Exploring the Link Between TheNature of Information Concerning

Asylum Seekers and Public Attitudes

Contents

Page

Abstract……………………………….……………………………………………..3

Acknowledgements………………………….……………………………………..5

Chapter One: Introduction…………………….……...………………………...…6

Chapter Two: In Context……………………………………………….…….......10

Chapter Three: Methodology………………….…..……………………………..19

Chapter Four: Statement of Results…………………………...………………...28

Chapter Five: Discussion of Results……………………………………………..41

Chapter Six: Methodological Evaluation…………………………………………50

Chapter Seven: Conclusions………………………….…………………….....…59

References……………………………………………………………………..…..63

Appendices…………………………………………………………………………67

Abstract

The aim of this research is to explore the link

between media information concerning asylum seekers and

public attitudes. Accomplishing this goal requires

establishing what the current levels of knowledge

regarding asylum in the United Kingdom are, and

determining the sources that such knowledge is obtained.

Examining different aspects of the media is essential in

being able to fully investigate the impact that the

temperance of media information has on public attitudes

toward asylum seekers. This includes exploring the impact

that different mediums, (i.e. print versus broadcast

media) and disparate interpretations (i.e. national

versus local reporting and generic descriptions versus

specific depictions) have on the formulation of public

attitudes, in order to fully explore the media’s unique

role in shaping public attitudes toward asylum seekers.

Investigating the relationship between the

presentation of information concerning asylum seekers and

the formulation of opinion is complex and difficult to

disseminate, not least because media discourse on asylum

is at best inconsistent, at worst erroneous. Many

commercially commissioned social surveys examining the

role of the media in shaping public attitudes toward

immigrants tend to group refugees, asylum seekers and

economic migrants as one homogenous group. Therefore

asylum seekers have been typically analysed as part of an

overall ‘immigration’ problem. This study is unique in

that it focuses solely on asylum seekers; referring to

people who are in the process of seeking asylum in a

targeted host country, rather than refugees; people who

have been granted asylum status and are therefore

entitled to certain rights and benefits within the host

country.  The intention in limiting the study to this

particular demographic is because in research terms,

asylum seekers are a distinctive target group and

attitudes towards asylum is a relatively new area of

research.

Keywords: Asylum, immigration, UK, public attitudes,

politics, media,

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Chapter 1

Introduction

The main purpose of this research is to explore the

link between the nature of media information concerning

asylum seekers and public attitudes. This study has two

aims; to investigate the role of the media in shaping

public attitudes toward asylum seekers and to examine the

extent to which different aspects of the media impact

upon attitude formulation. The underlying goal of this

study is to develop an understanding of how the

construction, dissemination and absorption of media

information have impacted upon the formulation of public

opinion, in regard to asylum seekers.

One of the most significant developments in previous

discourse regarding U.K. immigration issues and the media

is the way in which it has shifted its focus away from

general race relation concerns to specific refugee and

asylum conjectures. During the 1980s, media attention

placed clear emphasis on race relations, particularly in

terms of conflict. Troyna (1981) concluded that 60% of

articles in the British press focused on racial conflict

and tensions, with 90% of people believing there was

racial prejudice in Britain (Jowell et al, 1984).

However, in the past twenty years refugee and asylum

issues have steadily become a substitute for race

relation problems (Browne 2002), peaking at 39% of the

population in the late 1990s believing that immigration

and asylum was the most important issue facing the United

Kingdom (MORI 2004). The events of September 11th 2001

confirmed this trend and have resulted in a surge of

research interests in the area of asylum and immigration.

Subsequently, the unique position of the media in

terms of its’ role in the shaping of public opinion is

central to this research, in light of the impact that

varied definitions and interpretations of information

regarding asylum and immigration impact upon attitude

formulation. This research defines the term ’asylum

seekers’ as people in the process of applying for asylum

in a host country. The term ‘seeker’ is defined as

someone who is trying to locate, obtain or discover a

desired end. Thus, an operational definition of the term

‘seeker’ is a person endeavouring to procure a secure

status in a host country. Correspondingly, the term

‘asylum’ is defined as harbour or sanctuary, a place of

refuge, providing comfort and security from harassment or

assault. Therefore an operational definition of the term

‘asylum’ defines it as protection and immunity from

extradition granted by a government to a person from

another country. Thus, this research defines the term

‘asylum seeker’ as a person in the process of applying

for an official status from a host government, involving

protection from extradition to the country of origin.

The lack of consistent information regarding asylum

seekers and asylum issues in the media has heralded large

scale misconception and misinterpretation of facts and

figures. An ICAR study (2004) suggested that the

discourse regarding asylum and immigration is indistinct,

with media distorting, misrepresenting and amplifying

facts (Lloyd, 2004) obscuring information that would

otherwise promote genuinely sound debate. This research

intends to assess the extent to which the information

presented by the media concerning asylum seekers, has

shaped public attitudes. More specifically, it will

examine the emerging role of the media by assessing

whether the impact of the media varies according to the

type of medium.

In order to develop a clearer understanding of how

the formulation of language in media information

regarding asylum seekers has impacted public attitudes,

this research will examine three main research questions.

Initially, it aims to assess the impact of differing

aspects of the media, such as national media coverage

versus local media coverage, on the formulation of public

attitudes. Subsequently, it seeks to discover what the

current levels of knowledge are regarding asylum in the

United Kingdom, and from what sources such knowledge is

obtained from. Finally, this research aims to establish

the effects that filters, such as exposure to

information, increased diversity awareness and direct

personal experiences, have on the construction of

opinion. In attempting to answer these research

questions, this study aims to both fill a gap in the

literature and contribute to knowledge in an under

researched area.

Having previously completed a Master of Arts in

International Politics from September ‘99 to June ’01,

focusing on the contribution of Immigrant Muslims toward

American Foreign Policy, the events that occurred

thereafter fuelled the conception of this current

research project. The initial design considered a

general approach regarding immigration policy, seeking to

develop a clearer understanding of the impact of public

influence toward refugees’ rights to welfare. However,

the feasibility of the research design posed challenging

in terms of its ambiguity, but also in being compounded

by timing stipulations and resource limitations. Thus,

reviewing the focus of the research was necessary in

order to be confidant of achieving research aims. This

required narrowing the field of research to a more

specific focus, i.e. targeting the research to focus

solely on asylum seekers, and reformulating the research

question from a vague general consideration, that is, the

impact of public influence on refugees’ rights to

welfare, to a more manageable and focused research

design, exploring the link between media information

concerning asylum seekers and public attitudes.

The overall structure of the study takes the form of

seven chapters, including this introductory chapter.

Chapter Two begins by setting out the context of the

research design, by focusing on previous work and

indicating the contribution of this study to existing

knowledge within in the field. The third chapter is

concerned with the methodology of the research design,

with a more detailed justification of why the research

questions are being investigated, the general approach

that has been adopted, and an in depth explanation as to

why specific research methods have been employed. The

fourth section presents the findings and observations of

the research as a statement of results. The next

chapter, five, focuses on a discussion of the statement

of results, and an interpretation of how the results of

this research relate to the literature of what is

currently known in the field. Chapter Six analyses the

methodological approach of the research design,

reflecting on its specific strengths and weaknesses.

Finally, the last chapter gives a conclusion on the

methodology employed, as well as a conclusive summary and

critique of the research findings, indicating its

significance and potential implications that it may have

on future research.

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Chapter 2

In context

The change of focus

A key objective of this research is to examine the

role of the media in the formation of opinions regarding

asylum seekers. Minimal research has been undertaken

exploring the link between the nature of information

concerning asylum seekers and public attitudes, as past

research has mainly been framed in general immigration

terms (Lewis, 2005). Finney surmises that media

representation of opinion varies because research is

intended as short term, motivated by commercial purposes

(Finney, 2005). Nonetheless, it has become increasingly

clear that over the past three decades, the media has

indicated an ongoing, long term shift in its focus away

from race relations to asylum and immigration issues.

During the 1980s, media attention placed emphasis on race

relations. Troyna (1981) concluded that 60% of articles

in the British press focused on racial conflict and

tensions; with Jowell et al. (1984) supporting this by

indicating that 90% of people believed that there was

racial prejudice in Britain. However, the terms ‘race’,

‘immigration’ and ‘asylum’ have increasingly been used

interchangeably (Lewis, 2005) with media representations

of race covering a myriad of themes, including

immigration, crime, cultural differences and ethnic/race

relations. As a result, asylum issues have become

increasingly intertwined with the issues of race

relations, foreign policy and terrorism (Finney, 2005).

This has been reflected in improvements in race

reporting in British news, as according to Rothon and

Heath (2003) racism had been on a steady decline from

1987 to 2002 (Greenslade, 2005). Such progress has not

been extended to the coverage of asylum issues, as an

ICAR study (2004) suggests that the discourse regarding

immigration and asylum is indistinct, with media

distorting, misrepresenting and amplifying facts,

obscuring clear information that would otherwise promote

informed debate. Rothon and Heath noted that racism had

risen again in 2002 and had attributed this reversal in

attitude to ‘probable’ links to increased media emphasis

on immigration and asylum issues (Greenslade, 2005).

The underlying goal of this study therefore, is to

develop an understanding of how the construction,

dissemination and absorption of media information impacts

upon the formation of public opinion regarding asylum

seekers. However, the relationship between the

presentation of information concerning asylum seekers,

and the formulation of opinion, is complex and difficult

to disseminate, not least because it has been claimed

that media discourses on asylum are unbalanced and

inaccurate (Statham 2002). Thus, with the constant

intimation of the expression ‘race relations’ being taken

to imply ‘immigration issues’ the latter has gradually

become a substitute for the former in media terminology

(Browne, 2002).

The question of agenda

A recurrent premise in the literature exploring the

link between the nature of information concerning asylum

seekers and public attitudes is the lack of contextual

information in media portrayal of asylum, encouraging

negative stereotypes by not presenting a balanced

perspective. The principal finding of Mollards’ (2001)

analysis was that most of the press coverage was almost

hostile. Not presenting a balanced perspective results

in what can be interpreted as ‘deliberate silencing’ (Roy

2004). This is indicative of selective presentation,

allowing minimal opportunity for alternative

perspectives. The media has done little to inform the

public about the complexities of the asylum issue

(Greenslade, 2005) and as a result of such censoring,

asylum seekers are presented by the media and perceived

by the public, as ‘problems’. Key themes inferred from

this include the focus on asylum seekers as burdens on

the welfare state, dishonest in asylum claims, and prone

to crime (McGloughin 1999).

This research defines the term ‘asylum seeker’ as a

person in the process of applying for an official status

from a host government, involving protection from

extradition to the country of origin. This is a

definition far removed from a MORI (2002) study where,

when respondents were asked which three words from a list

of 20 descriptions they felt the media most uses when

referring to asylum seekers and refugees, the top answer

was illegal immigrant. This suggests that the media’s

depiction of asylum seekers is that they are illegally

entering the U.K. Such distortions of definitions impact

on the current levels of knowledge regarding asylum in

the United Kingdom. One indication being that the public

remains ill informed and continue to create contradictory

opinions based on fiction, rather than fact, which

promotes misunderstanding and reinforces discrimination

reminiscent of Enoch Powell rhetoric1.

Key findings in opinion polls illustrate the

inconsistency further. A YouGov (2003) survey for The

Sun newspaper in 2003 identified 39% of respondents

believing immigration and asylum seekers to be the most

important political issue facing the U.K. Another YouGov

(2004) survey for The Economist found that 74% of

respondents agreed that too many immigrants were entering

Britain. However, 85% of respondents in the same survey

agreed that Britain would need more skilled and/or

unskilled workers over the next five years (Lewis, 2005)

and a MORI study (2002), commissioned to establish

awareness of and attitudes towards refugees and asylum

seekers in the lead up to Refugee Week, indicated that

1 The Rivers of Blood speech was made regarding immigration and anti-discrimination legislation in the United Kingdom on April 20, 1968 byEnoch Powell (1912-1998) a member of Conservative Leader Edward Heath’s Shadow Cabinet.

the public’s attitudes towards refugees and asylum

seekers were in many aspects positive, suggesting that

the British public would be more likely to be positive

then negative towards asylum seekers in their community.

This research seeks to discover what the current

levels of knowledge are regarding asylum in the United

Kingdom and from what sources such knowledge is obtained.

Examination of discourse in the media is crucial in

understanding attitude formulation. Finney (2005) notes

that there has been a repetitive use of particular terms

of phrase; asylum seekers are frequently described as a

‘flood’, ‘wave’, ‘bogus’ or ‘fraudulent’. When such

language is recycled from one media source to another,

this reinforces a negative and unbalanced perspective of

the asylum issue. Spears (1999) however, found that

Hungarian and Kosovan asylum seekers fleeing from the

1956 uprising against the Serbian communist regime were

treated as ‘victims’ rather than ‘problems’ by the

British press. Investigating why these refugees were

among the most well received refugee groups in post-war

Britain is not the aim of this research, however citing

this exception to the norm of hostile media

representation toward asylum seekers, suggests that such

fluxes in discourse depend on the political climate of

the time (Finney and Peach, 2005), which raises questions

regarding the role of the media as an agenda setting

vehicle.

Valentine and McDonald (2004) concluded that the

media’s role is unique in being able to sets the terms in

which the public debate occurs, providing the stories and

material to justify prejudices. Buchanan et al (2003)

note that the media relies heavily on government

officials and politicians, a limited pool of biased

independent sources, such as Migration Watch2, for news

reports and opinion pieces, instead of utilizing asylum

and refugee organizations as sources of information, in

order to provide a more balanced perspective. In this

vein, research has reinforced an emerging theme; that the

media often set the agenda regarding asylum issues to

both suggest potential public policy, as well as

reinforce current policy.

Cohen (2002) notes that, in public policy debate,

the media play a role in helping to set the agenda, by

making claims and naming sources. In light of the impact

that definitions and interpretations regarding asylum and

immigration have upon attitude formulation, this role is

crucial in terms of establishing the dominant discourses2 Migration Watch whilst describing itself as an independent think tank, but has previously been referred to as a pressure group , professes to support the principles of asylum, but is opposed to widescale immigration.

around the issue (Coe et al, 2004). However, the

consequences of an agenda based media are that the

established dominant discourses are biased; a very

disconcerting factor considering the media’s influence

potential. Greenslade (2005) reinforces this by noting

that the media does not actually reflect what the public

thinks, but suggests what the public should think. As

one interviewee in Cohen’s research noted; “those in the

social sector should make more effort to distinguish

better between what is truly public opinion and what is

media opinion” (Cohen, 2002).

The ability of the media to determine the terms of

the debate and establish its content exposes a

questionable link between the dialogue between

politicians and the press in relation to public opinion

toward asylum seekers. Greenslade (2005) illustrates the

need to explore this further, by highlighting the fact

that asylum and immigration, as a central feature of the

May 2005 general election led to considerable policy

activity, with four major pieces of legislation being

passed on asylum and immigration in seven years.

Inevitably, the agenda of the media and its

inconsistent interpretation of asylum seekers create a

“trust deficit” (Mythen et al, 2006: 93) where asylum

seekers are perceived as posing a threat to British

society and identity, undermining social cohesion (Cohen

2002). The perpetuates a distancing, dehumanizing

identification of asylum seekers, (Tyler 2006)

disseminated by political and media rhetoric which

results in influencing public opinion and, in turn,

public policy.

Yet, encouraging an “us vs. them” mentality provides

a security blanket of cohesion, (Kristeva, 1982: 36)

creating a sense of ‘us,’ united under a potential

menace. This reaffirms cultural values, yet when such

values are under threat, a sense of moral panic ensues.

This is emphasized further by media manipulation to

provide the thought and reasoning framework for the panic

(Finney, 2005). Whilst the concept of a moral panic has

been seen by several authors to be useful in

understanding contemporary attitudes towards asylum in

the UK (ibid.) in this case, a ‘moral panic’ - an over

reaction which occurs when ‘the official reaction to a

person, groups of persons or series of events, is out of

all proportion to the actual threat offered” (Hall et

al., 1978: 198) is an over simplistic construction of a

terroristic other (Mythen et al, 2006). Thus, a lack of

contextual information encourages negative stereotypes,

discouraging personal interaction. However, D’Onofrio and

Munk (2004) noted that when people engaged with asylum

issues on a local level, there was empathy and tolerance,

suggesting that when issues are considered from a

personal position, the implied moral panic is in reality

a vague anxiety.

The impact of filters

Minimal research has considered the need to

establish the impact that filters, such as exposure to

information, increased diversity awareness and direct

personal experiences, have on the construction of

opinion. Examining the impact of filters will contribute

to a greater understanding of the temperance of media

information and its influence on attitude formulation.

This can be illustrated through comparing how national

and local media’s interpretation of the asylum issue

affects attitudes. A MORI study (2003) indicated that

whilst the public’s attitudes towards asylum seekers were

often positive, they believed the media to be negative,

indicating that 75 per cent of British people do not

trust the press. An ICAR (2004) study into the links

between media coverage and community tensions endorsed

this, by concluding that media interpretations that were

found to be unbalanced and inaccurate, contributed

towards community tensions.

Finney (2004) noted that local media coverage of the

asylum issue had more potential in influencing opinion,

than national. Results indicated that that the public

expressed distrust for the national press, was suspicious

of the sources of information of the national press,

believing the interpretation of information to be heavily

biased. However, Lewis noted that despite this distrust,

Finney’s participants often used similar language to

national tabloid headlines and cited information from the

press when generally discussing the asylum issue (Lewis,

2005). This reinforces the need to examine how filters

(or absence, thereof) contribute to attitude formation.

As Lewis noted even in the absence of countering

information, what is said in the press clearly has a

significant impact, through defining terms, providing

negative shorthand language, increasing public tolerance

of hostile language and reinforcing the idea that there

is a problem (ibid.). This indicates a link between how

the asylum issue is interpreted through levels of trust

of national and local press, which supports the recurrent

theme of there being a lack of contextual information in

media portrayal of the asylum issue.

Whilst it is clear that the media’s interpretation

of information provides parameters for public debate on

asylum, establishing the impact of how the nature of such

information is disseminated is less apparent. One of the

central aims of this research is to examine the emerging

role of the media in relation to public attitudes by

assessing whether the impact of the media varies

according to the type of medium, strengthened by Finney’s

(2005) theory of the perpetual interactivity between the

press and the public. Finney concluded that the

interface between media messages and their readers is

multifarious and multi-directional. The media influences

people and people influence the media in a ‘circuit of

communications’ (ibid: 76).

The prevalence of recycled terms and the repetition

of asylum related anecdotes in the media illustrate

Finney’s point whilst indicating the key role that both

print and broadcast media have on information

dissemination (Lewis, 2005). It is the aim of this

research to examine the impact of information

dissemination in relation to attitudes toward asylum

seekers. There are several examples in the literature

that illustrate an information gap in this area. A MORI

(2002) study concluded that the term illegal immigrant was

chosen by 64% of respondents who felt that this term was

used by the media the most, when referring to asylum

seekers and refugees. MORI concluded that this signified

no difference among broadsheet and tabloid readers’

views. Finney’s (2005) research supports this, as

participants alluded to articles and reiterated the terms

used in the print media when referring to the asylum

issue, despite previously declaring distrust of the print

media. Similarly, Greenslade (2005) found that a

significant quantity of broadcast articles was generated

by those that appeared in print media, thereby concluding

that the broadcasting media tended to act as a

reinforcement of the press media.

However, broadcast and print media are not the only

avenues of exploration regarding the nature of

information concerning asylum seekers and public

attitudes. Opinion polls have consistently indicated

that that the overall issue of immigration, asylum and

race has increasingly become one of the most important

current concerns of the British public (Finney, 2005).

Lewis indicates that investigating the objectives of

opinion polls might contribute to a more contextual

understanding behind the impact of filtered information

(Lewis, 2005). A MORI opinion poll (2002) indicated that

filters such as increased diversity awareness, encouraged

a more informed perspective, whilst an ICAR (2004) poll

concluded that filters, such as greater exposure to

information enhanced a more multi faceted, balanced

awareness of the asylum issue.

However, opinion polls are commissioned in order to

achieve a specific objective and this is reflected

through the use of “loaded questions” (Lewis, 2005: 83).

The (2003) YouGov survey asked respondents a list of

questions that used only broad terms regarding

immigration; however the results of the poll were cited

in support of concerns specifically regarding asylum.

Additionally, a YouGov poll3 despite asking no questions

at all regarding asylum within the survey, described the

results of the poll being from a report investigating

asylum and immigration issues on the Migration Watch

website (Lewis, 2005). It can be concluded therefore,

that opinion polls are guilty of interpreting information

collated from surveys in a manner designed to influence

opinion toward a specific perspective in much the same

manner that the media does, further contributing to the

distortion of perspective within dialogue regarding the

asylum issue.

In conclusion.

3 Commissioned in 2005 by Migration Watch to conduct a survey regarding British culture and immigration.

What is clear from this discussion is that minimal

research has focused on the impact of language

presentation on attitude formation. The aim of this

research is to explore the link between the nature of

media information concerning asylum seekers and public

attitudes in order to better examine its impact. It

seeks to examine the role the media has in shaping public

attitudes toward asylum seekers, and whether the impact

of the media concerning the attitudes towards asylum

seekers varies according to the type of medium. Further

research is necessary to investigate the way in which

information is constructed, disseminated and absorbed, in

order to contribute to knowledge by filling a gap in the

literature in an under researched area, as well as

encourage informed debate on the most appropriate

approach to this complex issue.

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Chapter 3

Methodology

The general approach

This research was undertaken in two stages. The

first stage; Phase One, analysed media samples as a

secondary source of data in order to gain an insight into

the media representation of asylum seekers as it was put

in action. The second stage; Phase Two, involved

undertaking primary research in order to generate data

that would enable a comprehensive grasp of current levels

of knowledge regarding the asylum issue, gain a deeper

understanding of what sources of information informed

current knowledge, and understand the diversity of

opinions held regarding asylum seekers. Identifying two

sources of data for analysis provided a comparative tool

with which to test mutual validity and reliability.

Phase One: Research Methodology

Phase One’s objective was to examine the impact of

differing aspects of the media, such as national versus

local media coverage, general portrayal versus individual

reporting and the impact of language presentation, to

investigate the role of the media in shaping public

attitudes toward asylum seekers. It targeted both print

and broadcast media as the most appropriate sources of

secondary data. Constraints in terms time and resources

required setting limitations in utilizing this source of

data.

Limitations in terms of print included focusing on

one broadsheet - The Guardian, one tabloid - The Daily Mail

and the free local London newspaper - This is Local London.

These newspapers were selected for their contrasting

editorial approaches to the asylum issue. During

preliminary research it was felt that The Daily Mail adopted

an aggressive stance towards asylum seekers, whereas The

Guardian implemented a more sympathetic approach. This is

Local London was identified as a suitable source of data

because it acts as a local voice within London, which

possesses a very high concentration of asylum seekers

compared to the rest of the United Kingdom, therefore

considered a valuable addition to the data source. In

terms of identifying broadcast sources, targeted samples

were national and local media channels, namely the BBC and

ITV Local London. Identifying the BBC as a national channel

was intended to provide a broad, nationwide perspective

on the asylum issue, whereas ITV Local London provided a

local interpretation at the community level.

The main advantage to utilizing secondary data was

the convenience of having extra data, in conjunction with

primary data produced in Phase Two, to combine multiple

sets of data to create a more diverse sample for

analysis. One disadvantage is that this type of data is

subjective, can be interpreted out of context and has not

been subjected to the rigours of academic inquiry.

Nonetheless, in regard to this particular research

question – assessing exactly what the current levels of

public knowledge are regarding asylum in the United

Kingdom, infers that, despite the inability to thoroughly

verify this research, it is considered sufficiently valid

and relevant as a data source.

Phase Two: Research Methodology

Phase Two’s central aim was to investigate current

levels of knowledge regarding asylum and immigration in

the U.K. This involved examining the sources such

knowledge is obtained from and the effect that filters

such as exposure to information, increased diversity

awareness and direct personal experiences have on the

construction of opinion. This sequential stage required

generating primary data, by designing and disseminating a

self completion online questionnaire; with the intention

of gathering information that would strengthen and

validate data from Phase One. Analysis of the first

phase was intended to inform the structure and question

appropriateness of the second.

A preliminary pilot survey was conducted, in order

to test the structure of the survey questions and the

effectiveness of the research methodology. This proved

to be very valuable, leading to the restructuring of both

the order and design of some of the questions, whilst

also proving its’ accessibility. One advantage of using

an online questionnaire is that it enables broader access

to potential respondents, and is cost efficient.

Furthermore, it ensures privacy, is convenient and

accessibility maximises response rate. Survey

respondents were selected through a combination of two

sampling methods. Initially, this involved convenience

sampling – selecting cases conveniently available, such

cases being friends and colleagues. The disadvantage of

this method is that the researcher has no way of

estimating sample suitability. However, snowball sampling

- where networks of initial respondents introduce other

potential respondents - strengthened this. This secondary

method reinforced the sample’s validity and proved to be

very successful, achieving a response rate of 34

participants. Participation was on a voluntary basis,

however consent information forms were sent to

respondents prior to participation, to sign and return.

Another advantage in generating primary data is the

ability to exercise a degree of control over what data is

produced. The questionnaire enabled setting a context

within which to generate data designed to achieve

specific aims and objectives. For example, the omission

of topics considered irrelevant encouraged participants

to focus on issues, topics and questions directly related

to the research question, consequently saving

considerable time and effort during the data validation

process. However, making such assumptions about the

relevance of certain topics raises doubts about the

objectivity of the research design, as this limits the

potential for establishing further links between

variables, not otherwise considered.

Despite having a greater degree of autonomy, the

survey method renders dependency on a response rate, to

ensure a representative sample. Thus, formatting is a

central concern for the questionnaire’s success. This

meant careful consideration of how questions are

structured, to encourage responses relating directly to

research aims and objectives. However, by providing such

structured questions, participants’ answers are

inevitably limited. Eliminating opportunities for

expansion denies a deeper understanding of the process

involved in opinion formation. Close attention is

crucial in ensuring the survey language avoids any

ambiguity or suggested any tendency toward bias. Due

consideration was thus spent on ensuring an appropriate

mix of closed, open and scaled questions to encourage a

balanced response. The questionnaire was designed within

a broad contemporary context, as research objectives

involved obtaining current levels of knowledge. This

resulted in the inclusion of questions that appear on

other national public opinion studies, such as the

British Social Attitudes surveys, Ipsos Mori surveys and

ICAR surveys4 intended to help the questionnaire better

reflect a current perspective.

By adopting a sequential research design for this

research, it was intended that gathering primary data in

Phase Two would reinforce the validity of secondary data

obtained during Phase One, and would provide more

opportunities to further explore links between variables

during analysis. Identifying both primary and secondary

sources of data as suitable foundations on which to base

analysis on, was intended to condense the effects of the

limitations of either and capitalize on the strengths of

both.

The analytical approach

Phase One Analysis4 www.statistics.gov.uk , www. ipsos - mori .com/ , www. icar .org.uk/ respectively.

Phase One involved analyzing and coding secondary

data in order to establish what messages were being

presented about asylum seekers, with the purpose of

providing a firm basis upon which to design the second

stage of the research. Phase Two involved using a survey

to collect primary data that would further scrutinize the

validity of variables and links between them, previously

established in Phase One.

The analytical approach adopted for Phase One

involved scrutinising naturally occurring talk and text

in print and broadcast media. Discourse Analysis (DA)

was identified as the most suitable framework within

which to operate. By characterising DA as an approach to

analysing the research question, this technique can

sufficiently illustrate its suitability. Providing a

single definition of DA proves challenging, but

essentially DA advocates a deconstructive interpretation

of a statement or text, enabling a deeper understanding

of the circumstances that caused the construction of the

statement or text in the first place. By breaking down

the very foundations of the discourse enabled the

identification of assumptions that lay within it,

allowing a more comprehensive perspective of the issue.

Deconstructing discourse monitored in Phase One

involved identifying devices used to construct and

manipulate the way in which something is perceived. For

example, identifying how asylum seekers are defined and

how events surrounding the asylum issue are constructed

to appear factual. This involved investigating the role

that such definitions and descriptions serve in the

rhetorical functions in discourse, such as in the shaping

of public attitudes. Coding types and analysing the

regularity of types of devices existing in discourse

enabled varying advantageous factors. It identified the

dominant repertoires surrounding the asylum issue and

highlighted variations in the way that leading

repertoires are constructed. This enabled a deeper

understanding of the epistemological and ontological

orientations of variations in the discourse, by those

involved in its construction and its deconstruction,

which consequently indicated hidden motivations and

agendas.

However, a central weakness to applying DA is that

it is not a specific research method or technique within

itself, with clear guidelines about the process involved.

In fact, DA is purely an interpretive social science,

therefore demonstrating the reliability and validity of

the data and research findings very much depends on the

quality of its’ justification. The very nature of using

DA indicated that the justification of the research

question, the validity of the research process and the

presentation of the research findings were also subject

to deconstruction and reinterpretation, and were

therefore not completely conclusive. Thus by applying DA

to investigate the discourse surrounding asylum seekers

did not provide any concrete guidelines for the most

suitable research method to analyse the way in which

messages relating to asylum seekers are interpreted and

presented by the media.

Nonetheless, DA encouraged the assumptions behind

statements or texts to be challenged, by placing the

messages relayed into a social and historical context. By

doing so, DA enabled the investigation of any bias

involved in the construction of that message. This

provided a more comprehensive perspective of the asylum

debate, by establishing a more detailed understanding of

the power relations and imbalances that surrounded media

messages. The newly acquired perspective of data obtained

from applying DA to Phase One, enhanced and informed the

design of the questionnaire survey in Phase Two.

Phase Two Analysis

Two central research questions that relate to Phase

Two focused on establishing what the current levels of

knowledge regarding asylum in the United Kingdom are, and

from what sources such knowledge is obtained. Phase Two

aimed at investigating the impact that filters, such as

exposure to information, increased diversity awareness

and direct personal experiences; have on attitudes toward

asylum seekers.

Investigation required examining socio-demographic

characteristics such as education, income, age and

gender, as potential variable predictors of the variance

in current levels and knowledge. Additionally, it also

required examining the impact that filters such as

exposure to information, increased diversity awareness

and personal experiences, have upon such variables.

Education was thought to indicate the impact of the

development of critical thinking abilities and the impact

that access to various information sources could have

upon current levels of knowledge. Similarly, income as a

predictor variable was perceived to indicate the impact

upon the variance of access to different sources of

information, as well as indicating the delineation that

different levels of income may have on developing

conservative or liberal attitudes. Furthermore, age was

considered indicative of the impact of what sources

knowledge is obtained from, as variations in age could

dictate source preferences, and how this contributes to

the disparity in current levels of knowledge.

Additionally, gender was perceived as potentially

indicating the sources that such knowledge is obtained, as

differences in gender could signify the cause for

variations in preferences. Differences in gender could

also indicate the impact that asylum issues relating

specifically to gender based asylum claims may have on

attitudes toward asylum seekers.

Multiple regression analysis was used to measure

these predictor variables as this type of analysis can

measure the collective and individual impact on the

dependent variable. By using a standard method of entry,

where all independent variables are entered into the

regression equation at the same time, education and

income were inputted as interval levels of measurement,

age as a ratio level of measurement and gender as a

nominal level of measurement, to allow cross tabulation

that resulted in a model summary statistically

representing the impact of all independent variables,

thereby indicating the importance of each independent

variable in answering the research question. Similarly,

standard entry was used to measure the impact that

filters have on the collective influence of independent

variables. By entering the previous model summary along

with various filters on a scale using ordinal levels of

measurement in a new regression equation, provided a

model indicating the variance upon the dependent

variable. This type of model also represented a

conservative prediction of the individual influence of

each variable.

Further investigation of the individual impact of

filters was undertaken, by measuring the individual

impact of an independent variable against the impact of

the other combined variables. For example, in order to

investigate the impact that exposure to knowledge had on

attitudes toward asylum seekers, the other filters;

increased diversity awareness, direct personal

experiences and current levels of knowledge, were

inputted into a model using ordinal levels of measurement

via a hierarchical method of entry. Hierarchical entry

was considered the most flexible as it allows for maximum

control of variables, whereby each independent variable,

upon entry into the equation, can be assessed in terms of

its own unique impact upon the variance in attitudes

towards asylum seekers. By creating different

combinations of the variables on the dependent variable

using hierarchical entry enabled closer investigation

into the combined and individual effects of each of the

independent variables, measuring the extent to which,

collectively and individually, each filter impacted upon

the variance in attitudes toward asylum seekers. Thus,

the results of this analysis provided a more accurate

measure of the true significance of independent variables

on the current levels of knowledge and attitudes toward

asylum seekers in the United Kingdom.

-----

Chapter 4

Statement of Results

The Main Purpose of Analysis

The main purpose of this research was to explore the

link between the nature of media information concerning

asylum seekers and public attitudes. The unique position

of the media in terms of it’s’ role in the shaping of

public opinion is central, in light of the impact that

definitions and interpretations of information regarding

asylum have upon attitude formulation. The following

information intends to illuminate significant aspects of

the research that indicate the extent to which the

information presented by the media has shaped public

attitudes. It intends to illustrate significant findings

that indicate the impact that various mediums of the

media have had on influencing public attitudes toward

asylum seekers.

The Sequential Approach to Analysis

An analysis of the primary data generated in Phase

Two was intended to strengthen and validate results of

Phase One analysis. Primary data collated was utilized

as a comparative means with which to assess the extent of

the validity of the links established in Phase One. By

adopting a sequential research design, it was intended

that generating primary data in Phase Two would test the

validity of links established in Phase Two, and would

also provide more opportunities to further explore links

between variables during analysis. Identifying both

primary and secondary sources of data as foundations on

which to base analysis ,was intended to condense the

effects of the limitations of either and capitalize on

the strengths of both.

Phase One

The print media coding of the Daily Mail, The Guardian and

This is Local London, took place over a one month period, from

February 1st to February 28th 2009. Similarly, the

broadcast media coding of the BBC and ITV Local London took

place during the same period. The following is a summary

of key findings.

Definitions

Media reporting did not clearly define the categories of

individuals involved in the asylum issue. 32 separate

terms were used to describe asylum seekers, such as illegal

migrant, (The Daily Mail) would be migrants (The Guardian) or illegal

immigrants, (This is Local London) with 53% of these terms being

derogatory and disparaging, such as failed migrants, (The

Guardian) unpopular minorities (The Daily Mail) or foreign undesirables

(The Daily Mail). Of these, The Guardian employed 15 separate

terms, of which 4 (26.6%) were disparaging. The Daily Mail

used 23 separate terms, of which 13 (56.5%) were

derogatory. This Is Local London utilized 4 separate terms, 1

(25%) of which, was deprecating. By implication, the

media did not accurately define the purpose, the

experiences or the motivations of individuals seeking

asylum in the U.K. Such frequent interchange indicates a

link between the current knowledge of asylum seekers,

from what sources such knowledge is gained, and the

formulation of attitudes toward them.

Sources

The Daily Mail

The Guardian

This is Local London

0 5 10 15 20 25

Number of derogatory terms used to describe individuals seeking asylumNumber of separate terms used to describe individuals seeking asylum

Number of terms used to describe asylum seekers in the period monitored.

Broadcast media featured 5 out of a total of 6

articles that had previously been featured in print

media. Identical terms were used to describe asylum

seekers, however were more neutral in tone. Broadcast

media did not present alternative perspectives of an

issue, as 100% of broadcast media utilized sources

previously identified in print media. Of both forms of

media 13 (48%) articles featured politicians, 4 (14%) and

2 (7%) articles identifying anti/pro immigration groups,

respectively. Just 3 (10%) of articles sourced

independent think tanks and only 2 (7%) featured

government officials as sources. This indicated that the

broadcast media did not verify print media sources,

implying that such sources were considered accurate and

reliable. As a result, terms and sources introduced into

the asylum debate by the print media were reinforced and

propounded by the broadcast media. This indicated that

media representation of asylum seekers did not seem to

concur with the current social and political climate

regarding asylum issues so much as propound and promote

it, setting both the terms and the parameters for the

debate.

48%

14%7%

7%

10%

14%

Sources cited in print media

politicansanti immigration lobby groups pro immigration lobby groupsgovernment officialsindependent think tanksother

politicans 50%

government officials

50%

Sources cited in broadcast media

Regional Representation

There were significant differences in the language

of the national print and broadcast media articles to

that of local. 36 total items regarding asylum seekers

and the asylum issue were featured during the period

monitored. 31 (86%) of these articles were featured in

national print and broadcasting news, with 5 (14%)

featuring in local. Content of articles was also varied,

with 24 (67%) of national media focusing on issues that

related to the country as a whole, with 6 (17%) focusing

on local issues. Local forms of media however, featured

3 (8%) of articles with both a national and local focus

respectively. This indicated that regional variations

were linked to fluxes in attitudes; that the

interpretation of the asylum issue on the local level did

not consider the immigration and asylum issue to be the

most important issue facing the United Kingdom as the

national press might otherwise portray it to be.

Migrant impact on UK jobs

The repatriation of a Guantanamo detainee

Appeal hearing of Abu Qatada

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

National print media

Five main articles featuring the asylum issue during the period monitored

Number of items out of a total of 29.

Three arrested on an immigration raid

Immigrant arrested driving without a

licence

0 2 4

Two main articles featuring the asylum issue during the period monitored

Local print media

Number of itemsout of a total of 5

Agenda

A total of 7 broadcast items were coded during the

period monitored, of these 4 (60%) were identified in the

BBC, the other 3 (43%) were noted in ITV Local London.

Broadcast monitoring mainly focused on one ongoing story.

28% of broadcast labelling used the term ‘asylum seeker’;

whilst ‘immigrant’ and ‘refugee’ accounted for 19% and

27% respectively. Further terms were used to describe

specific individuals, particularly - ‘radical cleric’ (ITV Local

London) and ‘a truly dangerous individual’ (ITV Local London). Such

interchanges indicate both the influence that the print

media has on broadcast media in terms of the construction

of the discourse, as well as illustrating the combined

impact of different aspects of the media on variations in

attitude toward asylum seekers.

One third of all media coverage - 83% of print media

articles and 17% of broadcast media features - indicated

the failure of the British Government to effectively

supervise immigration levels, to successfully deport

unsuccessful asylum seekers and to appropriately manage

asylum dispersal throughout the United Kingdom. A

distinct lack of media confidence in the ability of the

government to address the asylum issue indicated a link

between media interpretation of the design and

dissemination of asylum policies and its’ influence on

perceptions of the United Kingdom’s international

reputation regarding asylum and immigration policies.

The effectivness

of the Immigration and Asylum

Bill

The morality of allowing Abu Qatada's compensation appeal

The purpose for the

repatriation of a

Guantanamo detainee

01234

Top three stories featuring in articles regarding a lack of confidance in the British Governent during the period monitored.

Number of items out of a total of 12.

Impact of Images

Precisely 100% of images featured during the period

monitored gave a distinct sense of partition between

asylum seekers and the public. In doing so, these images

reinforced a distinct sense of ‘otherness’ and of

‘foreignness’ when defining asylum seekers, inferring

that ‘foreign’ meant ‘foe’. 60% of the print media

portrayed generic, non contextualized images relating to

asylum and asylum seekers, with 80% of these being male

asylum seekers; 40% of which being images of grouped men.

Only two images out of a total of 15 were of female

asylum seekers. However, 100% of images used in the

broadcasting media were images of individuals

specifically featured in the article, 70% of which were

of male asylum seekers, each featuring an individual.

10% of images were of a female asylum seeker with her

child and a further 20% being government officials. This

suggests that print media, by using stock, non

contextualized images of grouped male asylum seekers,

portray a dehumanizing interpretation of the asylum

issue, indicating the impact of images presented by each

media channel, on variations in attitude toward asylum

seekers.

036

Frequency and type of images used in print media to depict asylum seekers, during the period monitored.

Print Media

Number of items out of atotal of 15.

Phase Two

The online survey took place during a one month

period, from April 1st to April 30th 2009. 35 potential

respondents (with a successful response rate of 34) were

invited by email to access a password encoded online

survey site in order for them to participate in the

study. The following is a summary of the key findings.

The aim of the first stage of Phase Two analysis was

to assess whether respondent’s demographic

characteristics were associated with their level of

knowledge regarding asylum seekers. Overall, results of

analysis indicated no evidence of significant

associations between levels of knowledge and age or

income. Nonetheless, results did reveal a link with

education. Evidence indicated a slight difference between

education groups in terms of where the UK ranks in the

world, although this result was borderline statistically

significant (p=0.06), due to the small sample size.

However, in terms of where respondents had thought the UK

ranked in terms of the number of asylum applications,

compared to other countries around the world, the

analysis revealed that respondents with a degree ranked

the position of the UK lower, with a median position of

8th, compared to those with no degree who had a median

rank of 3rd. The associations are summarised below.

* What is the highest level of education you have completed? * Whatpercentage of the world's asylum seekers do you think are in the UK? * Where

do you think the UK ranks, in terms of the number of asylum applicationscompared to other countries around the world?

Crosstabulation

education_grp

No degree Degree Total

UKRNKEUR 6th+ Count 0 3 3

% within education .0% 13.6% 8.8%

1st-5th Count 12 19 31

% within education 100.0% 86.4% 91.2%

Total Count 12 22 34

% within education 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

No Degree

Median

Degree

Median

P-value

% of worlds asylum seekers in UK 35 (15, 45) 15 (6, 27) 0.12

Number of asylum applications to UK 30000

(25000, 56250)

35000

(22500, 60000)0.96

Where UK ranks in world 3 (3, 7) 8 (3, 9) 0.06

Furthermore, in terms of potential associations between

gender and current levels of knowledge, evidence

indicated a difference in terms of the percentage of the

world’s asylum seekers who are in the UK. Although this

result is borderline statistically significant (p=0.06),

results indicated that males thought that the UK had a

lower percentage, with a median result of 15%, compared

to a median of 25% for females. The associations are

summarised below.

What is your gender? * What percentage of the world's asylum seekers doyou think are in the UK? * Where do you think the UK ranks, in terms ofthe number of asylum applications compared to other countries around the

world? Crosstabulation

gender

Male Female Total

UKRNKEUR 6th+ Count 6 4 10

% within gender 37.5% 22.2% 29.4%

1st-5th Count 10 14 24

% within gender 62.5% 77.8% 70.6%

Total Count 16 18 34

% within gender 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Male

Median

Female

Median

P-value

% of worlds asylum seekers in UK 15 (2, 32) 25 (13, 45) 0.06

Number of asylum applications 30000

(17500, 60000)

35000

(25000, 48750)0.80

Where UK ranks in world 6 (3, 8) 3 (3, 8) 0.62

In relation to the aims of the second objective of

Phase Two analysis, opinions of how respondents would act

toward asylum seekers were associated with two key areas;

news sources and opinions toward asylum seekers and media

interpretation and attitudes toward asylum seekers’

influence on British cultural life.

The association between opinions toward how asylum

seekers are perceived to affect cultural life5 and

attitudes toward how asylum seekers are perceived to be

interpreted in the media were examined to indicate the

influence of these variables on a positive or negative

opinion toward asylum seekers. All respondents indicated

that both local and national print media gave a negative

opinion of asylum seekers. An examination of the local

and national types of broadcast media indicated that all

subjects in the study gave the same response, therefore

as both variables are essentially the same, analysis was

only required on one of these variables.

The results revealed that there was evidence of an

association between opinions toward asylum seekers’

5 i.e. having a positive or negative effect on the economy, enrich orworsen cultural life and worsen or improve crime levels

negative influence on the economy and broadcast media

opinions. Evidence suggested that there were lower

scores for respondents who indicated that broadcast media

had a positive opinion of asylum seekers. In other words,

participants who thought that the broadcast media had a

positive opinion were more likely to disagree with the

notion that asylum seekers were bad for the economy. The

associations are summarised below.

*Overall, do you think language is positive or negative about asylum seekers ontv? *Do you generally agree or disagree that asylum seekers make jobs?

*Crosstabulation

langtv

Negative Positive Total

ASMKJBS Strong disagree Count 3 1 4

% within c2_makejobs 75.0% 25.0% 100.0%

Disagree Count 10 3 13

% within c2_makejobs 76.9% 23.1% 100.0%

Undecided Count 15 0 15

% within c2_makejobs 100.0% .0% 100.0%

Agree Count 2 0 2

% within c2_makejobs 100.0% .0% 100.0%

Total Count 30 4 34

% within c2_makejobs 88.2% 11.8% 100.0%

Chi-Square Tests

Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 4.544a 3 .208

Likelihood Ratio 6.086 3 .107

Linear-by-Linear Association 3.506 1 .061

N of Valid Cases 34

a. 6 cells (75.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is .24.

Negative BCAST

View

Median

Positive BCAST

View

Median

P-value

Asylum seekers take jobs 3 (2, 3) 2.5 (1, 3) 0.45Asylum seekers make jobs 3 (2, 3) 2 (1, 2) 0.06Asylum seekers are bad for economy 2.5 (2, 3) 2 (2, 3.5) 0.74Asylum seekers are good for

economy

3 (2, 3) 3.5 (2, 4) 0.55

Asylum seekers undermine life 2 (2, 3) 2 (1, 2) 0.29Asylum seekers enrich life 4 (3, 4) 4 (2.5, 4) 0.86Asylum seekers worsen crime levels 2 (2, 3) 2.5 (2, 3) 0.98Asylum seekers improve crime

levels

2 (2, 3) 2 (1, 2) 0.12

In relation to the aims of the third stage of Phase

Two analysis, respondent’s demographic characteristics

were associated with three key areas; sources of news,

whether sources of news influenced opinion of asylum

seekers, and whether cultural life opinions were

associated with media attitudes to asylum seekers. The

association between income, education and location were

examined with the following two variables; where survey

respondents got their UK news from and which paper

respondents normally read. The results suggested no

statistical significance that income was related to where

survey respondents got their news from, or which paper

was normally read. Similarly, the results suggested no

evidence of statistical significance that the level of

education was related to either of these variables.

However, in terms of the effect of location upon sources

of news, there was some evidence of an association

between location and where participants got their UK news

from. Results suggested that those in an urban location

primarily got their news from the internet (60%), whilst

TV was the most popular source for suburban/rural

dwellers (47%). The associations are summarised below.

Which of the following best describes the area you live? * Where do youusually get most of your news about what's going on in the UK today, from?

*CrosstabulationLocation

UrbanSurburban/rural Total

WhereNews Tv Count 4 9 13% within location 26.7% 47.4% 38.2%

Internet Count 9 4 13% within location 60.0% 21.1% 38.2%

Other Count 2 6 8% within location 13.3% 31.6% 23.5%

Total Count 15 19 34% within location 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Category <£30k yearN (%)

>£30k yearN (%)

P-value

Where news? TV 6 (38%) 7 (39%) 0.62Internet 5 (31%) 8 (44%)Other 5 (31%) 3 (17%)

Read P Media? No 11 (69%) 11 (61%) 0.73Yes 5 (31%) 7 (39%)

Which papers? Tabloid 8 (38%) 11 (61%) 0.15Broadsheet 10 (62%) 7 (39%)

Watch B Media? No 5 (31%) 3 (17%) 0.28Yes 11 (69%) 15 (83%)

-----

Chapter 5

Discussion

 Exploring the link between media information

concerning asylum seekers and public attitudes is the

prime goal for this research study. Greenslade (2005)

noted that the media has done significantly little to

inform the public about the complexities of the asylum

issue. As a result of such selective censoring, asylum

seekers are portrayed as burdens on the welfare state,

dishonest in asylum claims, and prone to crime

(McGloughin, 1999). That media representation is

primarily responsible for asylum seekers being perceived

by the public as ‘problems’, justifies one of this

study’s key research objectives; to investigate the

extent to which the media plays a role in shaping public

attitudes toward asylum seekers.

Mollard noted that representation of asylum seekers

in the media was “openly hostile” (2001: 4) the impact

of which infers the media condoning discrimination

against asylum seekers and attempting to justify the

undermining of asylum seekers’ human rights. Such

implicit condemnation of asylum seekers being reflected

in the media was a notion echoed several times during

the initial stages of this research, (Lewis, 2005,

Crawley, 2005, Rudiger, 2007) that resulted in the

development of a further research question during the

conceptual stages of this project; to examine the extent

to which different aspects of the media impact upon

attitude formulation. The essence of this study,

therefore, was to develop an understanding of how the

construction, dissemination and absorption of media

information impacts upon the formulation of public

opinion of asylum seekers. In working toward this,

during the initial research, it became increasingly

clear that the relationship between the presentation of

media information and the formulation of opinion

regarding asylum seekers is complex and convoluted,

primarily due to inaccurate, inconsistent and ill

informed media messages. Such mixed messages have

limited progress on legitimate debate on the asylum

issue and slowed the development of relevant and

comprehensive U.K. immigration policies.

When investigating what factors cause inaccurate

and inconsistent definitions within discourse

surrounding the asylum issue, research results indicated

that media reporting did not clearly define the categories

of individuals involved in the immigration issue. Terms

such as illegal migrant, would be migrants, illegal immigrants, failed

migrants, unpopular minorities and foreign undesirables dominated

media messages. This illustrated a recurrent concept

within the research that the media habitually tends to

group refugees, asylum seekers and economic migrants as

one homogenous group. This lends strength to Statham’s

(2002) theory that media discourses on asylum are

unbalanced and inaccurate because asylum seekers are

typically represented as part of an overall immigration

problem. Such over simplification of the complex

realities of asylum and immigration circumstances,

amplification of fiction over fact and inappropriate

representation of context, results in the distortion of

crucial information regarding the asylum issue that

would otherwise promote informed and relevant debate on

the most suitable strategies for informing and amending

immigration policy.

Finney and Peach (2004) reinforced the impact of

there being a lack of contextual information in media

portrayal of asylum, by surmising that it encourages

negative stereotypes, by not explaining asylum seeker’s

motivations and not giving them a voice. This is

further illustrated in this report in regard to the

impact of images. 60% of the print media under

investigation portrayed generic, non contextualized

images relating to asylum and asylum seekers; 80% of

these being male asylum seekers, with 40% of these being

images of grouped men. Only two images out of fifteen

were of female asylum seekers. Thus, by the media not

accurately defining the purpose, the experiences or the

motivations of individuals seeking asylum in the U.K.,

results in social estrangement of host and hosted, and

portrays a divisive version of the asylum issue. This

conclusion hints at the magnitude of the impact that the

influence of the media has in (mis)shaping public

attitudes toward immigration.

A further aim of this investigation was to assess

the impact of different aspects of the media in shaping

attitudes toward asylum seekers. Referring to previous,

related research provides justification of this aim. A

MORI study (2002) found that when respondents were asked

which three words from a list of 20 descriptions they

felt that the media most uses when referring to asylum

seekers and refugees. 64% of respondents noted that the

term illegal immigrant was the most common. As a result, the

MORI study concluded that terms used among broadsheets

and tabloids illustrated no notably significant

variations in opinion formulation. This research

project supports MORI’s theory to some extent, in that

the differences in terms used between broadsheets and

tabloid do not significantly alter overall public

opinion toward asylum seekers. In support of this,

Phase One results regarding the frequency of terms used

in the print media indicated that some key terms, such

as illegal immigrants, illegal migrants, failed migrants and would be

migrants were frequently used interchangeably to describe

asylum seekers in both tabloid and broadsheet mediums.

However, whilst some findings illustrated similarities

in inconsistency and frequency of definitions between

tabloid and broadsheet, further probing indicated other

parallels which warrant further discussion.

Buchanan et al (2003) notes, that the media relies

heavily on government officials and politicians and a

limited pool of biased ‘independent’ sources, for news

reports and opinion pieces, instead of utilizing

alternative sources of information, such as asylum and

refugee organizations in order to provide a more

balanced perspective. During the period monitored in

this research, data coding revealed that broadcast media

featured five out of a total of six articles, previously

featured in print media, primarily using precisely the

same sources. Further coding revealed that broadcast

media appeared to adopt definitions and sources featured

in print media with minimal changes, other than

increased circulation levels. This suggests that

broadcast media rarely provides additional perspectives

to features, not seeking to vary perspectives or verify

sources. This not only further propagates distorted

dialogue that promotes ignorance of the asylum issue and

creates misinformed opinions of asylum seekers, but, by

the broadcast media not seeking to verify print media

information, implies that the information provided by

print sources can (and perhaps should) be considered

accurate and reliable – something of which the research

findings in this report strongly contest.

A statistical summary at this point sets an

appropriate context to provide further analysis of the

concept of the ‘recycling of rhetoric’. 76% of

respondents in Phase Two reported that they preferred

broadcast media over print media as a regular news

source. Interestingly, 100% of respondents indicated

that they felt the language in print media was negative

in regard to asylum seekers, with 88% of respondents

indicating that they felt the same way about broadcast

media representation. When respondents were asked which

of the two versions of media they would most likely

believe if they saw or heard conflicting reports of the

same news story about an asylum issue, almost 74%

answered broadcast media. This indicates a level of

unqualified trust placed upon broadcast media. The

broadcast media duly appears to act as a reinforcement of

the press media, rather than as an alternative source.

As a result, this research concludes that the dominant

terms and appropriate sources considered suitable for

the asylum debate are actually determined and introduced

by the print media which are then subsequently

reinforced and propounded by the broadcast media. The

misinterpretation of media information further promotes

ignorant, irrelevant discourse regarding asylum seekers,

which has a significantly negative impact on public

attitudes toward them.

A conclusive 100% of respondents in the Phase Two

survey indicated that both local and national print media

portrayed a negative opinion of asylum seekers.

Similarly, an examination of the local and national types

of broadcast media indicated that 88% of respondents in

the study gave the same response. This detrimental

conviction is echoed by a MORI (2003) study that

indicated that the public believed the media to be

significantly unconstructive, demonstrating that 75% of

British people do not trust the press. However, despite

the misgivings of the messages presented by the media,

what is said in the press clearly has a significant

impact (Lewis, 2005). This is illustrated in Finney’s

(2004) research where participants often used similar

language to national headlines and frequently cited

defined terms and featured information from the press,

when generally discussing the asylum issue. This

reinforces Greenslades’ (2005) theory; that the media

does not reflect public opinion so much as suggest it,

which subsequently leads to the theme of media agenda..

Results from Phase One revealed evidence of the

agenda of the media through the consistent and distinct

lack of media confidence in the ability of the government

to address the asylum issue. One third of all media

coverage analysed indicated the failure of the British

Government to effectively supervise immigration levels,

to deport unsuccessful asylum seekers and to

appropriately manage asylum dispersal throughout the

United Kingdom. This suggested a clear causal

relationship between the media’s interpretation of

governmental strategies in managing the asylum issue and

the influence that this has had on public perceptions of

the U.K.’s position on the international stage, regarding

the number of asylum applications to the U.K.

This relationship was further tested in Phase Two

where, when respondents were asked where they felt the

U.K. ranked in terms of the number of British asylum

applications, compared to other countries around the

world, analysis revealed that respondents with a

university degree ranked the position of the U.K.

significantly lower on the international scale, with a

median position of 8th, than those whose highest level of

education completed was a vocational qualification, who

ranked the U.K.’s position with a median rank of 3rd.. This

position parallels the incorrect but nonetheless

prevalent implications within the media that suggest that

the position of the U.K. - in terms of the number of

asylum applications - is significantly higher than what

is actually is. Essentially, Phase Two results suggested

that those who have attained a higher level of education

are less influenced by media messages, and guessed closer

to the real figure of asylum applications in the U.K.,

whereas those with a lower education level are more

influenced by the media, as they gave answers that echoed

the figures suggested by both print and broadcast media.

The most notable being that this evidence strengthens the

notion that despite the evidence that public opinion is

influenced by the media, results of this report indicate

that there are factors present, such as education, that

limit the impact.

Other factors, such as the impact of images and

overall diversity awareness, indicate that the presence

of filters limit the influence of the media on opinion

formation. ICAR’s (2004) study found that filters such as

greater exposure to information surrounding the asylum

issue, enhanced a more multi faceted, balanced awareness

of it. Key findings from Phase One revealed that three

fifths of the overall print media portrayed nonspecific,

non contextualized images of male asylum seekers.

However, 100% of images featured in broadcast media were

specific and contextualized portrayals of individuals

relating directly to the news article featuring

significantly more examples women and children. Further

verification of this was conducted in Phase Two, where

the association between whether respondents were welcoming

to asylum seekers, with the following four variables;

first hand experiences of asylum seekers, news sources,

how participants would act toward asylum seekers within

the community and how would respondents react if someone

of a different ethnic origin was appointed as their boss

or married a family member or friend, was investigated.

A statistical summary provides an appropriate

context to this particular analysis. Initially, 76% of

respondents’ prime news source was revealed to be

broadcast media. Moreover, whilst 68% of respondents had

no 1st hand experience with asylum seekers, 100% of

respondents nonetheless indicated that they would have no

problem having close social or professional associations

with people of a different ethnicity. Just 12% of

respondents indicated that they would react negatively

toward asylum seekers if encountered within the

community. These results indicate that as broadcast

media tends to present more detailed, relative portrayals

of asylum seekers, it is, in fact a media filter. The

more detailed, clearer contextual portrayal of individual

asylum seekers within the broadcast media indirectly

invite the public to contemplate the asylum issue and

asylum seekers on a more personal or communal level, that

ultimately limits the sense of detachment that typifies

print media depictions. This is a concept reinforced by

D’Onofrio and Munk (2004) who noted that when people

engaged with asylum issues on a local level, there was

empathy and tolerance.

A further factor indicating that the presence of

filters limits the influence of the media on opinion

formation is in regard to regional representation.

Finney’s (2004) research indicated that the public

expressed distrust for the national press and was

suspicious of its sources of information, believing the

interpretation of information to be heavily biased. In

support of this, Phase One results indicated that there

were significant differences in the frequency of

reportage and the language used between national and

local media. Local media was distinctly more consistent

in its use of terms to define asylum seekers.

Furthermore, the frequency of coverage of asylum and

immigration issues in the local media was significantly

less than that of national media, with the content of

local media focusing specifically on issues relating

directly to the local area.

McGloughin (1999) lends further support to the

concept of factors limiting the influence of media

messages by noting that key themes in the media coverage

of the asylum issue include the focus on asylum seekers

as being burdens on the welfare state and dishonest in

asylum claims. Findings from Phase Two indicated a link

between location and sources of news on opinion

formation. Namely, results revealed that those in an

urban location primarily got their news from the

internet, whilst television was the most popular source

for suburban/rural dwellers. This evidence indicated

that, in regard to the variation of opinions toward

asylum seekers’ influence on the economy and broadcast

media interpretations of it, participants who thought the

national broadcast media had a positive opinion were more

likely to disagree with the idea that asylum was bad for

the economy. Thus, broadcast media’s interpretation of

asylum seekers positively influenced perceptions of the

burden that asylum seekers pose on the economy, on the local

level. Conversely, the interpretation of asylum seekers by

the print media negatively influenced national opinions

regarding the burden that asylum seekers have on the

economy.

This evidence clearly indicates that regional media

interpretations are linked to fluxes in attitudes,

because the broadcast media’s interpretation of the

asylum issue on the local level did not consider the

immigration and asylum issue to be as important an issue

facing the United Kingdom, as the national print media

otherwise portrayed it to be. The key point in this

analysis, in regard to the impact that different mediums

and disparate interpretations of the media have on the

formulation of public attitudes, is that broadcast media

has a significantly stronger impact that print media, and

that local media coverage has a more positive

interpretation that national coverage. An important

implication here is that future research into the role of

broadcast media in concerning asylum seekers and public

attitudes could establish links that may provide greater

insight into nurturing the development of more informed

and balanced opinions toward asylum seekers and the

overall immigration issue.

It can be concluded from the results of this

analysis that minimal research has focused on the impact

of language presentation on attitude formulation. The

relationship between the presentation of media

information and the formulation of opinion regarding

asylum seekers is complex and convoluted, largely due to

erroneous, conflicting and misleading media messages.

Further research is crucial in examining media discourse

in order to investigate the way in which information is

constructed, disseminated and absorbed to further

encourage informed, legitimate debate on suitable

strategies for managing concerns surrounding the asylum

debate.

-----

Chapter 6

Methodological evaluation

The motivation behind the method

The methodological design underlying this research

involved a two fold approach to analysis. The first stage

analysed media samples as a secondary source of data in

order to gain an insight into the media representation of

asylum seekers as it was put in action, in order too

establish the dominant discourses surrounding the asylum

debate. An analysis of the primary data generated in the

second stage of this research was intended to strengthen

and validate the results of the analysis of the secondary

data in the first stage. Not only would this subsequent

primary data analysis serve as a comparative tool with

which to assess the extent of the validity of the links

established during the initial analysis of the secondary

data in Phase One, but it would also provide more

opportunities to further explore links between variables.

Identifying both primary and secondary sources of data as

foundations on which to base analysis on was intended to

condense the effects of the limitations of either and

capitalize on the strengths of both.

Implications of data accessibility

Phase One’s main objective was to investigate the

role of the media in shaping public attitudes toward

asylum seekers. Identifying the media as an appropriate

source of secondary data proved to be one of the

strengths of the research design because the multi

faceted nature of the Internet enabled access to both

aspects of the media under investigation. A further

strength of utilizing the Internet as a research tool was

that it was able to overcome certain conditions during

the research process, such as the availability of time

and resources that might have otherwise limited the

study’s scope and potentiality.

One of the unforeseen challenges that utilizing the

Internet in accessing both print and broadcast media

posed was the need to set limitations, in order to

maintain realistic boundaries in undertaking this

research. Whilst analysing numerous and varied sources

of print and broadcast media would certainly increase the

depth and scope potential of the data, potentially

providing a more detailed grasp of the dominant discourse

within the asylum debate and therefore lending greater

validity to results; this proved to be too vast a data

source to successfully fulfil research aims, given the

time restraints of the overall research design.

Consequently, a compromise was developed in terms of

identifying the three newspapers selected for the

discourse analyses for their contrasting editorial

approaches to the asylum issue, similarly with the two

broadcasting stations chosen for their local and national

perspectives.

Phase Two’s main objective was to investigate

current levels of knowledge regarding asylum and

immigration in the U.K, involving the generation of

primary data, by designing and disseminating a self

completion online questionnaire. Again, utilizing the

Internet was advantageous in terms of enabling a broader

access to potential respondents, as well as ease,

convenience and privacy that an Internet survey provided

for participants. Potential participants were selected

through convenience and snowball sampling. This method

was considered a very effective method, as there was a

99% response rate, however, it ultimately proved limiting

in terms of ensuring a representational sample. The

method of convenience and snowball sampling resulted in

there being a markedly narrow demographic dispersal, as

initial participants were friends and colleagues, which

was then extended to friends of friends and their

colleagues, who inevitably would share some similarities

in status, such as age, (as almost 62% of respondents

were between the 25-34 age range). Whilst it was

considered that convenience and snowball sampling remains

an effective method of sampling for the budding

researcher, future research should perhaps aim to access

a considerably wider number of potential participants in

order to ensure a representational sample of

participants, resulting in further opportunities for

results to be statistically significant.

Ethical consequences of the study - issues of reactivity

The design of the survey did pose some potential

ethical problems, namely because a significant portion of

questions were sensitive in nature. Precautions were

taken in order to limit any negative ethical

consequences. Prior to participation, respondents were

sent information forms regarding full details of the

study, as well as being required to sign consent forms.

Initial ethical approval of survey questions was sought

and granted, and feedback from pilot questionnaires

resulted in some modifications of questions, in terms of

formatting and as a result of which subsequent ethical

approval was sought and granted. However, some

respondents sent feedback after they had participated in

the study indicating that they felt some frustration

regarding the format of the survey design, indicating

that the survey did not allow room for them to justify

their answer choices. This infers a weakness in the

research design, because perhaps a qualitative approach

to the survey would have been more suitable, which would

have allowed greater opportunity for respondents to go

into more detail regarding their answer choices, as well

as enabling more in depth analyses into the formulation

of opinion – which is one of the key objectives of this

research.

However, a significant proportion of relevant

research investigating the role of media in asylum and

immigration issues have adopted a qualitative approach,

(Robinson and Seagrott, 2002; Buchanan et al, 2003;

Lewis, 2005; Rudiger, 2007) and it was hoped that the

approach used in this research project, whilst certainly

leaving room for improvement, would further contribute to

knowledge in its unique approach in research design. In

terms of providing appropriate support for respondents

who felt any frustration in the survey, their concerns

were listened too, recorded, and were then given the

option to have access to the research project supervisor.

However, all relevant respondents declined to refer to

any further sources of support, indicating that by having

their feedback listened to and taken seriously, was

support enough.

Issues of objectivity/subjectivity - Phase One

The analytical approach adopted for Phase One

analysis involved scrutinizing naturally occurring talk

and text in print and broadcasting. Employing Discourse

Analysis (DA) as an appropriate analytical tool enabled

the deconstruction of the fundamentals of discourse

surrounding the asylum debate, in order to identify

assumptions that lay within it. However, whilst this was

considered the most effective method of identifying the

dominant discourse within the asylum debate, adopting

this approach did contain potential risks in terms of the

validity of the data. DA is essentially an interpretive

approach, and the source of data used in Phase One is

subjective. Thus employing DA to interpret print and

broadcast media is naturally subject to doubts of

objectivity. However, in light of the first objective of

this research; to discover what the current levels of

knowledge are, regarding asylum in the United Kingdom,

and from what sources such knowledge is obtained from, it

was considered that the data source and the data analysis

were centrally relevant to the research and sufficiently

valid.

Issues of objectivity/subjectivity - Phase Two

The research design adopted for Phase Two involved

the generation of primary data in order to further

investigate any potential causal relationships previously

established in the analysis of Phase One. Numerous

advantages were considered in designing a survey as a

method of primary data; including the ability to set

general parameters to encourage the generation of data

that would have direct relevance to research objectives.

During the survey design period, feedback from pilot

respondents and suggestions from the Ethics Committee

produced a reformatting of the survey that included the

omission of questions considered irrelevant and the

revision of questions that encouraged participant’s

consideration to be focused purely on issues, topics and

questions directly related to the research question.

However, whilst this was beneficial in terms of saving

valuable time and effort during the data validation

process, this also raised doubts as to the objectivity of

data generated, particularly in terms of assumptions

regarding the relevance of certain topics, and

assumptions regarding the knowledge of respondents.

Crawley notes that many social surveys assume a

particular level of knowledge about the issue under

discussion (Crawley, 2005) which are reflected in the

formatting of questions. The only way to counter such

assumptions, according to Crawley, is to develop a short

quiz within the survey to measure knowledge on the issue

under discussion, as well as simultaneously collect other

information that will provide insight into the

construction of opinion. This recommendation was noted

and adopted within the Phase Two survey, which included

six questions (8 to 13) which asked questions aimed at

assessing respondents current levels of knowledge, before

moving on to questions (14 to19) that focused more on

gaining insight into opinions held. Following this, the

next set of questions (20 to 33) was designed to

illuminate insights into the role of the media and the

extent to which different aspects of the media impact

upon attitude formulation. The final group of questions

(34 to 46) was aimed at establishing the effects that

filters, such as exposure to information, increased

diversity awareness and direct personal experiences, have

on the construction of opinion. In giving such rigorous

attention and thought to the content and structure of the

questions, it was hoped that this would eliminate any

threat of subjectivity within the research design and

dispel any doubts as to the objectivity of data

generated.

Data Influences

 Prior investigation into the contribution of

immigrant Muslims toward American foreign policy has

influenced the development of research questions within

this study. It has provided a wider, more comprehensive

perspective within which to narrow the target demographic

to a specific group, as well as refine the research

question from a vague general consideration, to a focused

research design. Furthermore, positioning this research

within a wider framework has helped justify the research

question by illustrating that there is a recurrent

premise in the lack of contextual information in the

media’s portrayal of asylum and asylum seekers. This has

resulted in a misrepresentation and over simplification

of the complexities involved in the immigration issue,

preventing legitimate, rational debate that would

otherwise better inform public and policy, as well as

supplement future research into the role of the media in

forming public attitudes.

However, investigating previous research into the

immigration issue has influenced decisions regarding the

current research methodology. Namely, two key studies

indicated the merits of combining a mixed method

approach. Foremost, Finney’s study (2004) examined the

relationship between local people’s attitudes towards

dispersal of asylum seekers and the local press coverage

of the issues in five towns in Britain. Fieldwork was

conducted over a two year period, including 500 on street

questionnaire surveys, two focus groups, interviews with

30 local residents and 12 local press workers and

analysis of local press articles of asylum seekers’

dispersal. Furthermore, ICAR (2004) undertook a pilot

study for the Greater London Authority into links between

media coverage and community tensions where two London

borough case studies were used. National and London

based press were monitored over a two month period,

interviews were conducted with key representatives of

interest groups, community tension incidents were

monitored and four focus groups were conducted.

Both studies used quantitative methods (i.e.

questionnaire surveying and content analysis of data), as

well as qualitative techniques (i.e. interviews and focus

groups) in order to generate and analyse data. Each

study provided significant comparative value in relation

to this research, therefore it was considered prudent to

follow in their combined methodological footsteps. The

intention being that a quantitative approach to gathering

primary data in Phase Two would test the validity of

links between variables established from the qualitative

approach of analysing secondary data adopted during Phase

One.

However, during the design of the research process

it became apparent that certain assumptions were being

made that hindered the justification of the methodology.

Assumptions were made apparent through the lack of a

clarification of terms within the rationale behind the

research design. Mindful of the methodology adopted by

Finney et al, the qualitative method originally adopted

for Phase One was using ‘grounded theory’ – a method of

“studying social data for the purpose of explaining

phenomenon, thereby developing a theory based on

inductive and deductive activity” (Brockopp et al, 1989).

This was considered consistent in relation to the overall

approach of the research design.

Grounded theory implies an exploratory approach to

the research, with an emerging hypothesis. However the

research design of Phase One data was based on

identifying devices in discourse used to construct and

manipulate the way in which the asylum issue is

perceived. This was enabled by the coding of potential

data into specific categories and analysing their

regularity within discourse. Thus, it became apparent

that a grounded theory approach was inappropriate, as the

research method used in Phase One was not entirely

exploratory as there was indeed a hypothesis prior to

analysis; that an analysis of the media’s portrayal of

the asylum issue would not only highlight the dominant

discourse in the asylum debate, but would also illustrate

the agenda of different aspects of the media through its’

varied interpretation of the asylum issue.

As a result, DA was adopted for Phase One, as

although it is generally considered a quantitative

method, i.e. using pre-determined categories based on

assumptions of areas for analysis, and therefore

complimentary to the coding design of Phase One, it

served as an appropriate semi qualitative approach as it

encouraged the assumptions behind statements or texts to

be challenged by placing the messages relayed into a

social and historical context and in doing so, enabled

the investigation of the biases involved in the

construction of that message.

--

Issues of data validity and reliability – Phase One

In consideration of the fact that the media as a

data source is distinctly interpretive, and thus

subjective, and also in consideration that the nature of

DA as an appropriate research technique raises doubts of

the validity of the research process, results in a prime

concern of the research in Phase One being to ensure the

reliability of the data. Nonetheless, one of the

advantages of using DA as an approach to analysis is that

it encourages the assumptions behind statements or texts

to be challenged by placing the messages relayed into a

social and historical context. For example, a review of

the literature prior to the execution of the research

design was felt to sufficiently include a comprehensive

and relevant range of references that provided a detailed

context of the research topic. This initial research was

thought to have presented a balanced and structured

overview of the asylum debate, highlighting key points

raised from previous research that both justified the

case for this research and helped narrow the focus of the

research questions. Additionally, key findings

illustrated in Phase One, were felt to suitably relate to

the overall research questions appropriately and

corroborate key aims and objectives. Furthermore, as the

data source and analysis of Phase One was considered

appropriate, both points support claims to the

reliability of the data source, and lend a degree of

confidence to the validity of the data generated from

this initial study.

Issues of data validity and reliability – Phase Two

Phase Two’s central aim was to investigate and

validate the results from the data analysis of Phase One.

Considering that the data generated from Phase One

analysis was considered valid, this inferred a degree of

confidence in regard to the reliability of this data as

being a suitable comparative tool in Phase Two.

Furthermore, in regard to the validity of the data

generated in the second phase; participant responses, the

detailed process of accessing ethical approval of the

survey design, the distribution of the participant

information sheet and the requirement of a signed consent

form, inferred that the final survey questions were

considered suitable, and that participants were well

informed of the overall research design. As a result,

the questions asked and the corresponding responses

culminated in the generation of primary data that was

central to the research questions. Thus this stage of the

research was considered methodical and thorough, enabling

reasonable confidence in the reliability and validity of

the data generated.

-----

Chapter 7

Conclusions

Research Results

The media fails to apply appropriate definitions for

refugees, asylum seekers and economic migrants,

categorising them as one homogenous group. Provocative

terms, such as failed migrants, unpopular minorities and foreign

undesirables promote negative attitudes. Incorrect terms,

such as illegal migrants and illegal immigrants distort dialogue and

limit the development of legitimate debate. Furthermore,

the media fails to contextualize articles, as they do not

adequately portray the purpose, the experiences or

motivations of individuals seeking asylum in the U.K.

Nonspecific, non contextualized stock images used in

conjunction with articles, convey a dehumanizing

interpretation of the asylum issue. The frequency of

such images indicates both print and broadcast media’s

respective influence on attitudes toward asylum seekers,

as well as their combined contributions to (mis)shaping

public attitudes towards refugees, asylum seekers and

economic migrants in general.

Both print and broadcast media utilize punitive

sources, such as government officials, politicians,

police personnel and a limited pool of biased

‘independent’ sources, for news reports and opinion

pieces. Both aspects rarely take advantage of

alternative sources of information, such as asylum and

refugee organizations or asylum seekers themselves, in

order to provide a more balanced perspective. This

imbalance encourages misconception and misinterpretation

of facts and figures surrounding asylum and immigration.

Broadcast media wholly adopts articles featured in print

media, without varying perspectives or verifying sources,

thus an unqualified trust is placed upon broadcast media.

Whilst public opinion regarding the validity of print

media remains circumspect, broadcast media’s rhetorical

recycling implies that the information provided by print

sources is accurate and reliable. As a result, the

dominant terms and principal sources are determined and

introduced by the apparently distrusted print media, and

are reinforced and propagated by the allegedly legitimate

broadcast media. This exemplifies the central role of the

media in influencing attitudes towards asylum seekers, as

it establishes terms and sets parameters for the asylum

debate.

The presence of filters limits the influence of the

media on opinion formation. Exposure to different sources

of information inhibits or enhances diversity awareness.

Regional media interpretations, for example, are directly

linked to variations in attitude formulation. Local

media is more consistent in using terms to define asylum

seekers. Furthermore, the frequency of coverage of asylum

in the local media is significantly less than that of

national media, with the content of local media focusing

specifically on issues directly impacting the local area.

The interpretation of the asylum issue on the local level

does not emphasise immigration and asylum issue as being

a central and important issue facing the United Kingdom

as much as the national press might otherwise portray it

to be. Consequently, local media conveys a more balanced

portrayal of asylum issues, allowing greater opportunity

for the development of more equitable and multi faceted

opinions.

Minimal research has focused on the impact of

language presentation in media on attitude formation. The

relationship between the presentation of information in

the media and the development of opinions regarding

asylum seekers is complex and convoluted, largely due to

erroneous, conflicting and misleading media messages.

Further research is crucial in examining media discourse

in order to investigate the way in which information is

constructed, disseminated and absorbed to further

encourage informed, legitimate debate on the suitable

strategies for dealing with issues surrounding asylum and

immigration. Particularly, further research

investigating the causal relationship between the proven

significant impacts of broadcast media on attitude

formulation, would lay the foundation for understanding

the role of the Internet in shaping public attitudes

toward asylum. For this research, the multi faceted

nature of the Internet enabled straightforward access to

aspects of the media under investigation. Utilizing the

Internet as a resource surmounts research time and

resource limitations, significantly improving the scope

of research that would not only increase the depth and

variety of data as well as improving participation

potential, lending greater validity to results. An

under researched area, investigating the role of the

Internet in shaping public attitudes towards refugees,

asylum seekers and economic migrants, would enable a far

more detailed grasp of the impact that the temperance of

media information has on public attitudes, that would

inform and stimulate legitimate debate on the asylum

issue, potentially furthering constructive development of

U.K. immigration policies.

Research Methodology

Reasonable consistency between aims, design,

dissemination and analysis indicated that the two fold

methodology employed for this research was overall

suitable. However, the data produced in Phase Two was

relatively small, limiting the complexity of the

analyses. The original methodology employed a multiple

regression approach, which would have been more

successful had there been more data. However, by

trying to include too many variables into too little

data, the analyses proved overly complicated for the

data provided. The relative lack of data influenced

how some variables were treated, as too many categories

for an outcome resulted in less associations of

statistical significance. Thus, in order to increase

opportunities for statistical significance, some

categories were combined together for analysis. The

advantages of this being that it would limit the amount

of variables, providing more straightforward analysis.

The variable ‘sources of news’, as a nominal level of

measurement, proved challenging due to the number of

categories, which included ‘newspapers’, ‘television’,

‘internet’, ‘radio’ and ‘other.’ As ‘tv’ and internet’

were the most popular responses within the survey, with

minimal responses being ‘newspaper’, ‘radio’ and

‘other’ categories, all responses were combined into

three categories; ‘television’, ‘internet’ and ‘other’.

This enabled a clear-cut multiple regression analysis

that yielded statistically significant results.

Consequently, relative consistency between research

objectives, research design and dissemination and final

results indicate that the methodology employed met

expectations and reasonably delivered outcomes

previously anticipated.

-----

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MORI (2003) British Views on Immigration, London: MORI: Available at www.mori.com/polls/2003/migration.shtml

MORI (2004) MORI Political Monitor: Recent Trends: The most important issues facing Britain today, London: MORI: Available at www.mori.com/polls/trends/issues12.shtml

Mythen, G. & Walklate, S. (2006) Communicating the terrorist risk:Harnessing a culture of fear? London, Sage.

Robinson, V. & Seagrott. J. (2002) Understanding the decision-making of asylum seekers. Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate. Home Office Research Study 243.

Rothon, C. & Heath, A. (eds. Park. A et al,.) (2003) ‘Trends in Racial Prejudice, British Social Attitudes, The 20th Report, Sage Publications

Roy, A (2004). The Checkbook and the Cruise Missile: Conversations withArundhati Roy. Interviews by David Barsamian. Cambridge: South End Press.

Rudigger, A. (2007) Prisoners of Terrorism? The impact ofanti-terrorism measures on refugees and asylum seekers in

Britain. ICAR Report Available at http://www.icar.org.uk/8818/research-directory/prisoners-of-terrorism-the-impact-of-antiterrorism-measures-on-refugees-and-asylum-seekers-in-britain.html

Saggar, S. & Drean, J. (2001) British Public Attitudes and Minority Ethnic Communities, London: Cabinet Office Performance and Innovation Unit: Available at www.strategy.gov.uk/files/british.pdf

Solomos, J. (1989) Race and Racism in Contemporary Britain, Basingstoke: Macmillan

Spencer, S. (ed.) (2003) The Politics of Migration: Managing Opportunity, Conflict and Change, London: Blackwell

Spencer, S. (1998) (Blackstone, T. et al Eds.) ‘The impact of immigration policy on race relations’ Race Relations in Britain: A developing agenda, London: Routledge

Statham, P (2001) State Policies, Political Discourse and ‘White’ Public Opinion on Ethnic Relations and Immigration in Britain: Pushing the borders of ‘extremity’. Available at www.essex.ac.uk/ECPR/events/jointsessions/paperarchive/grenoble/ws14/statham.pdf

Statham, P. (2002) ‘The Contentious Politics of Asylum inBritain and Europe: A Research Outline’, European Political Communications Working Paper Series issue 1/02: Available at http://ics.leeds.ac.uk/eurpolcom/exhibits/paper1.pdf

Stonewall (2003) Profiles of Prejudice – The Nature of Prejudice in England: In-depth analysis of findings, London: Available at www.stonewall.org.uk/docs/finalpop.pdf

Spears, T. (1999) Novelty or nuisance: refugees and the British press. MA Thesis, University of Wales Cardiff.

Troyna, B. (1981) Public awareness and the media: A study of reportingon race. London: Commission for Racial Equality

Tyler, I (2006) Welcome to Britain – the cultural politics of asylum. London, Sage.

Valentine, G. & McDonald, I. (2004) Understanding Prejudice: Attitudes towards minorities, London: Stonewall: Available at www.stonewall.org.uk/docs/Understanding_Prejudice.pdf

YouGov (2004a) Survey on Attitudes to Immigration: Available at

www.yougov.co.uk/yougov_website/asp_besPollArchives/pdf/OMI040101093_

1.pdf

YouGov (2004b) Survey on Racial Equality: Available at

www.yougov.co.uk/yougov_website/asp_besPollArchives/pdf/RCF040101001_1

.pdf

URL’s were accessed and correct in February,

March, April 2009.

BBC News Homepage: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/uk/2001/destination_uk/default.stml

Daily Mail Online Homepage: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/home/index.html

Guardian Newspaper Homepage: http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/immigration

Home Office: www.homeoffice.gov.uk

Information Centre about Asylum and Refugees (ICAR): www.icar.org.uk

ITN News Homepage: http://itn.co.uk/britain.html

MORI: www.mori.com

Refugee Council: www.refugeecouncil.org.uk

This is Local London: http://www.thisislocallondon.co.uk/

This is Local London Video and Audio Homepage: http://itn.co.uk/britain.html

Appendices

Appendix 1 - Participant Consent Form………………………………...…..68

Appendix 2 - Participant Information Form……………………………...….69

Appendix 3 - Draft Questionnaire to Ethics Committee……….……..…....75

Appendix 4 - Pilot Questionnaire………………………………………..……94

Appendix 5 - Final Questionnaire: N.B. The finalquestionnaire took place using an online survey. 35potential respondent were invited by email to access apassword encoded online survey site in order for them toparticipate in the survey. The site is available at thefollowing URL: www.SurveyShare.com. In order to log inand access the survey itself, the username “Car32rie” andpassword “Fi202sh” is required. Following this, “surveycontrol” is the necessary link to follow in order toaccess the survey information. However, as this surveysite requires paid membership in order to access siteservices, site accessibility will be withdrawn after July23rd 2009, when the membership period is finished andsubsequently invalidated.

Appendix 1

Exploring the link between the nature of informationconcerning asylum seekers and public attitudes.

CONSENT FORM

Please read and confirm your consent to participation in this project by highlightingand changing the colour of the appropriate boxes from black to blue and printing yourname in and date this form, which will be taken and accepted as a virtual signature.

1. I confirm that the purpose of the project has been explained to me,that I have been given information about it in writing, that I have time toconsider my participation, and have had the opportunity to ask questionsabout the research.

2. I understand that my participation is voluntary; I am free of anymanner of coercion to take part in the research due to any association withthe researcher or other participants and am free to withdraw at any timewithout giving any reason or with implications for my legal rights.

3. I understand that I will be able to able to amend any information Igive prior to submission, but will not be able to amend information, aftersubmission.

4. I give permission for my information to be stored on computer,accessed only by the researcher and researcher’s supervisor, during theproject. I understand that all information will be destroyed at the end ofthe project.

5. I am over eighteen years of age.

6. I agree to take part in this project

Virtual signature of respondent: _________ Date: _________

Virtual signature of researcher: C E FISH Date: March 22nd 2009

PROJECT ADDRESS:

Researcher: c/o Carolyn E. Fish. Graduate School for Social & Policy Research, Nottingham Trent University. Directtelephone line: +81 (0) 90 9894 1767 (Japan). Email: carriefish66@hotmail.com

Supervisor: c/o Professor Cecile Wright, Graduate School for Social & Policy Research, Nottingham Trent University.Direct telephone line: +44 (0) 115 848 5548. Email: cecile.wright@ntu.ac.uk

Appendix 2

Exploring the link between the nature of information

concerning asylum seekers and public attitudes.

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION FORM

Thank you for agreeing to consider participating in

this research project. Before you decide whether to

complete the following questionnaire, it is important

that you understand the reason why this research is being

carried out, and what your participation will involve. I

would be grateful if you would take time to read the

following information carefully. Please feel welcome to

get back to me if anything is unclear, and to take as

much time as you need to decide whether or not to take

part.

What is the purpose of the study?

This study has arisen in response to the growing

link between media, immigration and public attitudes. It

is investigating the role of the media in shaping public

attitudes toward asylum seekers. The project commenced on

November 24th 2008, and will run until June 19th 2009.

Its main purpose is to find out much more than is

currently known about how media representation of asylum

seekers, influences public attitudes toward them. I am

particularly interested in learning more about the

representation of asylum seekers from different mediums

of the media, such as television versus newspaper,

national versus local, and the impact that each of these

factors has had, in shaping public attitudes. I am

therefore investigating the link between the nature of

media information concerning asylum seekers and public

attitudes. For this purpose, I am undertaking two stages

of study.

The first stage will be analysing both print and

broadcasting media samples. The samples are taken from

monitoring daily editions of The Guardian, The Daily Mail

and the free local London newspaper The Metro, over one

month. These newspapers are selected for their

contrasting editorial approaches to asylum. The

investigation will look for the differences in

representation of the asylum issue, such as tone of

language and photograph portrayal.

The second stage will be conducting a questionnaire,

which would investigate current levels of knowledge

regarding asylum issues. The questionnaire will gather

information that will provide statistical information

aimed at strengthening and supporting initial theories

that emerge from the first study.

The main method of gathering information for the

first study will provide background information of media

portrayal of the asylum issue, in order to understand the

context of participant’s responses in the second study.

The main method of gathering information for the second

study is through designing and distributing a small scale

questionnaire will be sent mainly via email, in other

circumstances by post. The design, dissemination and

collection of the survey would be undertaken over one

month.

Who is running this study?

The project is being co-ordinated by Carolyn E.

Fish, a graduate student at the School of Business, Law

and Social Sciences, at Nottingham Trent University. The

project is being supervised by Professor Cecile Wright, a

Professor of Sociology at the Division of Sociology,

Politics and International Relations at Nottingham Trent

University.

Who is funding this study?

This study is being funded solely by the researcher,

Carolyn E Fish.

Why have I been chosen to take part?

Due to resource constraints, the project is small in

scale and participants are therefore associated either

directly or indirectly to the researcher. You will be one

of up to thirty people participating in the completion of

a self completion questionnaire.

Do I have to take part?

Your participation is entirely voluntary. If you

do decide to take part, you will be given this

information sheet to keep, and you will also be asked to

sign a consent form. You will still be free to withdraw

at any time. This includes the right to withdraw your

information from the study after it has taken place. If

you decide not to take part, or to withdraw at any stage,

you will not be asked to give any reasons. Every

precaution will be made to ensure that you are free of

any manner of unintentional coercion to take part in the

research due to any association with the researcher or

other participants.

What do you want me to do?

I would like you to complete a self completion

questionnaire. This questionnaire will be send to you via

email, or post, at your convenience. I would like you to

complete the questionnaire at a time convenient to you.

I will ask for your written permission, via a consent

form, to store your information on computer, for the

duration of the project.

What will happen to the information I give in my

questionnaire?

Your information will be stored on file. I will then

analyse the information and feed it into my results. At

the end of the study, all information will be destroyed.

During analyses and project reporting, any information

that identifies you or gives any clues to your identity

will be removed. I am fully confident that these

precautions will ensure that no-one will be able to trace

anything back to you.

How will you protect my confidentiality and anonymity?

Any information will be handled only by the

researcher and upon request, by the project supervisor.

All information will be handled in line with data

protection principles and Nottingham Trent University’s

approved research protocol. Hard copies of research notes

are kept in locked filing cabinets, and electronic files

are kept on password protected computers which are not

accessible to any other persons.

You will not be named or otherwise identified in any

publication arising from this project unless your role

forms part of a narrative that is already in the public

domain (for example, if you were the named author of a

published document or gave evidence to a public inquiry

relevant to the study). No unpublished opinions or

information will be attributed to you, either by name or

position.

I will exercise all possible care to ensure that you

cannot be identified by the way findings are written up.

What are the possible disadvantages or risks in taking

part?

The main cost to you will be the time needed to be

complete the questionnaire. I am confident that the

arrangements described above will prevent any of your

information being shared with anyone outside the project.

For this reason, I believe that the risk of detriment is

very low.

What are the possible benefits?

I hope that you will find the questionnaire

interesting, and will take satisfaction from helping to

develop knowledge of this important topic. I also hope

that you will find the results of the project

informative.

What will happen to the results?

I will write up the results in the form of a

Masters’ dissertation for the School of Business, Law and

Social Sciences, at Nottingham Trent University.

Manuscript copies will be sent to topic interested

journals, such as The Journal of Refugee Studies, and The

Refugee Survey Quarterly6.

I will also create an executive summary of the

results of the research which will be sent to all

participants and other interested groups, such as The

Refugee Council,7 Information Centre for Asylum and

Refugees.8

Has anyone reviewed the study?

6 http://jrs.oxfordjournals.org/ 7 www.refugeecouncil.org.uk 8 www.icar.org.uk

This research has been reviewed by Dr Matt Henn,

Principal Lecturer in Research Methodology and Head of

Doctoral Studies at the College of Business, Law and

Social Sciences at Nottingham Trent University. Dr Henn

is also Module Leader for the Research Design and

Planning module of the Master’s Degree in Social Science

Research Methods at Nottingham Trent University.

The study has also been reviewed by Professor Cecile

Wright, Professor of Sociology at the Division of

Sociology, Politics and International Relations at

Nottingham Trent University. As the project supervisor, I

will report regularly to Professor Wright during the

course of the study. The project has also acquired

ethical clearance from Nottingham Trent University’s

School of Business, Law and Social Sciences Research

Ethics Committee.

Who is responsible if anything goes wrong?

This project is being administered by the

researcher, Carolyn E. Fish who is fully responsible for

the conduct of the project.

Who can I contact for further information?

Please feel very welcome to contact the researcher

for further information, at the following address:

Carolyn E Fish. 441-8019, Aichi Ken, Toyohashi Shi, Hanada Cho, Inaba 73, Mezon Suzuki

202, JAPAN. Telephone + 81 (0) 090 9894 1676 Email: carriefish66@hotmail.com

Appendix 3

Exploring the link between the nature of information concerning asylum

seekers and public attitudes.

DRAFT QUESTIONNAIRE TO ETHICS COMMITTEE

(Note to Supervisor and Ethics Committee: Questions 1 – 7 focus on purely

demographic information about respondents, which, during analysis will assess the

impact that the proposed independent variables such as age, gender, education,

marital status, level of income, location and employment status have on attitudes

toward asylum and asylum seekers).

1. What is your age?

Under 18

18 – 24

25 – 34

35 – 44

45 – 54

55 – 64

65 or over

2. What is your gender?

Male

Female

3. What is the highest level of education you have

completed?

High School or equivalent

Vocational/technical school

Bachelor’s degree

Master’s degree

Doctorate degree

Professional degree (MD, JD, etc)

Other    

4. What is your current marital status?

Single

Cohabiting

Married

Separated

Divorced

Widowed

Would rather not say

5. What is your current household income in U.K. pounds?

Under 10 000

10 000 – 20 000

21 000 – 30 000

31 000 – 40 000

Over 40 000

Would rather not say

6. Which of the following best describes the area you

live in?

Urban

Suburban

Rural

Other    

7. Which of the following best describes your role in

employment?

Upper management

Middle management

Junior management

Administrative staff

Support staff

Student

Trained professional

Skilled labourer

Consultant

Temporary employee

Self-employed

Other    

(Note to Supervisor and Ethics Committee : Focusing on initially assessing current

knowledge about asylum in the UK and then assessing attitudes to asylum seekers. It

is important that questions about asylum seekers and the asylum issue in the U.K. are

separated. By including a mini quiz, in questions 8 -12, - asking questions about the

perceived asylum issue, before asking questions regarding attitudes toward asylum

seekers, gives the researcher a sense of how much awareness the respondent actually

has of the asylum issue. This avoids the danger of making assumptions about

respondents’ knowledge of the asylum issue, which could otherwise result in data

being misrepresented).

8. What percentage of the world’s asylum seekers, do you

think are in the UK?

Up to 2%

3% - 4%

5% - 9%

10% - 19%

20% - 29%

30% - 39%

40% - 49%

50% - 59%

60% - 69%

70% - 79%

80% - 89%

90% - 100%

9. How many applications a year, do you think are made,

for asylum in the United Kingdom?

Under 10 000

Between 10 000 to 19 999

Between 20 000 to 29 999

Between 30 000 to 39 999

Between 40 000 to 49 999

50 000 or over

10. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to other European

Union countries?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th

12. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to all European

countries?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th

12. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to other countries

around the world?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th 21st – 25th 26th – 30th

(Note to Supervisor and Ethics Committee : Questions 13 – 14 are designed to provide

responses that indicate positive or negative views of asylum seekers, (and not of the

general asylum issue or asylum policies) as well as indicating if attitudes vary

depending asylum seekers’ nationality or race, their skills, their education and country

of origin)

13. Which sentence most closely matches your definition

of an asylum seeker?

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

in order to settle there.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

in search of permanent or seasonal work.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for

reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a

particular social group, or political opinion, and has

not lodged an application for protection.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for

reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a

particular social group, or political opinion, and has

lodged an application for protection.

14. How much do you agree or agree or disagree with the

following statements?

a) Asylum seekers are more likely than anyone else in the

community to be associated with terrorism.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

b) Asylum seekers are more likely than anyone else in the

community to commit criminal offences

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

c) The UK should allow people of the same race or ethnic

group as most British people, to live in the U.K

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

d) The UK should allow people of a different race or

ethnic group from most British people, to live in the

U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

e) The U.K. should allow people from the richer countries

outside Europe to live in the U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

f) The U.K. should allow people from the poorer countries

outside Europe, to live in the U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

(Note to Supervisor and Ethics Committee : Questions 15 – 20 refer to

understanding the extent to which the language used in media influences the public in

regard to adopting certain viewpoints, specifically in regard to the portrayal of

positive and negative language used in local and national media channels and how this

is reflected in the opinions of the public. Additionally, whether the media has offered a

balanced view of all sides of the asylum issue, in terms of how it portrays independent

authorities as well as pro and anti asylum activist groups’ positions within the debate.

15. Suppose you saw or heard conflicting reports of the

same news story about an asylum issue on TV and in a

newspaper. Which of the two versions do you think you

would most likely believe?

Newspaper Television

16. Suppose you saw or heard conflicting reports of the

same news story about an asylum issue on national TV and

local TV. Which of the two versions do you think you

would most likely believe?

Local TV National TV

17. How about in a national and local newspaper?

Local Newspaper National Newspaper

18. Thinking about the media coverage of asylum and

asylum seekers in the UK, which of these words do you

feel the media most uses when referring to asylum

seekers? Please choose as many of the following choices

as you think are relevant.

Illegal immigrants

Foreigner workers

Economic migrants

Bogus

Scroungers

Desperate

Persecuted

Unskilled

Skilled

Other     

19. Please choose the most appropriate answer.

a) Overall, do you think language is positive or negative

about asylum seekers in national newspapers?

Positive Negative

b) How about in local newspapers?

Positive Negative

20. Please choose the most appropriate answer.

a) Overall, do you think language is positive or negative

about asylum seekers on national T.V.?

Positive Negative

b) How about on local T.V?

Positive Negative

(Note to Supervisor and Ethics Committee: Questions 21 – 30 refer to assessing

participants’ access to information. It will examine what sources current knowledge is

obtained from, the amount of exposure to information surrounding the asylum issue

and the effect that filters, such as the balance of information received and first hand

experience with asylum seekers have, on the overall construction of opinion).

21. Where do you usually get most of your news about

what's going on in the U.K. today, from?

Newspapers

T.V.

Internet

Radio

Other     

22. a) Do you normally read any British daily newspaper

(either online or in print) at least twice a week?

Yes

No

22. b) Which one do you normally read? If more than one,

which one, do you read most frequently?

_________________________________________________________

_________________

23. a) Do you normally watch or listen to T.V. news

(either online or on T.V) at least twice a week?

Yes

No

23. b) Which programme (e.g. BBC 1, ITN, Radio 1, Radio

4) do you normally watch, or listen to? If more than one,

which one do you watch or listen to, most frequently?

_________________________________________________________

__________________

24. a) How much attention do you generally pay to

stories on television or in the newspapers about what

goes on in asylum issues?

A great deal

Quite a lot

Some

Not very much

None at all

24. b) How much 1st hand experience do you have with

asylum seekers? “By first hand” is meant direct, personal

experience in either a personal or professional capacity.

A great deal

Quite a lot

Some

Not very much

None at all

25. In general, why do you think someone would leave

their own country to seek asylum in another country?

Please choose as many of the following reasons as you

think are relevant.

To escape persecution

For economic reasons or to look for work

To escape war

To escape poverty

To draw benefits

To escape authorities

To escape torture

To escape famine

Because they committed a crime in own country

Because of drought or floods

Because it is easier to campaign of lobby from outside

own country

To raise the profile of one’s own country’s campaign

abroad

None of these

Other     

26. If you were an asylum seeker seeking safety in a

foreign country, which three of the following would be

most important to you?

To be able to work to provide for myself and my family

Freedom from persecution

The right to have my case for asylum fairly considered

Healthcare

To be accepted into the community

To be free from racial harassment

Education

To be reunited with my family

Decent accommodation

Freedom to practice a religious faith

State benefits

Choice of where to live

Be provided with good legal advice

To be able to contribute to the community

The opportunity to learn/improve my (host nation’s)

language

Automatic right to appeal against a rejected asylum claim

Not to be detained while my case is being considered

None of these

Other     

27. Which of the following describes how you would be

most likely to act towards asylum seekers in your

community?

Be welcoming to asylum seekers in my community

Not be interested in asylum seekers in my community

Not be welcoming towards asylum seekers in my community

Do nothing

None of these

Other     

 30. How much do you agree or agree or disagree with the

following statements?

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

a) Asylum seekers generally take jobs

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

b) Asylum seekers generally create jobs

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

c) Asylum seekers are generally bad for the economy

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

d) Asylum seekers are generally good for the economy

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

e) Asylum seekers undermine cultural life

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

f) Asylum seekers enrich cultural life

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

g) Asylum seekers worsen crime levels

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

h) Asylum seekers improve crime levels

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

i) I would mind if someone of a different race or ethnic

origin was appointed as my boss or married a friend or

relative of mine

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

j) I would not mind if someone of a different race or

ethnic origin was appointed as my boss or married a

friend or relative of mine

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

THANKYOU.

Appendix 4

Exploring the link between the nature of information concerning asylum

seekers and public attitudes.

PILOT QUESTIONNAIRE

1. What is your age?

Under 18

18 – 24

25 – 34

35 – 44

45 – 54

55 – 64

65 or over

2. What is your gender?

Male

Female

3. What is the highest level of education you have

completed?

High School or equivalent

Vocational/technical school

Bachelor’s degree

Master’s degree

Doctorate degree

Professional degree (MD, JD, etc)

Other    

4. What is your current marital status?

Single

In a relationship

Cohabiting

Married

Separated

Divorced

Widowed

Would rather not say

5. What is your current household income in U.K. pounds?

Under 10 000

10 000 – 20 000

21 000 – 30 000

31 000 – 40 000

Over 40 000

Would rather not say

6. Which of the following best describes the area you

live in?

Urban

Suburban

Rural

Other    

7. Which of the following best describes your role in

employment?

Upper management

Middle management

Junior management

Administrative staff

Support staff

Student

Trained professional

Skilled labourer

Consultant

Temporary employee

Self-employed

Other    

8. What percentage of the world’s asylum seekers, do you

think are in the UK?

Up to 2%

3% - 4%

5% - 9%

10% - 19%

20% - 29%

30% - 39%

40% - 49%

50% - 59%

60% - 69%

70% - 79%

80% - 89%

90% - 100%

9. How many applications a year, do you think are made,

for asylum in the United Kingdom?

Under 10 000

Between 10 000 to 19 999

Between 20 000 to 29 999

Between 30 000 to 39 999

Between 40 000 to 49 999

50 000 or over

10. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to other European

Union countries?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th

12. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to all European

countries?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th

12. Where do you think the UK ranks in terms of the

number of asylum applications compared to other countries

around the world?

1st – 5th 6th – 10th 11th – 15th

16th – 20th 21st – 25th 26th – 30th

13. Which sentence most closely matches your definition

of an asylum seeker?

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

in order to settle there.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

in search of permanent or seasonal work.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for

reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a

particular social group, or political opinion, and has

not lodged an application for protection.

a person who comes to a country where they were not born

owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for

reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a

particular social group, or political opinion, and has

lodged an application for protection.

14. How much do you agree or agree or disagree with the

following statements?

a) Asylum seekers are more likely than anyone else in the

community to be associated with terrorism.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

b) Asylum seekers are more likely than anyone else in the

community to commit criminal offences

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

c) The UK should allow people of the same race or ethnic

group as most British people, to live in the U.K

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

d) The UK should allow people of a different race or

ethnic group from most British people, to live in the

U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

e) The U.K. should allow people from the richer countries

outside Europe to live in the U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

f) The U.K. should allow people from the poorer countries

outside Europe, to live in the U.K.

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

15. Suppose you saw or heard conflicting reports of the

same news story about an asylum issue on TV and in a

newspaper. Which of the two versions do you think you

would most likely believe?

Newspaper Television

16. Suppose you saw or heard conflicting reports of the

same news story about an asylum issue on national TV and

local TV. Which of the two versions do you think you

would most likely believe?

Local TV National TV

17. How about in a national and local newspaper?

Local Newspaper National Newspaper

18. Thinking about the media coverage of asylum and

asylum seekers in the UK, which of these words do you

feel the media most uses when referring to asylum

seekers? Please choose as many of the following choices

as you think are relevant.

Illegal immigrants

Foreigner workers

Economic migrants

Bogus

Scroungers

Desperate

Persecuted

Unskilled

Skilled

Other     

19. Please choose the most appropriate answer.

a) Overall, do you think language is positive or negative

about asylum seekers in national newspapers?

Positive Negative

b) How about in local newspapers?

Positive Negative

20. Please choose the most appropriate answer.

a) Overall, do you think language is positive or negative

about asylum seekers on national T.V.?

Positive Negative

b) How about on local T.V?

Positive Negative

21. Where do you usually get most of your news about

what's going on in the U.K. today, from?

Newspapers

T.V.

Internet

Radio

Other     

22. a) Do you normally read any British daily newspaper

(either online or in print) at least twice a week?

Yes

No

22. b) Which one do you normally read? If more than one,

which one, do you read most frequently?

_________________________________________________________

____

23. a) Do you normally watch or listen to T.V. news

(either online or on T.V) at least twice a week?

Yes

No

23. b) Which programme (e.g. BBC 1, ITN, Radio 1, Radio

4) do you normally watch, or listen to? If more than one,

which one do you watch or listen to, most frequently?

_________________________________________________________

__________________

24. a) How much attention do you generally pay to

stories on television or in the newspapers about what

goes on in asylum issues?

A great deal

Quite a lot

Some

Not very much

None at all

24. b) How much 1st hand experience do you have with

asylum seekers? “By first hand” is meant direct, personal

experience in either a personal or professional capacity.

A great deal

Quite a lot

Some

Not very much

None at all

25. In general, why do you think someone would leave

their own country to seek asylum in another country?

Please choose as many of the following reasons as you

think are relevant.

To escape persecution

For economic reasons or to look for work

To escape war

To escape poverty

To draw benefits

To escape authorities

To escape torture

To escape famine

Because they committed a crime in own country

Because of drought or floods

Because it is easier to campaign of lobby from outside

own country

To raise the profile of one’s own country’s campaign

abroad

None of these

Other     

26. If you were an asylum seeker seeking safety in a

foreign country, which three of the following would be

most important to you?

To be able to work to provide for myself and my family

Freedom from persecution

The right to have my case for asylum fairly considered

Healthcare

To be accepted into the community

To be free from racial harassment

Education

To be reunited with my family

Decent accommodation

Freedom to practice a religious faith

State benefits

Choice of where to live

Be provided with good legal advice

To be able to contribute to the community

The opportunity to learn/improve my (host nation’s)

language

Automatic right to appeal against a rejected asylum claim

Not to be detained while my case is being considered

None of these

Other     

27. Which of the following describes how you would be

most likely to act towards asylum seekers in your

community?

Be welcoming to asylum seekers in my community

Not be interested in asylum seekers in my community

Not be welcoming towards asylum seekers in my community

Do nothing

None of these

Other     

 30. How much do you agree or agree or disagree with the

following statements?

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

a) Asylum seekers generally take jobs

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

b) Asylum seekers generally create jobs

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

c) Asylum seekers are generally bad for the economy

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

d) Asylum seekers are generally good for the economy

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

e) Asylum seekers undermine cultural life

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

f) Asylum seekers enrich cultural life

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

g) Asylum seekers worsen crime levels

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

h) Asylum seekers improve crime levels

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

i) I would mind if someone of a different race or ethnic

origin was appointed as my boss or married a friend or

relative of mine

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

j) I would not mind if someone of a different race or

ethnic origin was appointed as my boss or married a

friend or relative of mine

Strongly agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree Disagree

Strongly disagree

---------------------------------------

Thank you for taking the time to answer this pilot questionnaire. Your

feedback would be very much appreciated, in particular regarding the

questions below.

1. How long did it take to complete?

2. Were the instructions clear?

3. Were any questions unclear or ambiguous?

4. Did you object to answering any questions?

5. Was the layout clear and attractive?

6. Any other comments?