriality




over the sport, stressed the masculine nature of the sport, and sexually objectified the female cheerleaders. Through these actions, the men attempted to deflect accusations of homosexuality.

Territoriality. Both the male and female cheerleaders discussed the fact that

cheerleading is viewed as a female-dominated sport. However, many of the male cheerleaders insisted that cheerleading is becoming a male-dominated sport and that the female cheerleaders would not be able to participate in this sport without the help of the men. Female cheerleaders have been cheering without men at the high school and professional level for quite some time (Hanson 1995). Yet, these statements coincide with attitudes of entitlement, superiority, and solidarity that exist in male athletics, which encourage homophobia and sexism (Griffin 1995).

This sense of entitlement, superiority, and solidarity was apparent during the focus group discussions. The men were adamant about the importance of men in

cheerleading, marginalizing female participation. The tenor of the conversation became tense and defensive as the men proclaimed their dominance in the sport. One male

stated, "Males started the sport of cheerleading in the first place." This comment was followed by agreement from other respondents, "Yeah, they wouldn't let women

do it. So, we started it, we're just coming back." Males' reclaiming the sport requires marginalizing the women's status. Women's importance in the sport has been relegated to the margins because "men started the sport." Once this territoriality was established, the atmosphere became much more comfortable. They had asserted their authority and defended their masculinity (McGuffey and Rich 1999).

In the all-female focus group, the female cheerleaders acknowledged that

cheerleading started as a male-dominated sport. One female said, "Cheerleading started with men. I think the media has turned it into a sexualized female sport. That's what

people like to see." In so saying, the women recognize the secondary, sexualized status of women in cheering. At the same time, the women are invested in helping the men to

protect and maintain their masculine guise. The women's willingness to elevate men into a superior position within the sport demonstrates that gender maintenance occurs in social interactions with both men and women cooperating. By subordinating their role as cheerleaders, the women "do femininity" as they demonstrate submissiveness to the men who cheer (West and Zimmerman 1987). The women also help the males to "do masculinity" by assisting in the construction of cheerleading as a masculine sport through the emphasis placed on aggression and injury.

Masculine aspects of the sport: toughness and aggression. The male cheerleaders used imagery and examples from their cheerleading lives to demonstrate their heterosexuality and establish their masculinity. Through these masculine

examples, the men saved face, or protected their masculine identities. Specifically, some of the men referred to fighting, or the possibility of fighting, with individuals who made derogatory comments to them about participation in cheerleading. These men said that no one would have the nerve to say anything offensive for fear of being injured for their remarks. One male stated, "I don't think that anyone's ever had the balls to say anything negative to me," implying that there would be consequences for anyone who voiced negative comments. Another respondent demonstrated his

masculinity by stating, "Me and Bob fought the football team one year. I don't think that had anything to do with cheerleading though. We kicked their asses." Demonstrating physical prowess and the ability to defeat the most masculine of sports teams, the



MEN WHO CHEER 217

two cheerleaders not only saved face, but also were elevated in status. Adam, in a one-on-one interview, alluded to this incident with the football team, saying: "I've heard of cheerleaders taking on the football team and winning before. I wasn't a

part of that but I did hear about it." Again, he uses this incident to demonstrate that male cheerleaders should not be messed with and that they are able to protect themselves through violence if necessary. Since he had "heard of" this incident, it is

apparent that the story had been talked about within the cheerleading group, serving to reinforce the idea that the men who cheer can take care of themselves physically. This storytelling demonstrates how the men collectively maintain their masculinity in a female-dominated activity.

During the female focus group discussion, this masculine facade was also discussed. One female commented that, "They always say, 'They won't mess with me, I'm a cheerleader.'" This comment and the comments stated above illustrate how the men are creating and exuding a collective identity in which male cheerleaders are defined as dominant and aggressive. These statements demonstrate how the male cheerleaders maintain their masculinity by emphasizing their ability to defend themselves in

physical altercations with other men. The use of violence and aggression are common

characteristics utilized in maintaining masculinity for men (Connell 1995,2002; Griffin

1995; Messner 2005). The emphasis on toughness and aggression is also apparent when the male and

female cheerleaders discuss the men's role as cheerleaders. Male-dominated sports such as football, wrestling, and hockey are often labeled as "real" sports because they contain elements of violence and an increased likelihood of injury. In order to equate cheerleading with these "real" sports, Leeann talks about the men's injuries and the need for strength to masculinize cheerleading, showing that cheerleading is not just a

"girl's sport."

You're always going to have people that think it's just a girl's sport. But, as people start to see more men doing it and once people see what they do and see all of these bloody noses and broken mouths, then they realize that it's not a girl's sport. It's tough for them. They do a lot of lifting and stuff that

requires a lot of strength.

Similarly, Mary states, "I think guys like cheerleading because they get the

satisfaction of knowing that they can lift two girls at once. It takes a lot of strength." Cindy also acknowledges the difficulty of the sport, "It's a lot more physical than you would think." Adam agrees with the women as he states, "I don't think that people realize how hard it is." Brett also emphasizes the difficulty of cheerleading for guys. He

says, "It's physical. I'm tired [when I cheer]." The male and female cheerleaders define cheerleading as a sport because it

requires strength, manual labor, physical exertion, and involves competition, much like

sports defined as masculine (e.g., football, wrestling). The male cheerleaders act tough and aggressive to prove their masculinity, which then confirms their heterosexuality. The link between toughness, masculinity, and heterosexuality for these men is woven

throughout their face-saving strategies. Sexual obj edification of women. Connell (1992) asserts that hypermasculinity

becomes manifest when hostility exists toward homosexual men, and heterosexual men

attempt to create social distance. In cheerleading, the men do this in large part by

sexualizing the female cheerleaders. The women indicated this sexual objectification




in both the focus group discussions and in the one-on-one interviews. One participant

stated, "People say the guys are girly. Not at all... they are probably more manly than

guys who don't participate in the sport. They're perverted and sexual sometimes." In

agreement with this female, another participant stated, "The male cheerleaders are the most heterosexual males I have ever met, so people have the wrong perception when

they say they are gay. It makes me laugh. They are the most perverted guys that I have ever met." By "perverted," the women mean that the men talk about the women's bodies

among themselves and to the women. For example, one female focus group respondent stated, "They say, like, Oh people think I'm gay but I get to grab your butt.' They're perverts." Another cheerleader in the female focus group said that, "They always think all the girls want them. They'll say, 'She wants me.'"

The female focus group participants agreed that when a group of men and women

work closely, sexual innuendos occur, and sexual tensions build. Cindy provides an

explanation why the male cheerleaders sexualize the females:

When the guys are accused of being gay, I think they try to overcompensate for these accusations by being all about the girls. They act very sexual toward girls. I think that the guys look at us as sex

objects, but all guys would have that attraction to the women. But they've never made me or any of the other girls feel uncomfortable. I'm sure they find us attractive, but it's kind of more like a sisterly brotherly thing.

Cindy's statement is contradictory as she asserts that the men are sexually attracted to the women, but that the relationship is sisterly-brotherly. This confusion continues as another participant also comments on the attraction between the men

and women as well as the family-like relationship between the male and female cheerleaders:

At first, I think that the girls and guys are attracted to each other. It's only natural when you have

guys and girls together in a sport. You are constantly touching and it is sexual at first, but you get over that. It becomes like kissing your grandma.

The contradiction between sexual and familial relationships demonstrated by the females reveals the limited frame of reference available for mixed gender settings. The women construct the men as both "brotherly" and "perverted." Both instances provide

defenses for the men's sexualization of the women. In the first instance, the women

argue that the men's comments are often misconstrued as perverted when in actuality they are simply jokes and that their touching is more like that of a brother than a

boyfriend. By claiming this, the women become accepting of the men's antics. In the second instance, the women do claim that the men are perverted. However, the women

defend the men's comments and actions as "boys being boys." In essence, the women

normalize the perverse comments and actions by inadvertently stating that this sexual banter is part of the men's attempts to demonstrate their masculinity. By defending the men's actions, the women allow the men to display their gender (Lorber 1994; Lucal 1999; West and Zimmerman 1987), which serves to negate perceptions that male cheerleaders are gay.

Both the men and the women see the objectification of the women as a component of being a man or being masculine within society (Connell 1987; Johnson 1997; Pharr 1997). While the women demonstrate contradictions regarding their relationships with the male cheerleaders, the men emphasize a sexualized relationship with the women as opposed to a familial relationship. When asked why they chose to cheer, many of the



MEN WHO CHEER 219

men asserted that it was because of the presence of the beautiful girls and because they get to have intimate physical contact with the women. Brett said,

I participate in cheerleading because of the girls. Most of the cheerleaders are hot all around the board. I would love to go to a cheerleading competition. There are tons of girls there. That's the only reason that I'm a cheerleader.

George sees the female cheerleaders as sex objects because all of the women are in good physical shape. George states, "If they were ugly cheerleaders, I probably wouldn't cheer."

In the male focus group discussion the men continuously talked about the fact that they get to touch the female cheerleaders. The males asserted that one of the best

perks of being a male cheerleader is the closeness to the females' bodies. The "hot chicks" that stand beside them are seen as prizes and a major reason for participating in the

sport of cheerleading. One male even stated that people who might make allegations of

homosexuality do not realize that they get to "touch the girls' butts and stuff." Another

respondent stated, "I worked at a trucking company for three years and all the guys loved it (that I was a male cheerleader). They would come over and ask me stories and stuff. Like, what do you do with these girls?"

The construction of masculinity through the objectification of women is applied when men are in the minority, engaged in a female-dominated activity. The route to

power in this situation is the use of sex and sexuality to realize gender relations. By talking about these women as sex objects, they are subordinating women within the

sport. The men were so excited about touching the women that they even suggested that more men might be interested in cheering if they were aware of how beautiful the women are and how much time they would get to spend with them, talking to them, and

touching them. One male specifically suggested that the athletic department needs to

"sell the female cheerleaders" in order to recruit more men.

The objectification of women provides the male cheerleaders with a mechanism

for asserting their heterosexuality and masculinity in the context of cheering to the

non-cheering world. In so doing, the male cheerleaders are maintaining a socially constructed ideal of manliness through the objectification of women, which confirms

their heterosexuality and masculinity to themselves, while also reinforcing hegemonic, dominating, sexualized, masculinity for public consumption.

CONCLUSION: CROSSING THE GREAT GENDER DIVIDE

The aim of this research was to explore male participation in a female-dominated sport

by focusing on men who cheer. The findings highlight the methods used by both male

and female cheerleaders to redefine men's roles and activities within cheerleading in

ways that stabilize and reassert hegemonic masculinity. Both the male and female

cheerleaders articulated the stigma that goes hand in hand with participation as a

male cheerleader.

In an attempt to masculinize cheerleading, the male and female cheerleaders

focused attention on the men's strength and toughness. The male cheerleaders asserted

their dominance through claims that cheerleading started as a male sport and that

the women "need" the men in order to perform stunts. In addition, the males used




objectification of the women to pronounce their heterosexuality and counter the stigma attached to men engaged in "women's" activities.

Claiming territoriality over a female-domain happens in other female-dominated areas besides sports, because in a patriarchal society maleness is valued over femaleness,

allowing men to take over organizations that were previously female-identified. For

example, Williams (1987, 1995) found that men in female-dominated occupations were

paid better and promoted more quickly than females in the organizations. Some of these men, however, were perceived as homosexuals when outsiders observed their

participation in a female-dominated occupation. Because of these perceptions, the men

adhered to a macho image and distanced themselves from the women in the organization

by participating in male-identified specialties, emphasizing the masculine nature of their jobs, and pursuing higher administration jobs. Similar to Williams' findings, men

who cheer also experience accusations of homosexuality because of their participation in a female-dominated sport. Contrary to Williams' findings, however, the men who cheer did not distance themselves from their female counterparts. Instead, to prove their masculinity, these men physically objectified the female cheerleaders. This sexual

objectification may be unique to the sport of cheerleading because of the close physical contact that is essential within the sport. Men and women are expected to perform stunts that require physical contact, and this physical contact is used by the men to demonstrate their heterosexuality.

These findings demonstrate that both male and female cheerleaders redefine

cheerleading to emphasize masculinity and subordinate femininity. The tactics used to re-create and maintain masculinity for the male cheerleaders demonstrate the

importance of maintaining male dominance over women and gay men. While the

negotiation of masculinities is discussed in the masculinity literature (Anderson 1999; Bordo 1993; Connell 1987; Sabo 1995), the cheerleaders' adherence to male dominance and male power within cheerleading reinforces the maintenance of a masculinity that

emphasizes strength, skill, aggression and competition (Anderson 1999), as well as

heterosexuality. The implications of these findings regarding changes in traditional gender

attitudes are mixed. Despite the stigma, these men are willing to participate in the

sport of cheerleading, but not without a reconstruction of the meaning and experience of cheerleading for men. Their participation in this female-dominated domain may be indicative of changes in gender, but their promotion of male dominance and masculine

identity reveals the challenge of institutionalized gender norms. Not surprisingly, they use objectification and subordination of women to situate their gender and to legitimize their "gender-crossing" into the female world of cheerleading. These findings support the reciprocity between sports and the patriarchal superstructure

- not only is the

patriarchal superstructure supported by sport, but the patriarchal superstructure manifests in social institutions such as sport.

Further exploration of the men in female-dominated arenas would provide important findings regarding the construction and maintenance of masculinity and

femininity. An important consideration is whether or not gender role attitudes change as men and women continuously interact in a mixed gender organized setting, especially in the realms of women. The findings of this research demonstrate that patriarchy limits individual possibilities with regard to participation in sports and expression of gender and sexuality. In this particular instance, men who cheer challenge the patriarchal



MEN WHO CHEER 221

order by participating in a female-dominated sport at the expense of sexual minorities and women. This participation demonstrated both positive and negative effects.

Michelle Bemiller is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology at the University of Akron. Her current research focuses on non-custodial mothers' experiences as non-normative mothers. In January of 2006, Ms. Bemiller will be an assistant professor of sociology in the Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work at Kansas State University.

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