Legacy of a Pioneer African American Educator
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Transcript of Legacy of a Pioneer African American Educator
Life History 1
Legacy of a Pioneer African American Educator
Gunars Cazers
Stillman College
Matthew Curtner-Smith
The University of Alabama
Authors’ Note
We thank Dr. Archie Wade for sharing his story.
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Life History 2
Please address correspondence concerning this article to
Gunars Cazers, Department of Health and Physical Education,
Stillman College, P.O. Box 1430, Tuscaloosa, AL 35403.
E-mail: [email protected]
Running head: LIFE HISTORY
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose was to reconstruct the historical and legendary
contribution of one exemplary African American physical education
teacher educator who lived and worked in the Deep South prior to
and immediately following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education
court case. The following questions guided data collection and
analysis: To what extent was the participant marginalized in his
profession and within the community? How was the participant’s
life experiences influenced by stereotype threat? To what degree
did self-efficacy help mediate marginalization and stereotype
threat?
Method
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Life History 3
The participant in this study was Dr. Archie Wade, a retired
professor of physical education teacher education from the
University of Alabama. A life history methodology was used. Data
were collected primarily through semi-structured interviews and
analyzed using qualitative methods.
Results
Key findings were that Wade faced race-based marginalization
throughout his life. He dealt with stereotype threat but was not
significantly influenced by it. He persevered partly due to his
strong sense of self-efficacy.
Conclusion
Wade was both transformed as the old South changed and played a
part in that transformation. His story is simultaneously
uplifting, in that it illustrates the extent to which life has
improved for some African Americans living in the Deep South, and
sobering, in that it reveals that the region’s system of higher
education may not have made as much progress as it should have.
Wade’s story also has the potential to be a catalyst for change
in the lives of other teachers and teacher educators.
Key Words: marginalization, life history
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Life History 5
Legacy of a Pioneer African American Educator
Life history is a qualitative research design that can be
particularly effective in giving voice to those who are otherwise
silenced (Sparkes, Templin, & Schempp, 1993; Squires & Sparkes,
1996). Rather than employing a single technique, it can involve
the use of a range of data collection strategies including the
examination of documents and the writing of biographies and case
histories based on interviews (Sparkes, 1993). Moreover, as noted
by Goodson (1980), life history enables researchers to unearth
the link between a teacher’s personality and pedagogy:
In understanding something so intensely personal as
teaching, it is critical that we know about the person the
teacher is. Our paucity of knowledge in this area is a
manifest indictment of the range of our sociological
imagination. The life historian pursues the job from his own
perspective, a perspective which emphasizes the value of the
person’s “own story.” (p. 69)
Crucially, since it involves the telling of a teacher’s “life
story” and examining how this story is shaped by historical,
social, and political factors (Dollard, 1949; Goodson, 1980,
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Life History 6
1992), life history also serves to explain how the wider context
impacts teachers and teaching.
Life Histories of American Physical Educators
While the design has been used to good effect by sport
pedagogues working in other countries (e. g., Armour, 1997;
Sparkes et al., 1993), to-date, there have been relatively few
life histories conducted with American physical education
teachers and, as far as we are aware, none with American physical
education teacher education faculty. Perhaps the earliest study
using this methodology in the United States was carried out by
Earls (1981) who produced case studies of “distinctive teachers”
with the goal of describing the qualities that made them highly
effective. In the next decade, Schempp (1993) used life history
to examine how one high school physical education teacher
constructed knowledge and Templin, Sparkes, Grant, and Schempp
(1994) employed an interactionist framework to construct the life
history of a veteran physical education teacher and reveal how he
dealt with subject marginalization and teacher-coach role strain.
Similarly, Curtner-Smith (1997, 1998, 2001) recorded the life
history of first-year physical education teachers through the
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Life History 7
lens of occupational socialization theory and focused on how the
teachers’ acculturation, professional socialization, and
organizational socialization influenced their teaching. These
studies revealed that teacher’s pre-university biographies and
the school cultures in which they taught were more powerful
socializing agents than their physical education teacher
education (PETE). They also indicated, however, that it was still
possible for PETE faculty to socialize pre-service teachers
towards desirable pedagogical perspectives and practices.
Purpose
Sparkes et al. (1993) focused on three dimensions that
served to marginalize English physical education teachers. These
were the status of physical education as a subject, gender, and
sexual orientation. These authors went on to suggest that, in the
future, researchers utilize the life history design to examine
other potential dimensions of marginality including class,
ableness, age, and race/ethnicity. It is this latter dimension of
race/ethnicity on which the current study was focused. Its
purpose, therefore, was to use life history methodology to
reconstruct the historical and legendary contribution of one
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Life History 8
exemplary African American physical education teacher educator
who lived and worked in the Deep South prior to and immediately
following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education court case.
Specifically, the paper addressed the following research
questions: To what extent was the participant marginalized in his
profession and within the community? How was the participant’s
life experiences influenced by stereotype threat? To what degree
did self-efficacy help mediate marginalization and stereotype
threat?
Theoretical Framework
Two theoretical perspectives guided the construction of the
participant’s life history during this study. These were
stereotype threat (Steele, 1997) and self-efficacy theory
(Bandura, 1977).
Stereotype Threat
Most people are familiar with the term stereotype: “a
standardized mental picture that is held in common by members of
a group and that represents an oversimplified opinion” (Merriam-
Webster, n.d.). Stereotype threat (Steele, 1997) is different; it
can influence the actions and behaviors of those who belong to or
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Life History 9
identify with a group about which a negative stereotype exists.
Stereotype threat involves a perceived threat in a particular
situation. Milner and Woolfolk Hoy (2003) explained: “when
stereotyped individuals are in situations where the stereotype
applies, they bear an extra emotional and cognitive burden . . .
the possibility of confirming the stereotype, in the eyes of
others or in their own eyes” (p. 265). For example, in one study
white male engineering majors scored worse on a test of math when
told that their scores would be compared with Asians taking the
test (Aronson et al., 1999). Such persons can feel “threatened”
by their potential to act or think in such a way as to confirm
the negative stereotype in the eyes of others. They may also feel
pressure to act in such a way as to invalidate the negative
stereotype (Milner & Woolfolk Hoy, 2003). Concern about
confirming the negative stereotype may also have an adverse
impact on a person’s performance in a given context (Aronson,
2004; Stone, Sjomeling, Lynch, & Darley, 1999). Two examples of
groups who may suffer from stereotype threat provided by Steele
(1997) were females within a mathematics class and African
Americans within any scholastic context. Specifically, Steele
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Life History 10
(1997) studied “African Americans, who must contend with negative
stereotypes about their abilities in many scholastic domains, and
women, who must do so primarily in math and physical sciences”
(p. 613).
Self-Efficacy Theory
A second useful tool for this study was the self-efficacy
theory. Following Bandura (1977) and others who built on this
work, Pajares (1996), Schunk and Pajares (2002) Tschannen-Moran
and Woolfolk Hoy (2001), a person’s self-efficacy describes the
degree to which he/she believes in his/her ability to perform in
a specific context (e. g., teaching in a school or university).
Individuals with a strong sense of self-efficacy in a given
context are more likely to persist when faced with obstacles and
view difficult tasks as challenges to be overcome than those with
a weak sense of self-efficacy. Teachers with high self-efficacy
are, then, more likely to persist in their chosen careers,
facilitate pupil learning, attempt to realize more difficult
goals, be open to new ideas, and show a greater enthusiasm for
teaching than those with low self-efficacy (Armor et al., 1976;
Milner & Woolfolk Hoy, 2003).
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Life History 11
Four main sources serve to strengthen or weaken self-
efficacy (Bandura, 1977). The first of these, mastery experiences, is
concerned with the degree of success a person achieves in a given
context. In teaching, for example, those who see their pupils
make progress will have a higher level of self-efficacy and are
more likely to persist in the face of the occasional failure than
those who see little evidence of achievement. The second source,
vicarious experiences, is not usually as potent as the first. It
involves the observation of another person, with whom the
observer identifies, performing in a similar role. In teaching,
this might involve one teacher observing another tackling serious
managerial issues successfully or unsuccessfully. The former
scenario may strengthen self-efficacy and the latter may weaken
it. The third source, social persuasions, is concerned with the level
of feedback a person receives about his/her performance from
trusted and credible sources. In teaching, this might involve a
beginning teacher receiving feedback from a mentor. Positive
feedback increases self-efficacy while negative feedback
decreases it. The final source, emotional arousal, suggests that how
one perceives one’s reactions to stressful situations can enhance
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Life History 12
or decrease one’s sense of self-efficacy. For example, if a
university faculty member with low self-efficacy perceives
feeling nervous before teaching a large lecture class as a sign
of weakness, his/her self-efficacy will be lowered. Conversely, a
faculty member with high self-efficacy who perceives the
nervousness as unrelated to his/her ability and learns to control
his/her nerves will increase self-efficacy. Both the theories of
stereotype threat and self-efficacy proved useful in explaining
how our participant dealt with life circumstances.
Method
Participant
The participant in this study was Dr. Archie Wade, now a
retired professor of physical education teacher education from
the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, USA. For
reasons of brevity, we will refer to him as Wade, unless
referring to him in his childhood. Wade was an elder statesman
who was held in high esteem, revered as a teacher, mentor,
gentleman, and deeply respected by students and colleagues alike
during his latter years at the university. He worked at the
University of Alabama from February 1970 until June 2000. In
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Life History 13
addition, he had been the first African American faculty member
hired at the hitherto all white University of Alabama. We must
remember that at the time that Wade started his new position,
African American scholar/athletes such as himself were denied
access to a college education at large universities in the South.
Moreover, the 30 years during which Wade worked at the University
of Alabama and the 30 years preceding his hiring were some of the
most turbulent in the history of the southern United States.
Arguably, this period represented the time when the region
underwent its most significant period of social change.
Tuscaloosa, geographically situated between Birmingham, where in
1963 police with guard dogs attacked citizens protesting racial
segregation, and Selma, Alabama, where in 1965 on “Bloody Sunday”
civil rights marchers were attacked on the Edmund Pettus Bridge,
was during the Civil Rights Movement at the vortex of social
change.
When we approached Wade and described the purpose of our
research, he thought long and hard about participating in the
study before agreeing to do so and completing the informed
consent form required by the university's human subjects
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Life History 14
regulation. His initial reluctance to participate was due to his
shyness, naturally reserved nature, and being somewhat weary of
and worn down by a lifetime of dealing with racial issues and
politics. At this time he also requested that we not attempt to
hide his identity and that we use his real name in any formal
publications or presentation of the research. The University of
Alabama institutional review board approved the research.
Historical Background
Prior to 1954 life for African American educators in
the American South was particularly difficult. It was almost
impossible for African Americans to become physical educators
because they were denied access to large universities in the
South attended by Caucasian students. One alternative was to
enroll in smaller “black colleges,” now called historically black
colleges and universities (HBCU). These institutions prepared,
and continue to prepare, physical educators, as well as offering
degree programs in a variety of other disciplines.
Since all schools in the Deep South (i.e., Louisiana,
Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina) were
segregated, Caucasian children and youth also attended white
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Life History 15
schools, while African Americans attended other “separate but
equal” black schools. In addition, African American and Caucasian
physical educators could only teach in schools attended by
children and youth of their own race. Moreover, black schools
were generally inferior to those attended by Caucasian children
in terms of funding, facilities, and teacher salaries (Brown v.
Board of Education, 1954).
One place where African American men could participate in
athletics and learn a little about life was the local Young Men’s
Christian Association (YMCA). Although these institutions were
also segregated, those designated for African Americans proved to
be “sanctuaries that preserved [their] manhood and prepared men
and boys for their leadership in the struggle for equality”
(Mjagkij, 1994). Similarly, the African American church was not
only a place of worship, but also a community center where the
Civil Rights Movement was born and planned (Swatos, 1998).
Segregated schooling came to an end (at least legally)
following the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ruling that
proclaimed the “separate but equal” doctrine to be
unconstitutional. The reasoning behind this ruling was that
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Life History 16
forcing African American children to attend separate schools made
them feel inferior. Nevertheless, former African American
teachers who were employed prior to 1954 are equivocal as to
whether it was advantageous to do away with black schools (see
Fairclough, 2006). In the following life history, we hear one
physical educator’s story and experiences both in segregated and
integrated institutions of learning.
Data Collection
The first author collected data during a series of three in-
depth, semi-structured interviews with Wade in July of 2009.
Interview duration was between 80 and 116 minutes each and took
place in Wade’s home in Tuscaloosa. All three interviews were
recorded and transcribed verbatim. During the first interview,
the main focus was on Wade’s childhood and adolescence and
included discussion of his family, early sporting experiences,
physical education, teachers and coaches as well as key events in
his life prior to his enrollment in college. The second interview
was concerned with Wade’s own undergraduate education. Specific
topics examined included his sporting experiences, professors,
and physical education teacher education. During the third
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Life History 17
interview, the main emphasis was on Wade’s post-college career.
Topics discussed included his participation in professional
sport, experiences as a physical educator in the college and
university in which he worked, and the influence of his
colleagues, administrators, and students on his work environment.
Within all three interviews, key historical and political events
recalled by Wade were also noted. In addition, and also during
each interview, Wade was asked specific questions aimed at
gauging the degree to which he was influenced by stereotype
threat and his level of self-efficacy. Questions posed during all
three interviews are shown in the appendix.
Secondary and supplemental data sources for the study
included informal interviews and e-mail correspondence with one
retired staff member, one retired president, one current staff
member, and three current faculty members from the University of
Alabama who were knowledgeable about the history of the
institution. The authors also examined online documents
describing the University of Alabama’s history such as the
university’s Black Faculty and Staff Association’s website.
Finally, we attended the induction of Wade into the local YMCA’s
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Life History 18
Hall of Fame during which he and other community members,
including Dr. Joffre Whisenton, a key figure in Wade’s life,
recalled some of their struggles during the civil rights era.
These data could be used to triangulate, support, and enhance the
oral history statements provided by Wade.
Data Analysis
Data were coded and categorized and key themes identified by
employing analytic induction and constant comparison (Goetz &
LeCompte, 1984). Codes and categories were driven by the three
sub-questions we were attempting to answer and the two
theoretical perspectives that guided the study. In addition, and
following Armour (2006) and Bogdan (1974), a timeline of Wade’s
life highlighting its socio-historical context was constructed.
Trustworthiness was insured by regularly performing member
checks, examining the data for discrepant cases (Goetz &
LeCompte, 1984), and sharing a draft of this manuscript with Wade
so he could provide feedback as to its accuracy. For example,
Wade was asked if our interpretation of the integrating the
stadium incident was accurate following the interviews. Following
his reading of the earlier draft of the manuscript, Wade
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Life History 19
indicated that our interpretations of the key events of his life
were indeed accurate. The following is a (re)presentation of
Wade’s life history.
Dr. Archie Wade’s Life History
Childhood and Adolescence
Hard work and discrimination. The eldest of seven siblings,
Archie Wade was born in the small town of Big Cove, Alabama in
1939. His father worked in a printing shop in nearby Huntsville
and on the small family farm aided by his relatives. Wade
recalled this work as being particularly challenging:
That’s probably the toughest thing I had to do in my
life . . . go out in the field and chop cotton from the time
the sun comes up until it goes down and for two to three
dollars a day . . . when it was 90 degrees. . . . Tough
times. . . . There was no shade. Of course, you don’t have
any trees out in the field, so the only time you actually
got in to be relieved of the sun was during lunchtime.
(Interview 1)
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Life History 20
Wade also had vivid memories of growing up in rural
segregated Alabama and the racial discrimination he faced at an
early age:
I remember . . . the busses that we had to ride [to the
elementary school designated for African Americans]. They
were never new. They were always the busses that were handed
down. The White race got the new busses. We got what they
had used. . . . The bus that I rode . . . did not have
windows and didn’t have seats. . . . The up front was metal,
but from the windshield back was wood. And it had curtains
on each side that you rolled up and you let them down during
the winter. . . . That’s just the way it was. (Interview 1)
School sport and physical education. In congruence with the
“separate but equal” doctrine of the time, Archie attended
segregated elementary and middle schools without gymnasia or
physical education programs. In 1944, Wade attended first grade
in the Gurley Grammar School in Gurley, Alabama. From 1945 until
1951 he attended the Berkley Elementary School in Berkley,
Alabama. From 1951 to 1954 he attended a newly built Berkley
Middle School. In his middle teens, however, the family moved to
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Life History 21
Tuscaloosa, a larger city, where his father opened his own
printing shop. In Tuscaloosa young Archie attended two segregated
high schools, Industrial High School for one year in 1955 for
tenth grade, and he completed his high school years at the nearby
and newly built Druid High School, graduating in 1957. Wade
remarked that his “outstanding” and “organized” physical
education teachers did well with “limited resources.” One of
these teachers, Hugh Martin, was particularly influential:
He was a really good physical educator and he was one of
those people that I really appreciate going into the field
because of the way he conducted his classes. He was a person
who really made sure that everything was done right. He
followed procedures. He was really fair even though he was
firm. . . . I just liked the way he conducted his classes.
(Interview 1)
Hugh Martin proved to be one of the strong mentors along
Wade’s life journey that suggested to him that he too could be an
effective educator.
Though the city high schools had organized extracurricular
sports teams, young Archie did not participate on them because
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Life History 22
they, at the time, did not include baseball, his first love.
Furthermore, when newly arrived Archie inquired about playing
basketball, the coach informed him “he already had his team.”
Wade found it unjust that he was denied a chance to try out.
Participation in informal sport and organized sport outside the school setting.
Wade remembered playing informal sport with both African American
and Caucasian children near his first home in deplorable
conditions. For example, he played basketball on a “dirt court”
and recalled:
Then in the wintertime when you are playing basketball,
sometimes when we have frozen ground, it’ll thaw out about
halftime. Now that frozen ground becomes mud. It was just a
terrible way to play. . . . Not so much dribbling, mostly
passing. . . . The ninth grade was the first time I played
in a gymnasium. (Interview 1)
Despite these unpromising circumstances, Wade indicated
that, due mainly to his father’s efforts and the influence of
several semi-professional baseball-playing uncles, he still
gained a love for participation in sport at an early age:
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Life History 23
I mean he [i.e., Wade’s father] made sure . . . we had what
we wanted, so if we did not have any balls, he would bring
some . . . from town . . . balls or bats or gloves. We
always had equipment. . . . And, if we wanted a basketball
goal he would make sure we had one. . . . Whatever it was,
he would get that for us, so I don’t remember a time we
didn’t have any of those things. (Interview 1)
Instead of playing organized high school sport, Archie recalled
his father taking him to play tennis and getting up early to play
on the school’s tennis courts with his friends. He also
remembered joining “the Whiz Kids” baseball team. This team was
comprised of high school aged semi-professional baseball players
that competed against other teams of older men in the region.
Most of Wade’s mentors were people he met in everyday life, one,
however, he knew only through the media.
Jackie Robinson. Of major importance to Archie’s developing
interest in sport and physical education during his childhood and
adolescence and to his outlook on life in general was the
breaking of the color barrier by a number of African American
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Life History 24
professional athletes and particularly Jackie Robinson who did so
in the sport of baseball:
For Jackie Robinson to be the first black player to play in
the big leagues, in the major leagues . . . I guess that was
the first time ever, in any kind of way, where I really
wanted to see or hear a baseball game because he was
playing, because he came in 1947, and I guess in 1948. From
then on, I’ve been listening to and watching baseball games.
That was an important moment for me in terms of getting me—
well, I really did enjoy sports. I heard about other things
happening. I had heard about Joe Louis . . . but I guess
that . . . when Jackie Robinson and Larry Doby and some of
those early baseball players, I just didn’t want to miss a
game that the Brooklyn Dodgers was playing and mainly
because of Jackie Robinson, and I think that has carried
over even to today, because I stayed up last night, I wanted
to see if the Dodgers won. I don’t know anyone but a few
players with the Dodgers, but it’s still the Dodgers, and I
still feel loyal to them because of the chance they gave
Jackie Robinson. (Interview 1)
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Life History 25
In high school, Wade felt slighted because he was denied a chance
to tryout for the basketball team, and he felt that everyone
deserved a chance, but he reveled in the fact that in 1947 Jackie
Robinson got an opportunity to play in the major leagues. Jackie
Robinson would open the door for Wade’s chance to make the big
leagues.
Undergraduate Years
College “choice.” Wade lived in the town in which the University
of Alabama was located. Upon graduation from high school in 1957,
and despite the recent outlawing of segregated schools (Brown v.
Board of Education, 1954), he believed that the university was
not a viable option for him or other young African Americans
mainly because he had witnessed the first efforts to integrate it
in 1956:
I was here [in Tuscaloosa] during the time that Autherine
Lucy attempted to go to school at the university, and my
father owned a business on 27th Avenue, and I know what the
times were like when she made the attempt to enroll at the
university. And of course, actually, she came to the beauty
shop that was next to my father’s place to get egg out of
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Life History 26
her hair and stuff they had thrown at her [when she
attempted to enroll]. It was terrible, I actually saw people
walking up the street with guns. It was a terrible time. You
just hope that nothing like that would ever come to be, but
that was terrible. Autherine Lucy, that was before James
Hood and Vivian Malone, that was the very first attempt.
(Interview 2)
Although Autherine Lucy did, in fact, technically break the
color barrier at the University of Alabama, she was expelled by
the University’s Board of Trustees four days later and no more
African Americans were admitted to that institution until 1963
(Clark, 2007). Consequently, Wade enrolled at Stillman College, a
HBCU, which was also located close to his home in Tuscaloosa. He
was admitted to the college on an athletic scholarship stating
“the only thing I purchased was my glove and my spikes”
(interview 1). Nevertheless, this did not mean that he was immune
to the civil unrest that was sweeping the Deep South at that
time:
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I just remember at Stillman, this is during the time of the
Civil Rights Movement, and we had people who would catch
busses to go across town . . . to demonstrate. . . . Those
were the most difficult times living here, I guess in the
early sixties. . . . Those were the toughest times,
because . . . they would put dogs on [demonstrators]. It was
just a terrible time. Go downtown and they were
demonstrating at a little restaurant or something like that,
and they’d . . . be water-hosed or something would be done
to them. . . . They might have eggs thrown on them or
something. . . . It was not good. . . . It restricted what
you did, where you go, and what time you went. . . . Nothing
like it is now. . . . I always tell people, “the worst times
[were] when you’re not really sure whether you can or
whether you can’t.” See, if I know I can’t stop at this
motel, I’m okay. And if I know I can I’m okay. It’s when I
don’t know whether I should stop or not. . . . So what I end
up doing is driving on. You just keep driving until you got
that feeling that this may be okay. But that, to me, is the
toughest time. (Interview 2)
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This response sums up the uncertainty that Wade felt during his
college years. If the cotton picking had been hard physical
labor, the Civil Rights Movement with its sit-ins and other acts
of nonviolent demonstrations led to inner turmoil and was bound
to leave an emotional scar on Wade. African Americans had been
granted legal rights, but the South was slow in adjusting to the
required changes. The history of the Civil Rights Movement
demonstrates how acts of nonviolent resistance risked the
personal lives of those involved, and Wade witnessed this
firsthand. The atmosphere in the South was tense and brought with
it a feeling of uncertainty and even fear for one’s life in the
case of African Americans as expressed here by Wade.
Career choice. Again, heavily influenced by his father, Wade’s
initial career choice was to go into the printing business.
Indeed, throughout his college career, he spent much of his
“spare time” working in his father’s shop. It was not until later
in his college career that he entertained the idea of becoming a
physical education teacher and then got certified to do so in
1962:
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I know I love sports and I like to play [but] I never did
see myself as being a physical education teacher at that
time. As a matter of fact, when I went to college, I majored
in business administration, and mainly the reason I think I
did that was because my father was in business. He was in
the printing business. And I said . . . I know about the
printing business, and I understand how to operate all the
presses . . . and things in the printing shop, and maybe
that’s what I’ll do one day, and so I got a degree in
business administration. Then I decided my senior year that
I really liked physical education, and I decided to go back
[to Stillman College] and take another year [to get
certified to teach physical education]. (Interview 2)
Wade was later provided with the opportunity to teach at his alma
mater. He had not applied for a position there, but his coaches
and professors knew of him and his skill set. He interviewed with
President Hay and his former coach and mentor Joffre Whisenton,
to whom he gives credit for suggesting him as a candidate to the
president. Wade would do what he had been trained: to teach and
to coach athletics.
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Life History 30
Sport inside and outside of college. Importantly, Wade attended
Stillman College on an athletic scholarship and played
representative baseball, basketball, and tennis. He honed other
sporting skills by using his elective options to take activity
classes within the college’s basic physical education program. In
addition, he spent many evenings at Tuscaloosa’s African American
YMCA organizing various basketball leagues, and in the summers he
administered the same organization’s “little league” baseball
program.
A key mentor. While enrolled at Stillman College, Wade first
came into contact with his key professional mentor, Joffre
Whisenton, who was on the faculty. As well as coaching him
basketball and baseball, Whisenton was responsible for a good
deal of Wade’s physical education teacher education:
He was my college coach . . . and he’s always meant a lot to
me. . . . I always looked up to him because I think he
always prepared classes. He always wanted to make sure that
at least you always got something out of every class, no
matter what it was. (Interview 2)
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Whisenton went on to work part-time in the University of Alabama
Office of Student Development Services and was the first African
American to receive a doctorate from the University of Alabama in
1968. Although we did not extensively interview Whisenton about
his time as a doctoral student during a discussion with him at
the aforementioned YMCA Hall of Fame induction in November 2010
and during a telephone conversation in December of 2010, he did
explain having difficulties, such as the importance of not being
seen with white female students. He paved the way for others,
including Wade, to similarly pursue a doctorate. Later in his
career, in 1985, Whisenton became President of the Southern
University System in Baton Rouge, Louisiana and spent two years
as special assistant for educational policy to the Secretary of
the United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
Working at Stillman College
Teaching and coaching. Upon graduation in 1962 and newly married
to Jacqueline who he had met at Stillman College as a freshman,
Wade searched unsuccessfully for a physical education teaching
position in Alabama’s African American public schools. However,
after almost joining the US marine’s officer training school, and
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Life History 32
following the recommendation of his undergraduate mentor, Joffre
Whisenton, he was “hired at Stillman as an instructor to teach
activity classes and also to be assistant basketball and baseball
coach:”
I really enjoyed teaching activity classes, teaching tennis,
and teaching softball, and teaching soccer, speedball or
whatever the activity we had to offer. . . . The toughest
thing, I think, sometimes is teaching soccer from nine ‘til
10, and from 10 ‘til 11 you’re teaching volleyball, and 11
‘til 12 you’re teaching tennis. You know what I mean? You’re
going from activity to activity, and setting up and that’s
pretty tough. (Interview 3)
Wade apparently taught a hectic schedule at Stillman College. We
asked Wade about the conditions at the college, and he said, “the
whole time I was at Stillman, all eight years I never had an
overhead projector” (interview 2). After teaching a long schedule
of classes, his grueling day would continue. In the afternoon,
Wade would assist Whisenton as a coach, and in the evenings he
would supervise the college recreational facilities. This
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Life History 33
immersion in the athletic milieu gave him experience that would
serve him later as a teacher educator.
Master’s degree studies. The Stillman College
administration encouraged Wade to study for an advanced
degree. Since it was still very difficult for African
American students to do so at the University of Alabama
following the infamous “stand in the schoolhouse door”
incident in June, 1963, in which Governor George
Wallace had tried to stop a fresh attempt at
integrating the campus, Wade completed his master’s
degree in physical education and business during two
summers and one fall semester at the West Virginia
University (WVU) in Morgantown, 700 miles away. In this
endeavor, he was assisted by a Ford Foundation grant
which was aimed at supporting diversity in academia.
While studying in Morgantown, he lodged both in dorms
and off-campus housing. We asked Wade specifically why
he simply did not attend the nearby University of
Alabama, and he stated: “they weren’t accepting Black
students at that time.” (Interview 1)
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Although West Virginia was theoretically more politically
and socially progressive than Alabama in terms of promoting
integration and fighting segregation, Wade still experienced and
perceived racism and discrimination during his time in West
Virginia. For example, he recalled the difficulties he
encountered when initially searching for accommodation:
I called on the phone and the person said, “Oh yes, we live
one block from the campus.” So I said, “That would be
great.” . . . I said, “I’ll be there in probably 5 minutes.”
I got in my car and . . . when I got to the place, and I got
on the front porch . . . the lady evidently could see me.
And . . . when she saw me being Afro-American, she went back
and got her husband, and he came to the door and told me
they didn’t have a room. Boy I just—it just got me. . . . I
said, “I just talked to you!” She said, “Some of my cousins
are coming up and we’re going to let them have it.” But I
knew it was because of me. . . . I don’t guess they could
detect my race or ethnic background [over the phone]. . . .
But anyway, I paid and stayed in the Holiday Inn. (Interview
3)
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Life History 35
This incident hurt and frustrated Wade. He came face to face with
racial discrimination. The situation rendered Wade powerless, but
not helpless. Even though the incident set him back, he did not
allow himself to be derailed from his goal of an advanced degree.
Such incidences of blatant racism prepared Wade for the future
when he experienced other cases of discrimination.
Professional sport. While coaching at Stillman College in 1964,
Wade was, by accident, also given the opportunity to play
professional sport:
We didn’t have anybody to take [ground balls] at third base
that day because the third baseman was ill, and I said,
“Well, I’ll just fill in at third base.” And a scout was
there from St. Louis [i.e., the Cardinals Organization], and
he thought I was one of the players, but I was actually
coaching the team. I was just filling in. And at the end of
that [practice] he asked me, did I want a chance to play.
And I told him, “Yes sir.” I’d welcome that opportunity even
though I hadn’t played that much lately but he says that he
thought I had potential. He wanted to give me a shot at it.
I said, “Well, I can’t go right now. I can’t go until
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Life History 36
school’s out.” So I had to wait until the end of May, and at
the end of that school term I did get a flight from here and
went down to Sarasota, Florida and played what they called a
rookie league, a rookie professional baseball league. And I
played there for two months . . . and they had a shortstop
get hurt in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and they sent me there to
play shortstop (Interview 3)
Wade went on to play three seasons of minor league baseball aided
by the Stillman administration. His teaching load in the fall
semester was increased so he could leave early for spring
training and compete during the summer break. He played for teams
based in Florida, Iowa, and California, and was managed by the
legendary Sparky Anderson. Wade received several honors including
player of the year and highest batting average of the year. In
addition, on one occasion he played against his younger brother,
Harold, who was with the Red Sox organization and also went on to
complete his doctorate. Due to his relatively advanced age and
the fact that the Cardinals Organization was flush with talent,
making a move to the major leagues was unlikely. He now had small
children that he wanted to see in the summers, and because he
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Life History 37
wanted to finish his master’s degree in order to be promoted to
the rank of assistant professor at Stillman, he retired from
baseball in 1967 and completed his studies at WVU in December
1967.
Integrating the football stands at the University of Alabama. Again, as
part of an effort to integrate the campus, in 1964 the President
of the University of Alabama, Dr. Frank Rose, gave three tickets
to Wade’s mentor, Joffre Whisenton, for the Alabama versus
University of Georgia football game. The goal was for Whisenton
and two other African Americans to integrate the stands.
Whisenton asked Wade and another friend, Nathaniel Howard, to
join him. Remembering the incident, Wade explained that:
Afro-American people who attended the game [prior to
integration] had a little bleacher that was in the corner
between the stands and end zone seats. Just a little
bleacher. That’s where they would sit. Come in through that
one gate, pay a dollar or two . . . to sit on that bleacher.
. . . I remember the first game I attended with my wife. We
were on that bleacher. You could see from the 20-yard line
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Life History 38
to the 40. You didn’t see touchdowns. . . . It was just
awful, you had just a tunnel vision. (Interview 3)
Of the day he and his friends integrated the stands, he recalled:
Our seats were actually next to the band. The band is
normally about the middle of the field, pretty good seats
there. . . . And we could hear names being said and things
being said and all that during the time we were sitting
there. But when the band took the field for halftime . . .
we were sort of sitting ducks because now the band has left
us . . . all those seats are now empty. . . . So that’s when
they started throwing ice and cups and bottles and things at
us. I told Joffre and Nathaniel . . . “You know what, I’m
not gonna take this. I’m just gonna go ahead and leave. I
mean, it’s just not worth it. It’s not worth it to be
hit . . . or going through this, just to be out here.” . . .
And so the police escorted us [out] . . . so we only saw one
half. And I guess from that time it just stuck with me so
long that I did not attend a football game for maybe 10
years. (Interview 3)
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Whisenton, Wade, and Howard performed a great service to the
university by being the pioneers to break the color barrier in
the stands in 1964. We also heard Whisenton relate this story at
a YMCA event. However, they also were forced to put themselves in
harm’s way and had to endure verbal and physical abuse–all this 5
years before the first African American player took the field for
The University of Alabama’s Crimson Tide (Hamill, 2009). It is
interesting that the local media never reported the event.
Nevertheless, Wade would not soon forget the manner in which the
crowd mistreated the three men. Later, and ironically, when he
assisted in recruiting African American athletes to play for
Alabama and then was asked by parents of potential players how he
was treated on campus as an African American, such memories
caused him internal conflict.
Working at the University of Alabama
Getting hired. Wade worked at Stillman College until May 1969
when he left because the President of the college, Dr. Harold
Stinson, altered the financial assistance provided to student-
athletes, which Wade believed would hinder recruiting and hurt
the students and their parents. Now that there were more
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Life History 40
opportunities for African Americans in the Deep South, and as he
had a business background and qualifications, he decided to move
to Louisville, Kentucky to take a position with General Electric
(GE) working in a “management training program” aimed at “trying
to recruit minorities for managerial positions.” Nine months
later, however, in February 1970, and again following the
suggestion of Joffre Whisenton, University of Alabama’s
president, Dr. David Matthews, offered Wade a position back in
Tuscaloosa. Despite his negative experiences with the university
to that point in his life, Wade accepted. Wade proved to be a
shrewd choice to break the color barrier on the faculty at the
University of Alabama. Indeed, he had many of the same qualities
for which his idol, Jackie Robinson, had been selected to break
the color barrier in major league baseball (Tygiel, 1997).
Specifically, he was strong of character and possessed deep
religious convictions, but was also quietly determined, level,
thoughtful, and somewhat reserved.
Initially hired as an instructor, Wade spent most of his
time teaching activity courses in the Department of Health,
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Life History 41
Physical Education, and Recreation while taking classes towards
his doctoral degree at Alabama in the evenings and summers:
So I was teaching a full load, 12 hours, and then taking
three hours at night, and during the summers taking 12 to
complete my coursework, because I first had decided to get
an Ed.S degree, then I decided, no I’d like to go ahead and
pursue a doctorate, and that’s when I decided to do all my
coursework those first three years, and then start doing the
dissertation. (Interview 3)
Ironically, his office was located in Foster Auditorium, the site
of Wallace’s stand in the schoolhouse door. This was symbolic of
other changes Wade noticed at that time:
It’s that transitional period where . . . [from being]
segregated completely, they now begin to integrate. . . .
Remember now, I wasn’t allowed to go to the university . . .
and seven years later, I’m working there! That’s a big turn
around, you know form ’63 to 1970, but anyway, that’s kind
of the way it was. (Interview 3)
Wade indeed experienced radical, unfathomable changes in his
college town during those years, with his town and its
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Life History 42
institutions changing from segregated to theoretically
integrated, and soon he was enlisted to recruit African Americans
to the university.
Recruiting for the football team. After teaching classes for several
months, Wade was asked to spend some of his weekends recruiting
African Americans for the football team. He received compensation
in the form of being released from three hours of teaching. One
possible motivation for this move was the loss of Coach Paul
“Bear” Bryant’s University of Alabama team to the University of
Southern California and their African American star Sam
Cunningham in 1970. Wade recruited for Coach Bryant for two years
before deciding he needed to spend more time with his family. As
indicated in the quote below, another motive for withdrawing from
recruiting activities was the inner conflict Wade suffered about
this part of his job:
I’d actually go talk to other black athletes about coming to
the university. . . . So parents ask me, “Is it true that
Governor Wallace stood in the door?” “Yes it is. It is
absolutely true.” “Do you think my son will get a chance to
play quarterback?” “Ma’am, I really don’t know, that’s up to
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Life History 43
the coaching staff, but I think they’ll give you a fair shot
at whatever position.” . . . And they’d asked me, “Are you
being well treated?” “Oh yes, I’m doing fine, but I can’t
speak for the athletic department because I’m not over
there.” . . . I’m trying to be as honest as I can with
them . . . but it’s a conflict. Sometimes you’re battling. .
. . See, I’m trying to talk to him or convince [an African
American player or parent] it’s not a bad place to be. But .
. . I’d only been there [i.e. the University of Alabama] a
few months myself. (Interview 3)
All in all it was not a terrible experience, but it was
trying times, I’ll put it that way. To know what has
happened [previously at the university] and then to persuade
somebody else to come . . . I know I told Coach Bryant a lot
of times, I wouldn’t take anything for it, but I’m glad to
let it go. (Interview 3)
Teaching and service focus. With the recruiting chapter behind
him, Wade concentrated on teaching his classes and completing his
doctorate in order to earn the rank of assistant professor and
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Life History 44
tenure which he did in 1974. This meant that he spent the rest of
his career teaching a variety of undergraduate health and
pedagogical classes and supervising student teachers. In
addition, Wade was one of the founding members of the
university’s Black Faculty and Staff Association. He was
particularly proud of forging “the best relationship I think
anybody could have with students” as well as the achievements of
his charges:
I think when I hear from students . . . about the job that I
did, that’s when I think I was successful. If I had students
who would go out and feel like the things that I did—the
advising or teaching—or whatever it might have been, that it
did help them, to me that’s an accomplishment. (Interview 3)
At the time he was hired, like other new faculty Wade was
asked to focus on two of three occupational strands: research,
teaching, and service. Wade chose the latter two strands, and for
the remainder of his career took on a full teaching load and did
a huge amount of committee work both inside and outside the
university. During the mid-1980s, however, the university’s shift
of emphasis towards research restricted Wade’s opportunities for
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Life History 45
further promotion as he decided that it was too late in his
career to change emphasis himself:
But I decided, I’d been out here 15 years. . . . At that
point. I’m not gonna redo anything. I don’t care about the
rank; just pay me for what I am doing. I’d been through
enough things. Let me just go on and do what I need to do,
teach my classes, do the best I can. (Interview 3)
While he spoke honestly with parents about his current
experiences on campus, it was hard to forget incidents such as
the disgraceful behavior he witnessed at the football stadium
just six years earlier. He felt conflicted while speaking to
parents and making weekend trips. He longed to spend his fall
weekends with his family. For these combined reasons, he stopped
recruiting and instead resumed teaching a full load.
Pressure to perform. Especially during his first few years at
the University of Alabama Wade admitted that he felt constant
pressure to succeed because he was under continual surveillance.
He perceived this pressure to be greater for him than other
faculty because he was African American. He also explained that
he had high expectations of himself:
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I always felt like I was being observed or watched or
evaluated on a daily basis, not just during that end-of-
semester evaluation. I’m talking about every day, and
whether I was or not, I felt that anyway. And sometimes if
it’s not true, and you feel it, it’s just as bad. Because I
do feel it. (Interview 3)
I think that I put a lot of pressure on myself anyway. It’s
not so much other people have to do it, because I think, if
I don’t think it’s right, I’ll continue to do it ‘til it
gets right. (Interview 3)
Back to the pressure, I put it on myself because I . . .
would want to get it right, and therefore that pressure’s
already there with the added pressure of being Afro-American
at a predominant white institution, it puts that much more
pressure on you, and I always felt like [if] I fail, I’ve
let a lot of people down (Interview 3)
Despite all this external and internal pressure, Wade did not
admit to feeling anxious. In fact, it appeared that he coped with
difficult situations extremely well:
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I guess, the biggest anxiety I had was standing in front of
the College of Education in a meeting to give a report of
some type. . . . There was some anxiety . . . standing
before 107 colleagues . . . but even after presenting what I
had, there were a couple of people . . . around me [saying
they] just couldn’t do that, the way I did it. . . . It’s
almost like going to take the field or . . . playing the
game. Until a ball is hit to you or . . . you get involved,
you have butterflies. (Interview 3)
Wade used his skills in such situations, when levels of anxiety
heightened emotional response. Although he stated that he felt
scrutinized, mostly it seems that he put the pressure on himself,
because he had high expectations. However, in his interviews he
did state that on several occasions he felt a student was
“planted” in the class to observe him. Wade prepared, he was
adept with numbers because of his business background, and his
speaking skills in part were honed during his management-training
program with GE. He applied lessons learned in baseball to help
him, recognizing before the fact that he would have the
“butterflies until a ball was hit to him.” His peers recognized
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and gave him praise for his skills. Such instances provided him
with the self-efficacy to persevere through an extended career in
academia.
Lingering racism. Despite the university making large gains in
terms of integration and racial tolerance, and Wade enjoying a
largely positive and productive relationship with the other
members of his department, he still experienced isolated
incidents of racism while on the faculty. For example, he
remembered:
Walking on the side of University Boulevard next to the
Quad, and I would see a faculty member coming [from the
other direction] and they would go across the street until
after they passed so I’d never meet them. So then they’d
cross back over. I mean, they can say that they didn’t do it
for that reason, but they did. It didn’t happen once, it
happened a lot of times. . . . Little things like that, that
probably made it more difficult than it should have been. I
shouldn’t have had to deal with that. That’s the toughest
part. (Interview 3)
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There were . . . people, I guess couldn’t stand the sight of
seeing you there. . . . You just have to deal with it. And
there were times that I felt like I was doing some things
that I should be doing, not only for my race, but for the
university, and for everybody else. Then there were times I
felt like, I don’t want to go back out there. It’s not worth
it. But every night . . . I’d always think, “Well tomorrow’s
tomorrow, and tomorrow will be a better day.” (Interview 3)
In addition, he also viewed his excessive committee work as a
form of discrimination:
I think the only reason they asked me [to do so much
committee work] is just so they have some representation, to
have an Afro-American on the committee. And so what you end
up doing is being on 8 or 10 committees because . . .
there’s not that many Afro-Americans. . . . That’s the way I
felt. . . . A lot of your time was spent doing committee
work and none of that’s counting toward promotion.
(Interview 3)
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We asked Wade in a subsequent conversation which committees he
had served on. He stated that he served on the following
committees among others: Faculty Senate, Recreation, Bankruptcy,
Student Health, Promotion and Tenure, Dissertation, and
Undergraduate Curriculum Committee.
Given this treatment and the absence of many other African
American colleagues to share the burden, perhaps not
surprisingly, Wade did not mix a great deal with his Caucasian
colleagues outside of work and was relieved to retreat, at the
end of each day, to a part of town with which he was more
familiar and in which he was more comfortable:
When we leave . . . it’s like everybody goes a separate
way . . . I live on the west side of town. I mean . . . 98%
or 99% of people I make contact with other than work, they
are African Americans . . . because this is where I live. So
I don’t go to other . . . once you leave the ball field,
people have their own lives to live and they go separate
ways. (Interview 3)
Moreover, his strong sense of loyalty to the largely African
American west side of Tuscaloosa meant that, like his father, he
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became a leader in that community. For example, he served on the
boards of the local YMCA and the County Park and Recreation
Authority.
Retirement. Wade retired from the University of Alabama in
2000. The consummate business major, he calculated years earlier
that the system had a respectable retirement program despite the
financial loss that he had suffered due to lack of promotion. He
was also content with all he had achieved:
I accomplished what I needed to, and when I got to 30 years I
just said, “That’s enough, and it’s time for somebody else to do
this.” . . . Because, I feel like I had been blessed to be put in
the situation. I did the best I could, and now it’s time for me
to give up all this pressure and . . . retire. And I haven’t
regretted not one bit of retiring. It’s been great. (Interview 3)
Conclusions
Wade faced all kinds of race-based marginalization in his
life prior to retirement. This included the overt and
institutionalized racism that he was subjected to during his
childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. It also involved the
more subtle and covert forms of racism he encountered during his
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later working life as the Deep South began to change. Key to the
various forms of overt marginalization Wade faced was the
political system that had set up, approved of, and encouraged
racial segregation in the Deep South. That Wade faced relatively
covert forms of racism later in his life was due to the
unraveling of this system without the total support of the
populace.
In addition, Wade had to deal with stereotype threat during
his tenure at the University of Alabama. Specifically, due to the
negative connotation attached to his race, particularly in
educational contexts, Wade felt added pressure to perform as an
academic, and, as suggested by Milner and Woolfolk Hoy (2003),
carried an additional emotional and cognitive burden.
Wade’s ability to deal with and persevere in the face of
this marginalization and stereotype threat was mediated by his
strong sense of self-efficacy. This was built on a foundation of
successful sporting, educational, and pedagogical experiences. It
was significantly enhanced by the vicarious experiences Wade
gained observing the successes of other African American men
living and working in similar contexts to his own, including
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Jackie Robinson, his father, one of his first physical education
teachers, and his mentor, Joffre Whisenton. These latter three
men also had a significant impact on Wade’s self-efficacy by
providing him with plenty of encouragement and positive feedback.
The fact that Wade was able to conquer any sense of anxiety
despite the pressure he was under as an African American faculty
member in a predominantly white institution also enhanced his
sense of self-efficacy. Consequently, he had a strong belief in
his ability as an educator and, in congruence with Bandura’s
(1977) theory, persisted in his chosen profession when he
encountered fairly extreme difficulties and unfair challenges.
Moreover, in line with Armor et al. (1976) and Milner and
Woolfolk Hoy (2003), it was clear he maintained a passion for
teaching and was highly successful in terms of the influence he
had on his students. Vital to Wade’s success were his high level
of pragmatic optimism, conscious effort to develop an even
temperament, and ability to keep moments of emotional despair
under control through the use of tried and practiced strategies
(e.g., choosing his battles).
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Rovegno (2003) emphasized that “one of the goals of
qualitative research is to share teachers’ stories in the hope of
opening possibilities of change for other teachers” (p. 305).
Similarly, Shulman (1986) observed “that most individuals find
specific cases more powerful influences on their decisions than
impersonally presented empirical findings” (p. 32). We agree with
both of these assertions as Archie Wade’s story inspired and
changed both of us. We were motivated to work with Wade to record
his story because we thought it would have the same effect on
other physical education teachers and teacher educators as it had
on us, particularly those who were marginalized. In addition, we
believed that stories such as Wade’s reveal the extent to which
life has improved for some African Americans in the Deep South,
particularly those working in higher education, while reminding
us that the region and its system of higher education may not
have made as much progress as it should have. Finally, we
believed that Wade’s story reveals the degree to which
individuals are both products and shapers of their environment.
Following Schempp and Graber’s (1992) dialectical view of
socialization, Wade was both transformed as the old South changed
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and played a significant part in that transformation. The small
boy who began life going to school on a dilapidated old bus
without windows or seats certainly traveled a long way.
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What Does This Paper Add?
A small number of life histories of American physical
education teachers have been completed previously. To our
knowledge, however, this is the first published life history of
an American physical education teacher educator. For this reason,
Wade’s story is important within the field of kinesiology and the
subdiscipline of sport pedagogy. Hopefully, it will provoke
others into carrying out similar life history work with other
marginalized individuals with the ultimate goal being to improve
the working lives of university faculty in general, and
kinesiology and sport pedagogy faculty in particular.
In addition, since Wade is African American, and grew up and
worked in the Deep South during the height of the Civil Rights
movement, this study is also of broad historical importance. In
short, Wade’s life story is a reflection of historical change.
Finally, Wade’s life history also has the potential to inspire
others who are marginalized, particularly those working in higher
education.
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Appendix
Interview Framework: Legacy of a Pioneer African American
Educator
Interview One: Biographic Information Basic biographic background information Early sporting experiences
Influence of family and friends on early sporting experiences
Description of PE programs in elementary, middle, and high school
Extracurricular sporting experiences Influential coaches and teachers in the sporting realm Other pre-PETE influences Discussion of timeline: which events should be added,
deleted from the personal and historic timelines, which events are particularly important to interviewee
Interview Two: College and University Experiences (as a student) General college experience as undergrad College sporting experiences (not including PETE) Description of PE classes, methods classes that you took
during your PETE Description of professors (lecturers) who led PETE Influence of peers Description of field experiences in PE General college experience as a graduate student
Interview Three: Career Experiences (as an educator) Participation in professional athletics Description of schools/universities in which the individual
has taught Description of the influence of co-workers, administrators,
and students Doctoral dissertation process Questions about the ability to persist in the face of
adversity
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Other influences from the workplace Specific questions about self-efficacy:
Did you have experiences of accomplishment as an educator and can you describe them? (performance accomplishments)
Were there respected colleagues that you remember cheering you on and giving you feedback? How did they encourage you? How well did you relate to this person/ these people? (verbal persuasion)
Do you remember feeling anxiety as you did your job, and if so, did this anxiety help or hinder your work? (emotional arousal)
Did you have models or mentors that you could observe? Could you identify with them? How did you learn vicariously from them and what did you learn?
Specific questions about stereotype threat: Can you name some stereotypes you are aware of
concerning a particular group? Do you recall any pressure as an educator to confirm or
disconfirm any stereotypes
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