EMPIRICAL RESEARCH

Culturally Distinctive and Academic Socialization:Direct and Interactive Relationships with AfricanAmerican Adolescents’ Academic Adjustment

Shauna M. Cooper Æ Ciara Smalls

Received: 8 October 2008 / Accepted: 4 March 2009 / Published online: 23 April 2009

� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009

Abstract Theories of ethnic minority development have

largely suggested that African American parents engage in a

combination of practices that include culturally distinctive

socialization as well as behaviors that are characteristic of

more universal forms of academic socialization. However,

few studies have examined how these socialization dimen-

sions interact to influence the academic adjustment of Afri-

can American adolescents. The current study explored the

independent and interactive roles of parental academic and

culturally distinctive socialization on the academic adjust-

ment of African American adolescents. The sample was

comprised 144 African American adolescents (M = 12.4;

SD = 1.14; 56% female). Findings provided partial support

that cultural and academic socialization were independently

associated with indicators of academic adjustment. How-

ever, the interaction between these dimensions also was

associated with youths’ adjustment in the academic domain.

Keywords Cultural socialization � Racial socialization �Academic socialization � African American � Adolescents �Academic

Introduction

Adolescence may usher in academic-related difficulties for

many youth (de Bruyn et al. 2003; Seidman et al. 1994).

For African American youth, however, issues of race (i.e.

experiences with racial discrimination; increased aware-

ness of negative racial stereotypes) may further exacerbate

academic issues during this developmental period. In an

effort to promote optimal academic-related outcomes,

parents may encourage academic success by conveying

messages about the importance of behaviors that are con-

ducive to achievement as well as messages that commu-

nicate what it means to be a racial/ethnic minority.

Theories of ethnic minority development have largely

suggested that African American parents engage in a

combination of practices that include culturally distinctive

socialization as well as behaviors that are characteristic of

more universal forms of academic socialization (Boykin

and Toms 1985; Garcia Coll et al. 1996). Studies have

demonstrated the contributions of both global academic

(Hill and Craft 2003; McKay et al. 2003; Suizzo et al.

2008) and culturally distinctive socialization on the

adjustment and development of minority youth (e.g., Coard

et al. 2004; Hughes et al. 2006). However, no known

studies have explored how these socialization dimensions

interact to influence the academic outcomes of African

American adolescents. The proposed investigation explores

the interactive relationship between dimensions of parental

academic and culturally distinct socialization and their

association with African American adolescents’ adjustment

in the academic domain.

African American Adolescents’ Academic Adjustment

African American students’ achievement has been a topic

of much discussion in the literature. Theoretical and con-

ceptual frameworks have asserted that the achievement of

African American youth has been shaped greatly by socio-

S. M. Cooper (&)

Department of Psychology, University of South Carolina

at Columbia, 554 Barnwell College, Columbia, SC 29208, USA

e-mail: smcooper@sc.edu

C. Smalls

Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina

at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA

123

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

DOI 10.1007/s10964-009-9404-1

historical experiences, both at an individual and structural

level (Ogbu 1981; Boykin 1986). Although explanations

for students’ achievement outcomes (e.g., grades; test

scores) have been widely examined in the literature (e.g.,

Cunningham et al. 2002; Fordham and Ogbu 1986; Somers

et al. 2008; Spencer et al. 2001; Zand and Thomson 2005),

academic perceptions also have been suggested as impor-

tant aspects of academic adjustment (e.g., Rosenberg et al.

1995). In particular, academic self-esteem, or views about

one’s academic ability, has been associated with greater

academic adjustment among African American late ado-

lescents (Spencer et al. 1993; Witherspoon et al. 1997) and

there is some indication in the literature that this construct

may be important for understanding the achievement of

African American youth (Awad 2007; Cokley 2000;

Osborne 1997). Consequently, there is a need to better

understand factors that contribute to variation in students’

self-esteem and sense of motivation in school.

Although how African American youth perceive them-

selves in the academic domain may have implications for

overall academic performance, their academic self-views

in relation to their peers also may be particularly infor-

mative to understanding youths’ academic-related adjust-

ment. These peer-dependent academic self-views may be

reflected as impression management, or behaviors used to

control others’ perceptions (White et al. 2002). Research

has suggested that impression management may be a par-

ticularly important construct for understanding African

American youth’s academic adjustment and associated

behaviors (e.g., Ford 1992; Fordham and Ogbu 1986). In

particular, early work by Ogbu and colleagues (Fordham

and Ogbu 1986) has suggested that African American

youth develop an academic cultural identity in which they

downplay their academic success to maintain ties with their

same-race peers and to avoid the label of ‘‘acting White’’.

Implicit in this hypothesis is the assumption that academic

success or attitudes that support it may compromise peer

relationships. Thus, youth may enact impression manage-

ment behaviors to preserve peer affiliations and bonds.

Moreover, these attempts to control others’ perceptions

may adversely influence academic adjustment (Ford et al.

2008).

Though studies have explored a range of factors (e.g.,

Fordham and Ogbu 1986; Ford 1992), less work has

examined the protective and compensatory role of parent-

ing practices in relation to African American adolescents’

impression management behaviors. Parental contributions

may be of greater importance given the academic and

social risks associated with adolescence. The socialization

practices that parents employ may be particularly illumi-

nating to how students adjust in an academic environment.

Research has suggested that this socialization process is

even more complex for African American youth, in that

parents have the task of communicating both universal and

culturally distinctive messages (Boykin and Toms 1985;

Hughes et al. 2006; Thornton et al. 1990; Thornton 1997).

The current study explores how two prominent socializa-

tion dimensions—academic and culturally distinctive

socialization—are associated with the academic adjustment

of African American adolescents.

Academic-Specific Socialization and African American

Adolescents’ Academic Adjustment

To promote optimal academic outcomes, parents may

employ a range of academic-specific socialization. Aca-

demic socialization is multifaceted in that it includes a

variety of parental beliefs and behaviors that influence

children’s school-related development (Taylor et al. 2004,

p. 163). Most of the research that has examined academic

socialization has explored the multiple domains that

encapsulate this construct, including parental involvement

and educational encouragement (Green et al. 2007; Grol-

nick and Slowiaczek 1994; Hill 2002; Hill et al. 2003; Hill

and Taylor 2004; Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler 1995;

Suizzo and Stapleton 2007). Additionally, these investi-

gations have demonstrated that academic socialization

practices such as academic involvement and encourage-

ment contribute to a myriad of positive educational out-

comes, including more positive academic self-views (e.g.,

Garg et al. 2007) and classroom engagement (e.g., de

Bruyn et al. 2003). Despite the fact that much of this

existing literature has focused on younger populations,

research has suggested that parental academic socialization

may be particularly important for youth during adolescence

(Eccles and Harold 1996; Falbo et al. 2001).

For African American parents, academic-related

socialization practices may be viewed as a way of facili-

tating positive self-views and greater school engagement

for their children. Moreover, African American parents

may utilize academic socialization as a vehicle for helping

their children transcend societal barriers, such as racism

and discrimination (Franklin et al. 2002). Investigations of

African American youths have indicated similar associa-

tions among academic-related socialization practices and

indicators of academic adjustment (Hill 2001; Hill and

Craft 2003; Jeynes 2005). Additionally, studies specific to

African American adolescent populations also have dem-

onstrated linkages to positive youth outcomes, including

psychological well-being, less engagement in risky

behaviors and favorable academic outcomes (Caldwell

et al. 2004; Kim et al. 2003; Brody et al. 1996). Taken as a

whole, this literature signifies the relative importance of

academic-related socialization to African American ado-

lescents’ adjustment in the academic domain.

200 J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

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Culturally Distinctive Socialization and African

American Adolescents’ Academic Adjustment

In addition to more universal socialization practices, sev-

eral models that address the achievement of minority youth

have discussed the importance of parent socialization that

prepares youth to cope with one’s status as a racial/ethnic

minority and promotes pride in one’s racial group (Boykin

and Ellison 1995; Hughes and Chen 1997). In particular,

given that adolescence may bring increased experiences

with racism and discrimination for African American youth

(McKown 2004; Quintana 1998), racial discussions in the

home may mitigate the deleterious effects of racial dis-

crimination on their academic adjustment. Thus, culturally

distinctive socialization practices represent ways in which

African American parents can connect their children with

African American culture and history, assist their children

in understanding how race may affect opportunities in life,

and also provide strategies for navigating potentially dis-

criminatory environments (Hughes et al. 2006; Miller

1999; Peters 2002). Although the content and methods for

communicating these messages may vary (e.g., Hughes

2003; Hughes and Johnson 2001), studies have indicated

that many African American parents report socializing

their children about issues pertaining to race and culture

(e.g., Bowman and Howard 1985; Brega and Coleman

1999; Coard et al. 2004; Thornton et al. 1990).

One of the most common dimensions of culturally dis-

tinctive socialization has been the communication of

messages that enhance racial/cultural pride (Hughes et al.

2006). Although multiple terminologies have been used

(e.g., cultural pride reinforcement, racial pride), they are

conceptually similar in that they communicate messages

about African American history and culture. These mes-

sages aim to bolster youths’ self pride through the com-

munication of messages about the historical

accomplishments and rich heritage of African Americans.

Existing studies have documented a positive association

between parents’ promotion of racial/cultural heritage and

adolescent educational outcomes (e.g., Smalls 2009).

In addition, messages that communicate the minority

experience, such as potential racial barriers (e.g., racism

and discrimination), and strategies for managing these

barriers have been commonly examined in the literature

(Hughes and Chen 1997; Bowman and Howard 1985;

Stevenson et al. 1997). With regard to academic adjust-

ment, the literature has been mixed. Some studies have not

found a direct link (e.g., Constantine and Blackmon 2002;

Murry et al. 2009; Neblett et al. 2006), whereas others have

reported evidence linking messages about the minority

experience to negative psychological and educational out-

comes (e.g., Marshall 1995). However, there is some

indication in the literature that minority experience (e.g.,

awareness of racial barriers) socialization messages are

associated with positive school and psychological adjust-

ment (Bowman and Howard 1985; Fischer and Shaw 1999;

Scott 2004; Stevenson et al. 1997).

Academic and Culturally Distinctive Socialization:

Interactive Associations

Despite the independent contributions of the aforemen-

tioned literatures, virtually no studies have explored how

racial and academic-specific socialization interact to

influence adolescent outcomes. However, given that par-

ents rarely convey socialization practices in isolation, it is

probable that cultural and academic socialization, con-

jointly, have important implications for the academic-

related outcomes of African American adolescents.

However, there is a paucity of empirical studies that have

examined culturally distinct and academic socialization

simultaneously. In a study of African American parents

with children in kindergarten through eighth grade, McKay

et al. (2003) demonstrated that socialization that empha-

sized an awareness of racism (culturally distinct sociali-

zation) was associated with greater at-home involvement

(e.g., help with homework; talk about the school day)

among African American parents, thus suggesting a link

between culturally distinctive and academic-related

socialization practices. Still, there is less known about how

parental academic and culturally distinctive socialization

practices are associated with youth’s academic adjustment

when examined conjointly. Additionally, the study exam-

ined critical components of academic socialization-invol-

vement and encouragement. Given that racism awareness

(e.g., minority experience) has been positively linked with

youth adjustment when coupled with democratic and

involved parenting or a high quality parent–child rela-

tionship (Cooper and McLoyd 2009, in press; Smalls

2009), it is plausible that culturally distinct socialization

will be associated with academic adjustment in the pres-

ence of more frequent academic socialization.

In a more recent qualitative investigation, Suizzo et al.

(2008) indicated that African American mothers endorsed

the importance of both racial and academic-related

socialization in the promotion of positive outcomes among

their pre-school children. Moreover, these mothers reported

how both of these aspects of socialization would be par-

ticularly instrumental in helping their children transcend

racism and discrimination. This study echoes the findings

of previous studies, which suggest that African American

parents’ socialization practices emphasize the importance

of achievement and awareness of pertinent issues related to

their racial group membership (e.g., racism, discrimination,

and coping strategies for dealing with these issues)

(Bowman and Howard 1985; Phinney and Chavira 1995;

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212 201

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Thornton et al. 1990). Although these investigations sug-

gest linkages between culturally distinctive socialization

and more general parental socialization practices (e.g.,

academic-related socialization), these studies did not

examine the extent to which academic and race-specific

socialization dimensions interact with one another as well

as how this association may contribute to the academic

adjustment of African American adolescents.

Study Hypotheses and Aims

The present study examines the association between

parental socialization (culturally distinctive and academic-

specific) and academic adjustment among a sample of

African American middle-school students. Although the

complexities associated with parenting African American

youth have been long asserted (e.g., Peters and Massey

1983), Boykin and colleagues (e.g., Boykin 1986; Boykin

and Ellison 1995; Boykin and Toms 1985) articulated a

framework that suggests that the socialization of African

Americans falls into three realms, one of which emphasizes

life skills that apply universally (e.g., promoting educa-

tion), and two of which are unique to the child’s status as

an ethnic minority and as an African American (minority

and cultural realms, respectively). The conceptualization of

these domains has been bolstered by empirical studies

exploring the socialization of African American youth

(Neblett et al. 2006; Thornton et al. 1990). How these

dimensions are associated with optimal academic adjust-

ment also has been a focus of this literature (Neblett et al.

2006; Bowman and Howard 1985). There has been some

variability in the strength and direction of the associations

between these socialization dimensions and the academic

adjustment of African American youth, however. With this

in consideration, the present study focuses on how these

outlined dimensions are related to African American

youths’ adjustment in the academic domain. Given indi-

cations that more universal and culturally distinctive

socialization practices are associated with positive adjust-

ment, we expected that both of these dimensions would be

positively related to indicators of academic adjustment.

Additionally, because previous studies have been pri-

marily concerned with the independent roles of these

socialization domains, the current investigation explores

culturally distinctive socialization within the context of

more universal socialization practices. The conjoint influ-

ence of these socialization domains on adolescent out-

comes is particularly important given the call for new

directions in culturally distinctive socialization research to

explore these socialization practices within the larger

context of parenting (Hughes et al. 2006). The current

study will explore the interactive relationship between

culturally distinctive (promotion of cultural pride and

minority experience socialization) and academic (involve-

ment and encouragement) socialization as it relates to

African American adolescents’ academic adjustment. We

expected that adolescents with relatively higher levels of

either promotion of cultural pride and minority experience,

within the context of higher parental academic socializa-

tion, will be associated with more optimal academic

adjustment than adolescents receiving inconsistent or

consistently low levels of cultural and academic sociali-

zation (e.g., higher culturally distinctive socialization

within the context of lower academic socialization).

Method

Participants

One hundred forty-four African American students in 6th

to 8th grade were included in this study. Students ranged in

age from 11 to 15 years, with 12.4 (SD = 1.14) years

being the mean age for the entire sample. Approximately

56% of the sample was female. Sixty-nine percent of the

students resided in one-parent households, with an average

of 2.75 (SD = 1.38) children living in the home. Forty-

three percent of the total sample was in 7th grade, 28% in

6th grade, and 29% in 8th grade. Approximately 41%

reported that their current grade point average was a B

average or higher. Forty-four percent of the sample resided

in two-parent households. Sixty percent of the sample

reported receiving free/reduced lunch. Sixty-six percent of

mothers and 52% of fathers reported having at least some

college education. Approximately 57% of families lived in

racially mixed (e.g., African American/European Ameri-

can/Hispanic) neighborhoods.

Data Collection Procedure

Students were recruited from two school districts that were

chosen for their racial and economic diversity. Both school

districts were economically mixed with the majority of

their members being from middle and working class

backgrounds. Also, both school districts were racially

mixed with 59% African American, 37% European

American, 2% Hispanic, and 1% Asian American being

the racial/ethnic breakdown. In addition to Institutional

Review Board (IRB) approval, school district officials

authorized recruitment and survey administration protocols

before data collection began. Students were recruited

during their homeroom class period. Trained personnel

consisting of graduate and undergraduate research assis-

tants distributed letters and consent forms detailing the

study purpose and procedures. Students were notified that

202 J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

123

signed consent forms, including a brief demographic sur-

vey, must be returned by their parent/guardian before

participation in this investigation. Response rates for

School District 1 and District 2 were 34 and 19%,

respectively. Eighty-nine percent of the returned consent

forms gave parental permission for adolescents’ partici-

pation in this investigation.

Data collection occurred during times that were conve-

nient for the school staff (e.g., homeroom period). Survey

administration took place in groups of 10–15 participants.

Two trained research assistants were assigned to each

group to read instructions and clarify any potential ques-

tions to study participants. Before completing the study

survey, all participants were notified that their participation

in this study was voluntary and that their responses will be

confidential. The questionnaires took approximately

50 min for students to complete. After completion, par-

ticipants were compensated for their participation with a

$10 gift card/certificate.

Measures

Culturally Distinctive Socialization

Promotion of Cultural Pride This scale, which was

based on adolescents’ self-report, assessed parents’

efforts to promote to cultural customs, traditions, and

values that are unique to people of African descent. A

confirmatory factor analysis supported our use of a

12-item measure (adapted from similar dimensions used

in previous scales: Hughes and Chen 1997 (e.g., cultural

socialization); Lesane Brown et al. 2009 (e.g., racial

pride, socialization behaviors). Sample items included:

‘‘How often do your parents tell you that you should be

proud to be Black?’’; ‘‘How often do you your parents

take you to African American cultural events?’’ Reli-

ability for this scale was .85.

Minority Experience A four item scale was used to

measure minority experience socialization (Lesane Brown

et al. 2009). This scale assessed adolescents’ self-report of

parental socialization messages that convey the minority

experience (e.g., racial barriers; awareness of racism and

discrimination). Sample items for this scale included:

‘‘How often do your parents tell you that Blacks have to

work twice as hard as Whites to get ahead?’’ and ‘‘How

often have your parents told you that some people may

dislike you because of the color of your skin?’’ Items were

evaluated on a 4-point scale (1 = never; 4 = often).

Reliability for this scale was estimated at .70. Previous

studies have demonstrated adequate reliability estimates

with this subscale (Neblett et al. 2006).

Academic Socialization

Educational Encouragement Hoover-Dempsey and San-

dler’s (1997) Student Report of Encouragement Scale was

used to measure educational encouragement. This 12-item

scale, which was adapted from Martinez-Pons (1996),

assesses youths’ perception of parental encouragement of

students’ achievement-related behaviors and beliefs. Items

were evaluated on a 4-point scale (1 = not at all true;

5 = completely true). Previous studies have demonstrated

adequate reliability estimates (Hoover-Dempsey and San-

dler 2005) with elementary and middle-school youth.

Sample items included; ‘‘My parents encourage me to

believe I can do well in school.’’ and ‘‘My parent encour-

ages me to be aware of how I am doing with my school-

work.’’ For the present investigation, reliability was

estimated at .82.

Academic Involvement This 8-item scale assessed

parental engagement in involvement behaviors. Items were

evaluated on a 4-point scale (1 = never; 5 = everyday).

Sample items include: ‘‘My parents talk with me about my

school day’’; ‘‘My parents give me problems the teacher

hasn’t yet’’; ‘‘My parents help me with my homework’’.

Previous investigations have demonstrated this scale’s

reliability with diverse populations (Smith et al. 1997).

Reliability for the present investigation was .78.

Academic Adjustment

Classroom Engagement Skinner and Belmont’s (1993)

Student Engagement scale was used in this investigation. In

particular, this 15-item scale measured student effort and

attention in classroom-related activities. Sample items

included (e.g., ‘‘I try very hard to do well in school.’’;

‘‘When I’m in class, I concentrate on doing my work.’’;

‘‘When I do badly on a test, I work harder next time.’’).

Items were evaluated on a 4-point Likert scale (1 = not at

all true to 4 = very true). All items were used to calculate

a total mean engagement score. Reliability was estimated

at .85 for the current investigation. Previous studies (e.g.,

Smalls et al. 2007) have utilized this scale with African

American adolescent populations and demonstrated ade-

quate reliability estimates (a = .71).

Academic Self-Esteem Academic-specific self-esteem

was measured using the school subscale from Hare’s multi-

dimensional self-esteem scale (Hare 1977). This 10-item

subscale (Hare 1977) was utilized to measure students’

sense of self-importance in their classes (e.g., ‘‘I am an

important person in my classes’’; ‘‘I am usually proud of

my grades.’’), and self-concept of ability (e.g., ‘‘I am as

good as other people in my classes.’’). The scale ranged

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212 203

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from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The Hare

self-esteem scale has been used with African American

populations (Cunningham et al. 2002) and has demon-

strated a reliability of .76 (Hare 1981). Reliability estimates

for the present investigation was .73.

Academic-Specific Impression Management The impres-

sion management subscale was used from Arroyo and

Zigler’s (1995) Racelessness scale. This 5 item (1 = not at

all true; 4 = very true) measure to assess students’ aca-

demic-specific impression management behaviors. Sample

items included: ‘‘I feel I must act less intelligent than I am

so other students will not make fun of me’’; ‘‘I worry a lot

about students teasing me for getting good grades’’. Pre-

vious studies have utilized this scale with adolescent pop-

ulations (e.g., Murry et al. 2009). Reliability estimates for

the current study was .82.

Demographic Variables Also, because gender, socioeco-

nomic status and age (e.g., Bowman and Howard 1985;

Hughes and Chen 1997; Lee et al. 2007) have been associ-

ated with socialization practices, child lunch status (e.g.,

received free/reduced lunch) as a proxy for socioeconomic

status, child gender, and adolescent age were included in step

1 of all hierarchical regression analyses. Given that academic

grades have also been associated with socialization practices

(Jeynes 2005; Marshall 1995), adolescent self-reported

grade point average was adjusted for in the analyses.

Results

The results are presented in two sections. First, descriptive

statistics and zero-order correlations are presented for the core

study variables. Second, multiple hierarchical regression

analyses including socialization dimensions (culturally dis-

tinctive and academic) and 2-way interactions are reported.

Descriptive Statistics and Correlational Analyses

Descriptive statistics, including mean and standard devia-

tions were computed. Overall, youth reported moderate

levels of both cultural pride promotion (M = 2.71; SD =

.71) and minority experience socialization (M = 2.26;

SD = .87). Also, youth reported relatively high levels of

academic involvement (M = 3.29; SD = .84) and educa-

tional encouragement (M = 4.27; SD = .66). As it relates to

academic adjustment, youth reported moderate levels of

academic engagement (M = 3.41; SD = .47) and academic

self-esteem (M = 3.62; SD = .69). Self-reported academic

impression management behaviors (M = 2.17; SD = .81)

were relatively low among this sample. Additionally, a

bivariate analysis among the core study variables was

conducted.

As shown in Table 1, cultural socialization dimensions

were positively associated with one another (r = .40,

p \ .01). Similarly, academic socialization dimensions,

academic involvement and educational encouragement,

were positively associated with one another (r = .50,

p \ .001). Promotion of cultural pride socialization was

related to higher educational encouragement (r = .32,

p \ .01) and academic involvement (r = .29, p \ .01).

That is, adolescents who reported more messages about

cultural pride also reported more educational encourage-

ment and greater academic involvement. Minority experi-

ence socialization was not associated significantly to either

dimension of academic socialization. Promotion of cultural

Table 1 Descriptive statistics and correlations among study variables

Mean (SD) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1. Gender (1=Male;

2=Female)

1.66 (.48) –

2. Adolescent age 12.4 (1.14) -0.05 –

3. Receive free lunch

(0=No; 2=Yes)

1.66 (.48) 0.18* 0.05 –

4. Grades 2.70 (.84) 0.03 -0.10 0.00 –

5. Promotion of cultural pride 2.71 (.71) 0.13 -0.04 0.10 0.08 –

6. Racial barrier socialization 2.26 (.87) 0.09 0.07 0.00 0.12 0.40** –

7. Academic involvement 3.29 (.84) -0.06 -0.06 0.13 0.11 0.29** 0.10 –

8. Educational

encouragement

4.27 (.66) 0.09 -0.15 0.03 0.07 0.32** 0.17 0.50*** –

9. Classroom engagement 3.41 (.47) 0.07 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.29** 0.22* 0.21* 0.43*** –

10. Academic self-esteem 3.62 (.69) 0.06 -0.10 -0.07 0.28** 0.20* 0.11 0.23* 0.32** 0.50** –

11. Academic impression

management

2.17 (.81) -0.14 0.01 -0.07 0.05 -0.14 -0.04 0.15 -0.11 -0.35*** -0.47*** –

* p \ .0; ** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

204 J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

123

pride socialization was associated with academic engage-

ment (r = .29, p \ .01) and academic self-esteem

(r = .20, p \ .01), such that increased cultural pride

messages were associated with more positive outcomes

(Table 1). Similarly, increased academic involvement and

educational encouragement was associated with greater

academic engagement (r = .21, p \ .01; r = .43,

p \ .001) and higher academic self-esteem (r = .23,

p \ .01; r = .32, p \ .01).

Hierarchical Regression Analysis

A multiple hierarchical regression was employed to

examine the study hypotheses. Demographic variables

were entered into the first step of the model. The inde-

pendent contributions of both culturally distinctive and

academic socialization were examined in steps 2 and 3,

respectively (Tables 2 and 3). Two-way interactions pre-

dicting academic adjustment outcomes (classroom

engagement, academic self-esteem, and academic impres-

sion management) were entered into step 3. To reduce

multicollinearity between interaction terms and the com-

prising variables, independent variables were centered in

the hierarchical multiple regression model (Aiken and

West 1991).

Culturally Distinctive Socialization and Academic

Adjustment

To test the study’s first hypothesis, that dimensions of

culturally distinctive socialization would be associated

with more positive academic adjustment, a hierarchical

regression was employed. Correlation analyses indicated

that many of the demographic variables were not associ-

ated directly with core study variables. However, due to

previous indications that these variables may indirectly

influence socialization processes (e.g., Bowman and

Howard 1985; Hughes and Chen 1997; Lee et al. 2007),

demographic variables (e.g., receiving free/reduced lunch,

gender, age, self-reported grades) were controlled for in

Step 1 of the hierarchical regression. Generally speaking,

the results reveal partial support for hypothesis one. Pro-

motion of cultural pride socialization was associated with

greater classroom engagement (B = .13; p \ .05) and

academic self-esteem (B = .19, p \ .10) accounted for

2–3% of the variance. However, promotion of cultural pride

socialization was unrelated to academic impression man-

agement behaviors (B = -.19, ns). Minority experience

socialization was unrelated to all indicators of academic

adjustment—academic self-esteem (B = -.01, ns), class-

room engagement (B = .04, ns), and academic impression

Table 2 Hierarchical

regression with culturally

distinctive and academic

involvement predicting

academic adjustment

� p = .10; * p \ .05;

** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

Classroom

engagement

Academic

self-esteem

Academic

impression

management

Self-reported

grades

Step1: demographic variables

Receive free/reduced lunch (0=No; 1=Yes) .02 (.08) -.11 (.12) -.07 (.15) -.01 (.16)

Child age .01 (.03) -.04 (.05) .00 (.06) -.07 (.07)

Gender (1=Male; 2=Female) .04 (.08) .08 (.12) -.24 (.15) .05 (.16)

Grades .02 (.04) .20 (.07)* .04 (.08) –

R2D .00 .05* .00 .00

F-statistic .20 2.88* .87 .39

Step 2: culturally distinctive socialization

Promotion of cultural pride .13 (.06)* .19 (.10)� -.19 (.12) .00 (.13)

Minority experience .04 (.05) -.01 (.08) .06 (.10) .10 (.11)

R2D .03** .02� .00 .00

F-statistic 1.76� 2.77* 1.00 .50

Step 3: academic involvement .09 (.05)� .14 (.08)� .19 (.09)* .10 (.10)

R2D .02 .02� .02* .00

F-statistic 2.04� 2.93** 1.43 .43

Step 4: 2-way interaction terms

Pride promotion 9 involvement .15 (.09)� .25 (.14)� -.40 (.17)* .15 (.19)

Minority experience 9 involvement -.18 (.08)* -.33 (.13)** .32 (.15)* -.03 (.17)

R2D .02� .04* .03* .00

F-statistic 2.16* 3.16** 1.81� .40

Adjusted R2 .07 .13 .07 .00

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212 205

123

management (B = .06, ns). Self-reported grades were

unrelated to promotion of cultural pride (B = .01, ns) and

minority experience socialization (B = .10, ns).

Academic Socialization and Academic Adjustment

Overall, the results provided evidence to support our

second hypothesis, that both dimensions of academic

socialization (academic involvement and educational

encouragement) would be associated with more optimal

academic adjustment. Analyses indicated that academic

involvement was associated with greater academic self-

esteem (B = .14; p \ .10); classroom engagement

(B = .09; p \ .10) and academic impression management

(B = .19; p \ .05). Educational encouragement was pos-

itively related to classroom engagement (B = .27;

p \ .001) and academic self-esteem (B = .27; p \ .01).

However, it was not associated with academic impression

management (B = -.07, ns). Results indicated that aca-

demic involvement (2–3%) and educational encourage-

ment (5–12%) uniquely contributed to the variance in

academic adjustment. Similar to the culturally distinctive

dimensions, self-reported grades were not associated with

educational encouragement (B = .10, ns) or academic

involvement (B = .04, ns).

Culturally Distinctive and Academic Socialization:

Interactive Associations

Hypothesis 3 was to explore the interaction between cul-

turally distinctive and academic socialization and its

association with adolescents’ academic adjustment. Our

analyses indicated significant 2-way interactions between

academic involvement and minority experience socializa-

tion predicting classroom engagement (B = -.18, p \ .05)

academic self-esteem (B = -.33, p \ .01), and academic

impression management (B = .32, p \ .05). A simple

slopes test indicated that no lines were significantly dif-

ferent from zero. To interpret the pattern of the interac-

tions, values were plotted according to one standard

deviation below the mean and one standard deviation

above the mean for each variable (Aiken and West 1991).

Our analyses yielded a consistent pattern of findings with

respect to the interaction between minority experience and

academic involvement socialization. As shown in Figs. 1

and 2, there were similar patterns for interactions predict-

ing academic self-esteem and classroom engagement, such

that, for adolescents with higher academic involvement

(one standard deviation above the mean), increased

minority experience socialization was associated with

lower classroom engagement and academic self-esteem.

Table 3 Hierarchical

regression with culturally

distinctive and educational

encouragement predicting

academic adjustment

� p = .10; * p \ .05;

** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

Classroom

engagement

Academic

self-esteem

Academic

impression

management

Self-reported

grades

Step1: demographic variables

Receive free/reduced lunch (0=No; 1=Yes) .02 (.08) -.11 (.12) -.07 (.15) -.01 (.16)

Child age .01 (.03) -.04 (.05) .00 (.07) -.07 (.07)

Gender (1=Male; 2=Female) .04 (.08) .08 (.12) -.24 (.15)� .05 (.16)

Grades .02 (.04) .20 (.07)* .04 (.08) –

R2D .00 .05* .02 .00

F-statistic .20 2.88* .87 .39

Step 2: culturally distinctive socialization

Promotion of cultural pride .13 (.06)* .19 (.10)� -.19 (.12) .00 (.13)

Minority experience .04 (.05) -.01 (.08) .06 (.10) .10 (.11)

R2D .03** .02� .00 .00

F-statistic 1.76� 2.77* 1.10 .50

Step 3: educational encouragement .27 (.06)*** .27 (.10)** -.07 (.13) .04 (.14)

R2D .12*** .05** .00 .00

F-statistic 4.48*** 3.57** .90 .57

Step 4: 2-way interaction terms

Pride promotion 9 encouragement .10 (.12) .36 (.19)� -.43 (.24)� .14 (.26)

Minority experience 9 encouragement -.08 (.09) -.14 (.15) .03 (.19) .01 (.21)

R2D .00 .01 .02* .00

F-statistic 3.55** 3.28** 1.37� .55

Adjusted R2 .15 .13 .05 .00

206 J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

123

However, for adolescents lower in academic involvement,

greater minority experience socialization was associated

with increased classroom engagement and academic

self-esteem. Thus, this interaction suggested that, when

academic involvement socialization is low, increased

messages about the minority experience are associated with

more positive academic adjustment. Surprisingly, increased

minority experience socialization within the context of

higher academic involvement, was associated with lower

adjustment in the academic domain.

With regard to academic impression management, a

similar pattern emerged. Higher levels of minority experi-

ence and academic involvement socialization were associ-

ated with greater academic impression management

behaviors (Fig. 3). However, for adolescents reporting

lower academic involvement, increased minority experience

socialization was associated with less impression manage-

ment behaviors. This interaction was similar in nature to the

previous two-way interaction, with relatively higher levels

of both minority experience and academic involvement

socialization being associated with less positive indicators of

academic adjustment. Though, when adolescents report low

parental academic involvement, minority experience asso-

ciation is association with more positive adjustment in the

academic domain.

To further probe the nature of this relationship, an

interaction term was computed to test for curvilinear

effects. Follow-up analyses indicated a significant curvi-

linear effect of the two-way interaction (minority experi-

ence and academic involvement) predicting academic

self-esteem (B = -.23; p \ .05 (academic self-esteem);

B = .37, p \ .01 (academic impression management).

Lower and higher levels of minority experience, within the

context of increased academic involvement, were associ-

ated with less positive indicators of academic adjustment.

Additionally, there was one significant interaction of

promotion of cultural pride and academic involvement

socialization (B = -.40, p \ .05). Although the previous

interactions suggested that consistently high levels of

minority experience and academic involvement were

associated with increased academic impression manage-

ment behaviors, this interaction revealed that, when in the

context of increased academic involvement, promotion of

cultural pride socialization was associated with decreased

academic impression management behaviors (see Fig. 4).

However, when involvement was low, academic impres-

sion management behaviors did not vary as a function of

varying levels of promotion of cultural pride socialization.

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

High Minority Experience Soc.Low Minority Experience Soc.

Cla

ssro

om

En

gag

emen

t

Low Involvement

High Involvement

Fig. 1 Two-way interaction of minority experience socialization and

academic involvement predicting classroom engagement

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

High Minority Experience Soc.Low Minority Experience Soc.

Aca

dem

ic S

elf-

Est

eem

Low Involvement

High Involvement

Fig. 2 Two-way interaction of minority experience socialization and

academic involvement predicting academic self-esteem

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

Low Minority Experience Soc. High Minority Experience Soc.

Aca

dem

ic Im

pre

ssio

n M

anag

emen

t

Low Involvement

High Involvement

Fig. 3 Two-way interaction of minority experience socialization and

academic involvement predicting academic impression management

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212 207

123

Discussion

The socialization practices that parents employ may be

particularly illuminating to understanding how students

adjust in an academic environment. Research has suggested

that this socialization process is even more complex for

African American youth, in that parents have the task of

communicating both universal and culturally distinctive

messages (Boykin and Toms 1985; Thornton et al. 1990;

Hughes et al. 2006). Both culturally distinctive and aca-

demic socialization have been suggested as promotive of

positive outcomes for African American youth (McKay

et al. 2003; Suizzo et al. 2008). Despite indications that

both culturally distinctive and academic socialization pro-

mote positive outcomes, the interaction between these

socialization dimensions also may contribute to the aca-

demic adjustment of African American adolescents. In

addition to examining the independent contribution of

culturally distinctive and academic socialization, this

investigation examined how the interaction of these

socialization dimensions is associated with African

American adolescents’ academic-related outcomes.

Overall, there was partial support for our hypotheses

that academic socialization was associated with more

optimal academic adjustment. Adolescents’ reports of their

parent’s academic socialization were positively related to

their academic competence and their engagement in the

school setting. The results align with previous studies that

have demonstrated a link between academic socialization

dimensions and adolescent adjustment (e.g., Hill and Craft

2003; Jeynes 2005). Another notable finding in this

investigation was that educational encouragement was

more strongly associated with classroom engagement and

academic self-esteem than was academic involvement.

Autonomy and individuation increases during adolescence.

Thus, it is plausible that encouragement offers the support

needed to be increasingly independent and autonomous,

which then facilitates positive academic adjustment.

Although previous research has noted a decrease in aca-

demic socialization in adolescence (Paulson and Sputa

1996), these findings suggest that academic socialization

continues to be consequential to the academic adjustment

of African American adolescents.

Another notable finding was that self-reported grades

were unrelated to both dimensions of culturally distinctive

and academic socialization. This finding aligns with the

existing literature. In particular, multiple studies have not

demonstrated a relation between grades and dimensions of

culturally distinctive (e.g., Murry et al. 2009; Neblett et al.

2006) and academic socialization (Hill et al. 2004).

Although one might expect these socialization practices to

be associated directly with grades, it is plausible that there

are important mediators of this association. In fact, bivar-

iate analyses indicated a relationship between academic

self-esteem and grades. Thus, it is possible that these

socialization practices may influence grades through the

bolstering of academic self-esteem. Recent findings by

Murry et al. (2009) support that socialization practices may

indirectly influence African American adolescents’ grades.

Prospective studies, however, should explore whether

academic self-perceptions as well as perceptions of

engagement mediate this association.

Additionally, culturally distinctive socialization was

associated with African American adolescents’ adjustment

in the academic domain. In particular, our analyses

revealed that the promotion of cultural pride was associated

with more optimal academic adjustment, in particular

greater classroom engagement and academic self-esteem.

These findings are in line with existing studies (Bowman

and Howard 1985; Smalls 2009) that suggest that messages

promoting pride in one’s racial/cultural heritage serve

important roles in how African American youth rate their

own competencies as well as how engaged they are within

the classroom. Promotion of cultural pride may inculcate a

sense of pride in one’s academic self through the com-

munication of the many accomplishments and the rich

cultural heritage of African Americans.

Minority experience socialization, however, was not

related directly with any indicators of African American

adolescents’ academic adjustment. Though some studies

have found a link between minority experience socializa-

tion messages (Constantine and Blackmon 2002; Stevenson

et al. 1997), several published studies have not demon-

strated a link between minority experience socialization

and positive academic adjustment (Neblett et al. 2006;

Murry et al. 2009). The equivocal nature of this literature

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

High Cultural Pride Soc. Low Cultural Pride Soc.

Aca

dem

ic Im

pre

ssio

n M

anag

emen

t

Low Involvement

High Involvement

Fig. 4 Two-way interaction of promotion of cultural pride sociali-

zation and academic involvement predicting academic impression

management

208 J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212

123

may point to the ambiguity of these particular messages.

While the underlying goal of these messages may be to

prepare youth for barriers they might face due to their

minority status, there may be some variation in how youth

interpret these messages as well as how they relate to

adolescent academic adjustment. Further, there may be

important contextual and demographic factors that modu-

late these associations. In fact, recent studies (e.g., Cooper

and McLoyd 2009, in press; Smalls 2009) have suggested

the affective contexts in which these messages are com-

municated are particularly instrumental in understanding

how this socialization dimension is associated with youth

outcomes.

Despite minority experience socialization not being

directly associated with academic adjustment, our results

indicated that the interaction between minority experience

and academic involvement socialization may be particu-

larly important for understanding its relationship with the

academic adjustment of African American youth. Contrary

to our initial hypothesis, higher levels of both minority

experience and academic involvement were not associated

with more positive academic adjustment. In fact, our

analyses revealed a consistent set of findings that higher

minority experience socialization, within the context of

increased academic involvement, was associated with

poorer academic adjustment among African American

adolescents in this sample. Although higher levels of both

minority experience and academic involvement socializa-

tion were linked to poorer adjustment, follow-up analyses

indicated a curvilinear pattern, such that more moderate

levels of these dimensions were associated with more

optimal adjustment. Previous research (e.g., Harris-Britt

et al. 2007), which has suggested that more moderate levels

of minority experience socialization might be related to

positive youth outcomes, lends support to our findings.

However, there was partial support that this pattern may

not hold across cultural socialization dimensions, in that

increased promotion of cultural pride socialization, within

the context of higher academic involvement, was related to

less academic impression management behaviors for

African American adolescents in this sample. Overall, this

study suggested that minority experience, within the con-

text of academic socialization, was related to African

American adolescents’ academic adjustment. Recent stud-

ies have suggested that parenting style is an important

consideration when examining minority socialization

(Cooper and McLoyd 2009, in press; Smalls 2009). The

broader parenting context that minority experience social-

ization is communicated in should continue to be investi-

gated in future studies.

Although this investigation contributes to the existing

body of literature on cultural- and academic-specific

socialization processes in African American families, it

does have limitations. First, this study was based on a

cross-sectional design. Thus, we were not able to explore

the bi-directional and transactional nature of cultural and

academic socialization as well as understand how these

socialization behaviors contribute to long-term adolescent

outcomes. Additionally, this investigation was based on

self-report data from a single informant. It is possible that

youth’s perception of parental culturally distinctive and

academic socialization may not be entirely reflective of

parents’ actual socialization. Although some have argued

that one’s perception of an event is more strongly associ-

ated with their own behaviors (Hughes et al. 2006), future

investigations should incorporate additional informants on

both culturally distinctive socialization and academic-

related outcomes to have a more comprehensive under-

standing of these relationships.

In addition to the afore-mentioned directions for future

research, prospective studies should explore underlying

factors, both individual characteristics (e.g., gender and

identity) and situational factors (e.g., school climate and

parent–child relationships), that may shine additional light

on the mechanisms behind these relationships. Addition-

ally, parents’ own motivation behind their socialization

practices is an important piece to this increasingly complex

puzzle and should be explored further. Also, future work

should explore whether additional dimensions of culturally

distinctive (e.g., egalitarianism) and academic socialization

(e.g., parental educational expectations) work in concert

with one another as well as the extent to which this may

influence adolescent educational outcomes.

The socialization of African American youth has been

suggested as a complex and multi-faceted process (Boykin

and Toms 1985; Hughes et al. 2006; Thornton 1997). The

findings of this investigation further contribute to this

existing literature, particularly as it relates to African

American adolescents’ adjustment in the academic domain.

Although previous studies have noted the independent

contributions of both culturally distinctive and academic

socialization (e.g., Bowman and Howard 1985; Murry et al.

2009; Hill and Craft 2003; Jeynes 2005), the interaction

between these domains was associated with more positive

indicators of academic adjustment. Given previous indi-

cations in the literature that African American parents may

endorse both cultural and academic-related practices in the

promotion of optimal academic adjustment (e.g., Suizzo

et al. 2008), this investigation points to the importance of

understanding that there may be variation in how these

dimensions interact with one another as well as what this

may mean for the academic adjustment of African Amer-

ican adolescents.

Acknowledgments This research was made possible by an Indi-

vidual National Research Service Pre-doctoral Award from the

J Youth Adolescence (2010) 39:199–212 209

123

National Institute of Child Health and Human Development granted

to the author (1F31HD046414-01). We would like to express extreme

gratitude to the Families, Friends, and Schools Project Research Team

as well as the students who participated in the study. An early draft of

this paper was prepared when the author was a postdoctoral fellow

supported by the Training Program in Research on Black Child

Development (T32-HD049325-01, Vonnie C. McLoyd, Director),

National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. The

content is solely the responsibility of the author and does not nec-

essarily represent the views of NICHD or the National Institutes of

Health.

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Author Biographies

Shauna M. Cooper is currently an Assistant Professor in the

Department of Psychology at the University of South Carolina. She

received her PhD in developmental psychology from the University of

Michigan. Her primary research interests include understanding

family, school and community-level factors impacting the psycho-

logical and educational outcomes of African American children and

adolescents. Her current research examines how socialization and

parenting practices in African American families may influence

positive youth development.

Ciara Smalls is currently a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of

Psychology at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. She

received her PhD in personality and social context from the Univer-

sity of Michigan. Her research investigates the impact of parenting

practices and youth identity on the academic achievement, socio-

emotional, and socio-cultural development of African American

youth. She will be an Assistant Professor in the Department of Psy-

chology at Georgia State University in Fall 2009.

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