e-cadernos CES

04 | 2009

Representações sobre o aborto

Feminism By Other Means: Reframing TheAbortion Debate In Portugal

Margarite J. Whitten

Electronic versionURL: http://journals.openedition.org/eces/227DOI: 10.4000/eces.227ISSN: 1647-0737

PublisherCentro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra

Electronic referenceMargarite J. Whitten, « Feminism By Other Means: Reframing The Abortion Debate In Portugal », e-

cadernos CES [Online], 04 | 2009, Online since 01 June 2009, connection on 30 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/eces/227 ; DOI : 10.4000/eces.227

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04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

109

we going to use and I recall we had a huge fight” (personal interview, 2007). Celina

argued that abortion was about women, so the campaign needed feminist language

such as the right to choose. Other attendants adamantly rejected this proposal,

worrying that voters would turn against a campaign that utilized a feminist approach.

They favored using two other arguments: women being imprisoned for having

abortions, and clandestine abortion as an issue of public health. Celina agreed with the

importance of these reasons, calling it “coherent, deep speech”, but resisted cutting out

what she considered to be the bottom line: “the dignity of women and the right to

choose” (personal interview, 2007). Attendants of the meeting decided that keeping

women out of jail would be the primary argument. Celina countered that women being

sent to jail for abortion was about not being able to choose, which stemmed from

sexism.

But there was urgency in the notion that this was Portugal’s last chance to reform

abortion laws. Celina was not the only person voicing the need for more feminist

arguments, yet like most other activists she yielded to the restrictions of the campaign.

She agreed that moderation might be the condition to win the referendum: “we had to

have a more moderate speech because people are afraid of women and of feminism

and of too much power to women.” But her compliance was not without reservations: “It

got moderated, maybe too much... We’ll see in the future what we lost with it, as a

society and as a feminist movement” (personal interview, 2007).

Celina’s recounting of the restricted language of the 2007 campaign was not

exaggerated. Walking through Lisbon in the weeks before the referendum, every Yes

billboard and sign showed young women in negative situations: behind prison bars,

being escorted from a building (presumably a courthouse) with their faces under a coat,

or cowering on the floor with their heads in their hands. These images were

accompanied by phrases containing the words “humiliation”, “shame”, “responsibility”

and “dignity”; the first two words referred to the problems society and women faced

(respectively), and the following two referred to the objectives that society and women

desired (also respectively). The word escolha (choice) was only seen in graffiti,

marginalized activism that was not supported by the Yes campaign, and the doctor’s

movimento (approved movement group), which had the power of medical authority and

a discourse devoid of feminist rhetoric to justify the word’s use.

This article has two main objectives: discussing a contextualized history of

Portuguese abortion politics; and analyzing the arguments that shaped the 2007 Yes

campaign. I will discuss the agreement to moderate the campaign messages from

within the Portuguese feminist movement, where the abortion reform movement was

born and where silenced objection to moderation was sometimes felt. Celina’s

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110

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04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

111

After attending one post-referendum meeting of Jovens Pelo Sim and interviewing

one member, my access to the world of referendum campaigns temporarily ended as

the movimentos disbanded and activists returned to their own activist groups. I was

reintroduced a few weeks later when I received an email from Claudia who, in addition

to being a feminist activist in UMAR (Union for Active and Responding Women), was

also a virtual secretary for the Yes campaign. She set me up with an interview with

Manuela Tavares, a feminist academic and one of the Presidents of UMAR. Claudia

and Manuela gave me oral histories of Portuguese feminism, provided me with books

for my research, and gave me names and contact information for other activists. At the

end of my time in Europe, I had conducted 27 interviews from members of: three of the

five movimentos; UMAR; APF; the Left Bloc; Socialist Youth; pacifist and sexual

freedom NGOs; an anonymous feminist collective organized through a blog; Catholic

Student Movement; a few GLBT organizations; and the Vice President of the IPPF

European Network (International Planned Parenthood Federation).3 All but one of my

Portuguese informants were members of a movimento.

Most of my informants identified as feminist and more than half were active in

feminist organizations. After volunteering with UMAR’s Elina Guimarães

Documentation Center, I was invited to attend a Young Woman's Conference and a

Woman's Conference held by the Portuguese Coordination of the World March of

Women with the double role of researcher and UMAR volunteer. I was unable to

establish relationships with activists from the No campaign, so all but one of my

interviews were conducted with activists from the Yes campaign. Given the public

nature of the movement, I was given consent to use the real names of most informants,

but I refer to them by their first names whenever possible. At least one pseudonym has

been used.

Prior to arriving in Lisbon two weeks before the 2007 referendum, I used feminist

websites in tandem with online newspapers to prepare myself for the Portuguese

abortion reform campaign. I had seen pictures of Portuguese feminist demonstrations

in government buildings, a line of women each with one letter written on their shirts,

collectively spelling nós abortámos (we have aborted). I had read about sexual rights

groups helping to bring Women on Waves to Portugal, reigniting the public debate

through controversial international attempts at intervention. But wandering through the

narrow cobblestone sidewalks in the beginning of February, it became immediately

clear to me that the tactics used by the Yes campaign in Portugal were not what I

expected, both as a feminist and reproductive and sexual rights activist from the United

States, and as a researcher with cursory knowledge of the history of the Portuguese

3 See Appendix.

abort

1998

1998

rheto

3. FE

Fem

in wh

ideol

articl

comm

abort

abort

abort

and

politi

realit

trans

A

ident

same

envir

back

posit

of ille

fallen

Ame

publi

disco

reson

whic

dema

after

(Tava

refer

4 For

2003.

tion reform

8; Ginsburg

8), reclama

oric of choic

EMINISMS

inism is not

hich there is

logies and r

le. Some o

munity are:

tion; wome

tion is soci

tion is pro-f

utilized wit

cal climate

ties prese

snational fem

American a

tical, yet th

e, with em

ronment at

ked with rig

tion I identif

egal abortio

n out of th

rica, legaliz

ic campaign

ourse broug

nant argum

h is still th

anding “the

the 25 de

ares 2003)

rendum am

examples of

m movemen

& Rapp, 1

tion of the

ce had disap

IN COMMO

t monolithic

s “a deep,

relatable hi

of the princ

clandestine

n have the

ial backwar

family; and

h varied fre

that they

nt in diffe

minist comm

and Portugu

e argumen

mphasis giv

the time o

ghts claims

fy with as a

on that wer

e collective

zing abortio

n focused o

ght the cam

ment coincid

he main rhe

e right to u

Abril, the m

. Discussion

mong femin

these argume

nt. Unlike m

995; Petche

female bo

ppeared.

ON AND IN

c; however i

horizontal c

stories. Thi

ciples backi

e abortion k

right to ma

rdness; poo

abortion is

equency an

are being a

erent coun

munity fract

uese historie

ts supportin

ven to the

of reform.

to autonom

an America

re once act

e conscienc

n began in

on the dange

mpaign into

ding with th

etoric today

nrestricted

military coup

ns of wome

ist circles,

ents by Portug

112

many repro

esky, 1990

ody was no

CONTRAS

it can be co

comradeshi

is is the fem

ing the leg

kills women

ke decision

or economi

s a human

nd import d

applied to.

ntries beco

tures into lo

es concern

ng abortion

arguments

The Ameri

mous choic

an reproduc

tive parts o

ce of those

the 1950’s

ers of cland

o the next

he Civil Rig

y (Condit 1

and free a

p that overt

en’s rights t

however,

guese feminis

ductive rig

; Petchesky

ot present

ST

onceived of

ip” (Anderso

minism that

galization of

n; women sh

ns about the

c condition

right.4 Thes

depending o

This is pre

ome signif

ocal context

ing the lega

n on both s

s that fit t

can discou

ce and self

ctive rights a

of the Amer

e of us rai

as a doctor

destine abo

decade, a

hts Movem

1990). In P

abortion” wa

threw Salaz

to their bod

the most

sts, see the “D

hts movem

y, 1995; Pe

in Portuga

as an imag

on, 1991) b

I repeated

f abortion i

hould not b

eir own bod

s result in

se principle

on the cult

ecisely whe

ficant and

s.

alization of

ides have b

the historic

urse suppo

f-ownership

activist. The

rican aborti

sed in a p

rs’ campaig

rtion in the

arguing first

ent) and fin

Portugal, th

as released

zar’s fascist

ies continue

present ar

Depoimentos”

ments (Gins

etchesky & J

l in 2007.

gined comm

based on sh

ly refer to i

in this imag

e prosecute

dies; crimina

more abor

es are discu

ural, social

ere the sep

the imag

abortion ar

been largel

cal and po

rting aborti

: the pro-c

e conseque

ion debate

post-Roe er

gn that beca

1960’s. A

t for Equal

nally for Ch

e first pam

d just nine

t regime in

ed into the

rguments in

section in Ta

sburg,

Judd,

The

munity

hared

n this

gined

ed for

alized

rtions;

ussed

, and

parate

gined

re not

ly the

olitical

on is

hoice

ences

have

ra. In

ame a

rights

ity (a

hoice,

mphlet

days

1974

1998

n the

avares,

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

113

political realm concerned the dangers of clandestine abortion, and the socioeconomic

limitations that would drive a woman to have one. In the 2007 referendum, the abortion

reform campaign focused exclusively on clandestine abortion and its enforced

penalization.

Entering Portugal in the midst of referendum, I found the lack of choice rhetoric

disorienting. Engaging with the feminist community, I questioned what I perceived as

the abandonment of feminist principles in order to achieve the goal of abortion reform.

Activists like Celina responded in ways I anticipated, venting frustration and anxiety

about the pressure to moderate. But it was not the case that non-feminists were

silencing feminists, or even that feminists were completely silencing themselves. They

were selectively vocal, each campaigner conforming to the discourse deemed

acceptable by the movimentos—that were comprised, in noteworthy part, by feminists.

Feminist arguments that overlapped with the concerns of politicians or public health

officials could be used without being decried as wholly feminist. These arguments were

relevant to both feminist and non-feminist members of society.

4. HISTORY

This section is intended to provide the reader with a comprehensive history of the

Portuguese abortion reform movement. This historical framework is intended to

contextualize my analysis of campaign moderation, which will follow this section. This

section is comprised of four smaller sections: “Estado Novo & 25 de Abril” begins with

a basic definition of a woman’s role during fascism, identifies the feminist beginnings of

the abortion reform movement after the 25 de Abril, and discusses how the first trials

directed the arguments used by reformers. Next, “A Luta Continua” chronicles the

integration of abortion reform into the political agenda, introduces the publication of

testimonies of women who had experienced clandestine abortion, and summarizes the

conception and loss of the 1998 referendum. Then, “Trials” introduces the abortion

trials, the media stir they created and the visit of Women on Waves, and summarizes

the launch and success of the 2007 referendum. Finally, “1998 versus 2007” discusses

the main rhetorical and strategic differences between the two referendums.

4.1. ESTADO NOVO & 25 DE ABRIL

The 1939 civil code of Salazar’s fascist Estado Novo confined a woman’s role in

Portuguese society to mother and subservient wife (Tavares, 2000). The strong

valorization of motherhood and heightened Church5 influence effectively silenced

discourses of reproductive control. Censorship limited knowledge of Women’s 5 Church, when capitalized, refers to the institution of the Catholic Church.

Move

fasci

legis

was

them

MLM

corpo

publi

is fit

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1974

T

Maria

crimi

of ab

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to th

wom

acqu

form

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abort

her li

4.2.

The

politi

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enga

6 Tran

direito7 Tran

ements inte

st regime.

lative innov

largely co

mselves, exc

M (Moveme

o (Abortion—

ished in Po

only to th

rolling her

tified abortio

4, but these

The argum

a Antónia

inalized sta

bortion in th

a, collecting

e Assembly

man from Al

uitted. Seve

CNAC (N

lization cam

earing in pu

destine abo

public po

ishing artic

tion: it mus

ife. Already

A LUTA CO

1980’s we

cal agend

onstrations

age with pu

nslated from: “o humano de cnslated from “s

ernationally.

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vations to be

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cept for the

nt for the

—The Righ

rtugal. In th

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on as a wom

calls had n

ent surroun

Palla was

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g five thousa

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entejo, was

eral organiz

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ortion. Thes

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st be legal t

y, trials and

ONTINUA!

ere characte

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in Parliam

ublications.

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and signatu

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04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

115

Democratic Union (now integrated into the Leftist Bloc) and the Portuguese Communist

Party (PCP), projected laws to legalize abortion were repeatedly proposed in

Parliament. In 1984, the first law making abortion legal passed, but only to protect the

health of the woman, in cases of fetal abnormality, and in cases of rape. Though it was

the first advance towards legalization, feminists protested the ruling, claiming that

clandestine abortions would continue under the restrictive law with phrases like, “‘The

law of the PS maintains clandestine abortion. The fight continues!’” (Tavares 2004:

31)8 Despite discontent, the debate about abortion fell out of the public and political

realms until the 1990’s.

In the early 1990’s, the Portuguese Family Planning Association launched MODAP

(Opinion Movement for the Decriminalization of Abortion in Portugal), integrating

several women’s groups from leftist political parties, feminist groups, and The

Portuguese Association of Women Jurists. In 1994, MODAP proposed a revised law to

Parliamentary Commission that would permit abortion on demand in the first 12 weeks

of pregnancy, and increase the time periods for the three cases in which abortion was

already legal. In 1996, the PCP presented a projected law to the Parliament for

abortion on demand to be legalized for the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. The Socialist

Youth (JS) presented the same projected law a few months later. Over the next two

years, hospitals were investigated about the implementation of the 1984 law. Studies

were published revealing that women had died in public hospitals after undergoing

clandestine abortions, and confirming that the present law was not adequately

addressing the problem. In 1997, UMAR (Union for Alternative and Responding

Women) held a Linha SOS/Aborto (SOS Line/ Abortion) for ten days, where women

called in to relate their experiences having clandestine abortions. In February MODAP

collected fifteen thousand signatures supporting the projected law of PCP and JS; it

was voted on and rejected in Parliament.

One month later, a woman from Porto died from a clandestine abortion, influencing

Parliament to hold another debate and vote on abortion reform. PCP and JS revised

the projected law to allow abortion on demand in the first 10 weeks as opposed to the

first 12 weeks (Tavares 2004). On February 5, 1998, the projected law was debated

and ultimately approved. A few hours later, however, a compromise between the Prime

Minister and the President of the Republic was revealed: the issue would be put to

referendum. Campaigns were launched and at the end of June, the abortion reforms

were voted down by a 1 percent margin, with an abstention rate of 68 percent. The

results were upheld and the law remained the same (Freire & Baum; 2003a, 2003b).

8 Translated from “‘Lei do PS mantém aborto-clandestino. A luta continua!’”

4.3. T

The

of M

restr

wom

in Av

sente

Andr

threw

(200

outsi

P

wom

Wom

rights

Club

orde

Betw

femin

2006

A

Politi

was

ran f

2007

“YES

Bloc

could

trash

day a

near

vote.

9 Tran

mulhe10

Tecabsta

TRIALS

issue return

aia, the firs

ictive abort

men, three m

veiro, Setub

ences. Nev

rea Peniche

w these wom

7: 47)9. Th

ide the coun

Portugal be

men were tri

men On Wa

s and femi

e Safo). Th

red two Na

ween the tria

nist organiz

6).

Abortion in

ical parties

finally re-ce

for Prime M

7, the Soci

S: Clandesti

supported

d not walk

hcans, walls

after the ref

ly a third o

. 10

nslated from, eres foram senchnically, the ined from voti

ned to the p

st site of th

tion laws

medical prof

bal, Lisbon,

vertheless,

e, “the sha

men was fe

hese trials o

ntry, due to

ecame kno

ied and jail

aves came t

nist groups

heir arrival c

avy ships to

als and the

zations cont

Portugal h

gradually b

emented in

Minister, pro

alist party

ine Abortion

the Yes in

k through

s, and pole

ferendum, t

f the page:

“A exposição

ntidas, por grareferendum

ng. However,

public arena

he highly pu

(Direito de

fessionals,

and Coimb

in the wo

ameful and

elt, by a gre

opened the

the extens

own as the

ed for havi

to Portugal

s (Não te P

created an e

o block the

e visit of the

tinued to lo

had become

became mo

n the politica

omising to

campaigne

n is a Nation

both refere

Lisbon wit

es, bearing

the Público

Yes. The

o pública, vexaande parte da did not pass, Parliament a

116

a in 2001 wh

ublicized tri

Optar, 20

as well as

ra. None o

ords of the

inhumane

eat part of th

e debate to

ive media c

only coun

ing an abor

by invitatio

Prives, Acçã

enormous s

small, float

e barco do

obby for ano

e a politica

ore invested

al agenda

hold anoth

ed, posting

nal Shame.

ndums, and

thout seein

the words,

headline w

proposed r

atória e desupopulação, co

s automaticallyand the Presid

hen 17 wom

als that ma

02). During

numerous f

of the trials a

Portugues

public exp

he populatio

o even mor

coverage.

ntry in the

rtion. In 20

on from fou

ão para a

stir in the co

ting gyneco

aborto (abo

other refere

al litmus tes

d in the deb

in 2005 wh

er abortion

billboards

. Yes, The R

d in the wee

ng their pu

“Yes to En

was one wor

reforms pas

mana em queomo uma violêy because ment upheld the

men were tr

ade Portuga

g the next

family mem

after Maia r

se activist

position in

on, as a col

re people,

European

004 the Du

ur non-gove

Justiça e P

ountry as th

ological clin

ortion boat)

endum (Wo

st, as in the

bate. A sec

hen Socialis

referendum

around Li

Responsible

eks before t

urple bump

nd of the H

rd printed so

ssed with 6

e os julgamenência colectiva

more than 50%e results of the

ried in the v

al famous f

three year

mbers, were

resulted in p

and resea

which the

llective viole

both within

Union in w

utch organiz

ernmental s

Paz, UMAR

e Prime Mi

nic from doc

), politicians

men On W

e United St

cond referen

st José Sóc

m if elected

sbon that

e Vote.” The

the referend

per sticker

Humiliation.”

o large it too

0 percent o

ntos lançarama” % of the pope vote.

village

for its

rs, 15

e tried

prison

archer

trials

ence”

n and

which

zation

exual

R and

nister

cking.

s and

aves,

tates.

ndum

crates

d. In

read,

e Left

dum I

rs on

” The

ok up

of the

m estas

ulation

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

117

4.4. 1998 VERSUS 2007

The 1998 Yes campaign was led primarily by the approved movement group Sim pela

Tolerância, so named to oppose the intolerance exhibited in demonstrations by groups

associated with the Church. 11 According to feminist academic Manuela Tavares, “the

tactic of the Movimento Sim pela Tolerância centered on reproductive health and on

illegal abortion as dramatic situations women lived through. The discourse of rights was

not, in fact, the main tone of this campaign.” (2003: 39)12. Though not the primary

argument, reproductive rights were in fact part of the campaign language. Lawyer and

feminist activist Claudia, echoing the sentiments of many Yes campaign activists,

believes that “the referendum in 1998 was more like a feminist approach. They used

slogans like ‘I own my own belly’ and things like that and that didn’t work in a country

such as Portugal at that time” (personal interview, 2007). On the other hand, Tavares

notes that some criticized the 1998 movimento for lacking a strong feminist approach,

and focusing instead on abortion as an issue of public health. The role of feminist

discourse in the Portuguese abortion debate has been contested throughout public

reform efforts. Though Tavares credits the loss of the referendum to the strength of the

campaign led by the Catholic Church, the indecisiveness of the Socialist Party, and a

lack of a strong response by the Yes campaign to the arguments of the No campaign,

she agreed to the importance of discourse moderation in the second referendum.

In 2007, the Yes campaign launched five movimentos to appeal to different

constituents. Three were the most active in Lisbon, and the informants I interviewed

were from these groups. Movimento Cidadania e Responsibilidade pelo Sim was open

to anyone, while Movimento Jovens Pelo Sim was aimed at younger voters between

the ages of 18 and 30, and Medicos Pela Escolha was for medical professionals. To

anyone observing the 2007 campaign, it was clear that the Yes had identified two

problems that abortion reform would resolve: prosecuting women for having abortions

and the public health issue13 resulting from clandestine abortion (Correia, 2007; Ribeiro

& Fonseca, 2007). Speaking exclusively of these two issues was identified in most of

my interviews as central to the success of the 2007 Yes campaign.

11

Though the Catholic Church campaigned hard in the No camp, many members of the Portuguese branch of the group Catholics for Choice joined movimentos for the Yes. 12

Translated from, “A táctica do Movimento Sim pela Tolerância centrou-se na saúde reproductiva e no aborto ilegal como situação dramática vivida pelas mulheres. O discurso dos direitos não foi, de facto, a tónica principal desta campanha.” 13

Abortion has been framed as a public health issue both within Portugal by the APF and the government, and throughout the EU by the European Parliament (RFSU 2006).

5. AN

5.1.

Why

and

beca

Portu

that

winn

T

nonr

marg

citize

alrea

cland

conte

and e

T

had b

that,

T

indiv

camp

the n

mista

NALYSIS

RESTRAIN

was mode

how was

ause it used

uguese soc

engaged t

ing the refe

Thirdly, stri

esonant an

ginalized ar

ens, and sw

ady agreed

destine abo

extual defin

explore its i

The idea of

been too ra

(...) there

because t

discourse

(...) pointe

true (perso

The 1998 M

vidual activis

paign langu

negative att

ake. MCE m

we didn’t w

realized.

were stro

interview,

NING KILLE

eration used

it defined?

d claims ide

ciety. Secon

he nation w

erendum an

ctly feminis

nd radical.

rguments t

way voters

with: wom

ortion is an

nition of mod

importance

f moderated

adical. JPS

was this ge

there were

(...) throug

ed to this id

onal intervie

Movimento

sts campaig

uage and re

tention that

member and

want to be

It was too

nger than

2007).

ER FEMINIS

d on the Ye

Firstly, the

entified as fe

ndly, campa

with femini

d reforming

st argumen

Lastly, the

to make th

s by only u

men should

n issue of

deration, dis

to the tactic

d language

activist And

eneral idea

these killer

gh this 7 ye

dea that it w

ew, 2007).

Pela Tolerâ

gned freely

ecast them

any femini

d JPS activi

a feminist m

radical, no

that, so it

118

STS—DEF

es campaig

e 1998 ca

eminist, wh

aigners dec

st concerns

g abortion la

ts were ma

e campaign

he campaig

using argum

not be tri

public hea

scuss the re

c of gaining

was born o

dré, who is

that the rea

r feminists o

ears that pa

was a radic

ância focus

. Critics the

as the ma

ist rhetoric

ist Rosa exp

movement

o doubt. Be

was no us

INING MOD

gn argumen

mpaign wa

ich were no

cided that h

s would je

aw.

arginalized

ers decide

gn more re

ments that

ed and im

alth. In this

easoning be

g voter supp

of the notion

studying th

ason why th

or somethin

assed since

cal moveme

ed primarily

en isolated t

in voices o

was given,

plains that,

(...) becaus

ecause we

se to talk

DERATION

nts in the 20

as regarded

ot relevant t

aving an id

opardize th

as they we

d to mode

elatable to

most Port

prisoned fo

s section,

ehind the d

port.

n that the 1

e 1998 refe

he referendu

ng that had

1998 almo

ent last time

y on public

the individu

f the Yes c

its use wa

for the 200

se it was a

had [other]

about ‘my

N

007 referen

d as too ra

to the major

eological de

he main go

ere identifie

rate and e

all Portug

tuguese cit

or abortion

I will prov

ecision to u

998 referen

erendum, ar

um was los

this really t

ost all reflec

e, and that’

health, how

uals with fem

campaign. G

as identified

7 referendu

mistake th

] arguments

body’ (per

ndum,

adical

rity of

ebate

oal of

ed as

excise

guese

tizens

, and

ide a

use it,

ndum

rgued

st was

tough

ctions

’s not

wever

minist

Given

as a

um,

at we

s that

rsonal

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

119

Feminist claims were often described as irrelevant to activists who did not identify

as feminists, which helped the Yes campaign in deciding to use the strategy of

moderation.

Victims rather than rights crusaders became icons of the 2007 referendum, their

narratives strategically inserted into campaign arguments and advertisements. The

woman depicted in the Portuguese campaign leading up to the 1998 referendum had

her stomach marked with slogans like ‘I own my own belly.’ In the 2007 campaign, she

was replaced by a young woman behind bars. As politician and JPS activist José

explains, moderation was a practical strategy:

The argument of the woman’s right to her body doesn’t settle the issue and it

makes the issue an almost impossible discussion. The advantage of the

discourse that we had during the campaign is that it was a wise discourse for

most people. It was directed to dealing with a problem everybody knew was

there and not to an ideological debate on the role of the female in society. So

there was an interesting paradox in the Yes campaign which was the fact that

women’s and feminist movements were strongly involved in one of the most

important feminist causes, especially here in Portugal, but they didn’t have what

we could call a traditional feminist discourse on the subject (personal interview).

Though he identifies personally as a feminist, José took no objection to cutting

many feminist concerns out of the campaign. He called moderation an “old debate” that

was settled before the referendum, and said that even feminists who were unconvinced

that feminist language lost the 1998 referendum acknowledged that moderation was

the “best strategic option” (personal interview, 2007). According to José, including

feminist discourse would make the referendum into an ideological debate that would

jeopardize the outcome. To him, the main objective was winning the referendum, and

engaging a conservative nation in a discussion of women’s role in society would not be

effective.

Like José, most campaigners decided that winning the referendum was the

ultimate goal, and that convincing the undecided was the best strategy. Once identified

as impractical and even dangerous, feminist arguments and goals were marginalized in

favor of a culturally resonant discourse. Using the framing theories of sociologist Myra

Marx Ferree, feminist arguments and goals were marginalized:

Framing is an interactive process that is inherently about inclusion and exclusion

of ideas, so the choice of what ideas "the" movement endorses sets boundaries

I

disco

effec

U

loss

did n

marg

gaps

Prive

F

camp

nonr

argu

Portu

the Y

W

inform

socie

on its coll

movemen

feminists

“feminist”

admitting

In the cas

ourse, enfo

ctiveness hi

Using Ferre

of the Yes

not evoke

ginalized fe

s between t

es activist C

Most of us

much high

decision to

because

(personal

Feminism w

paigners did

esonant fra

ments in 1

uguese soc

Yes to reorg

When aske

mants often

ety:

everywher

traditional

knew that

be the ext

lective iden

t failure. C

who want t

as well a

they have lo

se of Portu

orced large

nged on the

ee’s model

campaign

common c

minist claim

their argum

Carolina exp

s being a pa

her than th

o moderate

not everyo

interview).

was not uni

d not identif

ame is by de

1998 radica

ciety. The N

ganize their

ed why th

n noted tha

re when w

ists, the co

t our bigges

tremists (Ca

ntity and on

Choosing la

to be “effec

as drop ce

ost this figh

ugal, due

ely by the

e limitation

of movem

in the 1998

concerns, a

ms. Feminis

ents and P

plains that:

art of femin

hat of publi

e our langua

one can un

iversally res

fy with femi

efinition rad

al simply b

No campaig

campaign t

e feminist

at feminist

we talk ab

nservatives

st weapon w

arolina, pers

120

n the defini

nguage tha

ctive” limit t

rtain goals

t. (2003: 33

to the pre

e Church

of argumen

ment framing

8 referendu

and was fu

sts in the Y

Portuguese

ist moveme

c health iss

age [in 200

nderstand

sonant eve

inist objectiv

dical” (2003

ecause fem

n’s compla

to exclude a

arguments

arguments

bout femin

s, accuse us

would be to

sonal interv

tion of wha

at conforms

he range o

s as simply

39-40)

essure of a

and residu

nts that coul

g on Portug

m can be c

urther weak

Yes campai

society. CR

ent have som

sue and th

7] in order

these ‘my

n within the

ves. Accord

: 305), thus

minism was

ints about t

any divisive

s failed in

rarely rece

nist issues

s of being e

o be moder

view).

at losses w

s to hegem

of claims tha

y "unrealist

a conserva

ues of a

ld be identif

guese abor

credited to

kened by i

ign were w

RS campaig

me level of

he trials, bu

to get to th

body is m

e movemen

ding to Ferr

s making the

s and rema

the 1998 Ye

e language.

the first r

eive suppor

or gende

extremist an

rate, be cal

would count

monic disco

at they con

tic," rather

ative hegem

fascist re

fied as femi

rtion reform

a discourse

nvoking alr

well aware o

gner and N

[conscious

ut we made

he general p

my own’ is

nt, as many

ree, “the use

e use of fem

ains margin

es campaig

referendum

rt in Portug

er issues…

nd radical, s

lm, and let

as a

ourse,

nsider

than

monic

gime,

nist.

m, the

e that

ready

of the

Não te

ness]

e that

public

ssues

y Yes

e of a

minist

nal in

gn led

m, my

guese

… the

so we

them

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

121

By acknowledging the objections of the No campaign, the Yes campaign was able

to identify what kind of language would appeal to more people. A good framing for this

argument can be found in the work of sociologists Robert Benford and David Snow,

who contend “opposing framing activity can affect a movement’s framings… by

frequently forcing it to develop and elaborate prognoses more clearly than otherwise

might have been the case” (2000: 617). Yes activists saw that the arguments of public

health and imprisonment were “powerful rhetorical element[s] for change because they

[carried] strong emotional force without threatening core values, myths, or

characterizations” (Condit, 1990: 27). In this way, the moderated form of the Yes

campaign was constructed to appeal to a wide spectrum of Portuguese society holding

diverse ideological identities by tapping into strong commonly held beliefs.

5.2. ANALYZING TRIALS AND REVERSING SHAME

How did trials become one of the leading arguments for abortion reform in the 2007

campaign?

First of all, the coverage of the trials has such massive appeal because prison is

culturally repulsive to Portuguese citizens. Secondly, trials were highly publicized by

feminists who were looking to engage the nation with more reasons for reform, which

kept the abortion debate alive after the loss of the 1998 referendum. Thirdly, this media

coverage created sympathy in Portuguese society for the women being tried, and

connected the debate to citizens on a more personal level. Fourthly, Portugal was

denounced internationally for the government’s treatment of women who had

undergone abortion. Finally, the shame experienced by the women who were tried for

abortion was reversed onto the Portuguese government. This section is intended to

explore the cultural significance that prison holds for Portuguese citizens, analyze the

impact of media coverage of the trials on the public perception of abortion’s

criminalization, and theorize how shame was relocated from the women being tried to

the country responsible for the trials.

Trials were cited time and again in the media and personal interviews as being the

main reason abortion reform continued to matter after the 1998 referendum. The

discourse of women’s imprisonment was effective because the trials were part of the

society’s collective conscience. The media, “made it clear that women were being held

in prison for abortion and that’s a big issue concerning Portuguese way of thinking, we

really think prison is bad. Even the most conservative ones, they don’t want women to

go to jail” (Fabíola, personal interview). What is here characterized as a national

repulsion for imprisonment may be related to decades of military rule in Portugal, and

the arrest and imprisonment of political prisoners by the secret police during Salazar’s

regim

interv

2006

beco

T

reaso

wom

highl

atten

publi

leadi

Portu

refer

“hum

beca

cond

wedd

fright

prose

inform

C

born

As s

them

dema

of his

being

stand

“Actu

solve

any d

interv

camp

intern

its M

seve

me (Gallagh

views and i

6: 42), and

ome cultural

Though the

on they we

men’s person

ly publicize

nded every

icizing of tr

ing to a sym

uguese fem

rendum by

miliation” of

ause of the

ditions, the

ding jewelr

tened wome

ecuted for

mants, ever

Celina reca

, encourage

she was d

mselves, exc

anded, “Ho

s children.

g imprisone

ding in fron

ually I was

e this, give

discourse a

view, 2007

paigns were

In addition

national ne

Member Stat

eral trials in

her, 1979).

n a Portugu

the notion

lly associate

ese trials a

ere so inten

nal and sex

ed because

y trial, and

rials set up

mpathy and

minists were

publicizing

public trial

wide med

stories of

ry, the bus

en to the po

having an a

ryone knew

alled a day c

ed by her m

distributing

claiming th

w can you

She began

ed for havin

nt of the ch

thinking (...

me a leafle

about abort

7). The ma

e trying to p

n to creatin

ws. The Eu

tes in recen

which wom

The abortio

uese woma

n of a pers

ed with the

are rememb

nse was in

xual lives w

e feminists

d made the

p the chang

desire to c

e actively c

g the abort

ls, somethi

ia coverage

poor wome

siness side

olice and so

abortion wa

w a woman w

campaignin

mother who

leaflets in

at the devi

defend abo

n to explain

ng abortion

urch fifteen

.) because

et.” Celina to

ion other th

an Celina d

persuade.

ng a media

uropean Co

nt years, an

men from c

122

on trials we

an’s testimo

on being tr

arrests ma

bered for s

large part

ere broadca

called new

e prosecut

ge in gene

change the

constructing

tion trials.

ng that ma

e. The trial

en who had

of illegal

o on” (Vilar,

as especial

who had ha

g in the sm

had only se

n front of

l had come

ortion?” He

n the main p

ns—but the

n minutes la

I really don

old me that

han what he

described i

a stir nation

ommunity h

nd the Euro

countries su

ere compare

ny to the E

racked dow

de before 1

shaming an

due to ma

ast across t

ws stations

tion of the

ral awarene

law to preve

g the disco

The Yes

anaged to a

s showed t

d to pay fo

abortions,

2002: 159)

ly powerful

ad an aborti

all village n

een No cam

the church

e. An older

e scolded he

point on the

man turne

ater when t

n’t want wom

this man w

e was expo

s a model

nally, Portu

as focused

pean Court

uch as Irela

ed to witch

uropean Pa

wn and arre

974.

nd humiliat

assive medi

the country

s and requ

women k

ess in Port

ent women

urse for th

campaign

achieve cu

the nation

or their abo

the confes

). The idea

because,

on.

near Pomba

mpaign effo

h, people

r man appr

er, saying h

e leaflet—th

ed and left.

the man re

men to go t

wouldn’t hav

osed to in c

l of the ki

ugal’s abor

on the abo

t of Human

and and Po

hunts in se

arliament (R

ested may

ing women

ia coverage

y. The trials

uested pub

known. Fem

tuguese so

’s imprisonm

e 2007 abo

focused on

ltural reson

“the back s

ortions with

ssions mad

of women

according t

al where she

rts in the vi

began cro

roached he

he had rais

hat women

Celina wa

turned. He

to jail. I ha

ve had acce

church (per

nd of vote

rtion trials m

ortion polic

Rights has

oland have

everal

RFSU

have

n, the

e: the

were

blicity,

minist

ociety,

ment.

ortion

n the

nance

street

their

de by

being

to my

e was

llage.

ossing

r and

ed all

were

s still

said,

ave to

ess to

rsonal

er the

made

ies of

s held

sued

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

123

their own governments for violating their respective constitutional allowances for

abortion in specific situations (European Court of Human Rights: D. v. Ireland,

Application no. 26499/02 [2005]; Tysiac v. Poland, Application no. 5410/03 [2006]).

Portugal has been linked with Ireland, Poland and Malta for its abortion restrictions,

and distinguished as the country that tries and imprisons women for having abortions.

The European Parliament voted in favor of a resolution in 2002 discussing the practice

of abortion in the EU. The thirteenth piece of the resolution “calls upon the

governments of the Member States and the candidate countries to refrain in any case

from prosecuting women who have undergone illegal abortions” (IPPF EN, 2002: 2).

This recommendation, along with similar international directives, was brushed off in my

interviews as unimportant to the opinions and voting practices of Portuguese citizens.

A few informants noted, however, that such attention probably influenced the

Portuguese government officials more. In 2005, the European Parliament held a

hearing to discuss exerting EU pressure on Member States with restrictive abortion

laws. Anne Van Lancker, the MEP (Member of the European Parliament) from Belgium

who authored the 2002 resolution, said during the hearing that, “we should name and

shame those countries in the EU that are very restrictive on abortion” (RFSU, 2006:

16). European representatives identified the situation of abortion in Portugal as a cause

for national shame, a statement echoed in the campaign materials distributed by the

Portuguese Socialist Party.

The analysis of shame reversal by feminist historian Temma Kaplan clarifies how

the trials went from humiliating women to humiliating the nation. In Kaplan’s research

on the treatment of political prisoners in the Chilean dictatorship, Ayress, a woman who

published a testimony of her experience was able to reverse the shame of her

treatment. The Chilean government’s intention of silencing dissenters through shame

succeeded, as most former prisoners never discussed what they were subjected to in

jail. Similarly, the illegality and cultural shame associated with having a clandestine

abortion silenced women. Ayress was criticized and threatened for exposing her

treatment by the government but, “by detailing the atrocities committed against Ayress,

they reversed the shame, turning it back on the Chilean dictatorship where it belonged"

(Kaplan 2002). When feminists brought media into the courtrooms, they showed the

country and the world that women were being tried and imprisoned in Portugal for

having abortions. The local shame of abortion trials ultimately shamed Portugal

nationally and internationally through media coverage.

5.3.

Why

2007

storie

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ANALYZIN

was public

7 referendum

es of clande

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doctors invo

es, and us

antage of s

ussing abor

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destine abo

ficance of t

One of the

r”, which tra

e to receive

husband H

ctiveness of

decided to

ed away. Th

lived in po

nant for the

nsterilized p

causing M

nymous bec

sting 64 m

men in thes

umstances.

in the 1950

Prior to ref

el to E.U. c

told that ev

tion. In add

misoprosto

e to be sold

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c health suc

m? First of

estine abort

o the anony

olved in the

sed them

scientific a

rtion as a p

ge. This se

ortion beca

he Médicos

first article

anslates to

e an abortio

Henrique ex

f her birth c

o abort. Th

he article go

overty with

e third time s

pauzinho d

Maria Ester

cause she

misoprostol

se stories

These narr

0’s and 196

form, it was

ountries wh

veryone kn

dition to le

ol, the activ

d in the blac

C HEALTH

ch a resona

f all, the pop

tion written

ymous phen

e Médicos

as their m

nd medica

public health

ection will sh

ame such a

s in the 200

es I read af

“To Die and

on, and died

xplained tha

control. Hav

ey had trie

oes on to d

her husba

she went to

de videria (g

to go into

was 14 y

pills, which

are portray

ratives are s

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here abortio

ew a woma

aving the c

ve ingredien

ck market—

124

ant and thu

pular media

in terms of

nomenon o

movimento

main rhetor

al authority,

h issue, an

how the sto

a central a

7 campaign

fter arriving

d To Keep S

d of a punc

at a tuberc

ving three c

ed to obtain

describe the

nd and two

o a midwife

grapevine tw

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years old, d

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1990).

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on was mo

an who had

country, “[P

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—in some ne

us useful rh

a during the

f public hea

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identified t

rical tools.

, which wa

d thus an i

ories used a

argument, a

n.

g in Lisbon

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tured uteru

culosis med

children alre

n an aborti

e tragic dea

o young ch

for an abor

wig), resulti

actic shock

died of a

esions alon

od women

e ones told

uese wome

re accessib

d traveled t

Portuguese

pills, with ab

eighborhood

hetorical ele

e campaign

alth. These s

related deat

the cultural

Finally, M

as strategic

ssue about

as argumen

and examin

in February

ria Teresa w

s as an am

dication inte

eady and a

ion in a ho

th of Maria

hildren. Wh

rtion, a proc

ing in sever

and die.

self-induce

ng her dige

(usually m

d during refo

en with mo

ble. During

to Spain or

women] h

bortive prop

ds of Lisbon

ement durin

was replete

stories put

ths. Additio

power of t

Médicos had

cally utilize

t which they

nts, discuss

ne the role

y was “Mor

went to a nu

mbulance ar

erfered wit

modest inc

ospital, but

Ester, a wo

hen she be

cedure done

re hemorrh

A third wo

d abortion

estive tract.

mothers) in

orm efforts

ore resourc

my intervie

r England f

ave discov

perties, that

n it is possi

ng the

e with

faces

onally,

these

d the

ed by

y had

s why

e and

rrer e

urse’s

rived.

h the

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oman

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for an

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have

ble to

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

125

buy a pill for 25 euros”14 (Ribeiro & Fonseca, 46). The abortive medication misoprostol

is also easier than ever to access through the Internet. If a woman visits the Women on

Waves website, for example, she will immediately see a link to licensed doctors who

will consult the woman online and then ship the medications to her home. This service

is for women living in countries where abortion is illegal or difficult to obtain. Even so,

as discussed earlier, self-performing medical abortion can be dangerous. According to

the Direcção-Geral de Saúde (Surgeon General), 3,216 women were hospitalized in

2005 for complications with partial abortions after self-medicating with misoprostol

(Ribeiro & Fonseca, 46).

Medicos Pela Escolha (Doctors For Choice—MPE) described such cases in the

2007 campaign. Like the other movements, Medicos began by discussing the abortion

trials that women were subjected to, but their focus shifted to clandestine abortion

towards the end of the campaign. Pedro, a doctor active in the movement, attributed

this change to the repetitive use of trial arguments, and to the No campaign response

suggesting that abortion be decriminalized but remain illegal. The Yes response, Pedro

said, was to begin “talking about non-legal abortion, women that were dying in

Portugal; we brought cases, real cases of women that died of non-legal abortion in

Portugal. We talked about the numbers” (personal interview, 2007). Sérgio, a journalist

who acted as the publicist for Medicos, reiterated this shift: “It was very crude, but this

is it. Dead women. Let’s get cases, let’s show them this girl died [at] 13 or 16 years old

because she had an illegal abortion” (personal interview, 2007). Pictures of the women

who had died began to appear on campaign websites and in popular magazines.

These cases were meant to elicit a visceral response against clandestine abortion,

reemphasizing the urgency of reform.

The significance of the 2007 doctors’ movimento is grounded in the cultural

conception of doctors as right-wing and thus associated with the principles of the No

campaign. This depiction was accurate, as José explains, because “the mainstream

discourse from medical professionals was anti-choice and it was very difficult to get

health care professionals to get involved [in the past]” (personal interview, 2007).

Doctors began to organize for abortion reform in 2004 after the visit of WOW recharged

the public debate. Pedro reasons that it was good for doctors to become involved in

reform efforts because it imbued the campaign with scientific information: “this

campaign was mainly discussing the importance of medicine and science, what we

know about the fetus, what we know about the mother, what we know about the

14

Translated from “Descobriram, também, o misoprostol, princípio activo de comprimidos para a úlcera, com propriedades abortivas, que passaram a ser vendidos no mercado negro—em alguns barrios de Lisboa é possível comprar um comprimido por 25 euros”

numb

interv

voter

yes o

S

camp

repre

expe

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it” (p

white

confi

out

disco

powe

(Fou

over

also

autho

the t

frame

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6. SI

So w

I’ve n

body

as a

“look

repre

instit

is in

camp

these

the r

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(pers

bers of clan

view, 2007

rs, however

on the refer

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paign was

esentative o

ert, speaking

re’s this unr

ersonal inte

e coats in a

irmed in the

in legally

ourse maxim

er became

cault 1990)

voters. Ma

a doctor is

ority of med

two power

ework of th

arguments t

LENCES

what were t

noted throu

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class issue

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tutionalized

tended to

paign mode

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eferendum.

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sonal interv

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). Such inf

r voters we

rendum was

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e question b

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explore so

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.

efined it, th

view, 2007)

ortion and

formation w

ere reminde

s proposed

identified th

Sérgio ex

was “not o

thing that’s

respect for

07). Medicos

ents and deb

being posed

health ins

power that M

when it was

Medicos to

ed this auth

n this socie

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influence.

paign, both

be silenced

lenced argu

article, is t

hat criminal

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s are discu

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ated, discu

t how the m

he first cla

, which ma

126

how bad it

was portray

ed of the pa

as the solu

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xplained th

nly a perso

considered

r doctors in

s campaign

bates. The

d, which sp

stitutions. T

Medicos he

s combined

regulate he

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the argume

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uments and

he rhetoric

izing aborti

n as pro-fam

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des impor

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most com

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yed as obje

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hat, unlike

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Portugal [..

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nal interview

e moral au

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d why were

of choice a

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rginalized a

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ential to ma

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the other

n opinion, [b

and a medi

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professiona

ature of the

t abortions w

alization of

guese socie

claim to ex

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urch: “As a

w, 2007). A

thority held

ments helpe

ould be used

nt voices.

they left o

and a wom

lly backwar

ning these

and the stra

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e, 2003: 30

ted silences

xcluded, an

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e of the fem

any feminis

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from docto

mpaign as v

bortion.

son the Me

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referendum

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rd; third, abo

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power rela

05). This se

s that the

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male in so

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m [...].

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04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

127

abortion, and debatable to every other Portuguese citizen. This argument is so

common in the history of Portuguese feminism as to often be identified as the feminist

argument, because it was seen as having no overlap with other concerns. In contrast,

clandestine abortion and prosecution were feminist concerns that overlapped in the

public health and political sectors, and so were not labeled as feminist by voters.

Mariana, a university researcher and single mother, was dissuaded from discussing her

own experiences with undesired pregnancy, which she compared to “being raped

because being pregnant subtly tears you apart. I didn’t own my body for like 9 months,

and the first 5 were hell (...) if I had been forced to keep [an unwanted] child it would be

a violent thing for me. But I could never say that” (personal interview, 2007). The

perceived violence of unwanted pregnancy is a common feminist argument (Petchesky,

1990, 1995), which helps to explain why it was not allowed in the campaign. By

avoiding the argument of a woman’s right to her body, campaigners identified Portugal

as a country where a woman’s role is not normally defined in feminist terms, and where

patriarchal values still have influence.

The second claim equating criminalization with social backwardness was actually

part of the early stages of the 2007 Yes campaign, where the word “modernization”

was used by Prime Minister Sócrates when discussing, “[t]he reforms that are

necessary to go forward in modernizing Portugal”15 (Público, 2006). It was immediately

clear to me that most of my informants found the word offensive, as evidenced by their

displeased expressions when questioned about the term. Tiago, a member of JPS,

explained that the discussions of “modernization” stopped being used early on in the

campaign because it lost votes, particularly with older citizens whose senses of

nationalism were offended by the suggestion that they were making this policy change

in order to imitate other countries. Tiago clarified that the referendum was, “a mirror of

modernization, not a weapon for it. It doesn’t lead to advance, it leads to social and

psychological freedom. It’s a reflection of people’s minds, it doesn’t change people’s

minds” (personal interview, 2007). In other words, any changes Portugal makes are the

result of a deeper societal growth, and while this may be interpreted as modernization,

it is the result, not the objective. Others, like professor and MCR activist Maria, “believe

that in terms of government, it wasn’t a real concern about women, or a real concern

about those that are going to jail and the health care system, it was political pressure.

So they could say, ‘now, like almost all European countries, we do not punish abortion’”

(personal interview, 2007). She agreed with the majority of my informants that this

argument did not influence voters, but maintained that it greatly influenced politicians.

15

Translated from: “As reformas que são necessárias vão para a frente para modernizar Portugal.”

Thou

seem

B

aside

with

contr

press

wom

Grea

poor

could

in te

cond

camp

acco

resou

O

that

Pinto

child

plann

that a

or wh

has a

could

was

abort

when

“abus

CRS

Bill C

emph

effec

16

Traassum17

Tralegal,

ugh this arg

med to offen

Before the

e from pub

fewer reso

raception an

sure to abo

man who has

at Britain or

er women s

d be affixed

estimonies

ditions beca

paign wishe

omplished b

urces. To c

One of the

abortion is

o, the Presi

, it is also

ned family i

arise before

hen any mo

already obt

d be interpr

framed as

tion could b

n legalized,

sed”. Judge

S movimento

Clinton, we

hasizing tha

ctively contr

anslated from:mir não o ter.” anslated from:

seguro e raro

gument ma

nd voters, a

trials were

lic health w

ources are m

nd informat

ort. It was

s had an ab

r Spain to

sought out

d to the issu

of women’s

ause of the

ed to highlig

by suggestin

ast it as a p

ways that fe

good for f

dent of UM

, equally, t

it is better f

e the family

ore children

tained. The

reted by vot

s the troub

be part of a

, abortion w

e Eurico R

o, with the

e are going

at this pract

rols birth, m

: “Se é um a

“Como se dizo.”

y have car

nd was the

publicized

was econom

more likely

tion and, be

repeatedly

bortion, but

obtain safe

clandestine

ue of public

s experienc

eir poverty,

ght the dan

ng that all w

poor person

eminists ha

families bec

AR, wrote,

to not acce

for parents

y has had a

would set l

danger this

ters who ar

ling last re

a plan to c

would be tr

Reis ended

words “[a]s

g to keep

tice should

most people

cto de respon

zia nos EUA d

128

rried a lot o

refore not u

in 2003, th

mic conditio

to experien

ecause of th

stated in m

many of tho

e abortions

e abortion,

health in 20

ces, particu

but it was

ngers all wo

women und

n’s issue exc

ave countere

cause it is

“if it is an a

ept it”16 (UM

and childre

chance to s

limits on the

s argument

re not verse

esort of de

create ideal

reated with

an opinion

s it was said

abortion le

not be used

e do not co

nsabilidade a

durante a Pres

of weight in

used in the c

he argumen

ons. The ar

nce unwant

he cost of ha

my interview

ose women

. This ties

sometimes

007, and ind

ularly those

s no longer

omen faced

derwent uns

cluded man

ed anti-abo

a method

act of respo

MAR, 1999

en, and that

secure des

e resources

posed to th

ed in family

sperate wo

families co

nonchalan

article pos

d in the US

egal, safe,

d if it can be

onsider it a

ssumir ter um

sidência de Bi

n the politic

campaigns.

nt most com

rgument ho

ted pregna

aving a chil

ws that eve

n had the m

back into

repeatedly

deed it was

e who had

r a primary

d, and this

safe abortio

ny voters.

ortion argum

of family p

onsibility to

9: 5). The

abortion en

ired resourc

s and stabili

he referend

y planning r

omen, and

ould sugge

nce and the

sted on the

SA during th

and rare”

e avoided.

an acceptab

m filho, també

ll Clinton, vam

cal arena, it

.

mmon in po

olds that wo

ncies for la

d, will face

eryone kno

money to tra

public heal

y. This argu

s often discu

died in u

y argument

was most e

on, regardle

ments is to a

planning. H

accept hav

notion is t

nds pregna

ces and sta

ty that the f

dum is the w

hetoric. Abo

the notion

st to some

e right wou

e website o

he Presiden

17 (Reis, 2

Though abo

ble form of

ém o é, igualm

mos manter o

t only

olitics

omen

ack of

more

ows a

vel to

th as

ument

ussed

nsafe

. The

easily

ess of

assert

elena

ving a

hat a

ancies

ability,

family

way it

ortion

n that

that,

ld be

of the

ncy of

2007),

ortion

f birth

mente,

aborto

04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

129

control. This practical side of abortion is not dramatic in addition to being non-resonant,

and it doesn’t fit with the rhetoric of the campaign whose main objective was saving

women from undesirable fates (death and prison).

In addition to these arguments, certain words and groups of people were excluded

from the discourse as well. Mariana was one of the few campaigners who spoke at

length about who and what was excluded from the campaign. Silenced language took

on new meaning through the process of campaigning: “The fact that we couldn’t use

the word feminism, the fact that we could use the word sex made them sound like dirty

words to people whom they weren’t dirty before” (personal interview, 2007).

Pregnancy was not discussed as a result of sex as the campaign selectively rejected

biological and social connections to abortion that would not resonate with conservative

voters. Sexuality was not discussed, and GLBT issues were only discussed in non-

approved activism, such as the campaigning done by Panteras Rosa.

Sex and feminism were not the only subjects to elicit feelings of taboo. Mariana

“wasn’t considered a proper mom to speak because [she is] deviant (...) anything that

was against the conservative status quo was considered bad (...) As a mother [she]

was disregarded because [she] thought about having an abortion” (personal interview,

2007). Speakers considered deviant — such as feminists, GLBT, and single mothers

— were silenced in any way that related to those identities. These identity silences

were frustrating and even painful to many campaigners. However, feminists, GLBT,

and single mothers were very active in the campaign, even if not expressing those

roles, and were in great part responsible for the success of the referendum.

7. CONCLUSION

As opposed to the first referendum in 1998, feminist language was strictly moderated

and non-resonant concerns were marginalized in the 2007 Yes campaign. The

arguments that abortion reform would stop women from being tried and imprisoned,

and stop women from dying of clandestine abortions were deemed resonant and used

exclusively by the campaign movimentos. The public nature of the abortion trials

caused the shame of the women’s exposure to be reversed onto the Portuguese

government and society, and cemented this shame into the collective conscience of

Portuguese citizens. The medical authority imposed by the Medicos movimento lent

legitimacy to the campaign, and stories of women who had died as a result of

clandestine abortion reinforced the urgency of reform. Campaigners identified

Portuguese society as patriarchal and conservative, causing the campaign to exclude

arguments that could be construed as liberal, feminist, non-normative, or deviant. With

these guidelines, what had always been an important feminist issue was reframed in a

non-f

for th

I

repro

(...) A

rega

disco

refor

prog

more

this

2007

too m

move

I

camp

to w

refer

two r

that t

disco

seve

be m

excis

Furth

chan

such

of ab

influe

move

ident

in Po

MEP

healt

18

Per

feminist co

he feminist m

In the word

oductive an

After the 1

rds to our f

ourse was l

rm was fina

ress in the

e struggles

result give

7). However

much (...) W

ement.”

I have atte

paigners, b

win the refe

rendum in 2

referendum

the rise in v

ourse, but

eral other fa

made about

sing feminis

her researc

nges in Port

h as: public

bortion in th

ence; politic

ements; an

tify the gain

ortugal and

Ps have be

th to human

rsonal Intervie

ntext, yet m

movement.

s of teache

d sexual rig

1th of Febr

feminist righ

largely exc

ally achieve

e feminist m

will be mad

s [the fem

r, Celina’s

We’ll see in

empted to

ut it remain

erendum. T

2007 passe

ms (Público,

voters is dire

it is the co

actors that n

t the actual

st language

ch is necess

tugal betwe

interest in

he country;

cal shifts; a

d even the

ns and losse

the signific

gun organi

n rights18.

ew with the Vic

most femini

er and UMA

ghts was st

ruary we sa

hts” (person

luded by th

ed. Feminis

movement:

de in the fu

inism move

worries rem

the future w

show tha

ns unclear w

The first ref

d by 9%, a

2007: 19).

ectly cause

ommonly h

need to be

significanc

from the ca

sary to prop

een 1998 an

abortion re

internet ca

an increase

weather on

es that mod

cance of mo

zing to alte

ce President o

130

sts conside

AR Presiden

till somethin

aid that the

nal interview

he emphasi

st academi

“The result

uture becau

ement] a l

main audibl

what we los

t moderatio

whether exc

ferendum o

and abstent

. It is impos

ed by or eve

held belief

examined

ce (as oppo

ampaign on

perly analy

nd 2007 on

form; gene

ampaigns;

in Youth p

n voting da

deration ma

oderation a

er the focu

of the IPPF Eu

ered the pa

nt Almerinda

ng that had

e 25th of Ap

w, 2007). D

s on mode

ic Manuela

t was the b

use we had

ot more en

e, if vague

st with it as

on was de

clusion of fe

only lost by

ion fell from

ssible at thi

en significan

among Ye

before any

osed to the

n the increas

ze the sign

the outcom

ral awarene

internationa

participation

y. More res

ay cause wi

as a campa

us of aborti

uropean Netwo

assing refere

a, “What ha

to do with

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04. Representações Sobre o Aborto: Acção Colectiva e (I)Legalidade num contexto em Mudança

131

APPENDIX

Abbr. Organization Translation & Definition

CRS Movimento Cidadania e

Responsibilidade pelo Sim

Movement of Citizenship and Responsibility for

Yes: Movement group for referendum, mostly

PCP

JPS Movimento Jovens Pelo

Sim

Youth Movement for Yes: Movement group for

the referendum, citizens ages 18-30

MPE Movimento Médicos Pela

Escolha

Doctors’ Movement for Choice: Movement

group for the referendum

UMAR União de Mulheres

Alternativa e Resposta

Union of Alternative and Responding Women:

oldest still-extant feminist organization

MCE Movimento Católicos

Estudantes

Catholic Student Movement: Student

discussion and activist group.

PS Partida Socialista Socialist Party

BE Bloco de Esquerda Left Bloc

Panteras Panteras de Rosa Pink Panthers: radical GLBT organization

CS Clube Safo Disembarrassment Club: GLBT organization

PPDM

Plataforma Portuguesa

para os Direitos das

Mulheres

Portuguese Platform for Women’s Rights

PCP

Partido Comunista

Português Portuguese Communist Party

NTP Não te Prives Don’t Deprive Yourself: Sexual Rights

organization

AJP Acção para a Justiça e

Paz

Action Justice and Peace: Pacifist and Feminist

organization

WOW Women on Waves Dutch abortion support organization; provides

abortion in international waters on a clinic boat.

MARGARITE J. WHITTEN

Is a PhD student at the City University of New York. She wrote this article while she

was a student at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Her research interests

include gender and sexuality, social movements, women’s health, the European Union,

and Portugal. Contact: margaritewhitten@gmail.com.

Bibli

Amân

Ande

Natio

Asso

Asso

Benfo

Brack

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Corre

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Ferre

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iographic r

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ciação Par

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