copy The Author 2013 Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies (ISTD) All rights reserved For permissions please e-mail journalspermissionsoupcom

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

Laura Piacentini and Judith Pallot

This article considers the geographical dispersal of prisoners in Russia The concept of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo is developed to delineate an exceptional penal terrain The authors examine the his-torical lsquotracesrsquo of exile in Russian penal culture and argue that the persistence of lsquoin exile imprison-mentrsquo does not fit easily into official narratives about the development of penality in that country The culture of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo continues to impose limits on prison reform in Russia

Keywords exile Russia prisons traces geography

Introduction

In Autumn 2012 two members of the performance art punk collective Pussy Riot were convicted of lsquohooliganism motivated by religious hatredrsquo for a one-minute performance on 21 February 2012 in Moscowrsquos Cathedral of Christ the Saviour1 The members were tried in a Moscow Court and two Nadezhda Tolokolnikova and Maria Alekhina were sentenced to two years in distant correctional colonies2 Described by the band as lsquothe harshest camps of all possible choicesrsquo3 the two large penal complexes to which the women were sent in Permrsquo krai and the Republic of Mordoviia date back to the Soviet-era gulag4 Correctional Colony no 14 in Mordoviia where Nadezhda Tolokolnikova is confined was one of several colonies in which the authors have conducted interviews in the past two decades5 Knowing that they would be sent far from Moscow both women petitioned to serve their sentences in their Moscow remand prison Like many women before them they argued that they needed to be close to their young children and like many before them they had their request denied

In singing their one-minute lsquohymnrsquo A Punk Prayer the bandrsquos intention was to draw attention to two things first the close relationship between the Russian Government and the Russian Orthodox Church and second the crackdown on freedom of speech

Laura Piacentini Professor of Criminology The Law School Strathclyde University 50 George Street Glasgow G1 1QE UK laurapiacentinistrathacuk Judith Pallot Professor of the Human Geography of Russia School of Geography and Environment University of Oxford Oxford England

1 The actions of Pussy Riot were portrayed in mainstream Russian media as a double transgression involving both blasphemy and gender The punk hymn was performed in front of the iconstasis which hides the alter and is the most sacred and distinctive part of the Russian Orthodox Church through which women are not allowed to pass

2 The third member Yekaterina Samutsevich was given a suspended sentence and was released from the pre-trial facility in Moscow where like the two convicted to custodial sentences she had been held for eight months before coming to trial

3 wwwguardiancoukworld2012oct22pussy-riot-remote-prison-camps4 Gulag is an acronym for Glavnoe Upravlenie Lagerei (Central Administration of Camps) It is the name given to the brutal

prison camp system that was created in the late 1920s The administration was dissolved in the early 1950s though labour camps remained Both so-called lsquoenemies of the peoplersquo and convicted criminals were sent to the gulag following mass arrests and brutal policing practices

5 Laura Piacentinirsquos research in Russian penal institutions began in the 1990s when she conducted interviews in multiple menrsquos colonies in West Siberia and European Russia The results of this early work are published in Piacentini (2004) The cooperation with Judith Pallot began in 2006 for an ESRC Project (see footnote 18) which resulted in the co-authored book Pallot and Piacentini (2012)

doi101093bjcazt062 BRIT J CRIMINOL (2014) 54 20ndash37Advance Access publication 1 November 2013

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and political activism under Vladimir Putin who at the time of the protest was cam-paigning to be re-elected as president of Russia for a third term The Pussy Riot trial became a cause ceacutelegravebre for Russiarsquos cultural elite and democratic activists and thanks to the internet and global media for international prison reform organizations and human rights campaigners It became a touchstone for raising international expo-sure of Russiarsquos complex and exceptional penal system The imprisoned members of Pussy Riot have been recognized as prisoners-of-conscience by the Union of Solidarity with Political Prisoners in Russia and by Amnesty International6 Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev criticized the sentences as disproportionate adding lsquoI want to remind you that two of them [the jailed band members] have children Yes they spoke out against Putin hellip but their goal was to engage civil societyrsquo7

The Pussy Riot case is not itself the subject of this paper but several aspects of it present insights into contemporary Russian imprisonment We are interested in the unfolding internal and external debate about the jailed artists being lsquosent to labour campsrsquo8 and lsquoshipped off to faraway prison campsrsquo9 These and other like comments have pushed Russiarsquos still-hidden penal system onto a world stage where a specific pre-Soviet and Soviet penal norm and practice is shown to have a distinctively modern face the prison exile The treatment of Pussy Riot is not in fact unusual since exile remained in the Russian criminal justice code as a category of punishment until as recently as 1993 As in Imperial Russia and the USSR receiving a prison sentence in Russia today invariably means being sent to remote places far from the metropolitan centres in a process equiv-alent to internal exile In our recent book (Pallot and Piacentini 2012) we explored the genesis and reproduction of a Soviet-Russian penal ideology of lsquobeing sent awayrsquo and how it impacts prisoner experiences In this paper we explore further what we now coin Russiarsquos system of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo Situating Russian penal institutions in their context culture and environment requires a careful understanding of the following how through its institutions civil society and legal doctrine Russia engages with its past the transformations that have occurred since the collapse the Soviet Union the countryrsquos memories and relationships with societies both different from or similar to it Post-1991 criminal justice reforms were designed to move the system towards some-thing that is recognizably different from what had gone before Indeed some elements of reform specifically targeted Soviet inheritances in an effort to modernize the penal system (Bowring and Savitsky 1996) Yet whilst there was reform of all the parts of the criminal justice apparatus from around 1991 traces of Soviet penal culture were left behind includingmdashwhat interests us heremdashthe practice of prison exile10 We use the concept of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo which has embedded in it the idea of being sent away to describe a carceral punishment style

6 wwwamnestyorgenlibraryassetEUR460142012enc9edb950ndash30b6-4b90-a4d3-ddf8b97bc4c3eur460142012enhtml The foreign ministries of the United States Canada and of European Union nations called the sentences lsquodisproportionatersquo

7 Quoted at httpfreepussyriotorgnewsgorbachev-criticizes-pussy-riot-verdict-disproprtionate8 See Amnesty Internationalrsquos Summer Action Campaign 2013 at httpactionamnestyorgukea-actionactioneaclient

id=1194ampeacampaignid=16482amputm_source=aiukamputm_medium=Homepageamputm_campaign=IARamputm_content=PR_nib9 See wwwthe dailybeastcomarticles20121130pussy-riot-s-yekaterina-samutsevich10 A close reading of Marc Augeacutersquos (2004) anthropological study Oblivion assisted us in our conceptualization of penal exile

In Augeacutersquos study of remembering and forgetting he uses the metaphor of a screen onto which memory traces are partially con-cealed and partially revealing in much the same way as a projector screen where incomplete images are projected behind which other things are hidden According to Augeacute in order to live fully in the present one must know how to forget

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

21

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We do not understand exile solely in the legal sense Our central argument is that lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo is a continuation of and does not stand in opposition to Russian history It is we argue the product of a long-established and enduring carceralism that takes forward a cultural attachment to displacing political opposition criminality and social deviancy to the peripheries This attachment to penal expulsion we would also argue is hampering genuine and long-term penal reform at the present time Meanwhile in part a consequence of reticence born of the repression violence and spa-tial displacement that historically has characterized Russian punishment the Russian population expresses little interest in what is to be done with imprisonment Popular reaction was muted when in December 2012 Russiarsquos Deputy Head of the Federal Prison Service (FSIN) Eduard Petrukhin publicly announced that the latest round of penal reform designed to remove the last vestiges of the gulag was being shelved11 As the Pussy Riot case and our data presented in this paper illustrates penal exile intensi-fies the painful experience of incarceration This produces a specific set of historical criminological and cultural meanings about the institution of the prison in twenty-first-century Russia

Our paper is in three parts First we outline a history of Russian prisoner exile and how it is sustained today Second we give a brief outline of the research on which our arguments are based Third we develop our concept of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo and discuss the traces exile has left in the current system of penality In conclusion we describe the contribution the concept of lsquoin exilersquo imprisonment can make to the prison sociology field

Prison Exilersquos Historical and Cultural Roots

Prisoner exile has been used in Russia since the sixteenth century (Wood 1989 Adams 1996 Gentes 2005 2008 2010 Beer 2013c) but its character and purpose have changed over time it has been used as a means for settling empty lands securing frontiers mobilizing labour and natural resources a means of incapacitation of and retribution towards offenders Exile in Imperial Russia was not selectivemdashintellectu-als nobles and peasants were all vulnerable to a sentence of exile (ssylka) or banish-ment (izgnanie)mdashbut its precise form was differentiated according to social status Until the nineteenth century it was not so much punishment as the consequence of punishment peasant offenders who made up the majority of exiles had already been tortured branded and mutilated prior to setting out on the long trek into exile whilst higher-status prisoners were subjected to lsquocivil deathrsquo The Decembrists the noble army officers who protested against serfdom in St Petersburg in 1825 were subjected to a civil death that symbolized their loss of civil rights and lsquorights of rankrsquo

11 lsquoTop Prison Official Criticizes Penal Reformrsquo 4 December 2012 available online at wwwthemoscowtimescomnewsarti-cletop-prisons-official-criticizes-penal-reform472505html Petrukhin was reprimanded for saying it had failed but his state-ment was confirmed at a special meeting of the Presidential Council for Human Rights convened to discuss the prison system took place on 5 April 2013 and included delegates from the Federal Penal Service (FSIN) The meeting was told that the penal service was continuing with certain aspects of the reform such as improving medical services using modern surveillance tech-nologies developing alternatives to incarceration and improving conditions of service of personnel but had dropped it centre-piece restructuring of correctional colonies into Western-type cellular and open prisons See wwwpolitruarticle20130408fsin

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22

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before being exiled to Siberia Half a century later as punishment for his participa-tion in the Petrashevsky circle a secret society of utopian socialists Fedor Dostoevsky suffered a mock execution before he was exiled to hard labour And the lsquocivil deathrsquo was shared by any wives who chose to follow their husbands to Siberia they lost their right of return and had to leave their children behindmdashevidence of the gendering of a penal process that anticipated the arrest and imprisonment of the lsquowives-of-enemies-of-peoplersquo in the Soviet era In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a majority of exiles were sent lsquointo servicersquo or lsquoto settlementrsquo and the destination was not necessarily Siberia though by the time of the Decembrist uprising exile had become firmly associated with Siberia and with katorgamdashhard labour and confine-ment in fortress prisons The first workhouse for rehabilitating ex-convicts in fact had been established in 1799 under Tsar Paul I near the east Siberian town of Irkutsk but this fortress-prison for exiles had been preceded by the penal military detach-ments to which criminals had been sentenced under his mother Catherine I The Nerchinsk silver mines in East Siberia the destination of many of the Decembrists and the agrarian penal colony on Sakhalin island in the Far East the subject of an excoriating criticism by the playwright Anton Chekov (2007 first published in 1893) were notorious for their cruelty and poor conditions As Beer (2013a 2013b) has shown convicts exiled to Siberia were subjected to humiliations deprivations and torments that were out of all proportion to their offence and seldom were convicts who survived hard labour permitted ever to return to European Russia

Even though hard labour and exile had merged into a single punishment form by the nineteenth century the penal code and lsquoladder of punishmentsrsquo maintained a distinction between the two The distinction was reinforced by a series of commis-sions set up by the Tsar in the latter decades of the century to examine the penal system In the space of a few years in the 1870s these recommended that exile be phased out on the grounds that without the reformation of the individual it was wasteful costly and did not have a deterrent effect that lsquoimmediate exilersquo without hard labour should be reserved for recidivists who could not be reformed that katorga camps should be brought close to old-settled areas in European Russia where labour was needed and that the anachronistic right that peasant communities had to banish co-villages to Siberian exile for anti-social behaviour be abolished (Adams 1996 73 Frank 1999 239 Young 2006) These recommendations were not acted upon The result was that on the eve of the Bolshevik revolution a sentence of katorga still meant exile to penal servitude in Siberia The continuing attachment in Imperial Russia to the principle of expelling convicts from the ecumene at a time when the metropoli-tan prison and reformatory were becoming the site of punishment and correction in the rest of Europe was interwoven with the need of the autocrat to demonstrate his sovereign power during a period of territorial expansion and with the resilience of peasant customary law The Decembrists in particular brought reform-minded aristocrats and their families to Siberia with the result that exile settlements and hard labour colonies became sites for the emergence of rights discourse and alter-native models of government (Gentes 2010 Beer 2013b) The founding in Siberia of schools hospitals and libraries and the introduction of innovative agricultural tech-niques by the Decembrists earned them iconic status which was shared by the wives (the Dekabristki) who remain today the quintessential model of lsquogood wifersquo (Saunders 1992) Exile became a social experience that produced distinctive forms of resistance

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

23

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and also engagement even as it became normalized as an appropriate way of dealing with criminality in Russia

Both exile and hard labour resurfaced soon after the 1917 Revolution Lenin com-manded the secret police to hold political prisoners lsquooutside the cityrsquo and it was under him that the first Soviet concentration camp was established on the remote Solovetskii islands in the Arctic Circle The principle of sending serious offenders long distances was confirmed in the 1930s by the criminologist F P Miliutin who argued that they should not be confined in the lsquohome provincesrsquo or those with a clement climate but should be shipped east where the climate itself lsquowill assist in hastening re-educationrsquo (Jacobson 1993 39ndash40) The same principle underpinned the legal requirement in a 1961 prison reform long after Stalinrsquos death that strict regime (high category) colonies should be located far from population centres (Hardy 2012 103) And the same is true today in the exemption of certain categories of prisoners (those sentenced to special and strict regimes colonies and of women also) from the provision in the criminal cor-rection code that convicted offenders should be imprisoned in their own region (Pallot and Piacentini 2012 12ndash13)12

As before the Revolution the distinction between exile and imprisonment was main-tained in the Soviet penal code Convicts sent to the gulag camps by the courts or lsquorevo-lutionary tribunalsrsquo were differentiated in law from the peasants (kulaks) and ethnic minorities who were deported en masse from their homes in European Russia to lsquospecial settlementsrsquo and individuals who were caught up in the lsquomass operationsrsquo13 the instru-ment used to cleanse the metropolitan centres of lsquoundesirable elementsrsquo (Hagenloh 2000 Polian 2001 Klimkova 2007 Viola 2007) Exile as socio-spatial ordering was used to lsquospill outrsquo individuals and whole social groups and to mobilize resources and settle peripheral territories to meet the cultural and economic expansions of Soviet power Whilst the gulag penetrated all parts of the Soviet Unionmdashthe Moscow metro was after all constructed using forced labourmdashthe majority of victims of the Stalin oppression passed through or died in labour camps or settlements in the geographical peripheries of the state14

Recent empirical scholarship on the gulag has gone a long way towards deconstruct-ing the boundary between exile and imprisonment We now understand that camp inmates could earn lsquonon-convoy statusrsquo that allowed them to spend long periods out-side the confines of the camp and deportees shared many of the experiences of the convicted prisoners regardless of their legal status (Brown 2007 Barnes 2011 Bell 2013) Reforms after Stalinrsquos death which moderated the punishment system never-theless maintained exile as a distinct legal category of punishment (Khlevniuk 2004 Dobson 2009 Hardy 2012) The Soviet state continued to use lsquoregulation by exclusionrsquo against dissent into the 1980s15 The practice of cleansing the leading cities of anti-social

12 These are the correctional colonies for adult offenders comprising minimum security for adult men and women medium to maximum security for men and special regime for male offenders convicted of dangerous offences or who have been sentenced to life imprisonment Women are held in general regimes and open prisons Russian prisoners are sentenced to penal colonies

13 Mass operations refer to requirement that was placed on the police authorities in large metropolitan centres to fulfil prede-termined quotas to remove and send into exile undesirable elements such as hooligans and petty criminals

14 The geographical distribution of labour camps in the Stalin period is shown in map series 1ndash3 of our website wwwgulag-mapsorg

15 For example the physicist and human rights campaigner Andrei Sakharov was among the political dissenters to be subject to internal exile and Alexander Solzhenitsyn was banished overseas

Piacentini and Pallot

24

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elements persisted albeit on a smaller scale than previously But it was prisoner exile where a custodial sentence involved removal of convicted offenders to the peripheries which became the dominant punishment form after Stalinrsquos death with released prison-ers as before facing obstacles to returning home16

During the Soviet period therefore exile gradually became normalized as a category of imprisonment and became an integral element of the Soviet mythic landscape Prisoners in Russia lived and worked (and indeed many died) under a giant universe of ideas about culture crime and territorial expansion and were reminded daily that the consequence of committing a criminal or political offence was exile and imprisonment put to the ser-vice of political and moral correction This was a hybrid penal approach where the articu-lation of national identity was insistently pursued in the criminal justice sphere Gentes posits that in perpetuating the Tsarist penal exile system lsquo[the] Bolsheviks merely per-fected the teachings of their predecessors for their own ends Contemporary Russiarsquos treatment of its convicts suggests the lingering influence of this ancient and destructive catechismrsquo (Gentes 2005 84) As prisoners were absorbed into new sites and lands their identity was formed through metaphors of territorial border and periphery (Clowes 2011)

Before moving onto the empirical evidence we use to support our argument of Russiarsquos culture of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo a brief note about Foucault is required to provide insight into how theorizations of modes of penal thinking in Western Europe did not per-meate the Eastern periphery The French edition of Solzhenitysnrsquos Gulag Archipelago was published one year before Foucaultrsquos landmark intellectual study on penality Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Foucault intentionally used Solzhentiynrsquos gulag and its now iconic metaphor of the archipelago to situate punishment within techniques of administration and power in capitalist Europe in the nineteenth century Yet the gulag remained a paradox for Foucault not least because his preferred sources of meth-odological inquiry were the public legal document and public record which in Soviet Russia were subject to macro-political subjugation (Plamper 2002) As our focus is on the cultural foundations of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo we rejected the use of a Focauldian genealogical method in our analysis although we recognize that his theorization of tech-nologies of power in the modern state has provided helpful insights to historians of the Soviet period17 A further point of note is that Russian penality is seen by historians as a lsquoliminal casersquo because Russia its institutions and its people have seen themselves as either East or West or neither or both For Foucault therefore Russia did not easily fit into his foundational categorization of modernity in Western Europe and lsquoas such it [the gulag] became one case over which Foucaultrsquos categories stumbledrsquo (Plamper 2002 256) Hence the growth of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo in Russia is discussed only briefly by Foucault

There is only one notion that is truly geographical that of the archipelago I have used it only once and that was to designate via the title of Solzhenitsynrsquos work the carceral archipelago the way in which a form of punitive system is physically dispersed yet at the same time covers the entirety of soci-ety (Foucault 1980 68)

16 Prisoners could still be subjected to a period of exile post-release but most often return was made difficult because of the operation of the propiska or living-permit system people who were not resident in their place of registration for six years auto-matically lost their right to a living-permit It was only in the mid-1990s that this obstacle to long-term prisoners returning home was removed when the propiska laws were revised

17 See Engelstein (1993) followed by commentaries by Rudy Koshar Jan Goldstein and Engelsteinrsquos reply (Engelstein 1993 354ndash63 364ndash75 376ndash81 respectively)

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

25

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What Foucault started to understand conceptually about Russian imprisonment and what we argue here is that rehabilitation and repression have always co-existed as the inevitable outcomes of Russiarsquos culture of punishment In the twenty-first century pris-oners are still being corralled onto trains and overcrowded prison trucks to be trans-ported between remand prisons and remote labour colonies for lsquocorrectionrsquo (though now called re-socialization) lsquoIn exile imprisonmentrsquo has become Russiarsquos distinctive penal style communicating a specific message about how the state responds to crim-inality and through its structural design reinforcing the collective conscience and national identity From urban centres to the peripheries and regardless of climate and extremity the regime has been able to generate and regenerate its cultural discourse through exile and imprisonment

Sources and Research Methods

The research on which this paper is based was largely conducted as part of a major study funded by the United Kingdomrsquos Economic and Social Research Council between 2007 and 2010 The project explored the effects of Russiarsquos distinctive carceral geog-raphy on the experiences of women prisoners in contemporary Russia18 The detailed fieldwork schedule was based on a pilot study conducted by the two authors in a colony for juvenile female offenders in Riazanrsquo oblast in 2006 It involved a questionnaire sur-vey and interviews with prisoners19 In light of the pilot study we proceeded to develop surveys and a schedule of questions for the main project in womenrsquos correctional colo-nies Access to colonies required the cooperation of the Russian Prison Service After the second period of fieldwork the Russian side withdrew its cooperation which meant that we had to find alternative partners to conduct further interviews Differences in expertise of the interview teamsmdashin their subject positions and in externally imposed constraintsmdashwere marked and raised difficult epistemological and methodological issues We discuss the circumstances and consequences for the direction of the project of the Federal Penal Servicersquos withdrawal from the project in Pallot and Piacentini (2012 Chapter 2)

In total 119 interviews were conducted with women who were serving custodial sen-tences or who had recently been released (65 were current adult women prisoners 30 were current juvenile prisoners and 24 were ex-prisoners) In addition personnel were interviewed the majority by the authors themselves in colonies in Mordoviia and Riazanrsquo Since completing the ESRC project we have expanded our research on the impacts of distance to include male prisoners and prisonersrsquo families Extracts from these interviews relevant to how prisoners and their families interpret the Russian sys-tem of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo are also included in what follows20

18 The research was interdisciplinary as was reflected in the specialisms of the collaborators Judith Pallot Laura Piacentini and Dominique Moran who were drawn from Russian Area Studies prison sociology human geography Women in the Russian Penal System The role of distance in the theory and practice of imprisonment in late Soviet and post-Soviet Russia RES-062-23ndash0026 (2007ndash2010)

19 The results of this study were published in Piacentini and Pallot (2012)20 This refers to the interviews conducted for AHRC-funded project directed by Judith Pallot on prisonersrsquo relatives see www

geogoxacukresearchtransformationsprojectspenality

Piacentini and Pallot

26

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The second source on which we draw for this paper are the numerous websites that provide travel and support advice to families of prisoners21 We tracked entries in online blogs including the words lsquoexilersquo lsquodistancersquo lsquogulagrsquo and lsquotransportrsquo We have translated from Russian into English from the websites The section that follows presents our findings

Prisoners are Exiles in Contemporary Russia

There is no question that Russia has travelled far over the last 20 years in legal and penal reform and in developing human rights frameworks However there are specific elements of the structure of incarceration that do not differ radically from the political and cultural understandings of penal punishment in the Soviet era Principal among these is the belief that social lsquodisorderrsquo can take on malevolent forms that require the symbolic penal response of exile In Russiarsquos penal heartland as was the case in the Soviet period the donor regions in the urban metropolitan areas hold the majority of remand prisons and the fewest colonies and the recipient regions to the east and north where the general population is more sparsely populated contain the most prisoners (Moran et al 2011 Pallot and Piacentini 2012 55ndash9) Prisoners are spilled out from the European centre to the east and north Moscow exports prisoners to other parts of Russia from its ten remand prisons (Moscow city has just one small correctional colony located on the cityrsquos edge which is lsquoreservedrsquo for prisoners lsquowith connectionsrsquo)22 The Komi Republic in the far north on the other hand has 33 correctional colonies yet only 3 remand prisons Using data from the Federal Service website it is possible to conclude that there is a 17 ratio between the regions with the lowest and the highest imprisonment rates Among the former are the central European Russian regions including Moscow and among the latter the lsquotraditionalrsquo penal regions of Komi Permrsquo Arkhangelrsquosk Sverdlovsk and Siberia The consequence of this for prisoners is the probability increasing with the severity of sentence of transportation to a remote place Whilst 790 per cent of prisoners sentenced to one of Russiarsquos nine cellular prisons and 911 per cent of prisoners on life sentences are imprisoned outside their region of domicile or arrest the equiva-lent figure for male prisoners sentenced for specified terms to lower category cor-rectional colonies is 177 per cent For women the figure sent out of region is 334 per cent The prison service does not publish statistics on the average distances that prisoners are sent but we do know that just 15ndash20 per cent of prisoners of all catego-ries serve their sentences in their home county (raion)23

In terms of women and punishment the relationship between exile and imprison-ment narrows further Currently Russia has 46 correctional colonies for women con-centrated in 37 regions (out of a total of 83) The spread of the 46 womenrsquos colonies is uneven Three womenrsquos colonies cluster within a short distance of one another in

21 These include wwwsviadanoknet forumtyuremnet wwwdekabristskiru22 Personal communication between Pallot and a former Russian prisoner (2013)23 These figures are extracted from the census of prisoners conducted under the auspices of the Federal Penal Service and are

taken from Seliverstov (2011) The distribution of different categories of penal facilities at the present time is available on our web resource series 5 and 6 available online at wwwgulagmapsorg

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

27

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the republic of Mordoviia and there are four in Permrsquo krai24 Juvenile women are most disadvantaged in terms of being far from home There are only three juvenile colo-nies for women in Russia and young women are sent on average 600 kilometres from home (Pallot and Piacentini 2012 61ndash3) In Mordoviia our own survey revealed that women are brought from sub-Arctic regions in the north the Caucasus in the south and from Siberia to the east The average distance for a woman prisoner from her place of residence is 486 kilometres We interviewed one woman who had been brought from Barnaul in Altai over 2300 kilometres away The critical difference between menrsquos prisons and womenrsquos is the assignment of place of punishment

Returning to the aim of this paper namely exploring lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo we argue that the messages communicated about distance and being lsquosent awayrsquo reveal interesting and exceptional pains of imprisonment Distance we found is often read as exile for prisoners The following is a statement from a relative returning from visiting a prisoner in the heart of the Mordoviian forest in 2004 It is an example of the traces we refer to in the introduction25

hellip to get to Leplei is another 25 lsquotaigarsquo [that is through the coniferous forest] kilometres hellip There is nothing but colonies If you are going there for the first time I advise you to prepare yourself the place is of course creepy Have a read of Solzhenitsynrsquos Gulag Archipelago Itrsquos just the same today Nothing has changed

In the interviews with prisoners we raised the question of distance and found there was a striking similarity in their descriptions of their feelings about transportation to the anxieties expressed by refugees asylum seekers and other displaced people who are expelled from their homes and sent into exile It is a feeling that as described by Solzhenitsyn anticipates the lsquoliving deathrsquo of Agambenrsquos homo sacer (Agamben 1998)

Here we see that the threat of exilemdashof mere displacement of being set down with your feet tiedmdashhas a sombre power of its own the power which the ancient potentates understood and which Ovid long ago experienced Emptiness Helplessness A life that is no life at all (Solzhenitsyn 1974 340)

Prisonersrsquo talk today contains many references to exile This is from a woman serving a 12-year sentence when interviewed in 2010 responding to a question about distance

Itrsquos just that itrsquos emotionally easier if you are in prison in a familiar place You know they bring trans-ports with women who donrsquot even know where [this town] is We have women here from Amdash and Bmdash They canrsquot even imagine where they are and what sort of place this is They know itrsquos somewhere way up in the north but they have no idea of where precisely Yes for them it is very difficult they donrsquot understand anything and itrsquos as if theyrsquove arrived in a foreign country they think they are in a strange land

Interviews with prisoners today suggest that sending them lsquoout of regionrsquo has histori-cal and penological meaning Some interviewees without prompting referred to their imprisonment as exile and their vocabulary references pre-revolutionary and Soviet

24 Full details of the relationship between distance and punishment are outlined on our project website wwwgeogoxacukresearchtransformationsprojectsrussia The site also lists the wide range of publications and other dissemination from the project

25 This was posted in a now defunct website ARESTANT that supported prisonersrsquo relatives and was accessed in 2006 see Pallot (2007) for a discussion of the site

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at University of Strathclyde on February 3 2014

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exile For example the etap the sixteenth-century name of the staging post on the route march into exile is in popular usage today to describe the prisoner transport and transit prisons are often referred to by the nineteenth-century term peressylnie punktimdashliterally lsquoexile pointsrsquo

The time taken on transportations that take circuitous routes and involve the suspen-sion of all communication with home creates in prisoners a sense of estrangement that underlines their physical separation from all that is familiar (Piacentini et al 2009) It also creates an impaired sense of geography For the majority of juvenile women we interviewed the prison transport was the first long journey they had taken For example one 16-year-old in Lrsquogovo colony Riazanrsquo oblast had been brought from Ukhta in the Komi republicmdasha distance of well over 1000 kilometres The relative location of these two places was difficult for the young woman to comprehend but the two months that the journey to the colony had taken multiplied her sense of being lsquofar awayrsquo several-fold

Travellers in penal Russia enter lsquoanother countryrsquo they need the correct documen-tation and abundant physical and financial resources to complete the often arduous journeys Prisoners talk about arriving at the lsquoedge of the worldrsquo which suggests an intensified sense of estrangement As during the Stalin period a large number of penal colonies are inaccessible at certain times of the year Some can only be reached by heli-copter Large numbers in the northern forests are reached by temporary forest roads or prison service-controlled single-track railways Anderson (2000) in her work on Indian prisoners expelled by the British to the Andaman Islands describes the fear confusion and isolation that they felt in the process of exile Similarly in gulag testimonies there are thick descriptions of lsquonight blindnessrsquo in prison ships (Ginzburg 1967) and how the lsquopurplish hillsrsquo called to mind the giant roofless prison of penal exile Soviet dissidents from the 1980s talk about exile across Russia as lsquomoving with the breezersquo the lsquobrilliance of the starsrsquo seen during transportation to colonies and of recreating traffic noises in their heads to make associations with home Solzhenitsyn writes of how he came to loathe forests And as exile became one of the main repertoires of penal discipline in Russia so too did the place of exile become an environment of torment We see this also in todayrsquos testimonials from women prisoners

I donrsquot know how to explain it itrsquos just that you are taken out of society and transplanted to who-knows-where I deserve it though three years would be enough throughout my sentence Irsquove had one foot here and the othermdashthere In other words I donrsquot actually lsquoliversquo here

lsquoIn exile imprisonmentrsquo has also spread more broadly into Russian society Online support communities made up of prisonersrsquo families contain lsquotravel guidesrsquo to penal Russia with advice on how to reach prisoners across Russiarsquos giant territories what to take and what to expect en route (Pallot 2007) These websites reveal how being sent away signals what is the end of one life and the beginning of another26 Painful interac-tions with confinement follow because prisoners arrive at their destination disoriented Furthermore these insights are layered with symbolic penal meaning not just about power but also about how prisoners absorb a status of lsquoexilersquo

26 For example wwwtyuremnetmytexthow040htm

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29

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Further evidence of the normalization of understanding imprisonment as exile is the self and societal representations of prisonersrsquo relatives as Dekabristki Decembrist wives and the reimagining of the aftermath of the uprising 188 years ago The symbol of the quintessential good wife is also the symbol of the punishment of exile In the twenty-first century the Decembrist trope has crossed the class and family status divide so that it is used as an appellation by anyone who has a relative in prison (Katz and Pallot 2014) These are examples from interviews with prisonersrsquo relatives in 2010 and self-help websites

It seems to me there is no difference [between us and the Decembrist wives] itrsquos possible to say that because the wives of the Decembristsmdashthey followed them to Siberia into the cold wastes And we in essence are tied by the same chains we can be compared yesI will do what I want let them say what they want We are indeed wivesmdashDekabristkimdashwhere the husband goes so does the wifeThere is some truth in it [the Decembrist appellation] Yes many leave everything behind but I will say of myself I wonrsquot go

These excerpts echo the observation made by Evgenia Ginzburg who was sent as a prisoner in the 1930s to Kolyma

I always thought the Decembrists endured the most frightful sufferings but listen to this lsquoof the wondrous built so firm so fast the carriagersquo they ought to have tried one of Stolypinrsquos coaches (Ginzburg 1967 205)

The lsquoStolypinrsquo coach to which Ginzburg refers was the prison railway wagon named after the Tsarist prime minister who introduced them after the 1905 revolution to transport oppositionist convicts east It is the common appellation of the railway cars in which prisoners are transported to their destination colonies todaymdashwe were first alerted to its current use in an interview with a 16-year-old in the juvenile colony in Riazanrsquo There are numerous other traces of exile that have passed down through Russian culture27 These include the prison lsquochansonsrsquo which equate imprisonment with exile and metaphors of prison and exile that abound in popular culture such as in the phrase lsquoplaces not so remotersquomdashmesta ne stolrsquo otdalenniemdashthe official designation in the nineteenth century of a West Siberian and Urals exile destination but now used to describe any confined space with a lock on it from a lavatory to a correctional colony in Magadan The understanding of contemporary imprisonment as exile to hard labour has even entered official discourse such as when the Minister of Justice introducing the new Concept Paper for prison reform in 2009 to elements of the current penal system as being like the gulag and katorga

In all the extracts above the significant point is not how the historical stereotype is being used but that it is being used at all to describe twenty-first-century imprison-ment Olga Romanova the wife of a financier held in Butyrka in St Petersburg affirms that the need to travel great distances as a demonstration of wifely duty defines the modern-day Decembrist wife

27 There is a very popular traditional Russian folk song or romance called My Darling about a woman asking a man being sent into exile to take her with him It has been sung by all the main pop artists in Russia and is a popular karaoke song and also sung at weddings The first stanza repeats the line lsquofar away landrsquo throughout lsquoMy darling Take me with you There in the far away land Irsquoll be your wifersquo

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30

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And when you without thinking fill bags with food and trudge through the snow field to prison or campmdashis that not a Dekabristka and is it not a heroic feat And here I think for me to get to the prison is ten minutes on the metro but women come from the auls leave children at stations almost donrsquot speak Russian know nothing and donrsquot understand but make their way to this Devilrsquos prison and try there by hook or by crook to find out anything about husbands but all of them are interro-gated humiliatedmdashgo and talk to them about extraordinary love and a high sense of duty28

When prisoners talk today about being sent lsquoto another countryrsquo or to katorga or say that women from the far north are lsquoin exilersquo in colonies in the south or when their relatives compare their experiences with those of the Dekabristki they are historicizing about Russian lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo These comments also reinforce the point that alternative interpretations of what is happening to them cannot be found by todayrsquos prisoners on the arduous journey to the penal colony transportation is a Soviet legacy whose discursive meanings are deeply embedded in Russian culture

The Pains of Transportation

Mark Finnaire (1997 13) argues in relation to the eighteenth-to-nineteenth-century transportations from Britain to Australia that the deterrent effect of the lsquoterrors of the transportrsquomdashthe uncertainty of the voyage and the indeterminate fatemdashwas the factor that made transportation such an attractive penal alternative for the British authorities to the death penalty Here is one of our respondents (sentenced in 2001 to eight years for drug dealing) describing her transportation to prison in 2008

We didnrsquot know where we were going There was a four-person compartment but they put ten of us in along with our cases Ten people there all with trunks in the compartment hellip we like that on top of each other the whole way hellip they gave us prison rationsmdasha jar of dried potatoes and a jar of oats but no hot water hellip it was a nightmare hellip And the guard was some young man and he told us we had to entertain him tell him jokes It was just awful hellip so demeaning hellip There was one girl with a very high temperature but the convoy said she was putting it on She was dripping wet with sweat all the way there and they wouldnrsquot let her go to the toilet alonemdashyou had to be accompanied But she took two steps and fell so they just pushed her back in

These words indicate the painful humiliating and demeaning process of penal trans-portation In response to a question put in an interview in 2011 to a male former pris-oner about why in the twenty-first century prison transportation has to be such an ordeal we received the unequivocal answer that it is because that is its purpose He went on to list the transportationrsquos familiar lsquoterrorsrsquo

You are absolutely unsettled you do not have any stability you are in motionmdashandmdashyou have these searches always these searches on the etap you canrsquot access any of your own food you have to eat what they provide or what they donrsquot providemdashthatrsquos all suffering At the same time you are sur-rounded by people you donrsquot know So itrsquos a very nerve-racking environment After all you never know where yoursquoll end upmdashso thatrsquos why itrsquos punishment

Another interviewee was convinced that the ordeal is designed to break prisoners before they arrive at the colony

28 wwwnovayagazetarudata201104400htmlprint=201103070927

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31

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You see they are already victims broken and therefore compliant with the regime they find there [in the colony] This contemptible system means that the person who is humiliated just wants to escape for it to stop She comes shall we say like fresh meat those who have been through it once know whatrsquos going on and they hate it but do nothing they do nothing When she arrives in the colony she is already done for Her personality is already broken shersquos lost her reason

Of course these views are not evidence that the Russian prison service sets out to make the transportation an ordeal But there are rituals associated with transportation that do appear designed to demean prisoners being made to run from the prisoner transportation truck to the trains in a stress position and destinations being kept from prisoners29 These excerpts from women interviewed in 2007 and 2009 confirm the last point

In the first place they donrsquot tell you where they are sending you hellip We were in the dark about it and when they fetched us for the transport they didnrsquot mention it Itrsquos not talked about I was told that itrsquos a secret You get ready and you go on transport and thatrsquos ithellip the girls sat together with me and they asked whatrsquos going on where are we going I could only say lsquoI donrsquot know where wersquore goingrsquo

Acute sensory deprivations psychological trauma and disorientation were all felt by our respondents As during the Soviet period lack of information about where they were being taken and disproportionate distances from home lead to prisoners to see themselves as exiles because the sense of lsquobeing far awayrsquo was multiplied several-fold Moreover the disciplinary power of exile and punishment expands punishment taking the capillary of penal power into new geographical frontiers From one commentator

In the waiting room (etapka) for the prison transport the prisoners are gathered their fate already of interest to nobodymdashthey have already been forgotten Now they are the same as all the others there30

Small wonder then that prisoners talk about entering lsquoanother countryrsquo or declare that they do not know where they are This prisoner alludes to both the gulag and distance in her description of prisonersrsquo expectations of the transportation

All of us know that we are being sent away to lsquohealth resortsrsquo Kolymamdashthatrsquos not the only resort31

Whether someone is sentenced to tundra or the desert or is incarcerated physically close to or distant from home affects their emotional reactions to the sights and smells inside the penal space As the wife of one prisoner said in an online forum

Before he gets to the colony in Solikamsk your husband will have gone through two peressylnie prisons First itrsquos a couple of weeks to Permrsquo then depending when the train goes itrsquos off to the lsquocel-ebratedrsquo Solikamsk White Swan32 There is not a shorter journey for prisoners from outside Permrsquo So it canrsquot take less than a month before he can write to you33

29 Personal communication to Pallot from a male former prisoner held in penal colonies30 Vitaly Lozovskii former prisoner explaining etap wwwtyuremnetmytexthow040htm31 The health resort point alludes to an article in a newspaper in the 1950s which said lsquoprisons are not health resortsrsquo (see

Hardy 2012) Kolyma in the far north-east of Siberia contained some of the most notorious gulag camps32 The White Swan is a notorious prison-within-a-prison in Solikamsk where prisoners from the penal complex in Northern

Permrsquo krai who violate regime rules are sent as punishment33 wwwuznikinfoguin-permphp

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32

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In conclusion one of the members of Pussy Riot Maria Alyekhina says of her period of imprisonment in a Permrsquo correctional colony in the Urals region

The transit was difficult I got to see several cities before I got here But this prison hellip Shalamov was exiled here34 Itrsquos as if this place keeps some kind of memories hellip But I dislike the methods I donrsquot like it that human rights here is a phrase on a par with something like lsquotoilet moprsquo Thatrsquos what I donrsquot like35

These additional extracts reveal how prisoners in Russia are lsquoprisoners of the passagersquo in much the same way as Foucault outlined in his lsquoShip of Foolsrsquo metaphor Over the course of our research we have met prisoners in Russia who are in constant motion displaced banished and removed If exile is lsquobody mobilityrsquomdasha process of leaving and once the final destination has been reached of becomingmdashthe exiled body reaches lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo For those sent into lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo place lsquomattersrsquo and creates a distinctive identity that is inextricably bound up in the complex history of the gulag The official view from prison governors is that the culture of exile is over-exaggerated The lsquodistance problemrsquo is a myth because prisoners can keep in touch by phone or nowadays by Skype Being sent away to another region we were told by one deputy-governor is not so very different from going to university Colonies hundreds of kilometres away it transpires are really not so very far away

Conclusion

Prisoners by definition are people cut adrift from society who when they enter prison leave their culture of origin In Russia additionally there is a sense of abject displace-ment inscribed in the penal experience because exile and punishment linger on The new concept for understanding penality in Russiamdashin exile imprisonmentmdashthat we have presented in this paper describes how prisoners are subjected to painful transpor-tations and displacement from core to periphery The historical allusions in prisonersrsquo talk refer to events that they did not experience but which they learn and relearn as con-temporary traces of a distant past that have continued significance for ordinary people

If the Pussy Riot case tells us anything about Russiarsquos culture of punishment it is that lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo is not considered to be exceptional It thrives as an institu-tional form and as a cultural practice because it articulates specific political and social messages and is associated with the exclusion of dissent Particularly in the Putin era when there is on-going struggle between human rights activists and the political centre the power of the prison to affirm state values is never so potent as when high-profile figures such as Mikhail Khodorkovskii and Pussy Riot are exiled to the peripheries But fault lines have been surfacing in discussions about penal reform that look set to deepen further as people attached to traditional punishment forms find it increasingly difficult to defend a penal infrastructure that expels prisoners to places out of reach of their families and into hostile and difficult environments

34 Varlam Shalamov is the famous Russian writer poet and gulag survivor whose Kolyma Tales of life in Soviet forced labour camps is considered to be one of the great Russian collections of short stories of the twentieth century The place she is referring to is Berezniki in Northern Permrsquo krai which was built by prisoners in the 1930s and is the centre of mining and wood process-ing industries

35 httpfreepussyriotorgcontent-interviews-masha-and-nadia-january-2013

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

33

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Mapping out the penal territory of Russia has proved elusive for criminologists and sociologists who in the main conduct research in North America Northern Europe and the Antipodes Indeed it remains the case that what makes a penal system lsquoWesternrsquo as opposed to lsquonon-Westernrsquo has produced a limited analysis of certain aspects of world prison populations Our long-standing work in the region has revealed how exile has become deeply meaningful in Russia with a set of cultural historical and criminologi-cal associations specific to that country

Where we hope our concept of lsquoin exile imprisonmentrsquo can make a contribution to prison sociology more generally is by drawing attention to the common features shared by exile and imprisonment social expulsion and rupture connection estrangement and a necessary othering Following Foucault for whom the one was succeeded by the other penal sociologists have studied exile and imprisonment as two separate punish-ment modalities that have distinguishable characteristics exile is a lsquomobile exclusionrsquomdasha process of moving backwards and forwardsmdashand imprisonment is a lsquofixed exclusionrsquo (Kinz 1981 Barudy 1989 Castles and Davidson 2000 McClennen 2004) This binary has been reproduced in histories of Russian punishment even though as we have shown here they merged in the decades following the dismantling of the gulag

In his theoretical portrait of exile and madnessmdashthe Ship of FoolsmdashFoucault pre-sents the exile as the prisoner of the passage stuck in lsquoa barren wasteland between two lands that can never be his ownrsquo (Foucault 2006 11) So too can imprisonment seem like an endless journey towards a form of intended purificationmdasha liminal space The cultural analysis of punishment in the work of Philip Smith suggests a conceptual link between exile and imprisonment Smith theorizes punishment as different types of exclusionary practice that articulate Durkheimrsquos boundaries of more tolerance (Smith 2008) Exclusion is one way of distinguishing between protean cultural categories of lsquothe purersquo and lsquothe pollutedrsquo and can be understood as symbolically performing a cleansing function whilst simultaneously reassuring lsquothe righteousrsquo This type of analy-sis challenges wider prison scholarship that treats the parts of confinement that have parallels with exile as a metaphorical category in which consideration of the process of expulsion is limited to a discussion of imprisonment as a lsquorestrictiondeprivation of lib-ertyrsquo that is somewhat temporary Prisoner transportation in this approach similarly is minimized to an operational activity of just taking prisoners to prison (Codd 2008) Yet as we know women prisoners in the United Kingdom are moved between pris-ons regularly Prisoners live their lives in prison by instalments and like the exile the prisoner embarks on a body mobility towards reform and change whilst hidden from mainstream society The Russian example shows that prisoner transportation may in fact be an end-product of conventional criminal justice rather than its by-product and that it intensifies imprisonmentrsquos pains We have argued elsewhere that prisoner transport can be conceptualized as a mode of lsquodiscipline through movementrsquo where penal punishment and historical practices of banishment start to become inscribed on the body through lsquocoerced mobilizationrsquo36 But because of all the meanings historically

36 In Pallot and Piacentini (2012) this is described in Chapters 6 and 7 as lsquocoerced mobilizationrsquo Moran et al (2012) refer to this as lsquodisciplined mobilizationrsquo On reflection it seemed to us that the use of lsquodisciplinaryrsquo to describe the process of moving prisoners between institutions stripped it of the direct force with which it is associated in Russia and implied a degree of self-regulation that whilst possible in the context of cell or communal dormitory is absent in the avtozek or Stolypin carriage This is notwithstanding Foucaultrsquos (1975 264) identification of the lsquocell-carriagersquo as part of the panoptic process

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34

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associated with the prisoner transport in Russia we argue here that the transport takes prisoners lsquointo exilersquo and it is this that has not yet been explored in detail in prison scholarship and carceral geography scholarship

Our final point is to suggest that as an institutional exclusion a prison experience can be described as exile without moving In the United Kingdom for example the return to prison and the regular going back and forth do change the idea of what prison sociolo-gists understand as a lsquostayrsquo in prison Whilst exile is a prison without borders (Gready 2003) exile to a prison redefines the contours of confinement to include geographical dimensions In other words those lsquoexiledrsquo to a prison become the subjects of a system and structure that intertwines ideas of necessitated distance with penal discipline This is a striking aspect of imprisonment that has not yet been explored in great depth in prison sociology In Russia prisoners who are not in fact taken long distances to serve their sentences appear nevertheless to experience it as exile The intriguing question for penal sociology is to identify the circumstances under which imprisonment any-where might be experienced as geographical exile

Funding

This article draws upon work carried out from the following project Women in the Russian Penal System The role of distance in the theory and practice of imprisonment in late Soviet and post-Soviet Russia funded by the Economic and Social Research Council RES-062-23-0026 2006ndash2010 Project partners were the authors and Dr Dominique Moran Senior Lecturer in the Geographies of Transitional Economies School of Geography Earth and Environmental Sciences University of Birmingham

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Sarah Armstrong Neil Hutton and John Pratt for their com-ments on earlier drafts and Jan Plamber Jonathan Simon and Phillip Smith for helpful correspondence on the articlersquos central themes

References

Adams B F (1996) The Politics of Punishment Prison Reform in Russia 1863ndash1917 DeKalbAgamben G (1998) Homo Sacer Sovereign Power and Bare Life Stanford University PressAnderson C (2000) Convicts in the Indian Ocean Transportation from South Asia to Mauritius

1815ndash53 MacmillanAugeacute M (2004) Oblivion University of Minnesota PressBarnes S A (2011) Death and Redemption The Gulag and the Shaping of Soviet Society

Princeton University PressBarudy J (1989) lsquoA Programme of Mental Health for Political Refugees Dealing with the

Invisible Pain of Political Exilersquo Social Science and Medicine 1989 715ndash27Beer D (2013a) lsquoDecembrists Rebels and Martyrs in Siberian Exile The ldquoZerentui

Conspiracyrdquo of 1828 and the Fashioning of a Revolutionary Genealogyrsquo Slavic Review 72 528ndash52

mdashmdash(2013b) lsquoStripped of All Rights of Rank Making Sense of Life after ldquoCivil Deathrdquo in Siberian Exile 1855ndash1900rsquo paper presented to the conference The Soviet Gulag New Research and New Interpretations Georgetown University 25ndash28 April

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

35

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mdashmdash(2013c) lsquoThe Exile the Patron and the Pardon The Voyage of the Dawn (1877) and the Politics of Punishment in an Age of Nationalism and Empirersquo Kritika Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 14 5ndash30

Bell W T (2013) lsquoWas the Gulag an Archipelago De-Convoyed Prisoners and Porous Borders in the Camps of Western Siberiarsquo The Russian Review 72 116ndash41

Bowring B and Savitsky V eds (1996) Prava Cheloveka i Sudebniy Kontrol [Human Rights and Judicial Review] Human Rights Publishers

Brown K (2007) lsquoOut of Solitary Confinement History of the Gulagrsquo Kritika 8 67ndash103Castles S and Davidson A (2000) Citizenship and Migration Globalization and the Politics

of Belonging RoutledgeChekov A (2007) Sakhalin Island first published 1893 Penguin Great JourneysClowes E W (2011) Russia on the Edge Imagined Geographies and Post-Soviet Identity Cornell

University PressCodd H (2008) In the Shadow of Prison Families Imprisonment and Criminal Justice WillanDobson M (2009) Khrushchevrsquos Cold Summer Gulag Returnees Crime and the Fate of Reform

after Stalin Cornell University PressEngelstein L (1993) lsquoCombined Underdevelopment Discipline and the Law in Imperial

and Soviet Russiarsquo American Historical Review 98 338ndash53 followed by commentaries by R Koshar J Goldstein and L Engelsteinrsquos reply American Historical Review 98 354ndash63 364ndash75 376ndash81 respectively)

Finnaire M (1997) Punishment in Australian Society Oxford University PressFoucault M (1975) Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prisons Penguin (1991 edition)mdashmdash(1980) lsquoQuestions on Geographyrsquo in M Foucault ed PowerKnowledge Selected

Interviews and other Writings 1972ndash1977 translated by C Gordon Pantheonmdashmdash(2006) History of Madness RoutledgeFrank S P (1999) Crime Cultural Conflict and Justice in Rural Russia 1856ndash1914 University

of California PressGentes A (2005) lsquoKatorga Penal Labor and Tsarist Russiarsquo in E-M Stolberg ed The

Siberian Saga A History of Russiarsquos Wild East 73ndash85 Peter LangGentes A A (2008) Exile to Siberia 1590ndash1822 Palgrave Macmillanmdashmdash(2010) Exile Murder and Madness in Siberia 1823ndash61 Palgrave MacmillanGinzburg N (1967) Into the Whirlwind Harvill CollinGready P (2003) Reading and Writing the Prison Life Stories of Imprisonment Exile and Home

coming from Apartheid South Africa Lexington BooksHagenloh P (2000) lsquoSocially Harmful Elements and the Great Terrorrsquo in S Fitzpatrick

ed Stalinism New Directions 286ndash305 RoutledgeHardy J (2012) lsquoA Camp Is Not a Resort The Campaign against Privileges in the Soviet

Gulagrsquo Kritika 13 89ndash122Jacobson M (1993) Origins of the GULAG The Soviet Camp System 1918ndash1934 LexingtonKatz E and Pallot J (2014) lsquoI Will Empower Him Decembrist Wives in Russiarsquo Europendash

Asia Studies forthcomingKhlevniuk O V (2004) The History of the Gulag From Collectivization to the Great Terror Yale

University PressKinz E F (1981) lsquoExile and Re-Settlement Refugee Theoryrsquo International Migration

Review 15 42ndash51Klimkova O (2007) lsquoSpecial Settlements in Soviet Russia in the 1930sndash50srsquo Kritika 8

105ndash39

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36

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McClennen S A (2004) The Dialetics of Exile Nation Time Language and Space in Hispanic Literatures Purdue University Press

Moran D Pallot J and Piacentini L (2011) lsquoThe Geography of Crime and Punishment in the Russian Federationrsquo Eurasian Geography and Economics 52 79ndash104

Moran D Piacentini L and Pallot J (2012) lsquoDisciplined Mobility and Carceral Geography Prisoner Transport in Russiarsquo Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 37 446ndash60

Pallot J (2007) lsquoGde muzh tam zhenarsquo [lsquoWhere the Husband Is So Is the Wife Space and Gender in Post-Soviet Patterns of Penalityrsquo] Environment and Planning A 39 570ndash89

Pallot J and Piacentini L (2012) Gender Geography and Punishment Womenrsquos Experiences of Carceral Russia Oxford University Press

Piacentini L (2004) Surviving Russian Prisons Punishment Economy and Politics in Transition Willan

Piacentini L Pallot J and Moran D (2012) lsquoWelcome to the Malaya Rodina (Little Homeland) Gender and the Penal Order in a Russian Penal Colonyrsquo Social Legal Studies 18 523ndash42

Plamper J (2002) lsquoFoucaultrsquos Gulagrsquo Kritika Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 3 255ndash80

Polian P M (2001) Ne po Svoei Vole Istoriia i Geograffia Prinuditelrsquonykh Migratsii v SSSR [Not by Their Will History and Geography of Forced Migration in the USSR] Memorial

Saunders D (1992) Russia in the Age of Reaction and Reform 1801ndash1881 LongmanSeliverstov V I ed (2011) Osuzhdennye po materialam spetsialrsquonoi perepisi osuzhdennykh i lits

soderzhashchikhsia pod strazhei 12ndash19th noiabria 2009 g [Prisoners According to the Special Census of People under Detention on 12ndash18th November 2009] Vols 1ndash9 Iurisprudentsiia

Smith P (2008) Punishment and Culture University of Chicago PressSolzhenitsyn A (1974) The Gulag Archipelago 19181956 An Experiment in Literary

Investigation Vols IndashIII Glasgow Harvill ColinsViola L (2007) The Unknown Gulag The Lost World of Stalinrsquos Special Settlements Oxford

University PressWood A (1989) lsquoCrime and Punishment in the House of the Deadrsquo in O Crisp and L

Edmondson eds Civil Rights in Imperial Russia Clarendon PressYoung N (2006) lsquoDistance as a Hybrid Actor in Rural Economiesrsquo Journal of Rural Studies

22 253ndash66

lsquoIN EXILE IMPRISONMENTrsquo IN RUSSIA

37

at University of Strathclyde on February 3 2014

httpbjcoxfordjournalsorgD

ownloaded from