English Language Education and Assessment Issues in South Korea.

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Understanding Curriculum and Learning Nottingham University Amy Hares 4221553 English language education and assessment issues in South Korea. Course: MA Education (flexible) Module: XX4W29 - Understanding Curriculum and Assessment 1

Transcript of English Language Education and Assessment Issues in South Korea.

Understanding Curriculum and Learning Nottingham University

Amy Hares4221553

English language education and assessment issues inSouth Korea.

Course: MA Education (flexible)Module: XX4W29 - Understanding Curriculum and

Assessment

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Marking tutor: Mary BaileyWord Count: 6,554

CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………p. 3

1. ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION

1.1 Communicative Language Theory and Communicative

Competence ...........p.6

1.2 Historical Analysis of ELE in Korea

……………………………………….. ……p.8

2. ASSESSMENT …………………………………………………………………..p.12

2.1 Assessment in Korea……………………………………………………………p.12

2.2 Issues in Assessment …………………………………………………………..p.13

3. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………p.17

3.1 Recommendations ……………………………………………………………p. 19

4. REFERENCES………………………………………………………………....p.21

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1. INTRODUCTION

According to Kelly (2009) it is important to understand that

issues in politics, economics, curriculum and pedagogy are

inextricably linked due to their social nature and all should

be considered when discussing the curriculum (Kelly. 2009,

p.188 cited in University of Nottingham., 2015a).

Bernstein (1971) defined the curriculum as;

‘How a society selects, classifies, distributes, transmits and evaluates theeducational knowledge it considers to be public, reflects both the distributionof power and social control ... Curriculum defines what counts as validknowledge.’ (Bernstein 1971, p.47 quoted in NottinghamUniversity 2015c).

Building on this Braslavsky (2003) described curriculum as

‘the existing contract between society, the state and

educational professionals setting out the educational

experiences that learners should undergo at certain phases in

their lives’ (Braslavsky 2003, p.1). Kelly (2009) argues that

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this body of knowledge has both direct political influences

and indirect political influences (Kelly, 2009., p.200). Apple

(1993), Braslavsky (2003) and Kelly (2009) all recognise that

such influences on the curriculum are a battlefield of

competing ideologies and political and economic conflicts and

tensions in society that occur to give meaning to education by

defining legitimate knowledge.

The curriculum aims represent the goals of education and are

broad in range. The process of globalisation has put

political, economic, and socio cultural pressure upon

education, and curriculum aims reflect this internationally

(Vulliamy, 2010; Yates and Young, 2010; Rizvi and Lingard

2010; Winter 2011). As a result of the pressures of

globalisation upon curriculum, many countries have experienced

similar changes in institutional, epistemological and

organisational framing of the curriculum (Yates and Young,

2010). The key concern of such changes has been economic and

the attention has been on employability in a competitive

economic environment (ibid, p. 4).

Rizvi and Lingard (2010) argue that curriculum studies and

educational policy are closely linked, if not interdependent

upon each other. In the context of globalisation, educational

policy reform is linked to how curriculum, pedagogy and

evaluation have been reframed (ibid, p.94). The discourse of

the challenges presented by globalisation has promoted the

role that curriculum can play in preparing students for

participation in a global economy (ibid, p.94). Therefore,

curriculum policy is linked to the reconstitution of education

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as a central arm of economic policy in response to the

pressures of globalisation (ibid, p.96).

The curriculum is historically, politically and ideologically

situated (Yates and Young 2010;Rizvi and Lingard, 2010;

Winter, 2012). Whilst policy reforms have been driven by the

same educational discourse surrounding globalisation

internationally, local history, culture and politics have

mediated these homogenising forces (Winter 2010., p.295). This

has resulted in reforms with a vernacular character that

represent the relevant priorities of each national context,

which has sent educational policy in many different directions

(Rizvi and Langard, 2010., p.97).

One context, which is experiencing the pressures of

globalisation and undergoing significant social, economic,

cultural and political change, is South Korea (henceforth

Korea). Like many other countries, the educational discourse

about globalisation is strong and the government has set

preparing the next generation for a competitive global economy

as a priority and a goal of education (National Curriculum

Information Centre, 1997). In this context, English language

education (ELE) is seen as a tool for achieving social

mobility and international competitiveness both individually

and as a country (Choi, Forthcoming). As a result there is a

particularly strong focus upon ELE in the Korean curriculum

and in policy agenda through all levels of education (National

Curriculum Information Centre, 1997). Amongst contexts like

Korea, attention has been given to the idea of developing

communicative competence as a goal for ELE in order to prepare

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its citizens for a global economy. ELE in Korea not only plays

an integral role in meeting the aims of the curriculum but is

also a central part of the economic policy for achieving

international competitiveness. Despite this Korea still ranks

globally as 25th out of 60 with a moderate level of

communicative proficiency in English (Education First 2013).

In order to explain such discrepancies between policy and

practice it is important to look at the wider educational

context. Bernstein (1971 cited in Rivzi and Langard 2010,

p.93) believed that monitoring and assessing performance, is

one of three main systems in schooling. According to him, the

three systems are inextricably linked, with changes in one

directly affecting the other two. Therefore, for policy to be

more effective it needs to engage directly with issues of

practice (Rizvi and Langard 2010,p.94) such as how curriculum

aims can be better supported by assessment techniques (Kim

2003, p.3).

Some points have been highlighted;

- The educational discourse of globalisation has led to the

reframing of the curriculum under educational policy as a

central arm of economic policy.

- The curriculum is politically, historically and ideological

situated, so despite being driven by the same educational

discourse, policy reforms have developed a vernacular

character representing the priorities of the national context,

which have an effect upon their effectiveness.

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- There is an interdependence between curriculum and

assessment which policy should engage with in more depth, to

be more effective.

Based on these points and the importance placed on ELE in

Korean curriculum policy, this essay will go on to look at ELE

in Korea in more depth. A historical, political and

ideological analysis will show the unique character of ELE

policy and how it is implemented in this context with the aim

of preparing students for a globalised economy. This deeper

look into ELE will highlight the discrepancies between theory

and practice in an attempt to address the reason for the

apparent shortcomings of communicative language teaching (CLT)

in Korea. Given the importance of assessment in the

effectiveness of such policies, issues in assessment of

English will be looked at in more depth to show that

assessment has not supported CLT in Korea, which could explain

its shortcomings. A formative approach to assessment of oral

proficiency will be suggested as a system that better supports

the aims of CLT and the economic aims of educational policy in

Korea.

2. ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDUCATION

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2.1 Communicative Language Teaching and Communicative

Competence

The idea of developing communicative competence in order to

gain a competitive edge in a globalised economy has been given

much attention internationally and in response to this, and

developments in language learning theory, there has been a

general move towards CLT globally which is reflected in the 7th

National Curriculum of Korea (National Curriculum Research

Centre, 1997). In order to understand the role of CLT in the

Korean context, it is first necessary to understand why

communicative competence has held prominence in the

educational discourse of globalisation and how this concept is

achieved through practice.

The central theoretical concept of CLT is communicative

competence. This concept was first proposed by Hymes (1971) in

response to Chomsky’s (1965) concept of linguistic competence

which distinguished between competence, knowledge of language

and performance, the realisation of language in specific

situations (Chomsky, 1965 cited in Kim 2003). Hymes (1971)

argued this was too simplistic, CC required the ability to use

language in a social context, to observe sociolinguistic norms

of appropriateness for language use (Hymes, 1971 cited in

Sauvignon 2002).

Canale and Swain (1980; 1983) were the first to define

communicative competence in the context of second language

teaching (Yano, 2003, p.76). They identified four components

in achieving communicative competence; grammatical competence,

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sociolinguistic competence, discourse competence and strategic

competence (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003).

Grammatical competence or knowledge about the language.

Sociocultural competence requires learning the cultural norms

and values that govern the production and interpretation of

language which are deemed essential for appropriate

communication (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003).

Discourse competence requires learning how to maintain

coherence and cohesion. (Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano,

2003). Finally, strategic competence requires knowledge of

verbal and non-verbal communication strategies in order to

restore communication in the instance of a breakdown

(Alptekin, 2002; Kim, 2003; Yano, 2003). Hence, communicative

competence is defined as knowledge about a language and the

ability to put that knowledge into use in communication

effectively and appropriately.

Developing communicative competence is the goal of CLT which

views language in terms of communication. The theories

underpinning the CLT approach are the communication principle,

the task principle and the meaningfulness principle (Richards

and Roberts, 2014, p.90). Activities should involve real use

of communication for meaningful tasks using language that is

meaningful to the learner (ibid, p.90). Canale and Swain

(cited in Li 2012, p.679) added that in CLT learners should be

given the opportunity to respond to genuine communicative

needs in realistic situations in order to develop strategies

for understanding how language is used. Therefore, instruction

is usually delivered through the target language and learners

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are encouraged to communicate in it. Activities are chosen on

whether they provide meaningful and authentic language use

(Kim, 2003; Richards and Roberts, 2014).

In CLT emphasis is placed upon negotiation of meaning.

Grammatical form is learned through functions and notions

(Wilkins, 1972 cited in Li, 2012, p.678). Savignon (1971 cited

in Savignon 2002) found that using self-expression focused on

meaning, was more effective in developing communicative

proficiency than language drills. However, grammatical

competence is still an integral aim of CLT. In classroom

practice, in order to encourage communication, there should be

little focus on direct error correction and small group

activities, such as; games, role plays and problem solving,

are utilised to increase the time spent negotiating meaning

(Kim, 2003, p.5; Li, 2012).

CLT employs a “learner centred and experienced based approach

which is representative of the trend in the wider educational

context (Richard and Rogers, 2014, p. 93). Every learner has a

set of unique interests, learning styles and goals that should

shape instructional goals (Savignon, 2002, p.4). Therefore the

teacher should choose materials and activities that reflect

those needs in order to engage learners in meaningful and

authentic language use. Furthermore, as Li (2012) points out,

CLT classrooms must not be teacher centred or authoritative as

students should feel secure and unthreatened in order to be

effective. This learner centred approach has implications for

assessment of learner competence and as Savignon (2002) points

out, an emphasis on functional goals requires qualitative

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evaluation rather than a quantitative assessment of linguistic

features. More holistic evaluations of competence such as

portfolios are suggested to represent and motivate achievement

(Savignon, 2012, p.5).

CLT is also supported by sociocultural theorists (Lantolf and

Pavlenko 1995; Lantolf 2000; Lantolf and Thorne 2006; Lantolf

and Poehner 2008, Barohny and Hye- Soon 2009) and their

understanding of the role of the social context. Following the

ideas of Vygotsky, the nature of the individual and social

factors are integrated into the learning process because

social interaction is central to learning (Lantolf and Thorne

2006). This brings cultural education and social learning into

the fore of the language classroom, with teaching methods such

as role plays and debates. Language is viewed as a medium of

communication, mediation and developing perception and is

required to access, construct and demonstrate learning (Moate

2010).

This brief analysis of communicative competence as a goal of

the CLT approach has shown that it is achieved through

authentic communication that is meaningful and useful, this in

turn helps to develop cross cultural awareness and

understanding. The powers of CLT and communicative competence

are prevalent in the educational discourse of globalisation

and in economic terms (Kramsch, 2014; Choi, forthcoming).

Globalisation has led to cooperation and communication across

countries and has created an interdependence economically,

politically and culturally (Chen, 2005; Sudhoff, 2010). Chen

(2005) and Sudhoff (2010) argue that in order to achieve

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success in this globalised future, a set of knowledge and

skills that are integrated in developing communicative

competence will be necessary. It fosters the ability to

communicate appropriately through the development of

intercultural communication skills for effective and

productive communication across cultures. Helen and Duchene

(2012 cited in Kramsch 2014, p. 302) add that this view of

communicative competence has led to language learning being

seen as a source of profit in a globalised economy and of

language education in economic terms.

2.2. Historical analysis of ELE policy in Korea

In Korea, the English curriculum has followed these global

trends in ELE. The government has taken action to change the

English curriculum to develop communicative competence amongst

students for political and economic gains. In order to do this

they have implemented a series of CLT policies to encourage

teachers to implement this approach. However, as Rinzi and

Langard (2010) argued the local history, culture and politics

have influenced CLT policy reform and given it a vernacular

character. These sociocultural influences have affected the

success of the CLT agenda by creating discrepancies between

policy and practice. This chapter goes on to look at how ELE

is situated in the Korean context in order to highlight these

discrepancies.

Korea is experiencing what Krashen (2003) coined “English

fever”, ‘the overwhelming desire to acquire English or ensure

that one’s children acquire English as a foreign language’

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(p.1). Chung and Choi (2014) point out, in a study of English

in Korea, that English is ubiquitous and plays a significant

role in society, therefore ELE is a key agenda in education

policy at all levels. This phenomenon exists because of the

status of English as the lingua franca (Krashen, 2003; Yano,

2003). As Krashen (2003) points out, ‘it is difficult to be

active and successful in international business, politics or

scholarship of science without competence in English’ (p.1).

In Korea this condition has been exacerbated by the political

and economic history and the influences of Confucianism. Hu

(2002 cited in Dailey, 2010) argues that the influence of the

Confucian ideology has fostered a great respect for education

through intellect and moral qualities. As Dailey (2010, p.2)

points out this enthusiasm for the importance of education is

reflected in the developments of ELE throughout the years.

Following the end of Japanese colonisation Korea was exposed

to influence from the US as a result of the Korean War (Chung

and Choi, 2014). This resulted in English being reintroduced

into Korea (Shin, 2007 cited in Dailey, 2010). As the new

government wanted to remove any influences of Japan, the

education system was reformed to reflect the new social order

(Choi, In Press). As a part of this process, English was

included in the first National Curriculum and was the nation’s

first foreign language (ibid.). In this climate English

developed prestige in Korea and gained symbolic value as

spoken by the rich and powerful (Shim and Park, 2008 cited in

Chung and Choi, 2014).

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This early ELE curriculum was shaped by the deep rooted

dominant educational philosophy of Confucianism (Taie, 2015).

Confucianism emphasises the importance of education promoting

rote learning, extreme competition and work over play (Kim,

2007 cited in Taie, 2015). It also enforces rigid social

structure which promotes authoritarian relationships between

teacher and student (ibid.). This influence resulted in an ELE

curriculum focused on grammar translation, rote memorisation

and the audiolingual method (Dailey, 2010).

The Korean education system is centralised and the Ministry of

Education (MOE) issues the National Curriculum (NC). Policy is

administered by the MOE and is implemented in a top down

manner (Yook, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014; Choi, in press).

During the early nineties, Korea opened up to globalisation in

order to catch up with advanced nations and experienced a

series of socio-political educational policy reforms as a

result of this agenda (Kim, 2004). Around this time a study by

Kim (1995 cited in Kim, 2006) showed that the emphasis on

grammar did not develop the communicative skills in English

that were needed and this highlighted the fact thatsd Koreans

scored the lowest in the world on TOEFL tests. In response to

the needs of the globalisation agenda, the government urged

the MOE to shift from the traditional grammar instruction to a

communicative English curriculum (Shin, 2007 cited in Dailey,

2010). The MOE set about implementing a series of ELE policy

reforms. The Sixth Curriculum Development Committee (1992,

p.66 cited in Li, 1998, p.681) for the MOE acknowledged that,

‘the grammatical syllabus does not help much to develop

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learners ability to communicate in English’ and developed the

6th National Curriculum (1995) which clearly stated that CLT

would replace the audiolingual and grammar translation methods

(Li, 1998, p.682). The discourse of globalisation was strong

throughout (Kim, 2006) and is reflected in the goal of The

Sixth NC of English education, to prepare students for the age

of globalisation, and the goal of teaching, to develop

student’s ability to communicate in English (Sixth Curriculum

Development Committee, 1992, p.180 – 181 cited in Yook, 2010).

It also encouraged teachers to make use of the CLT approach in

their classrooms through group activities, the use of

authentic materials, learner centred classrooms and the

delivery of content that was useful for daily life (ibid).

Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the government

attempted to link educational policy to marketism based on

productivity and the voice of economics became more prominent

in education (Kim, 2004). This made the desire to improve

English proficiency stronger and gave further reason to reform

ELE policy as English began to be seen as integral to

developing Korea’s international market and rebuilding the

economy (Jeon, 2009 ). In response the MOE implemented policy

reforms in ELE. The emphasis of fluency over knowledge of

English through developing communicative competence was

carried over to the 7th NC issued by the MOE in 1997 (Shin 2007

cited in Dailey 2007). The goal of this curriculum reform was

‘to produce internalised citizens with knowledge of diverse

cultures (Yook, 2010, p.24). This reform introduced a cultural

dimension to ELE to improve the effectiveness of the CLT

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approach following global developments in understanding about

fostering intercultural communicative competence through

language teaching and the subsequent educational discourse

which followed this globally. Another characteristic of the 7th

NC was the introduction of the Teach English in English (TEE)

policy, a key method to strengthen the CLT approach based on

Canale and Swain’s (cited in Li, 2012) theory of providing

opportunities for genuine communicative needs in realistic

situations.

An analysis of the historical, sociocultural and economic

factors that have influenced ELE in Korea, reveals four

distinct factors that contributed to ELE policy reforms

focused on communicative competence in the discourse of

globalisation, as a central arm of educational and economic

policy (Yook, 2010). These were; the importance of English as

an international language in an age of globalisation,

increasing criticism of traditional language teaching in Korea

focused on grammar, vocabulary and reading, the spread of CLT

in EFL and ESL and the increased socio-political interest in

spoken English as part of a globalisation campaign (Yook,

2010, p.17 – 20). In response to these influences the

government and MOE attempted to implement language policy

based on the CLT approach to increase English competence for

international communication.

Despite large investments in policy reforms and resources

aimed at increasing communicative competence, there still

seems to be a low level of communicative proficiency in

English (Choi and Chang, 2014). A recent study concluded that

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Korea had moderate proficiency in English and ranked 25th out

of 60 assessed countries. This included young adults who have

left the education system in the last decade (Education First

2013). Various other studies have highlighted difficulties in

the implementation of the CLT approach in Korean classrooms

(Li, 1992; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014;

Taei, 2015; Choi, in press). These have revealed difficulties

related to learners, teachers, instructional methods and

sociocultural factors (ibid). One particular barrier to CLT

has been cited as the assessment system (Li, 1998; Choi, 2000;

Jeon, 2009; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press) Such

difficulties show that there are discrepancies between

government policy and practice which could provide an

explanation for the apparent short comings of the approach.

3. ASSESSMENT

3.1 Assessment in Korea

The exam based culture of the Korean education system has been

cited in a number of studies as one of the chief barriers to

implementing the CLT approach in practice and therefore to

improving the communicative competence of Korean’s in English,

the key aim of the reformed ELE curriculum (Li, 1998; Choi,

2000; Jeon, 2009; Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press).

The following chapter will offer a brief analysis of the

assessment system and the sociocultural factors that have

shaped it, and how ELE is framed in this context in order to

understand the implications for CLT in practice.

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The Korean education system is criticised for having an exam

based culture that promotes rote learning, is based almost

exclusively on college entrance exams and is characterised by

intense competition, high pressure and high expectation (Shin

and Koh, 2008). At the core of this system is the deep rooted,

dominant philosophy of Confucianism, which reveres the value

of education and as an ideology permeates society and

dominates the educational system (Sleziak, 2013).

Confucianism emphasises hard work and the role of educational

advancement for achieving social mobility to a higher ranking

(Rishi, 2012). As a result many Koreans today associate

academic achievement with high social status (ibid.). As a

result of this a feverish zeal for education has developed

(Seth, 2002 cited in Chung and Choi, 2014) which has led to

tough competition for places at top universities. According to

Choi (in press) ‘Korea has the highest rate of tertiary

education among OECD countries with 82% of high school

graduates registered for tertiary education’ (p.15).

Starting from middle school, students begin preparation for

the Korean Scholastic Ability Test (KSAT), a gruelling eight

hour exam, which along with high academic achievement, decides

what university Koreans will be able to attend (Rishi 2012).

Preparation for KSAT underpins most of the Korean education

system and begins at a young age as there is a great deal of

pressure to succeed in the exam which essentially dictates the

future success of students and their upward mobility (Dailey,

2010; Rishi, 2012). From personal experience, children as

young as twelve are already worried about their KSAT and what

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university they will attend due to pressure from parents and

society in general and it is quite common for students from

lower middle school up to high school to study fifteen plus

hours a day in preparation.

Familism is central to the ideology of Confucianism which

creates an emphasis on child-parent bonds (Shin and Koh, 2008,

p.2). Therefore Korean culture demands careful parental

monitoring of academic progress (ibid.) resulting in the

importance of parental engagement and support for the

educational system (ibid.). Familism has also created students

that are deeply motivated to upgrade socioeconomic status to

uphold the family honour and acquire admiration from their

parents (Shin and Koh, 2008, p.2). The teacher’s role is

highly regarded and crucial as the dispensers of knowledge and

moulders of character (Shin and Koh, 2008, p.2). Therefore

there is a great deal of pressure placed upon teachers by

students and parents to teach in a more exam oriented way in

order to fulfil their role and help them pass their tests

(Dailey, 2010, p.9).

The English section of KSAT is regarded with importance as a

result of “English fever” that has made high English test

scores imperative for university and employment. Despite the

governments push to improve communicative competence, the

English section of KSAT has no communicative or oral

proficiency element. It consists of patterned reading and

listening focused on receptive skills and linguistic knowledge

(Dailey, 2010; Chung and Choi, 2014, Choi, in press). Whilst

the addition of a listening component is an improvement on the

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old grammar based assessment, the lack of any measurement of

oral proficiency, coupled with the great importance placed on

the KSAT, has severe implications for the goals of the CLT

approach. Jeon (2009) in a review of the research conducted

into the difficulties of implementing CLT, found that student

motivations, washback effect upon teaching and the teacher’s,

student’s and parent’s beliefs about the ability of CLT to

prepare for the KSAT, were all linked to the absence of an

oral proficiency test and are all significant barriers to the

successful implementation of CLT in practice.

3.2 Issues in Assessment

The KSAT underpins most of the education system. The absence

of an assessment of oral proficiency, has caused a discrepancy

between the goals of government policy and classroom practice

and has undermined the efforts to implement a CLT approach. As

Dailey (2010) adds, the demands from government to implement a

communicative approach contrast with the sociocultural needs

of students and parents to pass these important exams, which

are focused on reading, knowledge about the language and

grammar translation. Therefore CLT has continued to come

second to the tests even though language policy demands a

communicative approach (ibid, p.10). Therefore, in my

experience CLT EFL classes are not taken seriously.

The inconsistencies between policy and classroom practice are

caused by the overarching pressure of the KSAT. This has

manifested into a number of issues concerning learners,

teachers, instructional methods and sociocultural factors.

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These are a result of a washback effect. Washback effect is a

theoretical concept which explains how testing, especially

standardised testing, can affect the education system and

society and also reinforces the importance of considering

assessment in the wider educational system when developing

educational policy. The washback effect can cause teaching to

the test which influences instructional methods, effects

student motivation and can also be attributed to social

inequality in education.

Madaus (1988, p.83 cited in Booth, 2010, p.1) stated that the

concept is based on the underlying assumption that often

testing determines what is taught, how it is taught, what is

learned and how it is learned as teachers teach to the test.

It is a well-researched and documented concept that shows that

even though tests may come at the end of instruction, they can

influence the attitudes and motivations of both teacher and

students (Booth, 2012).

Bachman and Palmer (1996 cited in Shawcross, 2007) consider

washback as an impact of testing on individuals, the

educational system and society. They believe that a test has

impacts on a micro-level, individual students and teachers and

a macro-level, on society and the educational system. In

Korea, the wash back effect is visible at both levels and the

underlying Confucian philosophy has intensified its impacts.

Choi (2008) argues that the KSAT has greater washback on

Korean education and society than any other test. The reasons

for this were highlighted in section 3.1. Choi (2008, p.41)

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adds that the English section has such a large effect that

middle school and high school exams employ almost identical

methods. This means the washback effect of the KSAT on ELE

permeates through all levels of secondary education. As the

KSAT has no oral or written component this has large

implications for implementing CLT.

Choi (2000) provides empirical evidence for the existence of a

washback effect from the English KSAT. The findings were that

whilst teachers believed in the value of the CLT approach and

the importance of communicative competence, this was not

represented in their classroom practice which focused on

reading, knowledge about the language and grammar translation,

which are reflective of the KSAT. This shows the effects of

washback on instructional methods and how it is limiting the

development of communicative competence.

During my time in Korea, this was true of many English

classrooms. Teachers believe in the ideology of CLT and value

the educational importance of international communicative

competence for their students but are more concerned with

teaching to the test due to a great deal of pressure for them

to prepare the students to get good grades, often to the

detriment of their personal ideals. As Jeon (2009) points out

the reason that washback has such an influence on teachers

motivations is because their performance is usually evaluated

by their ability to train students to get good scores on

standardised tests. This is exacerbated in the Korean context

due to the deep rooted sociocultural pressures on teachers and

the importance of the KSAT, described in 3.1, leaving them no

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choice but to teach to the test. Kelly (2009) argues that this

is a symptom of a worldwide trend of accountability and

appraisal in the educational system as part of the coercive

strategy of control in the politization of the curriculum. The

focus has moved from the value of what has been delivered, to

the effectiveness of its delivery (ibid., p.30). Teachers and

schools are appraised on the effectiveness of their delivery

rather than in relation to wider educational concerns (ibid,

p.30). This is representative of the communicative agenda in

Korea where the focus of policy is on how to deliver these

classes and how to get students to perform on tests rather

than promoting the educational values of achieving

communicative competence away from the test and teachers are

treated more like technicians who deliver results.

Washback also negatively effects student motivation. Ahn (1998

cited in Jeon, 2009) reported that whilst Korean students put

a lot of time, effort and resources into learning English,

they are still not achieving the desired proficiency. This can

be seen as the students having a strong motivation to do well

in English because of the importance placed upon this, and a

weak motivation to develop communicative competence as it is

not part of the test (Li, 1998; Ahn, 1998).

Kim (2008) also found that the student’s beliefs about

language teaching and learning play a part in their motivation

to develop communicative competence. Dailey (2010) adds that

students know that oral skills are not assessed, so they

expect the teacher to prepare them for the other sections, any

teaching that doesn’t do this in their belief isn’t regarded

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as real teaching. My personal experience supports these

findings, as I found students to be very motivated but whilst

they enjoyed my CLT based classes, they didn’t perceive them

as real classes or as important as their grammar classes,

which created a barrier for improving their competence.

Norton (1995) argues that motivation as a cognitive concept is

too simplistic and prefers to use the concept of investment as

a more thorough account of the learner’s ambivalence through

exploring the learner’s relationship with the social context.

For Korean students, one of their most valuable cultural

capitals is English ability. According to Norton (1995) if

learners invest in a second language, they will expect to

acquire a wider range of resources, which in this example

would be English skills. She argues that these skills will in

turn increase the value of their cultural capital, or their

English ability. They will expect to have a good return on

their investment, which will give them access to otherwise

unattainable resources, which in this analogy, are top

universities and successful jobs (Norton 1995). This

investment must be commensurate with the rewards (Norton

1995). For a Korean EFL student, gaining a place at a top

university may be the most desirable reward, so they may

prefer to study in an exam based manner rather than a

communicative one. They would not be invested in a classroom

that uses a CLT approach, meaning they would not be committed

to learning. Extending this theory, they may not perceive CLT

as real teaching due to a discrepancy between the learner’s

expectations of good teaching and the practice of the teacher

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(Norton 2010, p.176). This theory provides an explanation for

how the washback effect of the KSAT has effected Korean

student’s motivation to improve communicative competence.

From this deeper analysis of the issues in ELE assessment in

Korea and how it is framed in the assessment system, it has

become apparent that the government have altered parts of the

educational curriculum without considering other components of

the wider educational system (Dailey, 2010, p.10). Bernstein

(1971 cited in Rivzi and Lingard, p.93) argued that

curriculum, pedagogy and assessment are the three message

systems of education which are so interdependent that they

have direct influences upon each other. Therefore, when making

changes in one of the systems the others should be considered

because for policy to be effective in achieving its goals, the

policy should have impacts within the whole message system

(ibid.,p.94). In the context of Korea, implementing CLT has

been difficult because provisions haven’t been made to account

for the role of assessment in influencing practice and

therefore the goals of the communicative agenda have been

compromised.

Broadfoot (1996 cited in University of Nottingham, 2015d) adds

that ‘because assessment procedures are so linked to

legitimising educational practices as an overt means of

communication between schools and society and the covert means

of that society’s response in the form of control, assessment

may be the most important of the message systems and may be

the assessment system that determines curriculum and pedagogy

and hence, social reproduction’ (Broadfoot, 1996, p.87 – 88

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cited in University of Nottingham 2015d). The analysis of the

wider implications of the washback effect from the English

section of KSAT in Korea certainly highlights the important

role that assessment plays in ELE reform and the need for the

inclusion of oral proficiency into the KSAT if the

communicative proficiency of Koreans is to be improved.

4. CONCLUSION

The educational discourse of globalisation has led to a global

trend of reframing the curriculum as a central arm of economic

policy. One offshoot of this trend is the global agenda

concerned with the concept of developing international

communicative competence through ELE. The development of

communicative competence is thought to foster the skills

needed to communicate effectively and productively across

cultures by increasing the proficiency in language and

increasing cultural understanding (Chen, 2005; Sudhoff, 2005).

This is the goal of CLT, an approach to language teaching

focused on authentic communication and meaningful language. As

Helen and Duchene (2012) argue this has led to language

education being seen in economic terms, for profit in a

globalised economy.

The Korean government have embraced this communicative agenda,

allocating a large amount of resources into CLT policy reforms

in ELE curricula in a belief that increasing the communicative

competence of its citizens will bring political and economic

gains. However, whilst this is representative of the global

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ELE trend, the unique historical, political and cultural

context of Korea has shaped how this agenda has manifested

into policy and ultimately the successfulness of these

policies. The 6th and 7th National Curriculum were developed

with a focus for ELE to increase intercultural communicative

competence amongst students for national economic

competitiveness in a globalised economy and advised teachers

to adopt the CLT approach into their classes.

Four distinct factors led to the rise of the communicative

agenda in ELE in Korea; the importance of English as an

international language in an age of globalisation, criticism

of traditional ELE teaching approaches, the spread of CLT in

EFL and ESL and increased socio-political interest in English

as a part of a globalisation campaign (Yook, 2010, p.17).

These factors coupled with the historical and sociocultural

context led to English becoming integral to Koreans successes

academically and in business.

However, despite the importance placed on the value of

communicative competence, the policy agenda has done little to

increase English proficiency in Korea (Education First, 2013).

Studies into the difficulties associated with implementing CLT

in practice revealed problems related to learners, teachers,

instructional methods and sociocultural factors as a result of

the assessment system (Li, 1998; Choi, 2000; Jeon, 2009;

Dailey, 2010; Yook, 2010; Choi, in press). A deeper look at

how ELE is framed within this highlights that the lack of an

oral proficiency test in the English section of the KSAT has

grave implications for the aims of the CLT approach. It has

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caused a wash back effect that has effected instructional

methods alongside teacher and student motivation. This has put

teachers under a great deal of pressure to teach to the test,

students are not motivated or interested in increasing their

communicative competence and parents don’t believe in its

benefits for the test. The KSAT assessment of English is one

of the chief factors in the shortcomings of CLT, as the goals

of communicative policy are not conducive with the assessment

system in which ELE is framed. This has created discrepancies

between policy and actual practice, which has made CLT

difficult to implement.

Rizvi and Langard (2010) add that in order for policy to be

more effective it needs to engage more in issues of practice.

With Bernstein’s theory of the three systems in mind and from

the analysis of assessment and personal experience, it is

clear there needs to be a reform of the English section of the

KSAT to include an oral proficiency component, if the goals of

increasing communicative competence are to be achieved.

4.1 Recommendations

A reform of the KSAT to include an oral proficiency component

would be beneficial to the aims of the communicative agenda.

However, there would need to be a great deal of research into

how this can be done to support CLT effectively and to develop

a test that has no negative washback effect on the education

system. As Bachman (1990) argues communicative teaching and

communicative assessment are interdependent. Bostwick and

Gakuen (1995 cited in Kim, 2003, p.2) argue that assessment

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can be used to improve instruction and help students take

control of their learning which, Kim (2003, p.2) adds, is more

likely to be achieved when assessment is authentic and tied to

the aims of the instructional programme.

Whilst the MOE have made alterations to the entrance exams,

such as increasing the listening component in an attempt to

encourage interest in communicative competence (Dailey 2010,

Yook, 2010), these have not been effective because

standardised testing does not support the aims of CLT.

Likewise standardised summative oral testing would not support

CLT and could have a negative washback effect. Therefore the

government should consider research into implementing a

formative classroom based communicative proficiency

assessment, based on authentic use of language, real

communication needs and meaningful language as an add on to

the KSAT(Kim, 2003). In light of this paper, it is vital to

increase student motivation and reduce pressure on teachers to

use grammar translation methods, as such this suggested oral

test would need to be weighted importantly and be integrated

as an extension of KSAT for college entrance and employment.

As teachers would conduct these in class formative

assessments, teachers would need to be well trained to use and

implement them in the line with CLT aims (Kim, 2003).

Also it is clear that there are misunderstandings about the

CLT approach amongst students and parents who believe that it

isn’t concerned with grammatical knowledge. However, this is a

key component of the CLT approach and a key skill of

communicative competence. Therefore, the government should

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allocate resources to improve the awareness and understanding

of the communicative approach amongst students and parents

because they are strong influential actors in the Korean

education system. This could help to motivate students to

embrace the communicative classroom more openly.

There may also be other underlying issues to address with CLT,

as Li (1998) argues the underlying educational philosophy is

different to that of the West. CLT is essentially a Western

approach to learning that might not be appropriate for direct

application in the Korean context. There are strong

suggestions in the research (Li, 1998; Dailey, 2010; Chung and

Choi, 2014; Choi, in press) that the wider sociocultural

context of Korea demands an alternative approach to developing

communicative competence that is more in line with the local

context. Research should be conducted by local professionals

who have a deeper understanding of the context to find an

approach that would be supported by the context.

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