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Transcript of English Language Education and Assessment Issues in South Korea.
Understanding Curriculum and Learning Nottingham University
Amy Hares4221553
English language education and assessment issues inSouth Korea.
Course: MA Education (flexible)Module: XX4W29 - Understanding Curriculum and
Assessment
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Understanding Curriculum and Learning Nottingham University
Marking tutor: Mary BaileyWord Count: 6,554
CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………p. 3
1. ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION
1.1 Communicative Language Theory and Communicative
Competence ...........p.6
1.2 Historical Analysis of ELE in Korea
……………………………………….. ……p.8
2. ASSESSMENT …………………………………………………………………..p.12
2.1 Assessment in Korea……………………………………………………………p.12
2.2 Issues in Assessment …………………………………………………………..p.13
3. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………p.17
3.1 Recommendations ……………………………………………………………p. 19
4. REFERENCES………………………………………………………………....p.21
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1. INTRODUCTION
According to Kelly (2009) it is important to understand that
issues in politics, economics, curriculum and pedagogy are
inextricably linked due to their social nature and all should
be considered when discussing the curriculum (Kelly. 2009,
p.188 cited in University of Nottingham., 2015a).
Bernstein (1971) defined the curriculum as;
‘How a society selects, classifies, distributes, transmits and evaluates theeducational knowledge it considers to be public, reflects both the distributionof power and social control ... Curriculum defines what counts as validknowledge.’ (Bernstein 1971, p.47 quoted in NottinghamUniversity 2015c).
Building on this Braslavsky (2003) described curriculum as
‘the existing contract between society, the state and
educational professionals setting out the educational
experiences that learners should undergo at certain phases in
their lives’ (Braslavsky 2003, p.1). Kelly (2009) argues that
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this body of knowledge has both direct political influences
and indirect political influences (Kelly, 2009., p.200). Apple
(1993), Braslavsky (2003) and Kelly (2009) all recognise that
such influences on the curriculum are a battlefield of
competing ideologies and political and economic conflicts and
tensions in society that occur to give meaning to education by
defining legitimate knowledge.
The curriculum aims represent the goals of education and are
broad in range. The process of globalisation has put
political, economic, and socio cultural pressure upon
education, and curriculum aims reflect this internationally
(Vulliamy, 2010; Yates and Young, 2010; Rizvi and Lingard
2010; Winter 2011). As a result of the pressures of
globalisation upon curriculum, many countries have experienced
similar changes in institutional, epistemological and
organisational framing of the curriculum (Yates and Young,
2010). The key concern of such changes has been economic and
the attention has been on employability in a competitive
economic environment (ibid, p. 4).
Rizvi and Lingard (2010) argue that curriculum studies and
educational policy are closely linked, if not interdependent
upon each other. In the context of globalisation, educational
policy reform is linked to how curriculum, pedagogy and
evaluation have been reframed (ibid, p.94). The discourse of
the challenges presented by globalisation has promoted the
role that curriculum can play in preparing students for
participation in a global economy (ibid, p.94). Therefore,
curriculum policy is linked to the reconstitution of education
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as a central arm of economic policy in response to the
pressures of globalisation (ibid, p.96).
The curriculum is historically, politically and ideologically
situated (Yates and Young 2010;Rizvi and Lingard, 2010;
Winter, 2012). Whilst policy reforms have been driven by the
same educational discourse surrounding globalisation
internationally, local history, culture and politics have
mediated these homogenising forces (Winter 2010., p.295). This
has resulted in reforms with a vernacular character that
represent the relevant priorities of each national context,
which has sent educational policy in many different directions
(Rizvi and Langard, 2010., p.97).
One context, which is experiencing the pressures of
globalisation and undergoing significant social, economic,
cultural and political change, is South Korea (henceforth
Korea). Like many other countries, the educational discourse
about globalisation is strong and the government has set
preparing the next generation for a competitive global economy
as a priority and a goal of education (National Curriculum
Information Centre, 1997). In this context, English language
education (ELE) is seen as a tool for achieving social
mobility and international competitiveness both individually
and as a country (Choi, Forthcoming). As a result there is a
particularly strong focus upon ELE in the Korean curriculum
and in policy agenda through all levels of education (National
Curriculum Information Centre, 1997). Amongst contexts like
Korea, attention has been given to the idea of developing
communicative competence as a goal for ELE in order to prepare
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its citizens for a global economy. ELE in Korea not only plays
an integral role in meeting the aims of the curriculum but is
also a central part of the economic policy for achieving
international competitiveness. Despite this Korea still ranks
globally as 25th out of 60 with a moderate level of
communicative proficiency in English (Education First 2013).
In order to explain such discrepancies between policy and
practice it is important to look at the wider educational
context. Bernstein (1971 cited in Rivzi and Langard 2010,
p.93) believed that monitoring and assessing performance, is
one of three main systems in schooling. According to him, the
three systems are inextricably linked, with changes in one
directly affecting the other two. Therefore, for policy to be
more effective it needs to engage directly with issues of
practice (Rizvi and Langard 2010,p.94) such as how curriculum
aims can be better supported by assessment techniques (Kim
2003, p.3).
Some points have been highlighted;
- The educational discourse of globalisation has led to the
reframing of the curriculum under educational policy as a
central arm of economic policy.
- The curriculum is politically, historically and ideological
situated, so despite being driven by the same educational
discourse, policy reforms have developed a vernacular
character representing the priorities of the national context,
which have an effect upon their effectiveness.
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- There is an interdependence between curriculum and
assessment which policy should engage with in more depth, to
be more effective.
Based on these points and the importance placed on ELE in
Korean curriculum policy, this essay will go on to look at ELE
in Korea in more depth. A historical, political and
ideological analysis will show the unique character of ELE
policy and how it is implemented in this context with the aim
of preparing students for a globalised economy. This deeper
look into ELE will highlight the discrepancies between theory
and practice in an attempt to address the reason for the
apparent shortcomings of communicative language teaching (CLT)
in Korea. Given the importance of assessment in the
effectiveness of such policies, issues in assessment of
English will be looked at in more depth to show that
assessment has not supported CLT in Korea, which could explain
its shortcomings. A formative approach to assessment of oral
proficiency will be suggested as a system that better supports
the aims of CLT and the economic aims of educational policy in
Korea.
2. ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION
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2.1 Communicative Language Teaching and Communicative
Competence
The idea of developing communicative competence in order to
gain a competitive edge in a globalised economy has been given
much attention internationally and in response to this, and
developments in language learning theory, there has been a
general move towards CLT globally which is reflected in the 7th
National Curriculum of Korea (National Curriculum Research
Centre, 1997). In order to understand the role of CLT in the
Korean context, it is first necessary to understand why
communicative competence has held prominence in the
educational discourse of globalisation and how this concept is
achieved through practice.
The central theoretical concept of CLT is communicative
competence. This concept was first proposed by Hymes (1971) in
response to Chomsky’s (1965) concept of linguistic competence
which distinguished between competence, knowledge of language
and performance, the realisation of language in specific
situations (Chomsky, 1965 cited in Kim 2003). Hymes (1971)
argued this was too simplistic, CC required the ability to use
language in a social context, to observe sociolinguistic norms
of appropriateness for language use (Hymes, 1971 cited in
Sauvignon 2002).
Canale and Swain (1980; 1983) were the first to define
communicative competence in the context of second language
teaching (Yano, 2003, p.76). They identified four components
in achieving communicative competence; grammatical competence,
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sociolinguistic competence, discourse competence and strategic
competence (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003).
Grammatical competence or knowledge about the language.
Sociocultural competence requires learning the cultural norms
and values that govern the production and interpretation of
language which are deemed essential for appropriate
communication (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003).
Discourse competence requires learning how to maintain
coherence and cohesion. (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano,
2003). Finally, strategic competence requires knowledge of
verbal and non-verbal communication strategies in order to
restore communication in the instance of a breakdown
(Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003). Hence, communicative
competence is defined as knowledge about a language and the
ability to put that knowledge into use in communication
effectively and appropriately.
Developing communicative competence is the goal of CLT which
views language in terms of communication. The theories
underpinning the CLT approach are the communication principle,
the task principle and the meaningfulness principle (Richards
and Roberts, 2014, p.90). Activities should involve real use
of communication for meaningful tasks using language that is
meaningful to the learner (ibid, p.90). Canale and Swain
(cited in Li 2012, p.679) added that in CLT learners should be
given the opportunity to respond to genuine communicative
needs in realistic situations in order to develop strategies
for understanding how language is used. Therefore, instruction
is usually delivered through the target language and learners
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are encouraged to communicate in it. Activities are chosen on
whether they provide meaningful and authentic language use
(Kim, 2003; Richards and Roberts, 2014).
In CLT emphasis is placed upon negotiation of meaning.
Grammatical form is learned through functions and notions
(Wilkins, 1972 cited in Li, 2012, p.678). Savignon (1971 cited
in Savignon 2002) found that using self-expression focused on
meaning, was more effective in developing communicative
proficiency than language drills. However, grammatical
competence is still an integral aim of CLT. In classroom
practice, in order to encourage communication, there should be
little focus on direct error correction and small group
activities, such as; games, role plays and problem solving,
are utilised to increase the time spent negotiating meaning
(Kim, 2003, p.5; Li, 2012).
CLT employs a “learner centred and experienced based approach
which is representative of the trend in the wider educational
context (Richard and Rogers, 2014, p. 93). Every learner has a
set of unique interests, learning styles and goals that should
shape instructional goals (Savignon, 2002, p.4). Therefore the
teacher should choose materials and activities that reflect
those needs in order to engage learners in meaningful and
authentic language use. Furthermore, as Li (2012) points out,
CLT classrooms must not be teacher centred or authoritative as
students should feel secure and unthreatened in order to be
effective. This learner centred approach has implications for
assessment of learner competence and as Savignon (2002) points
out, an emphasis on functional goals requires qualitative
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evaluation rather than a quantitative assessment of linguistic
features. More holistic evaluations of competence such as
portfolios are suggested to represent and motivate achievement
(Savignon, 2012, p.5).
CLT is also supported by sociocultural theorists (Lantolf and
Pavlenko 1995; Lantolf 2000; Lantolf and Thorne 2006; Lantolf
and Poehner 2008, Barohny and Hye- Soon 2009) and their
understanding of the role of the social context. Following the
ideas of Vygotsky, the nature of the individual and social
factors are integrated into the learning process because
social interaction is central to learning (Lantolf and Thorne
2006). This brings cultural education and social learning into
the fore of the language classroom, with teaching methods such
as role plays and debates. Language is viewed as a medium of
communication, mediation and developing perception and is
required to access, construct and demonstrate learning (Moate
2010).
This brief analysis of communicative competence as a goal of
the CLT approach has shown that it is achieved through
authentic communication that is meaningful and useful, this in
turn helps to develop cross cultural awareness and
understanding. The powers of CLT and communicative competence
are prevalent in the educational discourse of globalisation
and in economic terms (Kramsch, 2014; Choi, forthcoming).
Globalisation has led to cooperation and communication across
countries and has created an interdependence economically,
politically and culturally (Chen, 2005; Sudhoff, 2010). Chen
(2005) and Sudhoff (2010) argue that in order to achieve
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success in this globalised future, a set of knowledge and
skills that are integrated in developing communicative
competence will be necessary. It fosters the ability to
communicate appropriately through the development of
intercultural communication skills for effective and
productive communication across cultures. Helen and Duchene
(2012 cited in Kramsch 2014, p. 302) add that this view of
communicative competence has led to language learning being
seen as a source of profit in a globalised economy and of
language education in economic terms.
2.2. Historical analysis of ELE policy in Korea
In Korea, the English curriculum has followed these global
trends in ELE. The government has taken action to change the
English curriculum to develop communicative competence amongst
students for political and economic gains. In order to do this
they have implemented a series of CLT policies to encourage
teachers to implement this approach. However, as Rinzi and
Langard (2010) argued the local history, culture and politics
have influenced CLT policy reform and given it a vernacular
character. These sociocultural influences have affected the
success of the CLT agenda by creating discrepancies between
policy and practice. This chapter goes on to look at how ELE
is situated in the Korean context in order to highlight these
discrepancies.
Korea is experiencing what Krashen (2003) coined “English
fever”, ‘the overwhelming desire to acquire English or ensure
that one’s children acquire English as a foreign language’
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(p.1). Chung and Choi (2014) point out, in a study of English
in Korea, that English is ubiquitous and plays a significant
role in society, therefore ELE is a key agenda in education
policy at all levels. This phenomenon exists because of the
status of English as the lingua franca (Krashen, 2003; Yano,
2003). As Krashen (2003) points out, ‘it is difficult to be
active and successful in international business, politics or
scholarship of science without competence in English’ (p.1).
In Korea this condition has been exacerbated by the political
and economic history and the influences of Confucianism. Hu
(2002 cited in Dailey, 2010) argues that the influence of the
Confucian ideology has fostered a great respect for education
through intellect and moral qualities. As Dailey (2010, p.2)
points out this enthusiasm for the importance of education is
reflected in the developments of ELE throughout the years.
Following the end of Japanese colonisation Korea was exposed
to influence from the US as a result of the Korean War (Chung
and Choi, 2014). This resulted in English being reintroduced
into Korea (Shin, 2007 cited in Dailey, 2010). As the new
government wanted to remove any influences of Japan, the
education system was reformed to reflect the new social order
(Choi, In Press). As a part of this process, English was
included in the first National Curriculum and was the nation’s
first foreign language (ibid.). In this climate English
developed prestige in Korea and gained symbolic value as
spoken by the rich and powerful (Shim and Park, 2008 cited in
Chung and Choi, 2014).
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This early ELE curriculum was shaped by the deep rooted
dominant educational philosophy of Confucianism (Taie, 2015).
Confucianism emphasises the importance of education promoting
rote learning, extreme competition and work over play (Kim,
2007 cited in Taie, 2015). It also enforces rigid social
structure which promotes authoritarian relationships between
teacher and student (ibid.). This influence resulted in an ELE
curriculum focused on grammar translation, rote memorisation
and the audiolingual method (Dailey, 2010).
The Korean education system is centralised and the Ministry of
Education (MOE) issues the National Curriculum (NC). Policy is
administered by the MOE and is implemented in a top down
manner (Yook, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014; Choi, in press).
During the early nineties, Korea opened up to globalisation in
order to catch up with advanced nations and experienced a
series of socio-political educational policy reforms as a
result of this agenda (Kim, 2004). Around this time a study by
Kim (1995 cited in Kim, 2006) showed that the emphasis on
grammar did not develop the communicative skills in English
that were needed and this highlighted the fact thatsd Koreans
scored the lowest in the world on TOEFL tests. In response to
the needs of the globalisation agenda, the government urged
the MOE to shift from the traditional grammar instruction to a
communicative English curriculum (Shin, 2007 cited in Dailey,
2010). The MOE set about implementing a series of ELE policy
reforms. The Sixth Curriculum Development Committee (1992,
p.66 cited in Li, 1998, p.681) for the MOE acknowledged that,
‘the grammatical syllabus does not help much to develop
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learners ability to communicate in English’ and developed the
6th National Curriculum (1995) which clearly stated that CLT
would replace the audiolingual and grammar translation methods
(Li, 1998, p.682). The discourse of globalisation was strong
throughout (Kim, 2006) and is reflected in the goal of The
Sixth NC of English education, to prepare students for the age
of globalisation, and the goal of teaching, to develop
student’s ability to communicate in English (Sixth Curriculum
Development Committee, 1992, p.180 – 181 cited in Yook, 2010).
It also encouraged teachers to make use of the CLT approach in
their classrooms through group activities, the use of
authentic materials, learner centred classrooms and the
delivery of content that was useful for daily life (ibid).
Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the government
attempted to link educational policy to marketism based on
productivity and the voice of economics became more prominent
in education (Kim, 2004). This made the desire to improve
English proficiency stronger and gave further reason to reform
ELE policy as English began to be seen as integral to
developing Korea’s international market and rebuilding the
economy (Jeon, 2009 ). In response the MOE implemented policy
reforms in ELE. The emphasis of fluency over knowledge of
English through developing communicative competence was
carried over to the 7th NC issued by the MOE in 1997 (Shin 2007
cited in Dailey 2007). The goal of this curriculum reform was
‘to produce internalised citizens with knowledge of diverse
cultures (Yook, 2010, p.24). This reform introduced a cultural
dimension to ELE to improve the effectiveness of the CLT
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approach following global developments in understanding about
fostering intercultural communicative competence through
language teaching and the subsequent educational discourse
which followed this globally. Another characteristic of the 7th
NC was the introduction of the Teach English in English (TEE)
policy, a key method to strengthen the CLT approach based on
Canale and Swain’s (cited in Li, 2012) theory of providing
opportunities for genuine communicative needs in realistic
situations.
An analysis of the historical, sociocultural and economic
factors that have influenced ELE in Korea, reveals four
distinct factors that contributed to ELE policy reforms
focused on communicative competence in the discourse of
globalisation, as a central arm of educational and economic
policy (Yook, 2010). These were; the importance of English as
an international language in an age of globalisation,
increasing criticism of traditional language teaching in Korea
focused on grammar, vocabulary and reading, the spread of CLT
in EFL and ESL and the increased socio-political interest in
spoken English as part of a globalisation campaign (Yook,
2010, p.17 – 20). In response to these influences the
government and MOE attempted to implement language policy
based on the CLT approach to increase English competence for
international communication.
Despite large investments in policy reforms and resources
aimed at increasing communicative competence, there still
seems to be a low level of communicative proficiency in
English (Choi and Chang, 2014). A recent study concluded that
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Korea had moderate proficiency in English and ranked 25th out
of 60 assessed countries. This included young adults who have
left the education system in the last decade (Education First
2013). Various other studies have highlighted difficulties in
the implementation of the CLT approach in Korean classrooms
(Li, 1992; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014;
Taei, 2015; Choi, in press). These have revealed difficulties
related to learners, teachers, instructional methods and
sociocultural factors (ibid). One particular barrier to CLT
has been cited as the assessment system (Li, 1998; Choi, 2000;
Jeon, 2009; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press) Such
difficulties show that there are discrepancies between
government policy and practice which could provide an
explanation for the apparent short comings of the approach.
3. ASSESSMENT
3.1 Assessment in Korea
The exam based culture of the Korean education system has been
cited in a number of studies as one of the chief barriers to
implementing the CLT approach in practice and therefore to
improving the communicative competence of Korean’s in English,
the key aim of the reformed ELE curriculum (Li, 1998; Choi,
2000; Jeon, 2009; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press).
The following chapter will offer a brief analysis of the
assessment system and the sociocultural factors that have
shaped it, and how ELE is framed in this context in order to
understand the implications for CLT in practice.
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The Korean education system is criticised for having an exam
based culture that promotes rote learning, is based almost
exclusively on college entrance exams and is characterised by
intense competition, high pressure and high expectation (Shin
and Koh, 2008). At the core of this system is the deep rooted,
dominant philosophy of Confucianism, which reveres the value
of education and as an ideology permeates society and
dominates the educational system (Sleziak, 2013).
Confucianism emphasises hard work and the role of educational
advancement for achieving social mobility to a higher ranking
(Rishi, 2012). As a result many Koreans today associate
academic achievement with high social status (ibid.). As a
result of this a feverish zeal for education has developed
(Seth, 2002 cited in Chung and Choi, 2014) which has led to
tough competition for places at top universities. According to
Choi (in press) ‘Korea has the highest rate of tertiary
education among OECD countries with 82% of high school
graduates registered for tertiary education’ (p.15).
Starting from middle school, students begin preparation for
the Korean Scholastic Ability Test (KSAT), a gruelling eight
hour exam, which along with high academic achievement, decides
what university Koreans will be able to attend (Rishi 2012).
Preparation for KSAT underpins most of the Korean education
system and begins at a young age as there is a great deal of
pressure to succeed in the exam which essentially dictates the
future success of students and their upward mobility (Dailey,
2010; Rishi, 2012). From personal experience, children as
young as twelve are already worried about their KSAT and what
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university they will attend due to pressure from parents and
society in general and it is quite common for students from
lower middle school up to high school to study fifteen plus
hours a day in preparation.
Familism is central to the ideology of Confucianism which
creates an emphasis on child-parent bonds (Shin and Koh, 2008,
p.2). Therefore Korean culture demands careful parental
monitoring of academic progress (ibid.) resulting in the
importance of parental engagement and support for the
educational system (ibid.). Familism has also created students
that are deeply motivated to upgrade socioeconomic status to
uphold the family honour and acquire admiration from their
parents (Shin and Koh, 2008, p.2). The teacher’s role is
highly regarded and crucial as the dispensers of knowledge and
moulders of character (Shin and Koh, 2008, p.2). Therefore
there is a great deal of pressure placed upon teachers by
students and parents to teach in a more exam oriented way in
order to fulfil their role and help them pass their tests
(Dailey, 2010, p.9).
The English section of KSAT is regarded with importance as a
result of “English fever” that has made high English test
scores imperative for university and employment. Despite the
governments push to improve communicative competence, the
English section of KSAT has no communicative or oral
proficiency element. It consists of patterned reading and
listening focused on receptive skills and linguistic knowledge
(Dailey, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014, Choi, in press). Whilst
the addition of a listening component is an improvement on the
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old grammar based assessment, the lack of any measurement of
oral proficiency, coupled with the great importance placed on
the KSAT, has severe implications for the goals of the CLT
approach. Jeon (2009) in a review of the research conducted
into the difficulties of implementing CLT, found that student
motivations, washback effect upon teaching and the teacher’s,
student’s and parent’s beliefs about the ability of CLT to
prepare for the KSAT, were all linked to the absence of an
oral proficiency test and are all significant barriers to the
successful implementation of CLT in practice.
3.2 Issues in Assessment
The KSAT underpins most of the education system. The absence
of an assessment of oral proficiency, has caused a discrepancy
between the goals of government policy and classroom practice
and has undermined the efforts to implement a CLT approach. As
Dailey (2010) adds, the demands from government to implement a
communicative approach contrast with the sociocultural needs
of students and parents to pass these important exams, which
are focused on reading, knowledge about the language and
grammar translation. Therefore CLT has continued to come
second to the tests even though language policy demands a
communicative approach (ibid, p.10). Therefore, in my
experience CLT EFL classes are not taken seriously.
The inconsistencies between policy and classroom practice are
caused by the overarching pressure of the KSAT. This has
manifested into a number of issues concerning learners,
teachers, instructional methods and sociocultural factors.
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These are a result of a washback effect. Washback effect is a
theoretical concept which explains how testing, especially
standardised testing, can affect the education system and
society and also reinforces the importance of considering
assessment in the wider educational system when developing
educational policy. The washback effect can cause teaching to
the test which influences instructional methods, effects
student motivation and can also be attributed to social
inequality in education.
Madaus (1988, p.83 cited in Booth, 2010, p.1) stated that the
concept is based on the underlying assumption that often
testing determines what is taught, how it is taught, what is
learned and how it is learned as teachers teach to the test.
It is a well-researched and documented concept that shows that
even though tests may come at the end of instruction, they can
influence the attitudes and motivations of both teacher and
students (Booth, 2012).
Bachman and Palmer (1996 cited in Shawcross, 2007) consider
washback as an impact of testing on individuals, the
educational system and society. They believe that a test has
impacts on a micro-level, individual students and teachers and
a macro-level, on society and the educational system. In
Korea, the wash back effect is visible at both levels and the
underlying Confucian philosophy has intensified its impacts.
Choi (2008) argues that the KSAT has greater washback on
Korean education and society than any other test. The reasons
for this were highlighted in section 3.1. Choi (2008, p.41)
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adds that the English section has such a large effect that
middle school and high school exams employ almost identical
methods. This means the washback effect of the KSAT on ELE
permeates through all levels of secondary education. As the
KSAT has no oral or written component this has large
implications for implementing CLT.
Choi (2000) provides empirical evidence for the existence of a
washback effect from the English KSAT. The findings were that
whilst teachers believed in the value of the CLT approach and
the importance of communicative competence, this was not
represented in their classroom practice which focused on
reading, knowledge about the language and grammar translation,
which are reflective of the KSAT. This shows the effects of
washback on instructional methods and how it is limiting the
development of communicative competence.
During my time in Korea, this was true of many English
classrooms. Teachers believe in the ideology of CLT and value
the educational importance of international communicative
competence for their students but are more concerned with
teaching to the test due to a great deal of pressure for them
to prepare the students to get good grades, often to the
detriment of their personal ideals. As Jeon (2009) points out
the reason that washback has such an influence on teachers
motivations is because their performance is usually evaluated
by their ability to train students to get good scores on
standardised tests. This is exacerbated in the Korean context
due to the deep rooted sociocultural pressures on teachers and
the importance of the KSAT, described in 3.1, leaving them no
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choice but to teach to the test. Kelly (2009) argues that this
is a symptom of a worldwide trend of accountability and
appraisal in the educational system as part of the coercive
strategy of control in the politization of the curriculum. The
focus has moved from the value of what has been delivered, to
the effectiveness of its delivery (ibid., p.30). Teachers and
schools are appraised on the effectiveness of their delivery
rather than in relation to wider educational concerns (ibid,
p.30). This is representative of the communicative agenda in
Korea where the focus of policy is on how to deliver these
classes and how to get students to perform on tests rather
than promoting the educational values of achieving
communicative competence away from the test and teachers are
treated more like technicians who deliver results.
Washback also negatively effects student motivation. Ahn (1998
cited in Jeon, 2009) reported that whilst Korean students put
a lot of time, effort and resources into learning English,
they are still not achieving the desired proficiency. This can
be seen as the students having a strong motivation to do well
in English because of the importance placed upon this, and a
weak motivation to develop communicative competence as it is
not part of the test (Li, 1998; Ahn, 1998).
Kim (2008) also found that the student’s beliefs about
language teaching and learning play a part in their motivation
to develop communicative competence. Dailey (2010) adds that
students know that oral skills are not assessed, so they
expect the teacher to prepare them for the other sections, any
teaching that doesn’t do this in their belief isn’t regarded
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as real teaching. My personal experience supports these
findings, as I found students to be very motivated but whilst
they enjoyed my CLT based classes, they didn’t perceive them
as real classes or as important as their grammar classes,
which created a barrier for improving their competence.
Norton (1995) argues that motivation as a cognitive concept is
too simplistic and prefers to use the concept of investment as
a more thorough account of the learner’s ambivalence through
exploring the learner’s relationship with the social context.
For Korean students, one of their most valuable cultural
capitals is English ability. According to Norton (1995) if
learners invest in a second language, they will expect to
acquire a wider range of resources, which in this example
would be English skills. She argues that these skills will in
turn increase the value of their cultural capital, or their
English ability. They will expect to have a good return on
their investment, which will give them access to otherwise
unattainable resources, which in this analogy, are top
universities and successful jobs (Norton 1995). This
investment must be commensurate with the rewards (Norton
1995). For a Korean EFL student, gaining a place at a top
university may be the most desirable reward, so they may
prefer to study in an exam based manner rather than a
communicative one. They would not be invested in a classroom
that uses a CLT approach, meaning they would not be committed
to learning. Extending this theory, they may not perceive CLT
as real teaching due to a discrepancy between the learner’s
expectations of good teaching and the practice of the teacher
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(Norton 2010, p.176). This theory provides an explanation for
how the washback effect of the KSAT has effected Korean
student’s motivation to improve communicative competence.
From this deeper analysis of the issues in ELE assessment in
Korea and how it is framed in the assessment system, it has
become apparent that the government have altered parts of the
educational curriculum without considering other components of
the wider educational system (Dailey, 2010, p.10). Bernstein
(1971 cited in Rivzi and Lingard, p.93) argued that
curriculum, pedagogy and assessment are the three message
systems of education which are so interdependent that they
have direct influences upon each other. Therefore, when making
changes in one of the systems the others should be considered
because for policy to be effective in achieving its goals, the
policy should have impacts within the whole message system
(ibid.,p.94). In the context of Korea, implementing CLT has
been difficult because provisions haven’t been made to account
for the role of assessment in influencing practice and
therefore the goals of the communicative agenda have been
compromised.
Broadfoot (1996 cited in University of Nottingham, 2015d) adds
that ‘because assessment procedures are so linked to
legitimising educational practices as an overt means of
communication between schools and society and the covert means
of that society’s response in the form of control, assessment
may be the most important of the message systems and may be
the assessment system that determines curriculum and pedagogy
and hence, social reproduction’ (Broadfoot, 1996, p.87 – 88
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cited in University of Nottingham 2015d). The analysis of the
wider implications of the washback effect from the English
section of KSAT in Korea certainly highlights the important
role that assessment plays in ELE reform and the need for the
inclusion of oral proficiency into the KSAT if the
communicative proficiency of Koreans is to be improved.
4. CONCLUSION
The educational discourse of globalisation has led to a global
trend of reframing the curriculum as a central arm of economic
policy. One offshoot of this trend is the global agenda
concerned with the concept of developing international
communicative competence through ELE. The development of
communicative competence is thought to foster the skills
needed to communicate effectively and productively across
cultures by increasing the proficiency in language and
increasing cultural understanding (Chen, 2005; Sudhoff, 2005).
This is the goal of CLT, an approach to language teaching
focused on authentic communication and meaningful language. As
Helen and Duchene (2012) argue this has led to language
education being seen in economic terms, for profit in a
globalised economy.
The Korean government have embraced this communicative agenda,
allocating a large amount of resources into CLT policy reforms
in ELE curricula in a belief that increasing the communicative
competence of its citizens will bring political and economic
gains. However, whilst this is representative of the global
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ELE trend, the unique historical, political and cultural
context of Korea has shaped how this agenda has manifested
into policy and ultimately the successfulness of these
policies. The 6th and 7th National Curriculum were developed
with a focus for ELE to increase intercultural communicative
competence amongst students for national economic
competitiveness in a globalised economy and advised teachers
to adopt the CLT approach into their classes.
Four distinct factors led to the rise of the communicative
agenda in ELE in Korea; the importance of English as an
international language in an age of globalisation, criticism
of traditional ELE teaching approaches, the spread of CLT in
EFL and ESL and increased socio-political interest in English
as a part of a globalisation campaign (Yook, 2010, p.17).
These factors coupled with the historical and sociocultural
context led to English becoming integral to Koreans successes
academically and in business.
However, despite the importance placed on the value of
communicative competence, the policy agenda has done little to
increase English proficiency in Korea (Education First, 2013).
Studies into the difficulties associated with implementing CLT
in practice revealed problems related to learners, teachers,
instructional methods and sociocultural factors as a result of
the assessment system (Li, 1998; Choi, 2000; Jeon, 2009;
Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press). A deeper look at
how ELE is framed within this highlights that the lack of an
oral proficiency test in the English section of the KSAT has
grave implications for the aims of the CLT approach. It has
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caused a wash back effect that has effected instructional
methods alongside teacher and student motivation. This has put
teachers under a great deal of pressure to teach to the test,
students are not motivated or interested in increasing their
communicative competence and parents don’t believe in its
benefits for the test. The KSAT assessment of English is one
of the chief factors in the shortcomings of CLT, as the goals
of communicative policy are not conducive with the assessment
system in which ELE is framed. This has created discrepancies
between policy and actual practice, which has made CLT
difficult to implement.
Rizvi and Langard (2010) add that in order for policy to be
more effective it needs to engage more in issues of practice.
With Bernstein’s theory of the three systems in mind and from
the analysis of assessment and personal experience, it is
clear there needs to be a reform of the English section of the
KSAT to include an oral proficiency component, if the goals of
increasing communicative competence are to be achieved.
4.1 Recommendations
A reform of the KSAT to include an oral proficiency component
would be beneficial to the aims of the communicative agenda.
However, there would need to be a great deal of research into
how this can be done to support CLT effectively and to develop
a test that has no negative washback effect on the education
system. As Bachman (1990) argues communicative teaching and
communicative assessment are interdependent. Bostwick and
Gakuen (1995 cited in Kim, 2003, p.2) argue that assessment
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can be used to improve instruction and help students take
control of their learning which, Kim (2003, p.2) adds, is more
likely to be achieved when assessment is authentic and tied to
the aims of the instructional programme.
Whilst the MOE have made alterations to the entrance exams,
such as increasing the listening component in an attempt to
encourage interest in communicative competence (Dailey 2010,
Yook, 2010), these have not been effective because
standardised testing does not support the aims of CLT.
Likewise standardised summative oral testing would not support
CLT and could have a negative washback effect. Therefore the
government should consider research into implementing a
formative classroom based communicative proficiency
assessment, based on authentic use of language, real
communication needs and meaningful language as an add on to
the KSAT(Kim, 2003). In light of this paper, it is vital to
increase student motivation and reduce pressure on teachers to
use grammar translation methods, as such this suggested oral
test would need to be weighted importantly and be integrated
as an extension of KSAT for college entrance and employment.
As teachers would conduct these in class formative
assessments, teachers would need to be well trained to use and
implement them in the line with CLT aims (Kim, 2003).
Also it is clear that there are misunderstandings about the
CLT approach amongst students and parents who believe that it
isn’t concerned with grammatical knowledge. However, this is a
key component of the CLT approach and a key skill of
communicative competence. Therefore, the government should
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allocate resources to improve the awareness and understanding
of the communicative approach amongst students and parents
because they are strong influential actors in the Korean
education system. This could help to motivate students to
embrace the communicative classroom more openly.
There may also be other underlying issues to address with CLT,
as Li (1998) argues the underlying educational philosophy is
different to that of the West. CLT is essentially a Western
approach to learning that might not be appropriate for direct
application in the Korean context. There are strong
suggestions in the research (Li, 1998; Dailey, 2010; Chung and
Choi, 2014; Choi, in press) that the wider sociocultural
context of Korea demands an alternative approach to developing
communicative competence that is more in line with the local
context. Research should be conducted by local professionals
who have a deeper understanding of the context to find an
approach that would be supported by the context.
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