Cosmological interpretation of architecture: cases from Ancient Chinaand MesoamericaChen, C.

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COSMOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION

OF ARCHITECTURE:

Cases from Ancient China and Mesoamerica

Chunhong Chen

COSMOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF ARCHITECTURE:

Cases from Ancient China and Mesoamerica

proefschrift

ter verkrijging van

de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden,

op gezag van rector magnificus prof. dr. ir. H. Bijl,

volgens besluit van het college voor promoties

te verdedigen op dinsdag 28 september 2021

klokke 11.15 uur

door

Chunhong Chen

geboren te Jilin, China

in 1977

Promotor

Prof. Dr. M.E.R.G.N. Jansen

Co- promotores

Dr. S-L. Wang (Academia Sinica, Taipei)

Dr. M. May Castillo (Seminario de Arquitectura Prehispánica, Facultad de

Arquitectura, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México)

Promotiecommissie

Prof. Dr. J.C.A. Kolen, decaan Faculteit der Archeologie (voorzitter)

Prof. Dr. W.F.H. Adelaar (secretaris)

Prof. Dr. E. Graham (University College London)

Prof. Dr. Y. Zhang (Tianjin University)

Dr. M.E. Berger

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................i

Preface ...................................................................................................................................... ii

1.Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 1

1.1 Architecture and Cosmology: Key Questions ................................................................ 1

1.2 In search of Commonalities ............................................................................................ 3

1.2.1Identify Common Aspects of Human Thoughts and Activity .................................... 4

1.2.2 Find Missing Evidence: Analogy from a Different Perspective ................................ 5

1.2.3 Heritage Awareness: by Cultural Interpretation ........................................................ 5

1.3 Non-negligible Foundation:Theoretical Review of Chinese Cosmological Architecture.6

1.3.1 Cosmos in ancient Chinese Philosophy ..................................................................... 6

1.3.2 Chinese Traditional Architecture and Textual Sources ........................................... 10

1.4 Irreplaceable Background: Historical Review of Mesoamerican Cosmological

Architecture .......................................................................................................................... 14

1.4.1 Cosmovision and Divine World .............................................................................. 15

1.4.2 State of the Art ........................................................................................................ 19

1.5 Methodology: Hermeneutical Interpretation and Comparison ....................................... 21

1.5.1 The Hermeneutics of Sacred Architecture .............................................................. 21

1.5.2 The Nonverbal Communication approach ............................................................... 23

1.5.3 Phenomenology and Perception of Landscape ........................................................ 24

2. Cosmos, Ideology, Architectural Practice ........................................................................ 26

2.1 Homology: Original Image of the Universe ................................................................... 27

2.2 Convention: Diversification of Spatial Dimensions ....................................................... 31

2.2.1 Directions, Gods, and Divine Patrons ..................................................................... 32

2.2.2 Directions, Colors, and Symbolism ......................................................................... 33

2.2.3 Directions, Birds, and Trees .................................................................................... 35

2.2.4 Directions, Seasons, and Life and Death ................................................................. 39

2.2.5 Directions, Times, and Calendars ............................................................................ 41

2.2.6 Directions, Diversity, and Integration ..................................................................... 49

2.3 Cosmic Order: the Power of Centre ............................................................................... 51

2.3.1 Cosmic Centre, Four Directions, and Symbolism ................................................... 51

2.3.2 Cosmic Structure, Philosophy, and Significance .................................................... 57

2.4 Concrete Manifestations: Cosmic Forms of Architecture .............................................. 61

2.4.1 Cosmos, Shapes, and Architecture .......................................................................... 61

2.4.2 Orientations, Directions, and Architecture .............................................................. 67

2.5 Cosmology: General Principles in Architectures ........................................................... 80

3. Gods, Liminality, Architecture Intersection .................................................................... 83

3.1 Accommodation: Connect with the Abodes of Divinity ................................................ 83

3.1.1 Simulation, Gods, and Architectural Configuration ................................................ 84

3.1.2 Tracking, Gods, and Architectural Orientations .................................................... 104

3.2 Bodies: Spiritual and Physical Symbols of Gods ......................................................... 109

3.2.1 Bodies, Symbolism, and Chinese Architecture ..................................................... 110

3.2.2 Bodies, Divine Powers, and Mesoamerican Architecture ................................... 116

3.3 Holy Land: an Interactive Place for Talking to Gods ................................................... 121

3.3.1 Paths, Procedures, and Rituals .............................................................................. 121

3.3.2 Sanctuaries, Spirits, and Homes ............................................................................ 129

3.4 Conclusion: Liminality between Humans and Gods .................................................... 133

4. Death, Passage, Ritual Architecture ............................................................................... 135

4.1 Heaven or Underworld: Residences of the Souls ......................................................... 135

4.1.1 Immortality, Reincarnation, and Chinese Mausoleums......................................... 136

4.1.2 Afterlife, Rebirth, and Tombs in Mesoamerica ..................................................... 138

4.1.3 Residence, Heaven and Underworld ..................................................................... 143

4.2 Paths: Passages for the Souls ........................................................................................ 145

4.2.1 Ascension, Feng Shui, And Chinese tombs ........................................................... 146

4.2.2 Climbing, Descending, and Mesoamerican Pyramids ........................................... 149

4.2.3 Vertical, Horizontal, and Architecture .................................................................. 151

4.3 Paradigms：Wandering Among Three Realms ........................................................... 152

4.3.1 Panorama, Passages, and Cycles ........................................................................... 155

4.3.2 Heaven, Gods, and Immortality............................................................................. 156

4.3.3 Earth, Humans, and Entreaty ................................................................................. 164

4.3.4 Underworld, Deities, and Water World ................................................................. 170

4.3.5 Comparison, Cosmos, and Passage ....................................................................... 173

4.4 Ancestors：Deceased Relatives ................................................................................... 176

4.4.1 Tombs, Sanctuary, and Ancestor Worship ............................................................ 177

4.4.2 Rituals, Communication, and Offering ................................................................. 178

4.5 Present：Changing Perceptions ................................................................................... 180

5 Calendar, Religion, Architecture ..................................................................................... 182

5.1 Calendar Creation: Based on Astronomical Observations ........................................... 182

5.1.1 Pole, Shadow, and Chinese Calendar .................................................................... 183

5.1.2 Observatory, Alignments, and Mesoamerican Calendar ....................................... 184

5.2 Calendar Structures: the Prescriptions of the Cosmic Order ........................................ 185

5.2.1 Day, Month, Year, and Calendar Round ............................................................... 185

5.2.2 Zodiac, Days, and Records .................................................................................... 194

5.2.3 Duality, Combination, and Circulation ................................................................. 195

5.2.4 Solar Year, Divisions, and Ecliptic ....................................................................... 197

5.2.5 Summary, Similarities, and Comparison ............................................................... 199

5.3 Calendar Symbols: A Special Performance of Architecture ........................................ 200

5.3.1 Calendar Numbers, Connection, and Cosmos ....................................................... 201

5.3.2 Calendar, Alignment, and Architectural Orientation ............................................ 203

5.4 Celestial Events: Interact Between Human and God .................................................... 205

5.5 Astronomical Predictive: Astrology in Daily Lives ..................................................... 208

5.6 The character of time: Rhythm and Uniform ............................................................... 211

5.7 Conclusions: Calendar and Worldview Complement Each Other................................ 215

6 Heritage and Interpretation in Comparative Perspective ............................................. 216

6.1 Credibility of Heritage Information: Cosmogram or Non-Cosmology ........................ 217

6.1.1 Analogy, Comparison, and Reference ................................................................... 218

6.1.2 Cities, Sacred Space, and Commonality ................................................................ 218

6.2 Motivation towards Divinity: Beliefs or Utilitarianism................................................ 220

6.2.1 Chinese Belief, Utilitarianism, and Cosmological Architecture ........................... 221

6.2.2 Mesoamerican Belief, Christianity, and Religion ................................................. 222

6.3 Attitudes towards Heritage: Constructors and Users .................................................... 223

6.3.1 Constructors: Pragmatism and Sacredness ............................................................ 224

6.3.2 Later Users: Relics or Ruins .................................................................................. 224

6.4 Interpretation of Architecture: Problems and Practice ................................................. 228

6.4.1 Chinese Traditions, Problems, and Reference ....................................................... 228

6.4.2 Mesoamerican Concepts, Problems, and Practice ................................................. 230

6.5 Protection of Heritage: From Tangible to Intangible ................................................... 232

References Cited ................................................................................................................... 234

Summary ............................................................................................................................... 278

Chinese Summary ................................................................................................................. 280

Nederlandse Samenvatting .................................................................................................. 282

Curriculum Vitae ................................................................................................................. 284

i

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following people who helped me a lot in my thesis research:

I am most grateful to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Maarten E.R.G.N. Jansen, who gave me help

with his intellectual vision, kindness, and generosity. His patience, wisdom, and tireless spirit

inspired my interest in scientific research, at the same time, he also gave me a lot of attention,

which made me feel comfortable in the otherwise boring student’s life. Thanks to Prof. Dr.

Yukun Zhang, who encouraged me in the thesis writing and gave me much valuable and good

advice for the contents of the text. In this regard, Dr. Manuel May Castillo, an erudite Maya

indigenous scholar, read the entire text in detail and made many valuable and meaningful

comments, I am so grateful for this, and also for his friendship. Furthermore I would like to

thank particularly Dr. Shuli Wang: apart from the help in the first period, she also provided

me many good ideas in the process of thesis writing.

Special mention to Tianjin University, which offered me generous help in the past years.

Profound gratitude goes to Prof. Dr. Kun Song and Prof. Dr.Yuhang Kong, who encouraged

and provided me enough time to finish the thesis. As well as to my good friend Ms. Rocío

Vera-Flores, who gave me a lot of advice on Teotihuacan and also beautiful friendship in

Leiden. To Mrs. Gabina Aurora Pérez Jiménez, who provided a lot of good suggestions both

for study and for life. Sincere thanks go to my husband Zhongliang Xie, who encouraged me

in my study and looked after my little son Houhua Xie when I had to leave him. Thanks to my

children for their love, company and the good time in Leiden.

This research was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (No:

51978444).

Chunhong Chen

Leiden

ii

Preface

Over the years, some scholars have discovered and discussed cultural similarities between

ancient China and Mesoamerica, as for example, both use hieroglyphic writing systems,

worship aspects of nature and have similar concepts of souls, death and the afterlife, they

have a similar idea of cosmological structures (the Three Realms), and they both respect

kinship and their ancestors. Therefore, a number of papers have pointed to these parallels (e.g.

Whittaker 2009; Xu 2002; Carlson 1975; Grana-Behrens 2009). Consequently, the

speculation about historical contacts between the two civilizations has become a popular topic.

However, beyond the general cultural comparability between them, as an architectural

historian, what I am concerned about is: how to identify the similarities and differences in

their architecture which may express common human activities and ideologies.

With this research interest, I came to Leiden University and undertook this research. Although

it is a continuation of my academic interests in architectural heritage and archaeology, having

professional experience in researching the Chinese part, Mesoamerican culture was a

completely "unfamiliar" research area for me. The limitations in knowledge of languages,

culture and the region made this research a great challenge. Fortunately, my supervisor

professor Maarten Jansen and colleagues at Leiden University, especially the colleagues in

the PhD program on the Heritage of Indigenous Peoples, offered me a lot of help, which made

up somewhat for my insufficient knowledge of the Mesoamerican part during my studies.

Before deciding the topic of the thesis, Dr. Manuel May and I often discussed topics related to

ancient Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures. As a descendant of Mayas and an

indigenous Maya scholar, Manuel has a deep understanding of the Maya people and history

and also has his own unique insights into living Mesoamerican culture. Often we found

common ground in the two cultures in our discussions, for example, we discovered that there

are rabbits in each other’s moons; in our legends, we both have four giants who lifted the sky;

we both had an 18-month calendar (Chinese Yi people calendar and the Maya Tun and Haab),

as well as the concepts of the Three Realms and the afterlife that exist in both civilizations.

These discoveries were exciting and at the same time strengthened my confidence in

conducting in-depth research on this topic.

With these interests, I started planning and writing this thesis. I hope that through the

comparative study of both architectures more people will become interested in and achieve a

better understanding of the culture, ideology, and regional characteristics of the two

civilizations. The interpretation of the meanings of these monuments should also raise

awareness of the need to protect architectural and artistic heritage, hence, in the thesis, I put

the focus on the cosmological aspect of architecture, which might stimulate people to explore

and think about the early ideological systems of different cultures from a comparative

perspective.

ii

This thesis involves an exploration of ideas about origins, shapes, and architectural

manifestations of the universe in the two civilizations, as well as of the cosmological,

philosophical, and literary theories that people have created from their understandings; thus, it

pays attention to these peoples' cognition and understanding of their universe in the

dimensions of time and space, and the application thereof in the field of their cosmological

architectures. It also will discuss how they endeavoured to shape the communication bridge

between humans and gods through their architecture, and to embody the power of gods in the

architectural design by means of symbolism and metaphors. Special chapters are devoted to

the concepts of death and ancestor worship and to the calendars in both civilizations. At the

end of the thesis, I put forward some views on heritage protection.

It has been 6 years since I started writing this thesis. From the beginning, with my lack of

knowledge about Mesoamerican culture, until now at the completion of the thesis, the topic

has excited and fascinated me. In the process of writing, I had to face many difficulties, the

biggest one coming from my language limitations. For example, the main language that I use

for studying the Mesoamerican culture is English, however, in addition to English documents,

there are also a lot of Spanish documents that need to be read. Fortunately, my supervisor and

my colleagues (most of them from Mexico) at Leiden University gave me a lot of help in this

respect (translating terms from Spanish and indigenous languages such as Maya). Regarding

China, although I myself have a good foundation in Chinese and history, I was limited in the

collection of Chinese materials during my writing in Leiden. Thanks to my family, colleagues,

and friends in China, who, whenever I needed help, went to libraries, archives, and museums

to collect materials and sent them to me via the Internet, so that my thesis would not be short

of supporting documents.

I see this thesis as a beginning to explore meanings in similar yet different architectures.

There are still many topics that can and should be studied in more depth while comparing

China and Mesoamerica. I hope to see more scholars' papers on those topics in the future and

hope this thesis to be a stimulus for future research.

1

1 Introduction

1.1 Architecture and Cosmology: Key Questions

Cultural heritage, especially architectural heritage, is an important medium for recording

and transmitting the knowledge and ideas of ancient societies. Those who want to fully

understand this heritage and its meaning have to do an in-depth study to identify its original

meaning, i.e. the meaning that the builder or the first users gave to the monuments. In order to

find the original meanings of architecture, one has to analyze its diverse aspects, such as form,

space, environment, decoration, contexts, as well as those ideas or ideologies of their times,

and understand these by studying the pertinent historical sources. Chinese and Mesoamerican

civilizations have produced architectural monuments which are admired worldwide, some of

which are believed to express specific cosmologies. The comparison of the formal aspects of

the architecture with contemporaneous ideas about cosmos and time (including astronomy

and calendar) as well as ritual practices, an indispensable part of a religion, which may have

played an important role in imbuing the buildings and art with meaning, is the necessary point

of departure for interpreting this type of heritage.

On the other hand: how do we know this? We have to ask ourselves: is the architecture

really related to cosmology? If so, how were these associations remembered, experienced,

rediscovered, and looked upon by later people? And what are the relationships, connections,

and disjunctions between the successive inhabitants of the landscape or cityscape in which the

architecture is located? Are there relevant historical sources available and are they sufficiently

clear and explicit? These are indeed questions worth considering. Not so long ago, Michael E.

Smith, a North American archaeologist specialized in Mesoamerica, published an article to

question the credibility of the claims of a lot of recent research about the cosmological

meaning of Maya cities, stating that their results “are vague, weak, and unconvincing” (Smith

2003). He criticized the authors for relying upon "assertions and subjective judgments”

instead of "empirical evidence" to conclude the cosmological ideas of Mayan cities (Smith

2003), which makes their opinions lack credibility. Indeed, in the case of Mesoamerica, there

is abundant archaeological data, but the textual sources are rare, fragmented, diverse and –

specifically when they are later products from colonial times – sometimes biased. Smith’s

challenge obliges those who try to interpret the cosmological meaning in architecture to

ensure that those architectures do indeed express cosmological ideas and, furthermore, to

develop good arguments for attributing specific meanings.

This thesis is inspired by that challenge. It is based on a comparative study of ancient

Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures and discusses the possible cosmological meaning of

the layout of sites, buildings, and monuments. The comparison is not undertaken to postulate

some cultural-historical connections between these regions, but precisely in order to find out

how cosmology may have inspired architects in different civilizations. For the Chinese part,

due to its vast territory and diverse ethnic cultures through different historical periods, this

thesis mainly takes the thoughts and theories of the traditional Han Chinese for cultural

comparison. For Chinese architecture, there is a large amount of explicit historical

2

information on this topic, such as detailed architectural archives, relevant historical

documents, oral folk accounts, and some well-known laws. In academia, many scholars have

done extensive research on this aspect and have given positive answers to the question of

whether ancient Chinese architecture could express cosmological meaning. Chinese scholars,

such as Yukun Zhang (2004, 2011), Qingzhou Wu (1996, 1997, 2011), Bin Xu (2014), Chang

(1976), and others, have explored the cosmological characteristics of Chinese architecture and

cities from different perspectives. Some western scholars have also been interested in this

issue, for example, Paul Wheatley, a famous scholar who focused on Asian studies, carried

out a great deal of research on the cosmological characteristics of ancient Chinese architecture

and cities (Wheatley 1969, 1970, 1971, 1975), which has attracted the attention of many

scholars and deepened peoples' understanding of Chinese architectural culture. Other scholars,

such as Steinhardt (1999,2002), also made relevant contributions.

In contrast with the situation in China, there are very few ancient textual sources

available for Mesoamerica. The Spanish conquest (1521) meant a large-scale destruction of

the ancient writings; only a few books (codices) have survived, folded strips of deerskin or

native paper, with texts in hieroglyphs (Maya culture in Eastern Mexico and neighboring

Central America) or pictography (Aztecs, Mixtecs and other peoples in Central and Southern

Mexico). These are products of the Postclassic period (± 900 - 1521). From earlier periods

there are also inscriptions and painted scenes on stelae, ceramics, etc. They are complemented

by works created in this same tradition during the early colonial period and by Spanish

chronicles. Together with archaeological findings, these texts still fail to give a complete

image of the pre-colonial religion. There are no records, much less explanations, of the

construction history or design ideas of Mesoamerican architecture. The cosmological aspect

has to be reconstructed in an indirect manner on the basis of (often speculative) interpretations

of those few ancient texts and of the visual art itself. A series of important scholars, such as

Anthony F Aveni (1975, 1986, 2000, 2004, 2008), Horst Hartung (1986, 1988), Ivan Šprajc

(1993, 2000, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2014), Wendy Ashmore (1989, 2000, 2003), Lindsay Jones

(1993, 1995, 2000, 2016), Manuel May Castillo (2014, 2014, 2018), and others, have tried to

reconstruct and understand the architectural ideas of Mesoamerica from different angles.

As Ashmore said in response to Smith's article, the cosmological characteristics of

Mesoamerican architecture can be researched in many ways, such as (1) through detailed

examination of textual evidence, including the indigenous manuscripts and the sources written

by the early Spanish missionaries, as well as inscriptions and works of visual art from

religious and funerary contexts; (2) through field investigation and scientific analysis of

existing heritage, and (3) the study of oral traditions, on-going ritual practices and local

legends of indigenous peoples (“living heritage”). Moreover, (4) the comparison with other,

similar cultures (such as the Chinese culture), may help to create a plausible interpretive

framework by identifying general similarities and differences. By combining these different

approaches, this thesis wants to contribute to assessing the meaning of architecture in China

and in Mesoamerica.

The identification of the cosmological significance of architecture is a necessary element

in the study of civilizations, as it can (1) reveal the original meaning of the architecture; (2)

3

reflect the prevailing ideology of the society at that time; (3) reveal many historical facts and

sources; and (4) provide references for contemporary architects and academic researchers.

The starting point for cross-cultural research and comparison is the observable similarity

of cultures, based on the homology of human activities and thoughts in the process of cultural

formation. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the cosmological theories of

Mesoamerica and ancient China had several aspects and concepts in common, such as the

importance of the four directions, associations between specific colours, animals, deities and

other symbols, the veneration of ancestors, ideas about the afterlife. However, since the two

civilizations developed separately, the precise manifestations of these cosmological theories

in their architectures and cities, though similar, are also notably different.

Through the comparative analysis of some representative architectural highlights from

both civilizations, this thesis will try to answer successively the following questions:

1. Do both architectures manifest underlying ideas about a universal order and cosmic

structure and, if so, how? Can the process of standardization, the layout of the spatial

dimensions, the forms, and principles of architecture, with the use of specific numbers and

symbols, for example, be interpreted as a reflection of concepts concerning cosmic order and

structure? What are the correspondences and the differences between the cultures in this

respect? This issue will be discussed in Chapter 2.

2. Can both architectures be analyzed as “bridges” between human beings and gods? Do

we find indications of (ritual) human interaction with the gods, uses of liminal space, and

notions of a sacred space? Does architecture give form to a residential place of the gods,

and/or does it represent a certain god’s body or a central religious symbol? This will be

studied in Chapter 3.

3. How can we identify concrete expressions of ancestor veneration and afterlife

concepts in the design of tombs and funerary monuments in both cultures? Chapter 4 will

examine relevant examples.

4. Can we find indications about the relationship of architecture with rituals and memory,

with the calendar and the perception of time? This will be discussed in Chapter 5 of the thesis.

In the rest of this Introduction, these general guiding questions will be further detailed

and explored in the Chinese and Mesoamerican contexts.

1.2 In Search of Commonalities

Both China and Mesoamerica are comparable as forms of early statehood with highly

developed architecture as well as abundant visual art and the presence of written sources,

which inform us about their cosmologies. Making more specific intercultural comparisons,

however, is a hazardous enterprise because it presupposes a detailed knowledge of the

cultures (languages, religions, and philosophies) concerned. Both ancient China and

Mesoamerica are very complex worlds with long histories and important internal variations,

changes and developments through time and space. The terms ‘Chinese’ and ‘Mesoamerican’

are used here for the sake of brevity; in fact – as the discussion of examples will show – this

comparison selects cultural aspects that are characteristic of (and may be limited to) certain

places and certain periods within those complex wholes. There is no evidence of any direct

4

historical connections or mutual influences between these two large regions. The comparison

of the ways architecture may express worldviews, therefore, does not try to contribute to

speculations about historical intercultural contact, but, on the contrary, aims at discovering

and discussing some general commonalities and differences in cultural developments that are

independent from each other.

It is already an enormous challenge to achieve a general overview of knowledge of one

(part) of these civilizations. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, the breadth and reliability of

the sources is quite different in each case and demands long, detailed research. Also, my own

position has clear limitations; I am familiar with Chinese language and culture, particularly

the history of Chinese architecture, but I do not know any Mesoamerican language, and my

access to Mesoamerican culture and history is mainly limited to secondary literature. That

makes the comparison necessarily speculative and superficial. On the other hand, a

comparative method is an important tool in achieving a better understanding of the original

meanings of architecture in both cultures. With all the mentioned limitations, this thesis

undertakes such a comparison as a contribution to assessing the possible value of applying the

(better documented) relation between architecture and cosmology in China as a model for

suggesting plausible interpretations of Mesoamerican architecture. In a general sense, this

comparison has the following purposes:

1.2.1 Identify Common Aspects of Human Thoughts and Activity

Although ultimately having a common origin in the remote Paleolithic past (Carrasco

2013:xix; Cameron 2006, 2008), both civilizations have developed separately, without

attested connections in historical time. It is therefore interesting to identify many specific

differences and also several underlying commonalities in their development (Graña-Behrens

2009). Both civilizations have produced ceremonial architecture and many other public

monuments. Here we will assess if and in what measure these are based on ideas about how to

locate, to orient, to organize and to establish the human being’s building spaces, such as

cultural landscapes, cities, palaces, temples, villages, houses, and altars, within the world or

Cosmos in a correct way, i.e. the ideas of the cultures in question about how to ensure a

proper connection and a harmonious relationship between the living space of humans and the

agency of the divine powers of the universe.

On a higher level of abstraction, we find comparable general traits in the development

and function of writing systems, for example, as well as in a nature-centred religious

worldview and in certain aspects of social organization. The work of Bruce Trigger (2007)

offers a worldwide comparison of diverse cultural aspects, showing the many elements that

human societies have in common.1 Valuable general insights are further to be gained from

general theoretical perspectives such as rhythm analysis (Lefebvre 2004), modern space

syntax (Hillier & Hanson 1984; Hillier 1999), and environment-behavior studies (Rapoport

1990, 2005), which focus on the social function of architecture. For understanding the

religious dimension, the classic work of Roy Rappaport, Ritual and Religion in the Making of

Humanity (1999), provides fundamental orientation. Contributions of specific interest for the

1 Bajema (2017) offers a detailed comparative archaeological study of Ancient Greece and the Classic Maya.

5

interpretation of Mesoamerican architecture are architectural-hermeneutic studies (Jones),

archaeo-astronomical studies (Aveni, Sprajc) and the studies of orientations and visual

alignments (Hartung, Tichy), as well as the connection of heritage research with present-day

topics such as the identity and rights of indigenous peoples (May Castillo 2018).

This thesis will reassess the commonalities between ancient China and Mesoamerica in

terms of cosmological structures, ideas about life and death, ritual architecture, astronomical

systems, and so forth. On that base, it will bring together, compare and evaluate the possible

meanings of sacred architecture (e.g., temples, imperial buildings, and tombs) and cosmology

as proposed by earlier investigators of both cultures.

In this context, the aim of this comparative study is not limited to finding out what the

similarities and differences in the two cultures are, but instead, is to provide a basis for

identifying and explaining the meanings behind those similarities and differences, particularly

the role of symbolism, as manifested in the ceremonial and public buildings of both

civilizations, and for assessing the ways in which this ancient architectural symbolism is

perceived in the present.

1.2.2 Find Missing Evidence: Analogy from a Different Perspective

Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures have their own unique features and pose

specific challenges to identifying and understanding the cosmological significance of

buildings. For example, Chinese investigators habitually search for ancient books or

documents to find the text records or drawings that date from the construction period or other

scholars’ books from that time. This preference for consulting primary sources stems from the

wealth of historical documents available, however, it also has a limiting effect on the

interpretations of scholars, as they tend to disregard hypotheses or possibilities that are not

firmly grounded in the ancient records. This strong historical perspective has influenced the

study of the original meaning of ancient Chinese architecture. On the contrary, for

Mesoamerica, scholars are accustomed to using a variety of research perspectives (with a

strong presence of archaeology and anthropology) to understand its architecture. This may

provide new perspectives for the study of Chinese cases.

Mesoamerican cultural history suffered a major interruption, disjunction, and destruction

because of the European (Spanish, English) conquest and colonization. Consequently, there

are many historical puzzles, which often can only be solved by hypotheses. This brings many

obstacles to understanding the ancient monuments and other remains of the past. As a similar

civilization to Mesoamerica, but with a different history, China has abundant, explicit, and

accessible historical records concerning all aspects of ancient society, people's way of

thinking and acting, etc. These descriptions could be used as a cultural frame of reference for

exploring human behavior in Mesoamerica in comparable conditions. The analogy with

Chinese culture may help to formulate hypotheses about the original intentions and the use of

symbols in the creation of this architectural heritage.

In general, comparative research can be inspiring and a good way for finding clues, for

supplementing missing parts of the record, and for understanding ancient cultures from a new

angle.

1.2.3 Heritage Awareness: by Cultural Interpretation

6

The comparison between cultures also implies a reflection on the present-day dealing

with heritage in their respective regions. Obviously, the social and political histories of China

and Mesoamerica over the past centuries have been quite different, yet in both regions, we

find processes of continuity and disjunction, albeit in very different ways. In the process of

cultural comparison, I hope that more people can come to understand and appreciate the

original meaning of architecture in a worldwide perspective, and so improve their awareness

of, their active interest in and their personal contact with their ancestral cultural heritage,

attitudes that are fundamental for the preservation of the monuments and for the creative

continuation of culture.

1.3 Non-negligible Foundation: Theoretical Review of Chinese Cosmological

Architecture

As a civilization that respected many gods of nature, paid attention to the origin of the

universe and worshipped the God of Heaven, China has developed and perfected its

cosmological thoughts for thousands of years. Cosmological ideas, as an advanced cultural

achievement, were strongly present in its city-life and architectural design in each of the

historical periods.

1.3.1 Cosmos in ancient Chinese Philosophy

Cosmos (宇宙Yu Zhou), a composite term that refers to the whole universe, first appeared

in a famous book named Zhuang Zi (庄子) in the Pre-Qin Period (Paleolithic period ~ 221

BC) (Xi 2001), however, in those days it did not yet clearly indicate the concept of the

universe in its full spatial and temporal dimensions. Later, Shi Jiao (尸佼), a thinker of the

Warring States Period (475 BC-221 BC), gave it a more precise meaning in his book Shi Zi

(尸子): "Yu is all the spaces including the four directions plus above and below, Zhou is all

the time from the ancient times till the present and future".2 He argued that the universe

includes two aspects: space and time. The Yu refers to the totality of space while the Zhou

symbolizes infinite time. Cosmos (宇宙 Yu Zhou) in Chinese culture, became a term that

covers everything including all space and infinite time. Today, Cosmos is broadly defined as

the general term for all things, the unity of time and space. A narrower definition is the space

and matter outside the Earth's atmosphere (Chen 2014).

There are six major theories about Cosmos in ancient China, namely, Gai Tian Theory 盖

天说, Hun Tian Theory 浑天说, Xuan Ye Theory 宣夜说, Xin Tian Theory 昕天说, Qiong

Tian Theory 穹天说, and An Tian Theory 安天说 (Dong & Yao 1990). The main concerns of

these theories are the shapes and relationships of Heaven and Earth, which constitute the

focus of ancient Chinese cosmological theories. Gai Tian Theory and Hun Tian Theory,

which among the six theories, played an important role as the main ideologies in ancient

Chinese philosophy and society.

2 Shi Jiao (390-330 BC), a Pre-Qin Period scholar, in his book Shi Zi (尸子):四方上下曰宇，往古来今曰宙.

7

Gai Tian Theory，first mentioned in the Jin Shu/Book of Jin(晋书)，originated in the early

Zhou Dynasty(周朝，1046BC-771BC).3 It mainly focused on the theory of Round Heaven

and Square Earth 天圆地方, which was clearly recorded in the ancient Chinese classic book

Zhou Bi Suan Jing(周髀算经).4 The theory became widely known through a famous song

named Chi Le Ge (敕勒歌) during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (南北朝时期, 420

AD-589 AD), it portrayed the sky as a dome that covered the Earth with its "four directions"

(天似穹庐，笼盖四野). From the term “dome”, mentioned in the song, we may deduce that

the sky shape at that time had been deepened from the simplified shape of "circle" to a

dome-shape in three dimensions. As for the Earth, Zou Yan (邹衍), a famous scholar in the

Warring States Period (战国时期, 475 BC-221 BC), further explained the square form. He

said that the Earth was a flat and huge extension of the land with nine continents, each of

which was surrounded by a sea. In the four corners of this huge surface of the land,

surrounded by a big sea, stood four huge pillars to support Heaven.5 The shapes of Heaven

and Earth were explicitly defined and recorded in Jin Shu· Astronomical Records (晋书·天文

志), "the sky is round like a pot lid, and the Earth is square like a chessboard 天员如张盖，地

方如棋局”, which determined final forms of the Heaven and the Earth (Yi 1988) (Figure 1-1).

3 The earliest form of expression of Gai Tian Theory refers to the shapes of Heaven and Earth, which can be found in the

book Zhou Bi Suan Jing, it records that in early Zhou Dynasty, people believed that “the Heaven is circular and the Earth is

square”. 4 Zhou Bi Suan Jing (周髀算经, the oldest surviving Chinese astronomical and mathematical work in China, was written in

the first century BC. It mainly clarified the Gai Tian theory and the Quarter Calendar (四分历法). 5 Refer to (Western Han) Si Maqian book Historical records. In the chapter of Biography of Meng Zi and Xun Qing (孟子荀

卿列传).

Figure 1-1 Chinese ancient mirror shows Round Heaven and Square Earth (Tang dynasty618-907)

8

Round Heaven and Square Earth, the basic tenet of the Gai Tian Theory, used to have a

dominant position in Chinese cosmological concepts with their sensory correlates before the

Han Dynasty (202 BC-220 AD)(Wang 2002). Early clues can be found in the square and

circular temples in the site of Niuheliang (Figure 1-2). It had a profound influence on early

Chinese philosophy and culture, and directly promoted the formation of the Chinese Hipped

Roof (庑殿) which was the most important Chinese traditional roof that covered a building on

a square architectural plane (Wang 1990). The Hipped Roof is a clear case in which the

(dome-shaped) roof symbolizes Heaven and functions to cover the house that represents Earth

(square plane). The added cosmological symbolism made it so that this kind of roof didn’t

become outdated for thousands of years in the history of Chinese architecture.

Hun Tian Theory, another cosmological theory from the Warring States Period (Liu

2012), replaced the Gai Tian Theory and occupied the dominant position among the

cosmological theories in the Eastern Han Dynasty (25 AD -220 AD) (Yi 1988). Its theory was

further developed by a famous astronomer, Zhang Heng (张衡,78 AD-139 AD), who lived

during the Eastern Han Dynasty. Zhang Heng claimed that the Cosmos had the shape of an

egg, Earth looks like an egg yolk floating in the water while Heaven as egg white covering the

Earth.6 The Earth was in the Centre of the sky while the sky rotated around the Earth. There

were also other opinions about the substance of the sky, opposing his idea: some scholars

believed that the Earth was not in the water but in the air.7 The Hun Tian Theory is similar to

the theory of spherical astronomy, which has played a guiding role in the formulation of

calendars in Chinese history. However, as a theory of cosmic structure, the Hun Tian Theory,

in its time, was supposed to be an ideal concept of the universe, but it was not in line with the

earlier mentioned Gai Tian Theory about the shape of the Cosmos.

Figure 1-2 Square and Circular temples in Niuheliang, Liaoning (5300 years ago, https://new.qq.com/)

6 Refer to Zhang Heng book Notes of Hun Yi 浑仪注,"The celestial body is like an egg, the Heaven rounds like a boll, the

Earth likes the egg yolk living in Heaven, Heaven is big and the Earth is small. There is water in the sky, and the Earth

wrapped in sky. 浑天如鸡子。天体圆如弹丸，地如鸡子中黄，孤居于天内，天大而地小。天表里有水，天之包地。" 7 Zhang Zai(张载), a scholar of the Song Dynasty（960-1279）wrote in his book Zheng Meng 正蒙，"the Earth is in the air",

which showed his idea that the outside of the Earth is the air, not the water.

9

Confucianism, popular in ancient China, eventually led to an association of the Heaven

and the Earth with social inequality, expressed in the concept of Heaven Rich and Earth Poor

天尊地卑.8 In the beginning, the sky was only a natural object that could be seen by people,

that is, it is a natural dome-shaped sky as perceived by many people (Luo 2012). Then,

Heaven became qualified as a sacred, divine entity. An ancient Chinese religious narrative

about cosmogenesis explains that the universe changed as the result of a war. A god named

Gong Gong (共工) fought a terrible war with another god whose name was Zhuan Xu (颛顼),

competing for the position of a tribal leader. Gong Gong was so angry that he hit the

mountain of Bu Zhou (不周山); finally, one of the pillars supporting the southern sky was

knocked down. The sky, consequently, tilted from the northwest to the southeast, which made

the southeast corner of the Earth collapse. As a result, the Sun, the Moon, and the stars started

to move around.9 The narrative casts a basic understanding of the shape of Heaven and the

movement of heavenly bodies, – natural phenomena such as the rising and setting of the Sun

and the Moon as the result of the agency of primordial forces, represented as mysterious

beings, the gods that took a prominent role in the process of creation. Finally, Heaven itself

became seen as a god and several distinctive characteristics were bestowed on it, as attributes

of supreme power (Luo 2012).

For the ancient Chinese it was evident that there were many divine forces in the world:

gods, who could take many forms and who were associated with different realms of the

Cosmos. This polytheistic worldview replicated the organization of an empire. The Heavenly

Emperor, the master of the Three Realms (Heaven, Earth, and Underworld), was considered

to reside in the Centre of Heaven (Liu 2016). The Heavenly Palace (天宫), a huge and

well-organized heavenly society, the most important part and Power Centre of the sky, was

considered to be composed of many celestial bodies who were the incarnations of different

gods (Zhao 2012). Each of the constellations, such as the Four Images (四象),10

the Three

Enclosures (三垣)11

and the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions (二十八星宿),12

composed of

8 The theory came from the chapter of Xici 系辞 of the Book of Changes, “Heaven Rich and Earth Poor 天尊地卑.” 9 The story was recorded in the chapter of Lan Ming (览冥)in the book of Huainan Zi(淮南子). 10 Four Images(四象) are four Chinese mythological creatures closely linked with the Chinese constellations along the

ecliptic, and viewed as the guardians of the four cardinal directions. They are the Azure Dragon/Qing Long (青龙) in the East,

the Vermilion Bird/ Zhu Bird (朱雀) of the South, the White Tiger/Bai Hu (白虎) of the West, and the Black Tortoise/Xuan

Wu (玄武) of the North. Each of the creatures is most closely associated with a cardinal direction and a colour, but also

additionally represents other aspects, including a season of the year. 11 The Three Enclosures are the three star groups, which were, for the most part, composed of the Chinese ancient Heavenly

Palace in the northern sky. They include three star group: the Purple Forbidden Enclosure (紫微垣), the Supreme Palace

Enclosure (太微垣) and the Heavenly Market Enclosure (天市垣). Each of them consists of many stars. 12 Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions (二十八星宿) are 28 small star groups divided into four parts called Four Images(四象)

along the ecliptic, each of Four Images consists of seven mansions, they are: The Azure Dragon(青龙) occupies the eastern

sky consist of seven constellations which are Horn (角), Neck (亢), Root (氐), Room (房), Heart (心), Tail (尾), and

Winnowing basket (箕); the White Tiger (白虎) occupies the western sky consist of seven constellations which are Legs (奎),

Bond (娄), Stomach (胃), Hairy Head (昴), Net (毕),Turtle Beak (觜) and Join-Three Stars (參); the Vermillion Bird (朱雀)

occupies the southern sky and the seven constellations called Well (井), Demon (鬼), Willow (柳), Star (星), Growth (张),

Wings (翼) and Deep emotion (軫); the Black Tortoise (玄武) occupies the northern sky and the seven constellations named

Dipper (斗), Ox (牛), Woman (女), Emptiness (虛), Danger (危), Room (室) and Wall (壁) (Walters 2009). The four animals

from the composition of the stars above are collectively referred to as the four images. Ancient Chinese observed the Four

Images and Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions over long periods to judge the coming and going of the seasons. The four animals

are located in four directions, hence the common saying: Left (East) Azure Dragon, Right (West) White Tiger, Front (South)

Vermilion Bird and Back (North) Black Tortoise (Chen 2015).

10

many stars, as a small community in its heavenly area, played an important role in heavenly

society. Every star or mansion was linked with a god and, as a member of the Heavenly

Palace, handled his work (Zhao 2012). Earth was a living being, home to several earthly gods

such as the Mountain God, Water God, Stone God, Animal Gods, Plant God, and others. The

Underworld, the lowest level of the Cosmos, housed not only specific gods but also ghosts,

demons, devils, and monsters. All the beings and natural elements of the Three Realms were

under the rule of the Heavenly Emperor who was the supreme god of everything.

With the rapid development of philosophy, the absolute dominance of the Heavenly

Emperor was weakened in the late Warring States period (Luo 2012). At that time, thinkers

emphasized the importance of nature, advocated the harmonious relationship between Heaven

and human beings, considering that a "Human" as an individual could be in parallel with

Heaven and Earth (Yi 2013). This concept is commonly known as Heaven and Man 天人合一

and advocates the harmony between humans and nature. This is an important proposition in

the history of Chinese philosophy and has had a profound impact on Chinese traditional

culture and architecture design (Yang 2009；Meng & Wang 2004). The theory of Heaven and

Man is based on the idea that the people could be in parallel with Heaven in specific

circumstances, while people preferred to believe in themselves rather than rely on gods. This

idea was further discussed in the book of I Ching / Book of Changes (易经), which tells

people that Heaven, Earth, and humans can be united together. In that book, the human is

placed in a central position between Heaven and Earth, which illustrates the importance of

human status in ancient China.13

Following up on this idea, the Chinese considered that

human beings are one of the organic parts of nature, that is, Heaven, Earth, and humans

together compose the whole world. Other philosophical theories associated with this idea,

such as the theories of Tai Chi (太极), Yin (阴) and Yang (阳), Five Elements (五行), Eight

Diagrams (八卦), Feng Shui (风水), and so on, had an in-depth influence on the creation of

ancient Chinese architecture (Dong 2012; Shao 2012: 1-3).

1.3.2 Chinese Traditional Architecture and Textual Sources

The review of authoritative works that pay special attention to publications on

cosmological information in ancient sources is important for this thesis research. The sources

for this topic are relatively limited compared to documents associated with other aspects of

ancient society. The documents that explicitly inform about the relationship between the

cosmology and architecture are not particularly rich, but the books that focus on relevant

theories, such as Heaven and Man, Feng Shui, Yin and Yang, Five Elements, and that are

relevant for the study of architecture are abundant enough.

Let us briefly review the type of information which we may encounter in such sources:

1. Pre-Qin books

Information on the God of Heaven and his supreme power we can find in many Pre-Qin

books, for instance: the book of Shang Shu (尚书), Book of Rites(礼记), Zhuang Zi (庄子),

Mo Zi (墨子), and so on.

13 Cf. the sentence from Zhuang Zi: "Heaven and Earth are living with me, and everything is one with me. 天地与我并生，

而万物与我为一".

11

2. Official history books

The so-called official history books refer to historical records, personal notes, and etc.,

which are the fundamental documents for the later scholars to compile and revise the previous

histories. Historical information on ancient astronomy or astrology we can get from ancient

history books, such as Tian Guan Shu (天官书), the Records of History (史记), Astronomical

Records (天文志), Jin Shu (晋书) and the Twenty-Four Histories (二十四史)，and similar

works，which summarize the previous cosmological theories and give more details on aspects

such as constellations, philosophical ideas, and astronomical events (Bo 1982).

3. Unofficial history books

The unofficial history books refer to those books that are beyond the official history

books in the past dynasties. They may be ancient literary works or some research notes in a

certain professional field, even historical novels. Although they are excluded from official

history books, some of them have high historical reference value in certain fields.

Some unofficial books, such as Shan Hai Jing (山海经)，Huainan Zi(淮南子), and the

Inner Canon of the Yellow Emperor (黄帝内经), discuss the shapes or forms of Heaven and

Earth.

4. History books with cosmological ideas

The classic books that contain philosophical theories about the universe, for example,

Book of Changes, Tao Te Ching (道德经)，Suwen (素问)，and Zhuang Zi (庄子), are also

taken as the basic literature for this research.

Besides these，many modern books explore the mentioned ancient cosmological or

philosophical theories in many ways, dealing for example, with the theory of the Round

Heaven and Square Earth (e.g. Chen 2006), with the theories of Heaven and Man (e.g. Chen

2007), with the basic ideas about Yin (阴) and Yang (阳)14

(e.g. Chen 2007), or with the form

of the Heavenly Palace (e.g. Lu 2008). There is a lot of interest in the theories related to

harmonizing the relationships between human beings and nature, like Feng Shui (e.g. Wang

2005). We have to classify the results of all this current research according to the role and

influence of relevant theories on architecture. This brings us to distinguish the following

categories:

A. Research on Cultural Thoughts based on Yi ( 易学 )15

Philosophy and

Confucianism

The achievements in this area can be summarized as follows:

(1) Research on the theories of Yin and Yang, Five Elements, Feng Shui, and other Yi

aspects. The most popular research object for this line of research is the cultural interpretation

of the Ming Beijing City. Many scholars have paid attention to Yi theories (such as Feng Shui)

when analyzing the city’s site, urban layout, building shapes, and the orientations of its

Central Axis and buildings. A representative book on Feng Shui theory is Beijing City Feng

Shui Building Planning (Chiang et al., 2011). Two other books – Chinese Architecture and

14 The theory of Yin and Yang was formed very early. It is said in the Book of Changes: "The alternation of Yin and Yang is

what is called Tao." (Bodde 1981:239) In the earliest explanation of the Lao Zi (around 4-3 centuries BC): "The movement of

the Tao is that of reversal.” It was further developed by Zou Yan in the Warring States period. 15 Yi (易) is a discipline that studies the Book of Changes and its related theories. Most of the research content belongs to the

philosophical category, such as Tai Chi, Five Elements, and Eight Diagrams.

12

Zhou Yi (Cheng 2000) and the Study of Ancient Chinese City Building Thoughts (Wen 2009) –

explore how the theories of Yi, Feng Shui, and Five Elements played important roles in

traditional architectural design.

(2) Research on how cosmological theories have impacted architecture and city design by

studying philosophical ideas, especially the theory of Heaven and Man. In China, most of the

ancient architectural discipline was influenced by its early philosophical ideas. Thus, studying

philosophical theories can help us to discover the original meanings of architectural design.

Research results in this area, for example, Architectural Art Philosophy (Zhang & Zhang

2018) and Chinese Traditional Architecture: The Harmony of the Heaven and Man (Yang

2009), elaborated in detail on the relationship between Heaven and Man and Chinese

traditional architecture, and therefore may be used as a good base for studying the impact of

philosophy on architecture.

(3) Research on the influence of Confucianism on architecture. Confucianism has

dominated society and state ideology in China for more than two thousand years, which has

profoundly influenced the architectural thoughts. Thus, studies about this aspect are obviously

helpful for the research of this thesis. The achievement of this topic focuses on studying how

Confucianism impacted on the rigor, symmetry, and respect of cities and buildings, especially

on the spatial order in which the central government was respected. Important and popular

case studies are Chang’an City of the Han and Tang Dynasties (汉唐长安), Daxing City of

the Sui Dynasty (581 AD-618 AD), Dadu of the Yuan Dynasty (1271 AD-1368 AD), and

Beijing City of the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368 AD-1912 AD).

B. Research on “External Cultural Symbolism” based on Celestial Bodies, Star

Officials (星官)16

, and the Heavenly Palace

Chinese ancient astronomy was not a pure astronomical science since it combined

astronomical observations and time measurements with diverse subjective factors. Emperors

imposed political ideologies as directions that the astronomical studies had to obey. They

obliged Chinese traditional astronomy to mix with religion, Yi, Confucianism, astrology,

Heaven and Man, and currents that were related to or served the interests of the rulers, such as

"Destiny" (Zhang 2013). This makes it complicated to study the relationship of Chinese

architecture with astronomy and cosmology.

The association buildings with celestial bodies and phenomena was generally achieved

through symbolism, mainly in two ways:

(1) The explicit reference to cultural symbols, e.g. the use of the name of the Star

Officials in the building or the use of decorative figures that were associated with the celestial

bodies. The forms of celestial bodies, widely used in Chinese traditional architectural design,

were often based on ideas of traditional culture and/or literary works and do not necessarily

coincide with the forms observed by modern science. The reference Round Heaven and

Square Earth, for example, as described in history books, is just a literary imagination of

16 In order to facilitate astronomical observation and recording, ancient Chinese astronomers divided stars into groups, each

of which was called a Star Official (星官) (Chen Dan 2007). The Names of the Officials came from ancient Chinese society,

each Star Official corresponded to an official of government (Guan Zengjian 1992).

13

Heaven and Earth, not a precise description of a real state, but is widely used as the basic

Cosmogram in ancient Chinese architecture design. Quite a few works on this topic have been

published in recent years, such as those of Lu Sixian (2000), Feng Shi (2001), and Wang

Lumin (2002). An important case in the discussions is the cosmic form of Gai Tian Theory

and Four Images in Tomb M45 in Xishuipo (西水坡) of Puyang (濮阳), China. In addition,

literary symbolism is often associated with the celestial bodies through names, shapes or

number of components, etc. One good example is to paint a star map on the roof of a tomb to

symbolize a starry dome-shaped sky, as evidenced in the tomb of Emperor Qin (秦始皇) (Liu

1983). The naming system of the Forbidden City, another famous case of symbolizing the

Heavenly Palace, was designed in accordance with the nomenclature of the Star Officials

(Wan 2015).

(2) The practice of shaping buildings or cities in ways that refer to the celestial bodies,

consequently, creating buildings or cities as microscopic models of the stars on the ground,

provides a communication channel between the Heaven and the Earth for those who make use

of the architecture (generally in a ritual context). Imitate Heaven and Earth (象天法地),

understood as a precept to make the architecture on the ground imitate the shape or layout of

the heavenly stars, was widely applied in Chinese traditional architecture design and city

planning. Wu Qingzhou, a representative modern scholar who is active in this field of research,

has pointed out that most of the Chinese traditional capitals used the Imitate Heaven and

Earth rule for city planning (Wu 1996). Similarly, some scholars have proved that this

principle was used in the city planning of Xianyang City (咸阳) and Chang'an City (长安) of

the Qin and Han Dynasty. Chen Xibo (2001) suggests that the curved walls of Chang'an City

were inspired by the shapes of the constellations of the Purple Forbidden Enclosure (紫微垣),

the Big Dipper (北斗七星), and Little Dipper (南斗六星). Guo Lu (2014) holds that

Xianyang City mimicked the layouts of the Four Images and Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions.

Another scholar Zhu Zuxi (2007) proposes that the precept Imitate Heavenly Palace in

Capitals (象天设都) came from the perspective of ancient celestial worship. Zhao Zhen

(2012), a scholar who focuses on ancient astronomy, pointed out that everything in the earthly

emperors’ palaces, such as the system of officers, buildings, shrines to worship gods, and

even the commodity economy, was implemented to correspond to the elements of the

Heavenly Palace.

C. Research on “Inner Scientific Connection” associated with Orientation and

Layout of Celestial Bodies

The symbolic relationship between architecture or city plans and the celestial bodies is

not only reflected on the surface – which can be easily observed – but may also be hidden in

intrinsic scientific connections, for example, in cases where buildings or cities were connected

to astronomical observations, aligned with the celestial bodies, or followed the layout of stars.

Some early buildings or cities have played an important role in assisting humans to implement

and register astronomical observations. For example, a city's central avenue may have been

followed in such a way that serves as an alignment for observing the sunrise or sunset on

14

Winter Solstice, or a building was located as a standpoint reference for observing a special

celestial body on a particular date. Several scholars have concentrated on demonstrating such

connections in their research. Du Zhongchao (1997) and Chen Xibo (2000) have pointed out

that the axis of Xianyang City was aligned with a (scientifically observable) astronomical

phenomenon. Feng Shi (2001) proposes that the urban axis of the tombs of Xishuipo followed

the direction of the meridian. The research of Lv Yanhang (2011) and Chen Chunhong (2012)

suggests that the main reason for early architecture and urban axes facing East was the

tracking of the sunrise directions. Chen Chunhong (2012) also pointed out that the Chinese

traditional building positioning system of Facing South and Sitting North (坐北朝南) is

subject to the Midday Sun (日中之阳) and the Polar Star (北极星). In several cases, buildings

or cities seem to have oriented their axes towards the North Star or to the rising or setting of

the Sun on specific days; similarly, architecture or city planning seems sometimes to have

been designed to track the positions of the Officials in the sky. In addition, Du Zhongchao

(1997), Wang Xueli (2000), Chen Chunhong (2012), Lv Yanhang (2011), and Chen Xinyu

(2015) have analyzed some representative cases in order to show the influence of celestial

orientation and layout on ancient architectural design. Such observable connections suggest

that these are early cases of attempts to connect society to the heavenly bodies (based on

sound astronomical observations), probably in combination with ritual activities, as a way to

express the inner (religiously charged) connection between them.

1.4 Irreplaceable Background: Historical Review of Mesoamerican Cosmological

Architecture

In ancient China, religion in Mesoamerica was polytheistic: this complex worldview,

with its large number of gods, rituals, and related sacred narratives, had, of course, its impact

on art and architecture. Many scholars believe that cosmology and astronomy played an

important role in Mesoamerican urban planning and architecture design, especially among the

ancient Maya (Mathews & Garber 2004; Šprajc 2009). From early archaeological

explorations onwards, investigators noted visual alignments among buildings in the sites and

between the buildings and points at the horizon that might have astronomical significance.

Paradigmatic in this respect is Frans Blom’s analysis (1926) of a temple complex (the

so-called E-group) in the Maya site Uaxactun as an arrangement of buildings that marked the

sun's position at the horizon during the solstices and equinoxes. This type of analysis was in

line with the earlier discovery by the German scholar Förstemann at the end of the 19th

century, namely that a chapter of the Maya Codex Dresden contained a register of the periods

of visibility and invisibility of the planet Venus as “morning star” and “evening star” over a

104 year period, clearly based on astronomical observations (see for a contemporary

evaluation of this topic: Bricker and Bricker 2011). In the 20th century, this led to a

stereotypical image of the Maya as a culture dominated by wise astronomers. Similar

observations of alignments and archaeo-astronomical interpretations were made in other

Mesoamerican sites (see for example the fundamental studies of Hartung and Aveni). There

have also been critical studies in recent years, however, which caution against a tendency to

reduce sites and buildings too easily to numbers and alignments and to interpret these

15

exclusively in an astronomical sense (May Castillo 2018). As in China, astronomy in

Mesoamerica was entangled with religiously charged cosmology.

1.4.1 Cosmovision and Divine World

The different Mesoamerican peoples had (and sometimes still have) specific sacred narratives

about the creation of the Cosmos, which often are quite different in detail but also show some

underlying conceptual unity and coherence. Many scholars have studied the sources and

commented on Mesoamerican creation concepts and worldview (see for the Maya: Thompson

1966, 1970; Chase and Chase 1998; Ashmore 1991; Freidel et al. 1993; Girard 1948;

Guderjan 2004; Houston 1981). All the information indicates that ancient Mesoamerica was a

world full of deities. Consequently, the Cosmos was considered to have been created and to

be controlled, protected, or guarded by many gods. This worldview determined that the most

important architecture had religious associations, serving the gods, and was used for rituals

(Taube 2012; Bassie-Sweet 2002).

The creation of the world was often seen as a complex set of events, leading up to a

“First Sunrise”. Several creation stories mention a sequence of such “First Sunrises” or

“Suns”, i.e. Eras (Taube 2012; Bassie-Sweet 2002). The sacred book of the Quiché Maya (in

Guatemala), the Popol Vuh, tells that the world was created and destroyed several times

because of the failed attempts by the creator deities to make humans from different kinds of

material until they finally succeeded in making humans from corn. According to Aztec texts,

the Sun God Nanahuatzin and the Moon God Tecuciztecatl threw themselves into a sacrificial

fire, and then became the Sun and the Moon in Teotihuacan’s narrative (Bierhorst

1992:147–149; Garibay 1979:109; Mendieta 1980:79–80, Sahagún, Book III: chapter 2).

Another version (e.g. in Codex Vaticanus A, f 4v- 7r, and on the monument known as the

Calendar Stone) mentions four earlier “Suns” or creations, which all were destroyed, the

present one being the Fifth Sun (Anders and Jansen 1996: 54-69).

The Popol Vuh tells the story that the Sun and the Moon came into being after the Hero

Twins Hunahpu and Xbalanque defeated their opponents in the Underworld and rose into the

sky to be the Sun and the Moon (Coe 1973, 1977, 1989; Taube 1985, 1992; Tedlock 1985;

Bassie-Sweet 1996, 1999).

The ancient Mesoamerican representation / description of the universe was layered and

thus can be described in vertical termsas basic tripartite structure of Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld, which we may call: “the Three Realms” (Figure 1-3). This structure is relatively

well documented by Spanish and Nahuatl sources of the early colonial period, for example,

the Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún (especially Books III and VII) and the Codex

Vaticanus A, f 1v-3v (cf. Anders and Jansen 1996: 39-53; but see also the discussion by

Nielsen & Sellner Reunert 2009 and the volume edited by Díaz 2020). This worldview is

often simply projected onto other Mesoamerican cultures, but likely there may have been

many important local and temporal differences. This may lead to an unwarranted conflation of

16

Figure 1-3 Three worlds showed on Sarcophagus Lid (drawing by Merle Greene Robertson [1983: Figure 99]).

Heaven

Human World

Underworld

17

– for example – the Nahua-Mixtec sources (15th-16th Century A.D.) and Classic Maya art

and inscriptions (from ± 1000 years earlier and situated in a very different region). On the

other hand, as the local and temporal variations in worldview are unfortunately often not well

known, some degree of speculation is inevitable in attempts to reconstruct the ancient

worldview as a coherent whole and to interpret works of visual art and symbolism.17

The sky-dome, as a cover on top of the Earth, looks like a Sky-Serpent with two heads,

and bending, the body crosses the heaven from East to West (Dowd & Milbrath 2015:91;

Stross 1996). There are many deities in the sky that have an important influence on the human

world, not only Sun, Moon, Venus, star constellations, as well as Rain, Whirlwind,

Lightning and other atmospheric forces. Heaven is also the place where Aztecs and Mixtecs

situate the creator deities in the form of a primordial couple (Codex Vaticanus A, f. 1v, and

Codex Yuta Tnoho / Vindobonensis, p. 52).

The Earth is considered as an enormous caiman, crocodile or turtle floating on and

surrounded by the primordial sea (Taube 2012; Reilly1990:12), but this is by no means the

only representation of the Earth. Like the Chinese, the Mesoamerican peoples saw the Earth

as a square (or rectangle) with four giant beings, trees or columns standing on the four corners

and supporting the sky (Taube 2003, 2010). The crocodile or turtle, as well as the four

directions with four directional trees, played an important role in the ancient Mesoamerican

view of the Cosmos (Garibay 1979:32; Taube 2010). A sculpture of the Late Postclassic

period from the northern Maya lowlands portrays a darkened sky raining upon the earth turtle,

depicting the basic model of the Mesoamerican world (Taube 1988; Finamore & Houston

2010:85).

The Aztecs distinguished several realms where the dead ancestors dwelled. One was

Mictlan, a subterraneous place, the Underworld, the lowest level of the Three Realms. It had

several subdivisions and the road towards it had several stations. It was home to a number of

death-related deities and it was associated with the number 9, even called chicunauh-mictlan,

“9 - place of death” (Sahagún, Florentine Codex, Book III Appendix 1)..In the Mixtec

precolonial codices this realm was represented as a Skull Temple, where the Goddess Lady 9

Grass ruled. The entrance to this realm of Death was a cave, situated on Earth, associated with

one of the four directions – South for the Mixtecs, North for the Aztecs (Jansen and Pérez

Jiménez 2017: chapter 2).

17 The overall tripartite layering of the cosmos is a hypothesis proposed and shared by many scholars, but merits further

in-depth research in the different areas and among the different peoples of Mesoamerica. We should be aware here of the

notable differences in landscape and ecology throughout Mesoamerica between highlands dominated by impressive

mountains (among which several active volcanoes) and tropical lowlands, especially the coastal plains and the Yucatán

peninsula with its karst topography. Water – often originating in cave-like environments – comes in different forms, ranging

from springs to cenotes, from small lakes to lagoons, from rivulets to broad rivers. In the whole region it is obviously crucial

for agriculture and life in general. In several areas, especially during the dry season it is painfully missing, even producing

dangers of desertification. Thus it is possible to focus on the special place of water and to distinguish: sky, earth (or the

landscape of people), water and Underworld. In some visual representations water is part of the "mountain and water"

concept for the human life environment, in others the water appears associated with the Underworld.(see the next chapter).

18

Figure 1-4 Directions and trees on the first page of Codex Fejérvàry-Mayer

The Three Realms were connected by a central “axis”, represented as a World Tree

growing in the Centre of the Earth, with its roots extending down into the Underworld and its

upper branches reaching into Heaven (Freidel et al. 1993:129–130; Reilly 1990:38). Similar

trees were situated in the four directions. The concept that we now refer to as Axis Mundi18

,

obviously, played an important role in the orientation and design of the ceremonial centre,

with its corners, altars, temples and other buildings (Freidel et al. 1993:129–130; Reilly

1990:38, 1994:83–84; Taube 1996:44). Further historical evidence indicates that the concept

of the four directions of the world has affected the house construction and the basic

architectural plane design in ancient Mesoamerica (Tozzer 1941:135; Bassie-Sweet 2002)

(Figure 1-4), while the vertical aspect of the Three Realms of the universe, with their specific

18 The Axis Mundi (also called cosmic axis, world axis, world pillar, centre of the world, World Tree), in many beliefs and

religions, is the world centre or the connection between Heaven and Earth (Eliade 1991:48-51).

19

deities and symbols, may have influenced the concept and design of the Mesoamerican

pyramids19

(Coe 1973:15, 83).

1.4.2 State of the Art

Astronomy and cosmology had a paramount role in Mesoamerican architectural and

urban planning (Nelson et al., 2010). The colonial sources make clear that most of the

architecture in Mesoamerican ceremonial centres (temples) had a ritual and religious

dimension, in veneration of a wide variety of deities, in accordance with local world view and

cosmology (Šprajc 2010). Civic buildings, situated in the ceremonial centre, took part in this

dimension. These religious and civic-ceremonial buildings could be aligned to directions that

were relevant in terms of cosmology, the calendar and/or memory, as well as those sacred

caves and mountains. Particularly the sunrise or sunset positions of the sun on the horizon on

certain dates, such as solstices, equinoxes, and zenith passages, were marked in these

orientations and alignments (Aveni and Hartung 1986, 2000; Aveni 2001, 2003; Galindo

Trejo 1994; Šprajc 2001a, b; Tichy 1991). In this way, a ritual connection of human society

with the sun, and consequently with the seasons (so crucial for agriculture) was achieved as a

permanent religious memento.

This thesis will consider the advances in the interpretation of some important ancient

Mesoamerican sites with their related rituals and symbolism, also considering the information

from pre-colonial texts. This examination of the research on the relations between

Mesoamerican architecture and cosmology has the following four foci:

1. Research on Astronomical Alignments in Mesoamerican Urban Planning

Over the past decades, there have been quite a few archaeo-astronomical explorations in

Mesoamerican archaeological sites, looking for evidence of the alignment of buildings with

astronomical phenomena. Indeed, in a number of major sites, such as Teotihuacan, Chichen

Itza, Tikal, indications for alignments with the sunrise or sunset directions on the dates of

Winter Solstice or Summer Solstice, or with other special directions associated with the

spatial positions of celestial bodies, were found in the orientations of buildings, the urban

layout, axes or the inner planning of the ancient cities (e.g. Aveni & Hartung 1986; Šprajc

1993, 2000, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2014; Carrasco 1987, 1992, 2000, 2013; Dow 1967; Broda

1991; López Austin 1980; Freidel & Schele1988, 1992, 1993; Boone 2007; Smith 2003, 2005,

2013).

2. Research on the Design of Buildings as an Axis Mundi

In Mesoamerican sites, the ceremonial centre is clearly recognizable, which suggests a

religious focus on a pivotal point or Axis Mundi. Several scholars have pointed out the

relevance of this concept, which originally was made popular by the work of Mircea

Eliade20

in the comparative study of religion, and also by the work of Wheatley in China.

19 The Mesoamerican Pyramid, the most prominent part of the Mesoamerican architecture, is similar in some ways to the

Egyptian pyramid but has obvious characteristics such as multi-layer rectangular or square platforms or terraces, and most

importantly, a small temple (building), in general, located on the uppermost platform and with stairs ascending to its faces

front. 20Mircea Eliade was a Romanian historian of religion and philosopher who once served at the University of Chicago. He

enjoyed worldwide fame in the area of interpreting religious symbolism (in myth and ritual) from a comparative perspective

and established paradigms in religious studies that persist to this day (specifically in the studies of ancient Mesoamerica). On

20

Especially the Mesoamerican temple pyramid has clearly the appearance of an Axis Mundi

symbol, a house of the deity on a clearly visible vertical elevation, with a horizontal square(or

rectangular) ground plan, which facilitated orientation towards the cardinal points (Milbrath

& Dowd 2015; Belmonte 2010; Klein 1982; Carrasco 1987a, 1992, 2013; Aguilar Moreno

2008; Evans2016; Townsend 1982; McCafferty 2018; Klokočník, J. 2007; Aveni & Gibbs

1976; Broda 2000; Dow 1967; Smith 2005). Several scholars have also pointed out that the

basic shape of the pyramid was motivated by the shape of a mountain, which is often

considered a sacred being in Mesoamerica.21

The expression "mountain, water" is used to

refer to the concept of a human community (in its typical ecological niche) in several

Mesoamerican languages. In this manner, the shape of the pyramid may have represented (as

microcosm) the typical shape of the earth as dwelling place for divine forces (macrocosm).

Such associations give additional meaning to the architecture (cf. Jones 1993, 2000,2007;

Jones & Desmond 1995, Houston 1998, and Gillespie 2001).

3. Research on Ancient Texts, Visual Art and Calendar

In the past 120 years, great progress has been made in the deciphering and interpreting

Mesoamerican writing systems and visual art. Images are found in abundance in

archaeological and historical contexts, varying from wall paintings, sculptures, relief carvings,

decorated ceramics, mosaics to hieroglyphic inscriptions and pre-colonial and early colonial

manuscripts (codices and paintings on cloth). Such imagery, originating from different

cultures within Mesoamerica over a period of ± 2500 years, is of obvious importance for

understanding human thought and behavior in the past, particularly as these media express the

point of view of the Mesoamerican peoples themselves. In-depth studies of these sources have

opened up new ways of understanding the ancient society and its history, the most spectacular

being the decipherment of the Maya hieroglyphs and its reconnection to living languages and

cultures (see for example (Freidel, Schele & Parker 1995; Grube & Martin 2008; May

Castillo 2014). Similarly, advances have taken place in the interpretation of the religious

codices (the Teoamoxtli Group or Borgia Group) and of the Mixtec codices (Ñuu Dzavui

group) from Central and Southern Mexico (see for example Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2004,

2007, 2010, 2017, as well as Boone 2000, 2007)

4. Research on Symbolism and Metaphors

A specific field of study within the just mentioned research on Mesoamerica’s ancient

texts, visual art and calendar focuses on the interpretation of architectural expressions of

cosmic ideas or Cosmograms through "symbolic shorthand or artistic metaphor" (Hendon &

Joyce 2004: 326). The investigation of Cosmograms involves the study of temporal-spatial

cosmology as well as the symbolic complex of the four directions, associated with particular

deities, trees, birds, colours, and other elements (Carrasco 1999; Boone 2000, 2007;

the other hand, a great deal of controversy surrounds his synthetic representation of ‘archaic’ religious mentality and his

distinctive methods for handling and interpreting religious data (Ginzburg 2010). There have long been vociferous individual

skeptics, many attacks on or evaluations of his work have been published in diverse academic journals. 21 In the Maya lowland region, where mountains do not play a prominent role in the landscape, the corresponding Maya

concept, symbolised by the high terraced platform, was witz, which is often superficially translated in the literature as

“mountain” but which is actually the term for a mound or rise with a hollow/cave within, as well as water, common in karst

topography (Elizabeth Graham, personal communication 2021).

21

Brotherston 1976; Lopez Austin 2001). A related theme is that of the world of the ancestors.

References to these aspects of Mesoamerican worldview are often formulated in ceremonial

discourses, religiously charged narratives and ritual practices, which make use of

metaphorical expressions and other symbols. Several scholars have opted for an approach that

combines iconographic analysis with the study of literary expressions and contemporary oral

traditions (Schele & Mathews 1999; Mathews & Garber 2004; Christenson 1997; Carlsen &

Prechtel 1991; Whittaker 1993; Méluzin 1987; Carrasco 2013; Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017;

Klein 1976).

My own understanding of these matters has benefitted particularly from the possibility to

participate during several years in the seminars of the research team of the ERC Advanced

Grant project ‘Time in Intercultural Context: the Indigenous Calendars of Mexico and

Guatemala’, directed by Maarten Jansen and Gabina Aurora Pérez Jiménez at Leiden

University, which involved a strong group of Mesoamerican scholars, including several native

speakers of Mesoamerican languages with in-depth personal knowledge of indigenous

cultures (Maya, Nahuatl, Mixtec, and Mixe).

1.5 Methodology: Hermeneutical Interpretation and Comparison

This thesis, then, for the most part, concentrates on cosmological interpretations of

architecture by comparing ancient Chinese and Mesoamerican built heritage. It will discuss

the role of architecture in relation to ideas about Order in human society, based on the

cultural awareness of a sacred order in Cosmos, nature, and landscape. It will pay attention to

the way this awareness influences people’s interpretation of history and the construction of

cultural memory. The cosmological aspects will be addressed in a comparative perspective

considering architectural remains from the Chinese and Mesoamerican (including Maya)

civilizations, with incidental references to European art (cf. Heilbron 1999, 2009).

Focusing on meaning, the thesis will follow a hermeneutical approach, in which it is

guided by the classic theoretical works of authors such as Jones (1993, 1995, 2000, 2016),

Rapoport (1990, 2005), Tilley (1994, 2004, 2014), and Ingold (1985, 2000, 2011, 2013). The

following paragraphs introduce the main interpretive contents which have nurtured this thesis

research.

1.5.1 The Hermeneutics of Sacred Architecture (Lindsay Jones)

A building's meaning, in general, is interpreted by people's subjective judgments or

influenced by the thoughts of others through texts, languages, images, and general

impressions. And those meanings, which are considered to be universal, traditional, and

general, are much harder to interpret in a different way. The advantage of Lindsay Jones'

hermeneutic approach is that he breaks the limitations of traditional methods and perspectives

and uses a completely new way to reinterpret the meaning of architecture, which allows us to

understand architecture from a new angle. This approach inspires me to rethink the accepted

meanings of architecture and gives me a new understanding of it. Lindsay Jones, a historian

of religions and an erudite scholar who focused on the hermeneutical analysis of architecture,

examined the hermeneutical approach as a means to interpret many ancient architectures from

the perspective of change with time and cultural context. He had a wide interest in the

22

methods, theories, and cultures associated with religious studies in cross-cultural perspective

all over the world, paying special attention to the religious study of Mesoamerica.

What is most admirable about his research method is that he interprets architecture based

on dynamic features from new or multiple perspectives (Jones & Desmond 1995: 189). For

me, his approach inspired and helped me in writing my dissertation in several ways:

1. Theoretical Framework of Sacred Architecture

In his work, Lindsay Jones gave a theoretical framework for interpreting sacred

architecture and discussed several possibilities for discovering and examining its divine

characteristics by paying attention to observable factors such as homology, commonality, and

symbolism (Jones & Desmond 1995: 211). This greatly promoted the construction of the

basic framework of this paper. For example, Chapter 2 of this thesis discusses the Universal

Order and cosmological characteristics of the two architectures from the perspective of

Homology; Chapter 3 considers the rules of Commonality.

2. Architecture is Divinity

Jones said: “A sacred Architecture can be the body, abode, and the soul habitation of a

god” (Jones & Desmond1995: 230-234), which inspired me significantly in writing my thesis.

In the eyes of most people, Architecture is an immobile and non-emotional inorganic,

manmade object, used passively for various human activities. However, Lindsay Jones

proposes to consider that architecture, in certain circumstances, is a positive participant and

agent in a ritual rather than a tool to be used, it could even be seen as a Leader in an “Event”

(Jones & Desmond1995: 186-189). That means that architecture could be conceived as a

being, a god, or even a person with emotions and capable of directing the ritual. This was

indeed a novel idea at the time. However, in those worlds which were full of divinity, it is

understandable that the architecture was seen as a spiritual god in the ritual. Architecture can

use its shapes, special spaces, colours, and decorative components to attract/guide people

towards, away from or close to itself, moreover, it can control people's emotional fluctuations

and resonate with their thoughts.

Using this perspective of positive agency to consider the position and role of architecture

in a ritual Event might yield different research results. Consequently, I will re-examine the

historical role and divine characteristics of both Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures in

different historical stages.

3. Architecture has Dynamic Characteristics

Jones also described architecture as having dynamic characteristics therefore, the results

of research on an ancient building can differ for each offer those people in the “multilateral

endorsement of philosophers, theologians, literary critics, art historians, anthropologists, and

historians of religions” (Jones & Desmond 1995:190). That is, architecture could be

interpreted differently by diverse peoples and individuals living in different historical contexts

and/or having different professional or cultural perspectives. Some architectural heritage, for

example, that existed for many years, might have participated in the war, might have

protected civilians, or might have been hit by an earthquake. Some people regard it as a

treasure, some people hate it, and others try to destroy it. In short, as the times change since it

23

was built, so too the people who use it have changed. Comparing cultural aspects of

architecture should be based on their original meanings, which need to be fully considered or

interpreted in their historical contexts and in accordance with the effects they had on different

users. As a result, my thesis will consider the dynamic characters of architectural heritage and

try to reconstruct the original meaning of architectural creation in the context of historical

stages, before beginning my comparative study.

4. Architecture can be Studied from Both Sides

Researchers can search for different options by examining the perspectives of opposite

sides, such as researchers and research objects, observers and the observed, or participants

and the participated (Jones & Desmond 1995: 186-190). Jones considers that, when

researching something, we need to consider both these different aspects and the impacts they

have on each other. When studying the meanings of architecture, on the one hand, we need to

take into account the perspective of the positive characters, i.e. the

observer/researcher/participant, while on the other hand, we need to consider the thoughts of

those observed/investigated/participated as well; only then can we strive for a reasonable

explanation for the research objects. Therefore, my discussion here will fully consider the

meanings of architecture from two sides, before drawing my conclusions.

1.5.2 The Nonverbal Communication approach (Amos Rapoport)

Similar to those ideas of Jones, Amos Rapoport also states that the understandings of the

meanings of architecture differ between those people who have different backgrounds, such as

designers, users, observers, and others (Rapoport 1990: 15-30). Amos Rapoport，a prominent

architectural educator, who has explored the theoretical dimension of architecture, has

suggested several ways for studying the meanings of the built environment from a theoretical

perspective. He advocated in particular the use of Nonverbal Communication methods. In his

book The meaning of the built environment: A Nonverbal Communication approach, he

discussed in detail the advantages and disadvantages of this method and how to use it

correctly. He proposed three major approaches to the interpretation of architecture, which will

be used as orientation points in my dissertation:

1. The Semiotic Approach

The semiotic approach, a popular and widely used research method in architectural

design from ancient times until now, as the “study of the significance of elements of a

structured system” is well known (Rapoport1990:38). Syntactics, semantics, and pragmatics,

the three components of Semiotics he distinguished in his book, are the most important focus

points. He also gave reasons to criticize the semiotic approach in researching the built

environment. For instance, “working on meaning is done apparently within the semiotic

tradition” but this does not always need, nor “relate to semiotic theory” (Rapoport1990:37).

Furthermore, he found that the method of semiotics could sometimes use an “extremely high

level of abstraction and the rather difficult and esoteric vocabulary full of neologisms, which

makes much of it virtually unreadable” (Rapoport1990:37). Consequently, the semiotics

approach can be difficult to understand for people. Semiotics in architecture can be described

in language easily, but is difficult to observe. The architectural forms, in general, are taken as

24

special ways, expressing significance in their planes, spaces, and components, which may

include the denotations of function as well as connotations of cosmological ideas. Although it

is difficult to prove whether this truly happened in the architectures under study, I was

inspired to research if such ideas help to understand the design of Mesoamerican and Chinese

architectures. Can semiotics help us to identify symbols that have become formulas or design

principles, such as squares, circles, pyramids, etc., as signifying cosmological meanings?

2. The Symbolic Approach

The symbolic approach, the second method Rapoport mentioned in his book, derived

from many theories such as structuralism, symbolic anthropology and even cognitive

anthropology (Rapoport 1990:43). It was widely used in those fields, to comment on aspects

that seem strongly connected with the power, wealth, position, world directions, and even the

universe (Vale 2014:1-3; Bennett 2007; Lewis-Williams 2004). Several schools of thought

recognize the importance of this perspective in the case of Mesoamerican and Chinese

architecture. For example, Wheatley held that many ancient capitals were designed as symbols

(1990: 412-415); Belsky says that Beijing City has the powerful symbolism of the Centre

(2005: 74-97). Symbolism is present in many ways within the context of the architecture, such

as sacred numbers, materials, colours, shapes, decorations, components, and so on, which is

strongly suggested by ancient Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures. Therefore, it will be

one of the main points of attention and methodical concern throughout this thesis.

3. The Nonverbal Communication Approach

The Nonverbal Communication Approach, Rapoport’s most important theme, implies a

focus on the transmission of information by visual, auditory, tactile, and kinesthetic channels.

It has developed quickly in recent years in several fields, especially in psychology and

anthropology (Rapoport 1990; Albert 2017; Knapp, Hall & Horgan 2013; De Paulo &

Friedman 1998; Weitz 1974; Henley & Henley 1977). Rapoport suggests that in the

Nonverbal Communication Approach to architecture design we should pay attention to:

Analogy, and Nonverbal Behavior. Rapoport gave a detailed list of possible potential cues of

physical elements (vision, sound, and smells) in Nonverbal Behavior, some of which apply to

the area of built environment and architecture, such as shape, size, scale, height, colour,

materials, textures, details, decorations, spaces, quality, light and shade, type of planting, age,

type of order, etc. (Rapoport 1990:106-107). This inspired me to further explore the meanings

of both architectures from such a perspective taking into account their shapes, sizes, scales,

heights, materials, and so on, which supplied a lot of information about the ancient heritage.

Specifically, this thesis will consider the Nonverbal Communication between the divine

powers of the cosmos and humans in both architectures.

1.5.3 Phenomenology and Perception of Landscape (Christopher Tilley and Tim Ingold)

In addition to the methodological focus points described above, I will draw on the

approach of Phenomenology and Perception of Christopher Tilley and Tim Ingold to explore

how the qualities of the designable world – for example, colours, decorations, materiality,

forms, and spatiality – express the embodiment of the divinity in solemn architecture and

environment. Christopher Tilly, a British scholar known for his fundamental book

25

Phenomenology of Landscape (1994). He pointed out that the sensory experiences (“tactile

sensations, sonorous qualities, colour, and visual impressions”) could be used to review and

interpret an archaeological site or (cultural) landscape. He maintained that scholars or

investigators could enter the sites they are studying, and use their senses of vision, smell, and

hearing to find out how ancient peoples would have used or interpreted these sites. He utilized

the “intuitive” study of material in archaeology, especially in landscapes (Trigger

2006:472–473), and tried to find out from there the original meanings in the past. That

“intuitive” approach in the study of historical material has been criticized by other scholars

for being fanciful and not verifiable, but, when applied carefully and connection with in-

depth study of the culture in question, it seems to me indeed a possible way to interpret

buildings. Tim Ingold, a British anthropologist, who links environmental perception and

skilled practice, focuses on studying how the human skill of Perception develops within

cultural contexts. He illustrates and explains his approach in his book The Perception of the

environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill (2000), and other works in which he

examines the relationship between architecture, anthropology, art, and design. He declared

that Perception, a way of intuition, could be used to explore the meaning of architecture, to

“provide a link between the biological life and environment”(Ingold 2000:3).

In Mesoamerica and China, there are many ancient architectural ruins that, to this day,

can not be understood and interpreted well. But they are visible and tangible, people can see,

touch, feel, and get their colours, materials, shapes, and even layouts. Consequently, for the

phenomena that cannot be exactly explained in ancient buildings of Mesoamerica and China

using traditional methods, Ingold’s Perception approach may provide a way to come closer to

them.

In this dissertation, I will apply the above methods when they seem to offer a road to

understanding, in connection, of course, with a detailed examination of the archaeological,

art-historical, and historical data. Based on these methodological considerations, this study

attempts to examine illustrative examples of possible cosmological meanings in the

architectures and related visual art of both Mesoamerica and China. In many cases

information is lacking or not conclusive so that interpretative exercises such as this one are

bound to remain speculative; similarly, our theoretical approaches are to a large extent

determined by the concerns of modern thought and thus may not do justice to the ideas of the

ancient peoples. Despite these challenges, I hope that these discussions and intercultural

explorations may serve to stimulate – among students of architecture and the public at large –

a renewed interest in the meaning of architectural heritage, and, in general terms, to more

self-reflection on our attitudes toward the past.

26

2 Cosmos, Ideology, Architectural Practice

Did the creation and layout of ancient architecture or cities have anything to do with a

culture’s concept of the universe? And if so, how? And how to demonstrate such a

relationship? These are complex, yet thought-provoking questions worthy of closer

examination. Michael E. Smith (2003) has challenged the lack of clear, strong, and

convincing arguments for “reading cosmology into ancient Maya city plans”. Indeed,

caution is needed, certainly where explicit detailed historical sources on the ideas, schools,

and practices of architects, and even on the culture’s Cosmovision in general, are

insufficient or even totally lacking. On the other hand, there are many cases worldwide that

show that architecture, particularly the architecture used in the context of rulership and/or

religion, may express specific meanings that underscore the ideological charge of their

function. It is legitimate to examine architectural remains to see if we can find indications

of such meanings. Here we will focus first on the cosmological dimensions of ancient

Chinese architecture, for which we have quite a few solid sources of information.

Cosmology has had a profound impact on China’s architecture and space design for

thousands of years. This may help us as a frame of reference to evaluate the hypotheses as

to what is possible or probable in the case of Mesoamerican architecture, whenever we find

phenomena that seem similar. In comparing the architectural interpretations given in the

literature about both civilizations, it is important, obviously, to analyze and assess the

arguments that are given in each case.

Fundamentally, many Mesoamericanists (similarly inspired by Eliade’s comparative

framework) have tried to interpret archaeological remains of cities and buildings – and

continue to do so, notwithstanding Smith’s critique – in an analogous manner, referring to

possible indications of similar cosmological notions in ancient art, historical chronicles and

ethnographic descriptions of contemporary traditions. The major work by Lindsay Jones

finds in “all eras, areas, and scales of Mesoamerican arts and buildings, from textiles to

monumental architecture” abundant evidence of “Mesoamerican builders undoubted

dedication to cosmological unification” (Jones 1995:217, 219).

Certain basic general coincidences in worldview help the comparison. In

Mesoamerican sources we find, as in ancient China, the idea of a possible ordering of the

cosmos in a tripartite vertical structure (Heaven1 - Earth - Underworld) and a quadripartite

horizontal structure (four world directions), with an emphasis on the Centre (“heart”).

Polytheism (manifold deities manifest in nature and in society) is another general

characteristic that both civilizations have in common.

1 Heaven and Sky both can refer to the space above the Earth. In general, Heaven is more flexible and with complicated

meanings. because of religious associations. In Chinese culture, Heaven, in some circumstances, also represents the Emperor

of Heaven, heavenly gods, and even the heavenly society. It contains a wider range where the heavenly gods live in. The Sky,

in the usual sense, refers to the visible sky where matter exists. In this thesis, Heaven is much more used since it links with

the Cosmos and gods.

27

Thus, it is plausible that the quadripartite

structuring principle observable in buildings and cities

may indeed reflect this worldview. Similarly, it is

suggestive that the emblematic temple-pyramid consist

of three main parts: 1) the temple on top, 2) the

mountain-like square or rectangular base (terraced

platform with staircase), and 3) often an inner cave,

subterraneous chamber or sunken patio: it is plausible

to suppose that they represent, or at least connote,

Heaven, Earth, and the Underworld as the three

vertically ordered realms of the universe (cf. Klein

1982; McCafferty 2018).

Let us now review the matter in more detail and

see if there is indeed reason to think that Mesoamerican

architecture followed the structure and rules of the

Cosmos, in a way similar to what happened in ancient

China.

We will take the interpretive model of Lindsay

Jones (1995:211) as a point of departure. He

distinguishes the first overall category of “Architecture

as Orientation”, which he sees as “the instigation of

Ritual-Architectural Events” and subdivides into three

aspects: homology, convention, and astronomy. Our

discussion will simultaneously serve to test the

applicability and usefulness of this model for the

comparison we want to undertake in this chapter.

2.1 Homology: Original Image of the Universe

The Chinese imagined the Universe as a world

similar to human society. Logically speaking, people

first constructed their society and culture, and then

created/conceived the body and structure of the

universe according to the things that already existed in

human society. As a result, the universe was imagined

to be three parts that look like a human form consisting

of head (Heaven), body (human society), and feet

(Earth). The head (Heaven) was thought to be a

heavenly society with a Heavenly Emperor (the Polar

Star) in the centre who was surrounded by many

heavenly officials (stars, sun, moon, wind, rain, thunder,

electricity, etc.); while the interior of the feet

(Underworld) was imagined to be a dark world ruled by

Figure 2-1 Aztec multi-layered universe

(From Nicholson 1971: Figure 7)

28

the king of the Underworld and his courtiers. There is a logical conjecture: most likely in both

cases – the heavenly society and the Underworld – their early forms were derived from the

composition of human society. However, as time went by, people almost forgot how they

were created, furthermore, they feared and reverenced the mysterious worlds made by them

and started to declaim their sanctity. Later, people respected them more and then tried to

contact/connect with them in their thoughts and cultural expressions (Chen 2012:64-68).

Ancient Chinese saw a parallel between a house and the Cosmos.2 Consequently, the

ideas about the universe had a profound impact on traditional architectural design. The

construction of human architecture should be in harmony with (i.e. be modelled after) cosmic

patterns and rules. Thus, buildings were designed in three parts: roofs, pillars, and platforms,

which symbolically referred to Heaven, the human world, and Earth. This cosmological

theory was formulated during the late Shang Dynasty (1554 BC-1040 BC), after which the

system was gradually further developed, increased, and improved (Allan, 1991).

For a long time, Chinese cities and houses were located in their landscape environment

in accordance with aesthetic and religious ideas, in an effort to establish a harmonious

relationship with the cosmos. This landscape orientation had to take into account aspects such

as the shapes of mountains, the forms and bends of rivers, and the directions of the winds

(Wang 2002). All of these could be understood as specific suggestions coming from different

gods. Ancient Chinese were respectful towards many gods, who were considered to influence

and control the destiny and daily life of human beings: some gods might bring good things,

others might be harmful to people. Therefore, people built their cities and houses in a way that

would ensure that they were protected by the gods. Or, at least, in a way that would keep

negative influences out. Liminality – an intermediate sphere that allowed contact with the

gods – may also have been an important aim of the construction. Such theories about the

meaningful construction of buildings and their orientation in the landscape have been

documented by several ancient Chinese authors. The synthetic book The Pivot of the Four

Quarters by Paul Wheatley (1971), taking the lead of Mircea Eliade’s focus on cosmology in

terms of a quadripartite world with a central connecting point (axis mundi), has contributed to

making the cosmological principles of ancient Chinese city-planning widely known also

outside the circle of sinologists.

With the development of human society, people curious about the unknown world

gradually produced an initial imagination of the form of the universe. Ancient Chinese

believed that Heaven looked like a circular lid and the Earth was a square shape. This was

first recorded in the Chinese ancient book Shang Shu· Yu Shu· Yao Dian (尚书·虞书·尧典).3

The beginning of the book tells the story of Emperor Yao (尧), who appointed four directional

kings to rule four directional heavens. This is considered to be the earliest book to tell the

theory and practice of Round Heaven and Square Earth (天圆地方).4 The "Round Heaven"

indicates that the sky is a dome or circular shape, and the "Square Earth" refers to the Earth

2 Gonglong Wang (2006) refers to ancient pieces of evidence that would suggest that the original meanings of the characters

of Yu and Zhou (together Yu Zhou is Cosmos) refer to House. 3 Shang Shu, Book of Documents, a pre-Qin period book, reputedly edited by Confucius before 476 BC. 4 Round Heaven and Square Earth was a basic theory of the shape of the universe, which influenced Chinese cosmological

theories for a long time.

29

with a rectangular form. The heavenly dome is supported by four huge pillars (or mountain

peaks) standing on the four corners of the Earth, this fragment was recorded in the book

Huainan Zi· Lanming (淮南子·览冥)5.

One of the ancient Chinese legends told people that the Heaven was divided into nine

layers,6 each of which had its own name and consisted of different substances and celestial

bodies. A historian scholar, Yang Xiong (杨雄)7 further explained the details and names of

the Nine Heavens (九重天) in his book Tai Xuan (太玄), “There are nine layers of Heaven,

the first is layer Zhongtian (中天), the second is Xiantian (羡天), the third is Congtian (从天),

the fourth is Gengtian (更天), the fifth is Suitian (睟天), the sixth is Kuotian (廓天), the

seventh is Xiantian (咸天), the eighth is Shentian (沈天), and the ninth heaven is Chengtian

(成天).” Besides this, ancient people generally understood that the sun and moon rise in the

East and set in the West.

As for the original sources that document ancient Mesoamericans’ view on the universe,

unfortunately, only a few native books (codices) have survived the destruction of the Spanish

conquest: four pre-colonial Maya hieroglyphic books and a larger, but still limited, amount of

pictographic painted manuscripts of pre-colonial and early colonial times (Boone 2000 and

2007; Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2011 and 2017). But combining the study of these works with

that of pre-colonial iconography and of related archaeological remains as well as a critical

examination of the colonial chronicles and contemporary oral traditions, we may arrive at a

tentative reconstruction of the ancient worldview.

A famous Maya sacred book, the Popol Vuh, written down in colonial time as alphabetic

text (in the Quiché language), though likely influenced by Central Mexican worldview

introduced in the Postclassic period and by Christian ideas introduced during the colonial

times, offers several keys for the interpretation of Classic Maya art. Together these sources

suggest that the ancient Maya conceived the universe as a multi-layer world, composed of the

celestial realm, Earth, and the Underworld (Freidel, Schele & Parker 1993:33-34). The

celestial realm is the sky, represented as a band of celestial symbols (including day and night,

Sun, Moon, and Venus), which may take the form of a two-headed dragon as an arch (Carlson

1982). The two-headed dragon of the Maya was often represented with the head of an

anthropomorphic figure (deity) emerging from each of its mouths (Carlson 1982; Schele

1976). The emergence from the mouths has a parallel in the images of ancestors or deities that

come forward from the open mouth of a serpent, which seem to represent the manifestation of

such personages in visions (Figure 2-2).

As already mentioned in chapter 1, the Earth was seen as a living being, a caiman or huge

turtle floating in the primordial sea (Taube 2012; Reilly1990:12; Thompson 1970). Columns

or sacred beings – four brothers called Bacabs by the Mayas – held up the heavens in four

directions (Thompson 1934). A parallel way of expressing this idea was the depiction of four

trees with four birds on top, associated with the four directions: a famous example from

Central Mexico is found in Codex Tezcatlipoca / Fejérváry-Mayer, p. 1 (Figure 1-4 and 2-5).

5 Huainan Zi, The Book of Huainan, was compiled by Liu An(刘安, 179-122 BC), shortly before 122 BC during Western

Han Dynasty. 6 One of the fragmentary ancient clues is as poem Tianwen (天问) written by Qu Yuan (c. 340–278 BC). 7 Yang Xiong (53 BC - AD 18), a famous scholar of Western Han Dynasty, wrote many books including Tai Xuan (太玄).

30

Similar trees with birds on top are depicted in Maya art: an example is a relief carved on the

lid of the sarcophagus of the 7th Century ruler Ah Pakal in the Temple of the Inscriptions in

Palenque (Mexico) – the tree is surrounded by a celestial band, while a double-headed serpent

is draped over its branches (Figure 1-3).

Figure 2-2 Sky band from Bicephalic Room of House E, Palenque (Schele 1976:19)

Below the surface of the Earth there was an Underworld (called Xibalba, “place of fear”

by the Quiché Maya, and Mictlan, “place of death” by the Nahuas or Aztecs), a place of the

dead, a place of darkness (where the sun descended into at night), similar to a large cave,

often represented as the opened jaws of a serpent, sometimes in skeletonized form. The tree

on the sarcophagus lid in Palenque is rooted in such a skeletonized maw of the Underworld.

The Underworld was associated with the number 9, which could take the form of 9 layers

or 9 difficult stations through which the deceased persons have to pass (Carrasco 1987).

Heaven was associated with the number 13, which became represented as 13 celestial layers

piled above the earthly surface. An illustrative image of the 13 layers of Heaven and the 9

layers of the Underworld, with the Earth surface in between is drawn and explained in the

colonial codex from the Nahua world (Figure 2-1). Each celestial layer was inhabited by a

deity and characterized by a special cosmological phenomenon or a kind of colour.8

The tree connecting Heaven, Earth, and Underworld, becomes then a giant “Tree of Life”,

whose branches reached to the heavens while the roots reached into the Underworld. It is

plausible that this tree is comparable to the tree that is part of many shamanic worldviews as

axis mundi and that gods and souls could travel through the worlds along this giant tree

8 Codex Vaticanus A, pp. 1v-2r (cf. the commentary by Anders and Jansen 1996: 39 ff.). See also Nielsen and Sellner

Reunert: Dante's heritage: questioning the multi-layered model of the Mesoamerican universe (Antiquity, 2009, 83.320:

399-413) and the volume Reshaping the World: Debates on Mesoamerican Cosmologies (edited by Ana Díaz, 2020).

31

(Tompkins 2008). In the case of the mentioned sarcophagus lid of Palenque, the ruler (Ah

Pakal) is deposited at the foot of the tree and lowered into the maw of the Underworld.

People were believed to have come forward from Earth, for example having been made by

the gods using clay or maize dough or having sprung from trees, caves, rocks or rivers (all

animated, living beings), after which they found their “place of sunrise”, their central place in

the universe (Brady 2005:1-3).

Jones points out that one of the ways in which architecture may express meaning is

through homology: “architecture that presents a miniaturized replica of the universe” (Jones

1995:211) i.e. by using forms that represent, copy an important element or structure of the

universe as it was conceived by the culture in question. In this way the architectural form

recalled this concept as a central symbol in the minds of the congregation of believers in a

conscious or subconscious manner. At the same time, when reflected about (for example in

ritual speeches that accompanied what Jones calls “the architectural event”9), this helps to

create identification and a sense of belonging. A parallel in European architecture would be

the form of the Christian cross as ground plan of churches, which links the building

symbolically with the Passion of Christ and consequently with all its associated religious

convictions and experiences.

In view of these general considerations, it seems legitimate to identify tripartite-vertical

and quadripartite-horizontal orders in ancient Chinese and Mesoamerican religious

architecture as ways to underscore and create awareness of cosmological order and to invoke

and manifest the creative powers of the deities that animate and inhabit this Cosmos.

2.2 Convention: Diversification of Spatial Dimensions

After the formation of the universe, concepts of spatial orientation arise to define its

structure further. In ancient China, the horizontal space was divided into five cardinal

directions: East, West, South, North, and the Centre, while the vertical space was divided into

three different spheres: Heaven, Earth, and Underworld. China’s Oracle shows that as early as

the Yin and Shang dynasties, the Chinese were already very familiar with the five directions

and were able to orientate the true directions accurately. At the latest in the Warring States

Period (战国时期, 475-221BC), the Chinese fully grasped the comprehensive concepts of

directions and associated each direction with cultural symbols of time and space (Wang

2009).

Looking at the sculptures, paintings, and calendar manuscripts of Mesoamerica we find

that ancient Mesoamerican people also structured their world in accordance with the five

cardinal points of East, North, West, South, and the Centre10

, which combined with the three

vertical levels (Bricker 1983). These ideas seem to have been presented already in the Olmec

period ± 3,000 years ago (Kaufman 2001). Mesoamericans attached great importance to the

four directions and the Centre, as well as to the up-down cyclical direction of the vertical and

the East-West thrust of the horizontal orientation, determined by the movement of the Sun

(Bricker 1983; Hopkins 2017).

9 For a discussion of this ritual and emotional dimension of sacred architecture, see Jansen & Pérez Jiménez, Encounter with

the Plumed Serpent (2007): 37-44. 10 These cardinal points, in Mesoamerica, are rather regions (region East, North, West, South, and the Center).

32

Lindsay Jones, in his interpretive scheme (1995: 211), speaks of the aspect of the

convention: “architecture that conforms to abstract principles or standardized rules”. In part

one may think of specific forms and elements that became part of the architectural vocabulary.

Here we will focus on the specific conventional symbols that culture connects to the abstract

structures of cosmology. In what way the mentioned abstract tripartite and quadripartite

structures were enriched with symbolic associations that formed part of cultural memory? As

these associations were culture-specific, we should not expect to find coincidences in details

between ancient China and Mesoamerica. But the general mechanism of referring to such

conventional symbols in architecture may be comparable and illustrative for seeing how the

built environment expresses meaning in each specific culture area.

2.2.1 Directions, Gods, and Divine Patrons

The ancient Chinese sky was inhabited by the gods who were transformed into stars

(Zhao 2012). Heaven is divided into East, West, South, North, and the Centre: the five

horizontal cardinal points (Wang 2009). The central area is the position of the Heavenly

Palace, where the Heavenly Emperor lives, and the other four areas are guarded and protected

by four sacred animals (Wang 2009).

Each animal manages and protects a quarter of Heaven and is associated with a colour.

• The sacred patron of the East is the Azure Dragon (青龙神), which corresponds with

the Azure Dragon constellation in the Eastern Heaven, the colour is blue or cyan.

• The sacred patron of the West is the White Tiger (白虎神), which corresponds to the

White Tiger mansions in the Western Heaven, the colour is white.

Figure 2-3 Chinese ancient mirror with four Directional Gods(http://image.baidu.com/)

33

• The sacred patron of the South is the Vermillion Bird (朱雀神), who stands for the

constellation of Vermillion Bird in the south of Heaven, its colour is red.

• The sacred patron of the North is the Black Tortoise (玄武神), which is the Black

Tortoise constellation in the North of Heaven with black colour (Figure 2-3).

In comparison, in Mesoamerica, there are also five cardinal points – East, North West,

South, and the Centre. For the Mayas, the Centre is the position of the supreme Tree of Life /

World Tree, the other four directions are guarded by four divine brothers (Robertson 2006;

Carrasco 1987:140-141; Mathews & Garber 2004). The four brothers, known as Bacabs, lived

in the four quarters of the world and supported the Heaven (Carrasco 1987:140-141; Mathews

& Garber 2004). They were created by the primordial deity. Like the Chinese four directional

patron deities, they had their own names and each of them was associated with a specific

colour (Roys 1965; Bolles; Coxol 2002; Closs 1988).

• The eastern god is Ah Can Tzic Nal or Chacal Bacab, with the colour red.

• The northern god is Ah Zac Ɔiu or Zacal Bacab, with the colour white.

• The western god is Ah Can Ek or Ekel Bacab, with the colour black.

• The southern god is Hobnil or Kan Bacab, with the colour yellow.

The four Bacabs were connected with agriculture and rain as well, which means they

were identified as well with rain or wind deities, all located in four directions (Redfield &

Villa Rojas 1993). In Maya narrative, the Creation God first created one Bacab, but he later

was not satisfied with only one, so finally he turned him into four bodies as four brothers with

different preferences and associations. Each guarded a quarter of Heaven and had the mission

of supporting the sky (Coxol 2002; Closs 1988).

In Ch’orti’ Maya, the corners of the world are the resting places / seats of four of the

Older Brother Angels (sakumb’irob’ anxerob’), some mountains/hills/slopes are also seen as

“the support of the angels”, like Bacabs, each corner/mountain is associated with a specific

colour, a guardian deity, and also an enormous basin of water. (Hull 2020:214-215)

Though the type of being (animal or god) associated with each direction and the

associated colours are different, both cultures share the notion that each of the four directions

is associated with a divine entity and a colour.

2.2.2 Directions, Colours, and Symbolism

The connection between directions and colours appears in China as a product of the

further development of its cosmological theories. An ancient Chinese book with the title Zhou

Li (Ritual of Zhou, 周礼)11

points out that each of the five cardinal points is represented by a

colour, and this idea has been deeply embedded in China's traditional culture: the East is cyan

(between blue and green), the South is red, the West is white, the North is black, and the

Centreis yellow (Figure 2-4a).12

11 Zhou Li is a Confucian classic book. The idea may date from the Zhou Dynasty or, as modern scholars generally believe,

from the Han Dynasty. 12

It was recorded in Zhou Li·Dong Guan·Kaogong Ji·Sixth.

34

Many scholars refer to the possible cultural sources and symbolic meanings of the Five

Colours (五色). For example, Zhang Qianyuan believes that the formation of the Five

Colours is related to the seasons, climates, and to the Five Elements (五行)13

, combining the

orientation characteristics with related attributes (Zhang 2003). The Five Elements, being

Metal (Jin 金), Wood (Mu木), Water (Shui水), Fire (Huo火), and Earth (Tu土), were

considered to be the basic building blocks of everything that exists in the world. This idea

appeared as early as the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty when it was clearly stated in the

ancient book Shang Shu (尚书) (Figure 2-4a). Connecting the Five Colours to the Five

Elements plays an important role in the development of Chinese traditional culture.

Similarly, ancient Mesoamerican peoples associated their four directions with Four

Colours, sometimes with a special colour for the Centre. Interestingly, Mesoamerica often

used for this symbolic operation colours from the same palette as ancient China: black, white,

red, green (or cyan, blue-green), and yellow, but the precise way of associating a specific

colour with a specific direction was different (cf. Paxton 2001: chapter 2).

In Mesoamerica, there was quite a lot of flexibility in that association. Not always and not

everywhere specific directions were associated with the same colours. There are differences in

the orientation of the basic colours among the various peoples and cultures within the large

Mesoamerican area. For example, in Maya culture, the East is red, the North is white, the

West is black, the South is yellow, and the Centre is blue-green, i.e. cyan (Figure 2-4b)

(Marcus 1973; Mathews & Garber 2004). The Aztecs had similar (Mesoamerican)

cosmological concepts as the Mayas overall, but different peculiarities in detail. They usually

considered the East red, the North black, the West white, the South blue, and the Centre cyan

(Manuel 2008). These differences may come from different cultural associations. The East,

being the place of the rising sun, is mostly seen as red; the West, as the direction where the

13 The theory of the Five Elements was recorded in the chapter of Hong Fan (洪范) of Shang Shu (Book of Documents). It

was developed by Zou Yan (邹衍, 24-250 BC) in Warring States Period.

Figure 2-4a Chinese Five Directions with Colours Figure 2-4b Maya Five Directions with Colours

(drawing by author)

35

Sun goes down every day in the darkness, the entrance of the Underworld, is black

(Thompson 1934); the South is connected to corn, so it is yellow; the North is the location of

sunny sky, where there are many white clouds, so it is white; the Centre is the seat of the

World Tree, it is regarded as cyan, being a colour of vegetation (Zaro & Lohse 2005).

For the Aztecs, the East was also associated with the Sun god Tonatiuh (“the Shining One”)

and therefore red; the North was the dark place of death (Mictlampa) and therefore black; the

West was the place of women (Cihuatlampa), personified by among other goddesses

Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina, the deity of cleansing, cotton and weaving, and connected with the colour

white (Aguilar Moreno 2008); the South was associated with the main tribal god

Huitzilopochtli (“Hummingbird Left”), combining solar and celestial aspects with the force

used in wars and struggles, and perhaps therefore associated with the colour blue.

In the pre-colonial codices of the Teoamoxtli Group (Borgia Group), also mainly from

Central Mexico, it was not the North but the South that was the region of the dead and the

ancestors – another example of Mesoamerica's internal diversification and flexibility in

specific details, while at the same time maintaining and sharing the same general principles.

The similarities between China and Mesoamerica in directional colour symbolism are of a

general nature and cannot be construed as an indication of historical contact, as many cultures

worldwide have developed such cosmologies and related symbolic systems (Nowotny 1969).

2.2.3 Directions, Birds, and Trees

In the cultures of ancient China and Mesoamerica, the directions were also linked with

sacred birds and trees. Likely, there were reasons for choosing the specific species of

directional birds and trees, which then became conventional symbols related to these

directions.

In China, the connection of the directions with the sacred trees had a long history, for

instance, trees such as Fusang (扶桑), Ruomu (若木), and Jianmu (建木) were mentioned in

many historical books. However, these trees were often portrayed as having magical shapes or

special abilities, some of which do not exist in real life and should be understood in a

symbolic sense.

Shan Hai Jing (Mountains and Seas Classic, 山海经)14

, the earliest Chinese natural history

book, records many plant species including those sacred trees which were growing in the four

directions. The book said that Jianmu had "no shadow at noon"15

, for this reason, it was

considered to be located in the Centre of the world by later people. Fusang, another sacred

tree in the Shan Hai Jing, was thought to be located in the direction “where the sun rises” (Xu

121).16 Thus, Fusang was associated with the East. Similarly, since Ruomu (若木) lives in a

“place very far away from the Centre and near the western frontier”, it was considered to be

located in the West (Yuan 1981:236-238). Thus the Shan Hai Jing recorded the intimate

14 The time in which Shan Hai Jing was written has often been questioned; it is now generally believed that the work

belongs to the late Warring States Period (475-221BC), before the Western Han Dynasty (202BC-8AD). The book combines

acute observations of ancient flora and fauna with oral traditions, legends and medical knowledge. 15 Another early book with the description of “no shadow” is the book Springs and Autumns of Master Lü· You Shi (吕氏春

秋·有始). 16 Xu Shen was a scholar of the Western Han Dynasty, his book Shuo Wen Jie Zi (说文解字) is considered the first Chinese

dictionary of Chinese characters.

36

association of Fusang, Ruomu, and Jianmu with the eastern, western, and central locations,

which since has become a common-sense convention in Chinese traditional culture.

There are two other kinds of sacred trees, cleverly hinted at in the Shan Hai Jing. It is said

that a sacred tree called Xunmu (寻木) “was growing in Juying17

(拘缨国)” which was a

legendary Country in northern China: “it grows near the river but is located in the North”.

Therefore, this tree was conventionally associated with the North. Furthermore, there was a

tree thought to be growing in the South of China. It is a peculiar and miraculous tree called

the Undead Tree (不死树) or Dragon Blood Tree (龙血树): it was thought to never die; if

people would eat it, they would be young forever and never die.18

In addition to the Shan Hai Jing, several other books, such as Springs and Autumns of

Master Lü (吕氏春秋), Huainan Zi, Hai Nei Shi Zhou Ji (海内十洲记), and Book of Liang

(梁书), have referred to these directional trees. According to the above, the relationship

between the five trees and the directions are as follows:

• Jianmu is in the Centre, it is so tall and straight that it could reach Heaven.

• The eastern tree is Fusang, which represents the place of sunrise.

• Ruomu is in the West, where the residence of the Sun God is after sunset.

• The South is represented by the Undead Tree, which, when eaten, can make people live

longer.

17 A small country recorded in Shan Hai Jing, which is located in the Northern direction. 18

See Shan Hai Jing·Da Huang Nan Jing: There are Undead Trees on the top of a hill of Yuanqiu (员丘), people can live

longer after eating it; and there is a mountain spring water called Chiquan (赤泉), after drinking its water people will

continue young.

Figure 2-5 the trees and birds in the first page of Codex Tezcatlipoca

37

• In the North is the Xunmu, which is thousands of miles long.

There are also five directional sacred birds in ancient China, which are mentioned in

different historical books. Similarly, most of them only exist in legends. The five birds with

divine characters in the ancient Chinese worldview are clearly recorded in The Book of Mirror

of Man (人镜经)19

: the East is associated with Faming (发明), the South with Jiaoming (焦

明), the West with Sushuang (鹔鹴), the North with Youchang (幽昌), the Centre with the

Phoenix (凤凰) (Wang 1606; Xu 121). It was believed that the appearance of each of the five

birds was similar to that of the Phoenix, but with noticeable differences in their character

(Wang 1606). Each of them was linked with one of the five directional colours:

• the whole body of Faming (associated with East) is blue.

• the appearance of Sushuang (associated with West) is white.

• the body of Jiaoming (associated with South) is totally red.

• the body of Youming (associated with North), also known as Tuiju (退居), is completely

black.

• the Phoenix (associated with the Centre) looks like a golden bird, a colour that suggests

its superiority (Wang 1606).

In China’s history, the five trees and the five birds did not appear in the same period, nor

did they originally have a connection with each other. The five trees were first recorded in

19 The Book of Mirror of Man (人镜经), edited by Wang Zongquan (王宗泉) of the Ming Dynasty, was written in 1606, and

contains records about the five directional birds.

Page 49 page 50

Page 51 page 52

Figure 2-6 Parts of pages 49-52 of the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl

38

Shan Hai Jing, but the five birds only appeared in later books. Although both the trees and the

birds were connected with the directions and colours, there was no evidence that trees and

birds were originally also connected with each other.

In Mesoamerica, the directions were also associated with trees and birds.

For the ancient Maya, the central “World Tree” was conceived as or represented by a

Ceiba Tree (Mathews & Garber 2004; Carrasco 2013:121-126); the bird at the top of the tree

is the embodiment of the Creation God called Itzamnaah (Bassie 2002). Furthermore, there

are four trees and four birds connected with the four world directions. A clear example of this

association is the famous first page of Codex Tezcatlipoca (Fejérváry-Mayer). This page

shows four segments around a central square, each of which contains a tree and a bird: the

Blooming Tree is located in the East with a Quetzal bird sitting on top; the Thorny Ceiba or

Pochote Tree stands in the North with some type of Eagle or a Falcon on top; the Mesquite or

Prickly Tree stands in the West with a Hummingbird on top; the Cacao tree grows in the

South with a Parrot on top. This depiction does not show a central World Tree with its

celestial bird (Figure2-5).

Another case is from pages 49-53 of the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia), which are

dedicated to the symbols associated with the divine trees and birds. Each of the four directions

has its tree and bird in a system similar to that of Codex Tezcatlipoca (Fejérváry-Mayer), p. 1,

but different in the concrete details. In addition, there are temples related to the directions

(Figure2-6).

• East (p. 49): tree of flowers and jade with quetzal bird; the temple of the Sun (Tonatiuh

Ichan, “House of the Sun”, is the name of the East).

• North (p. 50): a flowering cactus tree with an Eagle; the temple of the Moon.

• West (p. 51): tree of maize flowers (Cincalco, the Corn-house, is the name of the West)

with a falcon (?); the temple of the tobacco gourd.

• South (p. 52): red tree of thorns (huitztli) and volutes (denoting speech – nahua –)

represents phonetic writing of the Nahuatl term Huitznahuac, the South, with the red arará

parrot; the Temple of Death. (Figure 2-6)

The Centre (p. 53) is represented by the image of a tree of corncobs, growing in the

centre of a circle of water (Anahuac, “in the ring of water”, Nahuatl term for the world) and

alligator skin (representation of Earth), with a quetzal bird20

(Figure 2-7).

Although China and Mesoamerica both associated directions with sacred trees and birds,

there are notable differences in the choice of tree and bird for each direction (with their

specific cultural symbolic associations). In Mesoamerica, the concept of spatial orientation is

very explicit: these specific trees and birds have their clear associations with the world

directions. An interesting difference from the Chinese worldview, however, is the close

relationship between the sacred trees and birds in Mesoamerica, each bird being associated

with a special tree. That is different from the above-mentioned concept of directional trees

20 See the facsimile edition of Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia) with commentary: Anders, Ferdinand and Maarten E.R.G.N.

Jansen and Luis Reyes García: Los Templos del Cielo y de la Oscuridad: Oráculos y Liturgia. Libro explicativo del

llamado Códice Borgia. Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico City 1993.

39

and birds in China, where, strictly speaking, there were no specific directional trees: Jianmu,

Fusang, Ruomu, Undead Tree, and Xunmu got these characteristics because of their

associated symbolism in ancient narratives. Directional birds also occur in ancient narratives

as symbols of directions, but there is no specific connection between each of them and a

specific sacred tree.

2.2.4 Directions, Seasons, and Life and Death

The world directions are conceptually linked to the cycles of the seasons and life: all refer

directly or metaphorically to the movement of the Sun (sunrise-sunset), and this connection,

interestingly, exists in both the Chinese culture and the Mesoamerican culture.

In China, the East is explicitly identified as the direction of sunrise and so symbolizes life

and rebirth, strongly associated with spring and the recovery of all creatures. The West, where

the Sun disappears and dies, symbolizes the season when crops mature and wither, so it

Figure 2-7 Page 53 of the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl

40

becomes the direction associated with autumn and a place of death. These meanings are

reflected in the ancient Chinese book Historical Records (Records of History 史记), in

statements such as "beginning of life in the East, go to mature in the West" (东方物所始生，

西方物之成孰)21

. Chinese think that when people die their spirits will "return to the West"

(归西) or "rise into the Western Heaven" (上西天); consequently, the West is seen as the

direction of death, which is linked to the emotions of sadness, fear, and sorrow (Cui 2011).

Similarly, Mesoamericans believe that the East is the location (“house”) of the Sun God,

associated with the origin of light and life, with beginnings and resurrection. The precise

associations of directions with trees, birds, seasons, and the symbolism of life and death may

differ from people to people (sometimes even from one community to another), but the

overall concepts and principles are similar and consistent throughout Mesoamerica.

For the Maya, for example, the West, as the direction of sunset (and the coming of

darkness), was associated with the world of death and the ancestors, therefore delicate and

fear-inspiring, an entrance to the Underworld (Miller 1974). The South, associated with heat,

is the direction that symbolizes the mature (Miller 1974). The Aztecs, however, considered

the North to be the region of death: Mictlampa or Mictlan (Whittaker 1993; Méluzin 1987),

the place of the deceased, the abode of the ancestors, where the Death Gods Mictlantecuhtli

and Mictlancihuatl (Lord and Lady of the Place of the Dead) ruled (Campbell 2010; Kindrick

& Busby 2012; Carrasco 2013:140-145). The East was the House of the Sun, Tonatiuh Ichan

(Ragot 2000), the place where the souls of the warriors that had fallen in battle went: they

transformed in hummingbirds and accompanied the sun each day on his road till midday

(Mazariegos 2010). The West was the ‘Place of Women’, Cihuatlampa, i.e. the place where

the women who had died in childbirth went (Glockner 2016, Burkhart 1997): they

accompanied the sun on his road from midday till sunset.

In the pre-colonial religious codices of the Teoamoxtli Group (Borgia Group), the

direction of death is the South; the East is associated with the sun, light, flowers, jade, and

preciousness in general, while the West is associated with the Moon (cf. Aguilar Moreno

2008). The Mixtec people (Ñuu Dzavui), on the other hand, represented the East as the Place

of Heaven (conceptually located on a mountain near the village of Apoala), the North as a

Split Dark Mountain, probably the area of Tepeji to the North of the Mixtec region, the West

as the River of Ashes (Río Nejapa to the West of the Mixtec region), where the Grandmother,

the deity of human procreation, dwells, and the South as the Place of Death, identified as a

funerary cave in the territory of the ancient kingdom of Chalcatongo, where the rulers of the

different Mixtec city-states were centrally buried (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2011:308-318).

Thus in both China and Mesoamerica, the identification of the directions of life and death

was closely related to the rise and set of the Sun and its associated symbolism, associated

rituals, and worship, based on the respect the movements of this prominent astral body

inspired in different peoples. Furthermore, the life and death associations of sunrise and

sunset were projected onto the cultivation (planting and harvest) of the crops in the

agricultural society, where crops are a crucial source of life.

21 Records in Si Maqian· Historical Records·Liu Guo Nian Biao.

41

2.2.5 Directions, Times, and Calendars

Direction establishes a relationship with time and calendar by marking the position of the

Sun (when rising and setting) in different seasons. Directional almanacs, like the

general-purpose almanacs, are broadly applicable to many areas of daily life, as exemplified

in China and Mesoamerica. A directional almanac is also a tool for orienting a house or

building and implies an indication of its relevant cultural connections. In both cultures an

almanac was used to predict the appropriate times for marriage ceremonies and to give

marriage prognostications. It could tell if the marriage of the potential couple would be happy,

challenging, difficult, or disastrous, and also could foretell whether there would be offspring

or not (Boone 2006). Specific units or segments of time – year, month, day, or other special

periods – are linked to the cardinal directions (Nowotny 2005). It may take the form of a

register of calendar periods, in which one can easily find the basic time information connected

with the directions or even of a cosmological graphic or Cosmogram with cardinal directions

and time symbols.

China's directional almanacs can be traced back to the He Tu (河图) and Luo Shu (洛书),

which were created in remote ancient times. They are two graphs and each of them consists of

the numbers 1-9 representing the Yin (阴) and Yang (阳), and all numbers according to

different spatial sequences and directional characters combined together (Li 1995; Li 2018).

In the He Tu, two rows of 5 black dots and a cross of 5 white dots are in the Centre, and other

dots including white and black dots representing 1 and 6, 2 and 7, 3 and 8, 4 and 9 are located

in the North, South, East and West directions respectively (Figure 2-8). All groups with dots

separated in four directions and a central position form a five directions graph. Scholarly

comments explain that the four directions correspond to the Winter, Summer, Spring, and

Figure 2-8 Yin and Yang in He Tu Figure 2-9 Yin and Yang in Luo Shu

42

Figure 2-10 Seasons and directions reflected in Luo Shu (annotations by author)

Figure 2-11 Sinan (https://image.baidu.com/)

43

Autumn seasons (Wang 2007) in the Chinese cultural tradition and to certain concepts in

mathematics. This concept was optimized in the Luo Shu, which simplified the number of the

dots of the He Tu but strengthened their cultural significance. The re-arranged Yin and Yang

dots that centred on the number 5, are easily understandable, while the other eight figures of

dots occupy eight directions: Northeast, East, Southeast, South, Southwest, West, Northwest,

North, thus transforming the original five directions into a more detailed set of nine

orientations (Figure 2-9). In terms of the seasonal calendar, the eight orientations are

associated with eight seasons: Beginning of Spring (立春), Spring Equinox (春分), Beginning

of Summer (立夏), Summer Solstice (夏至), Beginning of Autumn (立秋), Autumn Equinox

(秋分), Beginning of Winter (立冬), and Winter Solstice (冬至) (Figure 2-10). The graph of

the Luo Shu shows a law of time moving from the Beginning of Spring to Winter Solstice, the

central point where the number five is located as is the rotational Centre of the time and space

(Li 2018, Tan 2011).

In the Spring and Autumn Period in China (770-221 BC), another almanac, the Sinan (司

南)22

, developed more spatial orientations, focusing on the identification of directions. The

oldest existing Sinan of China was made during the Han Dynasty (202BC-8AD, Figure 2-11).

It reflects a strong time and space symbolism, clearly defining the year, seasons, months and

22 Records in Zhang Hongzhao(章鸿钊,1877-1951) Ancient mineral record(古矿录). Another can drive from Hanfei Zi(韩

非子), “Therefore, the former king founded Sinan to determine the direction(故先王立司南以端朝夕).”

Figure 2-12 Times and directions reflected in Sinan (annotations by author)

44

days, eight main directions, and even, in significant detail, 28 locations of the universe, which

are represented on the surface of the Sinan. The innermost layer of Sinan is a Circle, which

together with the outermost square, symbolizes the structure of the Chinese Cosmos Round

Heaven and Square Earth (天圆地方), and in the Centre of the Circle is a magnetic spoon for

pointing to the south.23

From its Centre, there are three loops with texts, which are composed

of Chinese characters representing the Heavenly Stems (天干), the Earthly Branches (地支),

and the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions (二十八星宿). The Heavenly Stems and the Earthly

Branches are the most important parts of the ancient Chinese calendar for recording the years,

months, days, and hours; the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions are divided into four parts and

each of them stands for a season of the year (Figure 2-12, Yi 2006). The Eight Diagrams (八

卦符号) put in the East, West, South, North, and Southeast, Southwest, Northeast, and

Northwest of the Sinan refer to the eight main directions of space. The Twenty-Eight Lunar

Mansions are 28 constellations, they consist of Four Images (四象), each of which is divided

into seven parts and represents a direction on the ecliptic, which adds up to 28 positions to

represent the whole universe (Yi 2006). The presence of the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions

each of which has its own place in the ancient Chinese ecliptic circle resulted in a more

detailed representation of the directions in the Sinan (Huang 2001).

In general, the Sinan suggests the movement of time in its system. For example, the true

directions of East, West, South, and North are associated with the four seasons of Spring

Equinox, Autumn Equinox, Summer Solstice，and Winter Solstice. In parallel fashion, the

directions in the four corners are linked with the Beginning of Spring, the Beginning of

Summer, the Beginning of Autumn, and the Beginning of Winter. Furthermore, the 28 spatial

locations represented in the outer circle of the Sinan refer to the 28 directions around the

ellipse of the Heaven: each of them could be seen as one day of a month (Li & Shi 1996). In

the subsequent development, the directions of the Sinan were made to correspond more and

more closely to the time cycle so that it finally became the disc-shaped Compass of China

(Figure 2-13, Huang 2017).

Like ancient China, Mesoamerica created an association between time and space in the

form of a directional calendar that plays an important role in religious iconography. A famous

calendar image in the form of a Cosmogram is found on the already often referred to the first

page of the Codex Tezcatlipoca or Fejérváry-Mayer (Figure 2-14), from unknown provenance

in Mexico and likely painted briefly before the Spanish conquest (1521).24

This pre-colonial

book is a divinatory almanac calendar, which associates different days and periods with

directions, deities, and mantic symbols. The calendrical structure and the concept of the

relations between time and space embodied in this picture are a representative illustration of

Mesoamerican thought. We mentioned elements of this Cosmogram already before but can

now discuss it in more detail.

23 Mentioned in ancient book Lun Heng(论衡) written by Wang Cong (王充, 27-97) in AD 86; it said: “ The tail of Sinan

pointing to the South”. 24

For a facsimile edition with commentary see Anders, Ferdinand & Maarten E.R.G.N. Jansen & Gabina Aurora Pérez

Jiménez: El Libro de Tezcatlipoca, Señor del Tiempo. Libro explicativo del llamado Códice Fejérváry-Mayer. Fondo de

Cultura Económica, Mexico City, 1994.

45

There is a clear indication of the central position: in the Centre of the scene stands the

Fire God Xiuhtecuhtli (Nahuatl: “Lord of Fire/Lord of Turquoise/Lord of the Year”),

represented as a warrior. Through his position he is associated with the centre of the world:

fire is indeed the centre of the earth and also the centre of domestic life. The images around

him are organized in the form that is often compared to that of a Maltese Cross, which

contains a set of four directional scenes in squares, intersected by another four directional

elements in ovals, all enclosed by a band with the 20 thirteen-day periods that together –

running counter-clockwise – constitute the Tonalpoalli (Nahuatl: “day count”), the

Mesoamerican basic calendar sequence of 260 days. Each period of thirteen days (known as

trecena in Spanish) is identified by the sign of its first day (implicitly linked to a number 1),

which is followed by 12 spacers standing in for the other 12 days (Nowotny 2005). On each

of the four sides of this page, we find a square, or rather a trapezoid, formed by three

consecutive trecenas and in each corner an intersecting oval formed by two consecutive

trecenas. Thus the total of the day count is represented as four sets of five consecutive

trecenas (4 x 5 x 13 = 260 days); each set is associated with one of the four cardinal points.

Each world direction (East, North, West, and South) is characterized by a colour, a

cosmic symbol, and a specific tree with a specific bird (Figure 2-14):

Figure 2-13 Chinese Modern Compass ( http://image.baidu.com/ )

46

• East (on top of the page) is red, its cosmic symbol is the Sun disk, its tree is the Flower

Tree with a (green) quetzal bird, flanked by the Knife God (Itztli) and the Sun God (Tonatiuh,

Piltzintecuhtli)

• North (our left-hand side) is yellow, its symbol is a vessel with offerings, its tree is the

Thorny Ceiba (pochote) with a (white or uncoloured) falcon, flanked by the Heart of the

Mountain (Tepeyollotl) and the Rain God (Tlaloc).

• West (bottom of the page) is blue, its symbol is the Moon, its tree is the mesquite (acacia)

with a (blue) hummingbird, flanked by female deities: The Goddess of Rivers and Lakes

(Chalchiuhtlicue: “She with the Jade Skirt”) and the Goddess of Cleansing and Weaving

(Tlazolteotl: “Dirt Goddess”).

• South is green, its symbol the opened jaws of an alligator, which is the common sign for

cave and earth, its tree the cacao tree with a (yellow) parrot, flanked by the Maize God

(Centeotl) and the Lord of the Land of the Dead (Mictlantecuhtli).25

There are in total nine deities (one in the centre and two in each of the four directional

squares). Together they form a set that is known as the group of the 9 Deities of the Night.

Their fixed sequence is Xiuhtecuhtli (Lord Fire), Itztli (Obsidian Knife), Piltzintecuhtli (Lord

Noble Prince, title of the Sun deity), Centeotl (Corn God), Mictlantecuhtli (Lord of the Land

of the Dead), Chalchiuhtlicue (She of the Jade Skirt, the Water Goddess), Tlazolteotl (Dirt

25

See the fundamental work of Nowotny (2005) and the commentary by Anders, Jansen and Pérez Jiménez

(1994).

Figure 2-14 the first page of the Codex Tezcatlipoca (annotations by author)

47

Goddess), Tepeyollotl (Heart of the Mountain) and Tlaloc (He who dwells in Earth, title of the

Rain God) (Anders, Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 1994). We notice that they are located in a

clockwise sequence, and so create a movement that runs contrary to the counterclockwise

sequence of the trecenas in the continuous band of the “Maltese Cross”.

The ovals in the corners (as diagonal directional images) are associated with the four

day-signs that occur as names (so-called “year-bearers”) of solar or agricultural years of 365

days. As each of the four signs may be combined with a number (in a cycle of 13), the total

amount of solar/agricultural years is 4 x 13 = 52, a unit known as a Xiuhmolpilli (Nahuatl:

“binding of years”), the so-called “calendar round”. These year-bearer days are also

associated with different birds, and the corresponding oval contains a tree or plant in a

specific condition, likely indicative of prognosis for the climate and the harvest.

• East (upper left): the day sign Reed carried by a quetzal bird. On a white tree, a bush sits

a bird with gold in its beak: rich harvest.

• North (lower left): the day sign Flint carried by a red parrot. The white tree has branches

and green leaves but is overgrown by a creeper plant. The bird has nothing in its beak:

uncertain harvest.

• West (lower right): the day sign House is carried by an eagle. Cactus is flowering, its

root is a corral snake's tail: danger of drought.

• South (upper right): the day sign Rabbit carried by a yellow parrot. The maize plant

grows and produces corncobs, but animals (mice) attack the plant (Anders, Jansen & Pérez

Jiménez 1994).

Next to each oval, there is a “column” of five days signs. These represent another ordering

of the thirteen-day periods, which is not sequential like the band in the form of the “Maltese

Cross”, but based on another structure of the calendar. Five layers of four successive trecenas

placed on top of each other will create four “blocks” of trecenas. The “columns” in the

Cosmogram consist of the days that initiate the trecenas in each of these four blocks.26

From beyond the band of the trecenas, i.e. from beyond the sequence of trecenas (the

sequence of time), four streams of blood flow from body parts of Tezcatlipoca “Smoking

Mirror”, the god of mystery and power, to the centre, apparently, as life-giving forces,

nurturing Xiuhtecuhtli, the Fire God.

Another famous image that synthesizes the connection of time and space is the Aztec

Calendar Stone or Sun Stone (Figure 2-15). It is a circular image of the solar disc, and it

seems to have been associated with the Temple of the Sun, and to “refer to the year in which

the calendar round of 52 years comes to an end and is begun anew” (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez

2017: 380).

The disc integrates different references to time: the twenty day-signs but also the great

eras of creation. In the centre of the Calendar Stone is the face of the Sun God (Tonatiuh),

around it four images with square boxes in four directions are earlier “suns” or eras of

creation with their respective calendar names 4 Jaguar, 4 Wind, 4 Rain, and 4 Water, which

26 Such segments or blocks appear in the opening pages of the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia), Codex Tonalpouhqui

(Vaticanus B) and Codex Tlamanalli (Cospi).

48

successively passed one by one until the last one, the Fifth Sun (the present era) arrived

(Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017:379-387；Klein 1976).

The first great era is named Ocelotonatiuh (Jaguar Sun) is on the top right, its Patron was

the god Tezcatlipoca, and it was destroyed by jaguars that devoured the people of that era.

The top left square shows the second great era: Ehécatonatiuh (Wind Sun), which was

destroyed by hurricane winds so that the people were turned into monkeys. At the bottom left

is the third great era: Quiáuhtonatiuh (Rain Sun), which was destroyed by a rain of fire, as the

consequence of which the people were transformed into birds. At the bottom right is the

fourth great era Atonatiuh (Water Sun), which was the age of Chalchiuhtlicue, the water

goddess, and was destroyed by floods and its people were turned into fish (Jansen & Pérez

Jiménez 2017:382-383；Brundage 1983；Elzey 1976).

A very important calendar date indicated on the very top of the image is the year 13 Reed:

according to early colonial texts the present sun (the Fifth Sun) was born in that year on the

day 4 Movement. This fifth great era is called Olintonatiuh (Movement Sun) and represented

in the form of an X shape that includes the other four sun-signs; this X-shaped sign around the

face of Tonatiuh is the day sign Movement – 4 dots in the corners complete the image of the

day 4 Movement, the name of the present era (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017:381-382). In this

way, the Calendar Stone shows the five eras of the creation. Furthermore some special dates

Figure 2-15 Aztec Calendar Stone with Calendar and Directions(annotations by author)

49

appear on the surface of the Calendar Stone. Placed between the signs of the four earlier suns

are three additional dates and a royal diadem: 1 Flint (ce tecpatl), 1 Rain (ce atl), 7 Monkey

(chicome ozomatli), and a Xiuhuitzolli, the ruler's turquoise diadem, which also occurs in the

onomastic sign of the Aztec ruler Moctecuhzoma (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017:383-384).

Some scholars interpret these signs again as references to the four directions, others suppose

that they are historical or ritual in nature: the precise meaning of these signs is uncertain, but

they must have been of central importance for this monument.

The complex image of the five suns in the centre of the stone is surrounded by a circle,

which contains the 20 day-signs of the Aztec calendar (tonalpoalli). The order of these signs

is counterclockwise, starting at the top: Alligator, Wind, House, Lizard, Serpent, Death, Deer,

Rabbit, Water, Dog, Monkey, Grass, Reed, Jaguar, Eagle, Vulture, Movement, Flint, Rain,

Flower. Around these is a circular band of jade signs with eight protruding triangular signs,

which represent the rays of the sun disk (Body 2016). The whole disk is surrounded

(protected) by two fire serpents.

This paragraph demonstrates the existence of synthetic Cosmograms, focusing on the

cardinal points with their symbolic and calendric associations, in the art and books of both

China and Mesoamerica. It is therefore logical to suppose that Cosmogram-like

configurations could occur in the architecture of both regions as well. The major emblematic

buildings of the different sites may have been interpreted by the contemporaneous inhabitants

in these symbolic terms, which were possibly elaborated and made explicit in ritual

performances and ceremonial discourses, as well as in associated paintings, reliefs and statues

– but these have mostly been destroyed or removed in subsequent time.

2.2.6 Directions, Diversity, and Integration

It can be seen from the above that both China and Mesoamerica have formed a complex

and complete system of orientation in terms of time and space. Both connected the basic five

cardinal points (East, South, West, North, and Centre) with directional gods, colours, sacred

trees and birds, seasons, life and death, and calendar days and periods. China’s directional

symbolism also included other aspects, such as the Five Tones(五音) of ancient Chinese

music (Gong宫, Shang商, Jiao角, Zhi徵, and Yu羽), the Five Virtues (五德), which are

Benevolence (仁), Righteousness(义), Courtesy (礼), Wisdom (智), and Trust (信), the Eight

Diagrams (Kan坎, Li离, Zhen震, Dui兑), and even, the Five Elements (Metal金, Wood木,

Water水, Fire火, and Earth土).27

For an overview, see the following tables (Table 2-1 and

Table 2-2):

Table 2-1 Chinese Directions Symbolism:

East South West North Centre

Directional Gods Azure Dragon Vermillion Bird White Tiger Black Tortoise

Colours Blue or Green Red White Black Yellow

Sacred Birds Faming Jiaoming Sushuang Youchang Phoenix

Divine Trees Fusang Undead Tree or Ruomu Xunmu Jianmu

27 Reference to the summary by Wang Guixiang 2009.

50

Dragon Blood Tree

Seasons Spring Summer Autumn Winter

Life and Death Life Strong Life Death Death

Five notes Zhi Yu Shang Jiao Gong

Five Virtues Benevolence Courtesy Righteousness Trust Wisdom

Eight Diagrams Zhen Li Dui Kan

Five Elements Wood Fire Metal Water Earth

Table 2-2 Mesoamerican Directions Symbolism:

East South West North Centre

Directional Gods

(Maya)

Chacal Bacab Kan Bacab Ekel Bacab Zacal Bacab Yaxche’

Colours Red (Maya)

Red (Aztec)

Yellow (Maya)

Blue (Aztec)

Black (Maya)

White (Aztec)

White (Maya)

Black (Aztec)

Blue-Green (Maya)

Blue-Green (Aztec)

Birds

（Tezcatlipoca）

Quetzal Parrot Hummingbird Eagle or Falcon Itzamnaah (Maya)

Birds

(Yoalli Ehecatl)

Quetzal Parrot Falcon Eagle quetzal

Trees

(Tezcatlipoca)

Blooming Tree Cacao tree Mesquite or

Prickly Tree

Thorny Ceiba

or Pochote

Ceiba tree (Maya)

Trees

(Yoalli Ehecatl)

Flowers and

Jade tree

Thorns and Volutes

Tree

Maize

Flowers Tree

Cactus Tree Corncobs Tree

Life and Death Life, House of

Sun (Maya,

Aztec)

Place of

Heaven

(Mixtec)

Death (Borgia）

Place of

Huitzilopochtli

(Aztec)

Death (Mixtec)

Death/ancesto

rs (Maya)

Dead Women

(Aztec)

River of

Ashes

(Mixtec)

Death (Aztec)

Split Dark

Mountain

(Mixtec)

Anahuac (Borgia)

Heart of Earth

(Mixtec)

All these show that the orientation concepts of these two civilizations are diverse and

integrate multiple cultural elements, which must have influenced the way the sacred

architecture was looked upon, which means complicated cultural elements need to be

considered to understand both architectures

The "directions" in both cultures were associated with many, quite similar, connotations

in diverse aspects (e.g. colour, life and death, bird and tree, calendar and time, etc.).

The “homology” and "convention", mentioned by Lindsay Jones in his works, seems to

be a good expression in both "directional" cultures. They both reflect their cosmological

structures (e.g. five directions, three levels, etc.) and take the "abstract principles" or

"standardized rule" (Jones 1995: 211) to make their "direction" to be a multicultural

terminology. Since the "direction" is one of the most important roles in the fields of

architecture, environment, and space orientation, the similarity of meaning in both cultures

51

due to the cultural homology and convention will inevitably lead to an "approximate" effect in

their architectures in the field of connecting their buildings to their cosmological ideas. As a

cultural memory, we can imagine that specific / similar conventional symbols would produce

many abstract structures of cosmology in common ideas.

2.3 Cosmic Order: The Power of Centre

The third aspect that Jones distinguishes in his treatment of “Architecture as Orientation:

The Instigation of Ritual-Architectural Events” is Astronomy, focusing on “architecture that

is aligned to celestial bodies or phenomena” (Jones 1995: 211). Over the past decades a whole

discipline of archaeo-astronomy has come into being, investigating the possible links between

architectural orientations and the movements of the Sun, Moon, planets, stars, or

constellations. Mostly, such links remain necessarily hypothetical, but certainly ancient

societies observed the sky and were interested in specific astronomical phenomena,

particularly regularities that could be related to points at the horizon (horizon astronomy) and

that was important for agricultural planning (e.g. points of sunrise and sunset during solstices,

equinoxes or zenith passages). In the architectural heritage of Mesoamerica and ancient China,

the architectural creation based on the principle of respecting the "centre of the universe" has

a long history and can be seen everywhere.

2.3.1 Cosmic Centre, Four Directions, and Symbolism

When we find that (sets of) buildings seem to be aligned to a point of horizontal

astronomy that is known to have been relevant in the culture in question, then the

astronomical interpretation is indeed plausible. On the other hand, architecture itself is not to

be seen as just a primer for astronomical observations and calculations. And, in the orientation

or alignment, several other factors may have played a role. In fact, several astronomical

interpretations, though sounding very logical and convincing at first, have later been

scrutinized and challenged (cf. May Castillo 2018). Here we will concentrate on the possible

symbolic associations of the celestial bodies and movements, primarily in relation to ideas

about the four directions and the Centre.

China formed a basic cosmic system with the Heavenly Emperor (天帝) as the Centre of

the universe and the other stars surrounding and pointing at him from a remote period. A

prefiguration of this structure may already be found in the settlement pattern of the site Banpo

Village (半坡村) in Xi'an, Shaanxi Province of China, which was built around 6000 years ago

(Figure 2-16, Sun 1987). At this ancient site, the largest house occupies the central position

while other houses are arranged around that big house, which suggests that an architectural

and social pattern with focus on a Centre had already been formed at that early time.

In the ancient Chinese worldview, the rules of the universe are reflected in the layout of

the celestial bodies. In early astronomical observations, people noticed that the Polar Star (北

极星) never changes its spatial position in the sky during the progress of time, while all the

stars in the sky move around it in a regular pattern (Figure 2-17). For that reason, the ancient

Chinese considered that the Polar Star was seated in the Cenre of Heaven and all

52

constellations respected it as the central emperor28

. In this metaphorical way, people

considered the Polar Star as the embodiment of the Heavenly Emperor and the other stars

around as his courtiers showing their respect to him.29

Therefore, the Polar Star as Emperor

of Heaven rules the various stars in the heavens. Earth was seen as situated in the centre of the

universe, while the Sun and the Moon run from east to west. In the process of observing the

regularities (laws) of the rising and setting of the Sun and the Moon, ancient Chinese people

created the basic directional concepts of the East and the West, then – perpendicular to that

axis – the South and the North (Jiang 1997).

As a result of the observation of the sun’s shadow at noon, the Chinese formed a

conception of the meridian; they believed that the meridian that leads directly to the North

and South, connects the entire universe while pointing to the position of the Heavenly

Emperor. The Heavenly Emperor sat in the centre of the northern sky and faced to the South,

thus forming a common concept for the orientation of ancient buildings and for daily life:

Sitting North and Facing South（坐北朝南, Chen 2012:100).30

The centre of the sky, the position of the Polar Star, was respected by the ancient Chinese

as a symbol of the Heavenly Emperor’s lofty status and supreme power, which made the

Chinese consider the central position as the most prestigious location among the five cardinal

points. Respect for the Centre or Centre Loftiest, therefore, has been a characteristic element

of Chinese culture for thousands of years. Every day, people saw the Sun, the Moon, and the

stars running around the Earth, thus they created the idea that the earth was at the centre of the

universe and as the ground on which natural cycles and daily life unfold and from which also

the astronomical observations are made.31

The Earth, therefore, was thought of as the heart of

28 Confucius said: "Rule by virtue like the polar star which is located in the north and surrounded by all the stars"，quoted

from Daxue Yanyi Bu (大学衍义补), written by Qiu Rui(丘濬) during the Ming Dynasty. 29 This idea appears in several ancient books, such as Lun Yu·Wei Zheng (论语·为政), written during the early phase of the

Warring States Dynasty), which refers to “the Polar Star, where it lives, is surrounded by many stars.” 30 Archaeological finds confirm that already in prehistoric times the ancient Chinese built village houses facing the south.

Zhou Yi (周易) said: "The saints are facing the South to listen to the world." Chinese emperors followed this concept: they

used to sit on the Northern side, facing the South. 31 Some ancient scholars believed that the Earth was in the centre of the universe, such as Zhang Heng(张衡,78-139AD) who

considered that the Earth was in the centre of the sky while the sky rotated around the Earth.

Figure 2-16 the Banpo site and Big House Figure 2-17 Polaris in time-lapse photography

(http://www.baidu.com )

53

the universe in religious life, worship, and rituals. Similarly, the capital cities or the palaces,

the symbols of rulership, designed to be located in the centre of the universe, were widely

recognised and valued in ancient China.

Mesoamerican ceremonial centres were dominated by buildins generally referred to as

tpyramids (actually (high terraced platforms). As we discussed above, their shape and

structure can be interpreted as a reflection of cosmological ideas. The plane of the

Mesoamerican pyramid is square or rectangular, and on the top of the pyramid is a temple,

forming a square-oriented layout. Each direction is associated with a different deity and

associated symbols (tree, colour, bird, etc.) and thus is also connected to the characteristics

and powers of the god in question. In vertical space, the pyramid created three levels: Heaven,

Earth and the Underworld (in Nahuatl: Ilhuicatl, Tlalticpac and Mictlan respectively), which,

in turn, are emblematically connected with the realms of gods, humans and ancestors,

respectively. The temple on top of the pyramidal body is a liminal place to contact the

heavens; the body of the pyramid is conceptually a hill or mountain, representing Earth as is

the living place of human beings; while the inside or underneath parts link with the

Underworld. In symbolic numerology, a pyramid such as the Aztec Main Temple (Templo

Mayor) in their capital Tenochtitlan may also have represented Heaven by means of the

reference to the symbolic value of the number 13: the three lower platforms multiplied by the

four sides make 12 sections (3 x 4); the 13th section was the small top platform where the two

temples of the tribal war deity Huitzilopochtli and the Rain God Tlaloc were standing

(Aguilar Moreno 2008). Constructed with cosmology in mind, main pyramids often were

located on the eastern side of the ceremonial centre, as altars for the rising sun. The temple

door and the main staircase faced west, where the Sun descended into the Underworld

(Aguilar Moreno 2008).

In Mesoamerica, visual lines (alignments) connected buildings, monuments, and even

sites with each other as well as with points at the horizon and/or with prominent features of

the surrounding landscape (Hartung 1971). These connections in some cases seem to have

been interpreted as being determined by astronomical observations. An emblematic example

is Structure E-VII-sub at Uaxactun, which since early days of modern research on Maya

civilisation, has been hailed as an architectural complex that included visual lines oriented to

the positions of the Sun at the horizon on solstice days (Coggins 1980). Later, more detailed

research has cast doubt on this astronomical interpretation, however (May Castillo 2018).

Caution is needed in this matter. The more so where archaeo-astronomical enthusiasm has led

sometimes to uncritical interpretations of ancient Mesoamerican images as a form of

“ciphered” astronomy. This is a modern sequel to the fanciful “astral interpretation”, which

was fashionable at the beginning of the 20th century, for example in the work of Eduard Seler,

a specialist in the study of Mexican codices.32

New discoveries have demonstrated

fundamental flaws in that approach. Most notably, Seler (and several followers of his)

considered several codices that – we now know – deal with the history of Mixtec kingdoms as

astronomical handbooks, in which the personages (i.e. the Mixtec rulers) represented planets

32 In their commentary on Codex Tezcatlipoca (Fejérváry-Mayer), Anders, Jansen and Pérez Jiménez (1994) include a

history of the astral interpretations. See also the fundamental critique of this paradigm by Dorson (1955).

54

and their deeds were to be deciphered as eclipses, orbits and other astronomical phenomena.

On the other hand, there is no doubt that ancient Mesoamericans made advanced

astronomical observations. The Maya Codex Dresden, for example, contains an impressive

table of dates that register the positions of the visibility and invisibility of the planet Venus as

Morning and Evening Star (Bricker and Bricker 2011). Thus, it is quite possible that such

observations were also taken into account in the planning of ceremonial centres. According to

early colonial sources, the Aztec Main Temple (Templo Mayor) of Tenochtitlan was oriented

in such a way that the Sun rose on the day of the spring equinox between the two temples on

its top (Aveni, Calnek & Hartung 1988).

Along these lines, it has been proposed that the Pyramid of Kukulcan in Chichen Itza to

points of sunrise and sunset on the days of solstices and equinoxes (García-Salgado 2010;

Aveni, Milbrath & Peraza Lope 2004). The Sun Pyramid in Teotihuacan seems oriented to the

place of sunset at the horizon on the day of the sun's zenith passage (Chiu & Morrison 1980,

Aveni & Hartung 1981).

Probably such “astronomical orientations” were not intended for the use of the buildings

in question as observatories, but they confirmed the connection of ceremonial centres to the

cosmic order, or rather harmony, which was important in seasonal rituals. The same may be

said about visual connections to important mountains / hills, rocks, springs, etc., which may

have been important in ritual circuits, realized in the surrounding landscape, e.g. prayers for

rain in caves (Jiménez Osorio & Posselt Santoyo 2016). More difficult to pinpoint, but a real

possibility is a role that the visual lines may have played in marking (and connecting)

historically important spots for the commemoration of important events or personages.

Monuments with visual art and (pictorial or hieroglyphic) texts indicate that the builders of

the Mesoamerican ceremonial centres had specific cosmological convictions, related to the

sacred narrative of creation or specifically of the founding of their city, that they sought to

replicate in their sacred space.

In ancient China, the symbolism of the Centre and the four directions played an important

role in the way this sacred space was structured in Mesoamerica.

As we mentioned earlier, just as each of the four directions is associated with a tree, also

the Centre has its tree. This is expressed in a chapter of the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia), pp.

49-53. Modern interpreters compare his central tree or World Tree to similar symbolic trees in

other religions (Cook 1974; Briggs 1950:3, 176-177) and interpret it as the archetypical Tree

of Life, which sustains the Cosmos and which plays a central role in shamanism (cf. Calleman

2009). Here we encounter the enduring influence of the popular work of Mircea Eliade

(1964), whose generalising theories have become a topic of controversy, deconstruction and

criticism as more detailed research has been carried out and more empirical data become

available (e.g. Kehoe 2000, Dubuisson 2005, Znamenski, Sidky 2010).

But there are indeed sources that suggest that the tree was a Mesoamerican symbol of

creation and world order, which connects or associates the principal elements of the tripartite

and quadripartite Cosmos. Several Mesoamerican religious images show a large tree standing

on (in the centre of) the Earth, its branches connecting with Heaven and its roots touching the

Underworld (Newsome 2001:10,18). The tree may be depicted with the face or symbol of a

55

deity. A Mesoamerican text on the creation of the world describes how the gods set up a tree

to sustain the universe (Carlsen & Prechtel 1991; Freidel & Schele 1988). In Mixtec culture,

the royal dynasties that ruled the Post-classic city-states in their region had originated from a

huge tree (Ceiba) in the sacred valley of Apoala (Anders, Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 1992).

Maya sources attribute to the tree a crucial role in the continuation and creation of life

(Christenson 1997). The Popol Vuh contains the story of two successive sets of twins, who

descend into the Underworld (Xibalba) to confront the deities of death. The first twins (1

Hunahpu and 7 Hunahpu) fail and die. The death deities hang the head of one of the brothers

(1 Hunahpu) in a cacao tree. Princes Xquic, daughter of one of the death deities, approaches

the head or skull, which then spits into her hand so that she becomes pregnant. She flies to the

surface of the Earth, where the second twins (Hunahpu and Xbalanque) are born. They grew

up and again descend into the Underworld to confront the deities of death, but this time they

come out triumphant and finally climb into the sky to become Sun and Moon (Сoe 1989;

Carlsen & Prechtel 1991, Christenson 1997). In the process, the second twins are

symbolically connected with corn plants, which they left for their Grandmother as a sign that

they would return.

Relating this narrative to Maya art, several scholars have interpreted this tree as a symbol

of the Centre of the universe and even see its image projected on the night sky (Schele &

Mathews 1999:114,417-418). This World Tree not only connects the Heaven, Earth and

Underworld but is also the force of regeneration and continuation of life (Christenson 1997;

Mathews & Garber 2004). The sarcophagus of Ah Pakal in the Temple of the Inscriptions in

Palenque shows on its side panels how Pakal's deceased ancestors have transformed into trees,

now welcoming him in their midst, as he is deposited into Earth at the foot of the precious

Tree of Life. Such representations seem to document Maya belief in a cycle of

life-death-rebirth: when a person died the force of the tree guaranteed that another new life

would come (Christenson 1997; Carlsen & Prechtel 1991).

This also explains the popularity of the narrative already more than 1000 years before the

Popol Vuh was written down in the colonial period (Christenson 1997). Several works of

Classic Maya art show the theme of the twins confronting the Death Gods, the head hanging

in a flowering tree, and their final resurrection as a Maize God of life (Christenson 1997).

Although One Hunahpu according to the Popol Vuh version could not be brought back to life,

Christenson gives another version to prove that he eventually was resurrected:“ Hun-Nal-Ye

was the ancient lowland Maya version of One Hunahpu. Like One Hunahpu, the sacrificed

Hun-Nal-Ye is shown in Maya art with his head hung in a flowering tree in the underworld.

With the aid of his two sons, he was able to arise from the underworld through the cracked

carapace of a great turtle, representative of the earth floating on the surface of the primordial

sea.” (Christenson 1997:6)

It is to be supposed that Mesoamericans believed that people could overcome death and

resurrect like the divine twins with the force of the tree (sometimes represented as a cacao tree)

and/or of the corn plant (Braakhuis 2009; Figure 2-18 a). Thus the Maize God was not only

connected with maize itself, but also with the cycle of rebirth, which was fundamental in the

Mesoamerican understanding of human life (Briggs 1950; Miller & Samayoa 1998). The

56

Maize God appears as a central character in Mesoamerican cosmology as indeed maize was

the heart of Mesoamerican subsistence and ecology (see the volume edited by Fedick, Allen,

Jiménez Osornio and Gomez-Pompa 2003).

(a) Head of One Hunahpu in Cacao Tree

(b) Temple of the Foliated Cross, Palenque, Chiapas Figure 2-18 Maize God as an appearance of the World Tree(Christenson 1997)

57

Figure 2-18b depicts a scene that a cross shape world tree is in the moment of its

resurrection, the maize god’s head is growing from a depiction of the Earth life force (called

“monster” in many iconographical studies) in the centre (Figure 2-18 b).

Thus we find in Mesoamerica a focus on two main life forces, both synthesised in the

figure of the triumphant Twins: one is that of Sun and Moon – especially the Sun brings light

to the world and so enables human knowledge; the other is that of Maize, which enables

human sustenance and is therefore also represented as the Tree of Life. Both forces are

cyclical. The Sun rises into Heaven and descends into the Underworld, while the East-West

movement of the Sun determines the division of the four directions, the seasons and the

progress of time in general. Maize stays in one place but is, of course, also a seasonal marker

and exemplifies the process of birth, growth, ripening, death and rebirth. Both forces indeed

coincide: the day that the Sun passes through the zenith (“Heart of Heaven”), which happens

at the beginning of May, announces the beginning of the rainy season and therefore of the

time corn should be planted.

In both China and Mesoamerica we can thus identify symbols that occupy a central place

in space, society and religion. In China, the Polar Star became a symbol of the centralised

control that emperors exercised over a vast territory and large population in ancient feudal

society. Thus the references to this symbol in art, architecture and ritual promoted respect for

the Centre of power, i.e. the emperor (Li & Li 2017). The Mesoamerican association of the

Centre with the zenith position of the Sun and with the location of the Tree of Life celebrates

the cycle of regeneration and sustenance.

Though different in their specific elaboration, both cultures seem to express, with their

symbolic focus on the Centre, general awe for the powers of the Universe and Nature. In a

stratified society, this translated into a great respect for order and for the authority whose

position was associated and identified with that of the central life force of the Cosmos.

2.3.2 Cosmic Structure, Philosophy, and Significance

In China, Heaven was placed in the position of supremacy during the Western Zhou

Dynasty (Zheng 2007): the emperor was "Son of Heaven". Thus, the emperor made himself

cosmologically the "connection between Heaven and Earth" (Luo 2012). This move afforded

him the cosmic legitimacy of ruling this world as an earthly emperor; simultaneously, it

allowed him to undertake the task of ensuring that the order of the Earth was appropriately

modelled on the order of Heaven. As the Son of Heaven, his responsibility was termed the

"Mandate of Heaven" (天命), i.e. a task assigned to him by Heaven. It was regarded as a

universal moral law that the ruler could either observe (and therefore continue to rule) or

neglect (and so lose the right to rule).

The philosophical implications of this cosmic model have influenced almost all ancient

Chinese thought as a theory about the universe. One of the most important concepts, the idea

of Heaven and Man (天人合一)（Yi 2013) has profoundly influenced ancient Chinese

architecture (Yang 2009；Meng & Wang 2004). The theory of Heaven and Man advocates the

importance of harmony between man and nature. Influenced by this view, the selection of

sites for constructing a house or city should take into account their harmony with nature. This

implies applying the principles of Feng Shui (风水 ), which, as a study of ancient

58

environmental choices, plays an important role in producing harmony between man and

nature (Yang 1999). Feng Shui advocates that the sites of the buildings or cities should take

full account of the effects of sunlight, wind direction, water flow, sorts of plants, and

surrounding roads (Wang 1992:34-37). The best and ideal site for human beings to live must

follow the principle of Sitting North and Facing South, which means that a settlement should

preferably be located in the mountains where it can be kept well the because of good natural

elements (Yang 1999, Wang 1992:34-37). The natural elements are highly valued and used in

the practice of the choice of sites. Thus this is the best practice in following the theory of

Heaven and Man.

The building material should be as natural as possible, the architectural form should be

beautiful and natural, and the use of space should be soft and the air circulation so that the

architecture was in accordance with the theory of Heaven and Man. The architectural forms

symbolize elements of nature (e.g. sacred landscape), colours were chosen to express respect

for the laws of nature, and so on. In addition, the philosophical theories of Tai Chi (太极), Yin

and Yang (阴阳), Five Elements (五行) and Eight Diagrams (八卦) which evolved from this

theory of the universe, have had a far-reaching impact on the design of ancient Chinese

architecture (Shao 2012:1-3; Dong 2012).

Tai Chi and its theory are one of the important parts of Chinese philosophical culture.

The Tai Chi Diagram (太极图), a circular pattern composed of two opposite colour fishes

embracing each other, vividly explains the universal relationship of Opposition and Unity of

Yin and Yang (Zhang 2010). Yin and Yang, the two parts of the duality that is the fundamental

characteristic of the Cosmos, are embodied in the dualities of dark and light, weak and strong,

cold and hot, female and male respectively (Gao 1997). The profound meaning of Yin and

Yang, however, is that these apparent opposites are actually fundamentally related,

complementing and balancing, implying and producing each other.

The Five Elements, in general, represent the perpetual transformation of things as "a

characteristic and entirely natural feature of the Cosmos" (Hou 2003). Chinese cosmologists

thought the Five Elements correlated with virtues, feelings, body parts, musical temperaments,

and arrangements of time, etcetera, and used them to interpret the changes in everything.

The theory of the Eight Diagrams is also taken to explain the changing of the Cosmos

(Li 1998). These diagrams, like Tai Chi Diagram, consist of two parts of Yin and Yang: Yang

Yao "—" (阳爻 long line) and Yin Yao "--"(阴爻 two short lines). The resulting combinations

are: Qian (乾 ), Kun (坤 ), Li (离 ), Kan(坎 ), Dui (兑 ), Xun (巽 ), Zhen(震 ), and

Gen (艮 ). Each of the diagrams is linked with a direction and may represent different

aspects of traditional culture and daily life (Li 2014). Chinese tradition used them for the

purpose of divination (Wu 2010).

These theories have become the first rules to be considered in ancient Chinese

architectural design, and have had their influence on architectural appearances, styles, layouts,

decorations, and so forth (Shao 2012:3). For a long time, architecture followed and

reproduced the ancient Chinese philosophy about the structure of the Cosmos in many aspects,

expressing, for example, the omnipresence of Yin and Yang, promoting the good characters

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and avoiding the danger, producing harmony in form, as this was thought to be useful to help

the country or family to have a long-term peace and happiness.

It is plausible that Mesoamerican worldview and ideas about the cosmic structure also

brought forward a philosophy with abstract cosmological concepts that could affect the

architectural design, but unfortunately, the destruction of many books during and after the

Spanish conquest has left us in the dark. Clearly, the calendar and the related cosmic structure

(trees in the four directions and the World Tree in the Centre) connected to the influences of

different deities (associated with different qualities and realms of space and time), must have

orientated the progress of pre-colonial Mesoamerican civilization during approximately 2500

years. The emblematic building of Mesoamerican architecture, the pyramid, as a constructed

primordial mountain, where a specific deity (creative power) lives, expresses a vertical

connection between Heaven, Earth, and Underworld (McCafferty 2018), creating places of

liminality, where humans can meet and contact the gods and/or ancestors (McAuliffe 1995),

and receive their messages through visionary experiences (O'Neil 2009). It is only logical to

suppose that this complex worldview implied reasoning and consequently an elaborated

philosophy.

Smith's (2003) doubts about the interpretations of architecture and city planning as

manifestations of such religious and philosophical thought are understandable. After all, the

existing data does not clearly explain the cosmological aspects of Maya cities, much less their

philosophical base. Given the general parallels with Chinese civilization, however, we may

hypothesize that also in Mesoamerica the selection, construction, orientation, and design of

religious architecture and city planning were based on cosmological theories. It is likely that

Mesoamerican architects took great care in constructing the religiously charged buildings,

giving form to ancestral ritual sites and ceremonial circuits in a sacred landscape, and that in

doing so they took into account cosmological and philosophical ideas. Several modern

archaeological interpretations of such sites have observed characteristics that seem indicative

of such underlying symbolic thoughts. Jiménez Osorio and Posselt Santoyo found that most

of the “Vehe Savi (House of Rain God)” sites had ritual functions, symbolic meanings and

important links with surrounding landscapes. On the basis of intensive archaeological and

anthropological fieldwork, in the Mixtec region, they conclude that these “dwellings” of the

Rain God are “the sacred places that are associated with water, such as caves, the top of

mountains, rocks, springs or rocky shelters” (Jiménez Osorio & Posselt Santoyo 2016).

Carlson (1981) has suggested that Mesoamerica may have had a special Geomancy, that is, a

way of relating the city site or a personal house with the Cosmos or the divine forces of the

universe. Lindsay Jones agrees and sees that as a “parallel of the practices of Chinese Feng

Shui” (Jones 1995:215).

The complexity and artistic qualities of the monuments indeed suggest that the

Mesoamerican worldview has been sublimated to an ideal height in development, becoming a

well-developed philosophy with great influence on architectural design.

Another indication is that Mesoamerican traditional medicine is based on the idea of a

duality of forces, called hot and cold. These terms have nothing to do with the actual

temperature but refer to the conditions of the Cosmos. Lopez Austin thinks that the hot-cold

60

dichotomy belongs to “indigenous dualist cosmovision” (López Austin 1980:303-318).

Illnesses and medicinal herbs, but also parts of the body and the age of persons, as well as

places in the landscape, can be distinguished in these categories. Underlying medical practice

is an implicit theory of balance: hot herbs are used as remedies for cold illnesses and

vice-versa. New-born babies are very hot, but as age advances, the human being becomes

increasingly cold. The feet, close to the soil, are cold but the head, closer to heaven and

sunshine, is hot. Places in the sunshine (e.g. eroded mountain areas) are hot, but caves are

cold. This suggests that this duality originally represents the influence of two central powers

in the Mesoamerican universe: the hot character of the Sun God (Tonatiuh), who rules in

heaven, and the cold power of the Rain God (Tlaloc), who lives in the caves. The terms hot

and cold likely reflect a colonial syncretism of Mesoamerican religious ideas with those of

European Hippocratic medicine (Messer 1987; López Austin 1980:303-318).

This Mesoamerican duality shows great similarity to the Chinese theory about the two

universal forces called Yin and Yang. In both cases, this two-sided opposition consists of a

pair of elements that cannot be separated from each other. The same as Chinese Yin and Yang,

the two terms are each other's opposite but at the same time complement and balance each

other. We find in Mesoamerican thought and art other similar oppositions, such as Sun and

Moon (the hero twins), the primordial couple (Grandmother and Grandfather), pairs of male

and female rulers, light and darkness, sunrise and sunset, life and death, ascending and

descending and so on. Often these complementary oppositions function within a context of

underlying harmony (a balance between two protagonists, as well as between male and female

rulers) and / or cyclical movement (in which day and night but also life and death

continuously alternate).

Likely, these ideas strongly influenced the architecture to represent – and reaffirm – the

idea of the unity of such opposite yet connected forces in the Cosmos. This is comparable to

the use of parallelism and specifically difrasismos in ceremonial discourse: two concrete

terms are combined to communicate and overarch abstract quality (León Portilla 1990, López

García 2007). We may suppose, for example, that these ideas of balance could be expressed

as Symmetry in construction and decoration. An example is the Aztec Main Temple (Templo

Mayor) of Tenochtitlan, which has the form of a twin temple, dedicated to the Rain God

Tlaloc on the northern side as “cold numen” and to the tribal deity Huitzilopochtli

(hummingbird, left-handed warrior) on the southern side, associated with the Sun and clearly

a hot numen.

This principle extends into the cultural meanings of numbers in Mesoamerican thought,

which, mainly on the basis of Nahua sources and terms (as analysed by López Austin 1980:

58-68), we may reconstruct as follows:

1: the Centre;

2: the dual principle (the primordial couple);

3: the three levels (vertical order);

4: the four directions (East, North, West, and South);

5: the Centre and the four directions of the Earth’s surface;

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9: the Centre and the four directions of the Earth’s surface continued with the count of

the four directions of the Underworld, therefore the number that symbolises the Underworld,

death and the ancestors;

13. the Centre and the four directions of the Earth’s surface and the four directions of the

Underworld continued with the count of the four directions in the heavens, therefore the

number of Heaven, which also implies completeness, universality, and prosperity;

20: the number of the human being, as the total number of fingers and toes, the basic unit

of counting in the vigesimal system (Jansen & Jiménez 2010:27).

These numbers are also building blocks of the Mesoamerican calendar, in which days

always contain a number (1-13) in combination with one of twenty signs. Most likely, this

numerology was applied also in architectural constructions and resulted in the specific

proportions of buildings and in the number of temples and sanctuaries in ceremonial centres.

It can be seen that most of the architecture in Mesoamerica and ancient China was

considered to be oriented in a special direction (centred or aligned) and is full of astronomical

symbolism (based on the perspective of literature or philosophy), which also verifies Jones’s

treatment of “Architecture as Orientation: the Instigation of Ritual-Architectural Events”

(Jones 1995: 211). In view of the differences in culture and political systems, the approximate

exterior layout of a building or city does not have to reflect the same ideological goals. As

their respective ritual centres, the prominent architecture in both regions seems to embody a

yearning for power and respect for authority.

2.4 Concrete Manifestations: Cosmic Forms of Architecture

The formation of the concept of the universe is an inevitable result of humans thinking

about the origin and being of the world and the way in which this affects people's thoughts

and behavior. For example, human awe for and obedience to the natural environment or the

cosmic world prompted people to think about how to build perfect architecture in

correspondence with their understanding of the universe. Our interest in the relationships

between architecture, cosmology, landscape, and cities, discovers a close connection between

these elements as recognized by Indigenous Peoples in the Americas. Architecture, humans,

and the environment were put in a symbolical relationship and fused, which had implications

for orienting architecture with respect to the Cosmos. What is not immediately disclosed to

Western thought, but what is crucial to Indigenous cosmologies of Mesoamerica is that all

components / beings of the world (including the plants, mountains, rivers, the Sun, stars, and

planets) are considered to be beings, animated and alive.

2.4.1 Cosmos, Shapes, and Architecture

As mentioned before, both China and Mesoamerica conceived the universe to consist of

three general (often further subdivided) levels in vertical order: Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld. Architecture, as a human-made product, is used as a medium connecting these

Three Realms in both cultures. In China, temple architecture can be used to worship the gods

of Heaven or to do ceremonies for the souls of the Underworld, however, it is impossible to

worship heavenly gods and the souls of the Underworld in the same building since the two

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realms are so different. In Mesoamerica, some temples (pyramids) seem to connect Heaven,

Earth, and Underworld together.

Figure 2-19 The nine layers of Heaven. Opening scene of the Roll of the New Fire (Selden Roll)

Obviously, in China and Mesoamerica we find different forms and different ways in

which the ideas of these cultures about the Cosmos are expressed in art and architecture as

well as different contemporary interpretations of these expressions. In terms of the Nonverbal

Communication approach promoted by Amos Rapoport, most of the religiously charged

Chinese architecture communicates strong symbolic meanings, such as references to “Heaven”

and the “Earth” through the curved roof shape and the square or rectangular platform,

respectively. In a nonverbal but symbolic manner, a circular plane or curved dome, with

winding curves (house cornice or ridge, etc.) represents the shape of Heaven, and a square

plan or platform foundation suggests the square shape of the Earth. Besides this, Heaven,

Earth, and Humans are regarded as independent and interconnected parts that are

"symbolized" in the structural design of a single building: Heaven is above the Earth, which

can be reflected by the building’s roof, where Heaven and the Earth meet; the Earth is a solid

entity so that a heavy foundation is its external manifestation; pillars standing on the

foundation and between the base and the roof, symbolize the "Four Poles", which support

Heaven. As such, they also symbolize the human beings that inhabit the Earth. The idea of

Four Poles came from the ancient Chinese book Huainan Zi: they were described as four huge

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Figure 2-20 Detail from the thirteen layers of Heaven. Opening scene of Codex Vaticanus 3738.

pillars standing on four corners of the Earth to supporting the Heaven dome.33

It was said that

Heaven would collapse if it were not lifted by these four pillars. All buildings followed the

same shape and were strictly separated into three parts: roof, column, and the platform, which

33 The earliest mentioned the Four Poles of ancient book is the Lanming（览冥）of Huannan Zi(before 139 BC).

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together represent the three layers of the Cosmos: Heaven, Human world, and the Earth (Bai

2004). The image from a single building of ancient China suggests a basic philosophical idea

that the human walks the Earth and so strong he/she may stand between Heaven and Earth to

support Heaven. The vertical design of the single building reflects the description of the three

realms of Heaven, Earth, and humans (Bai 2004). The roof of the building for the expression

of Heaven is the most important part of a single building, and the base part representing the

"Earth" is striving for stability and strength. The pillars in the middle are the symbol of human

bodies and strive for simplicity and humanity (Bai 2004).

Figure 2-21 Page 23 of the Codex Laud

Mesoamerican religious architecture seems to have a tendency to connect with three

levels (worlds) of the Cosmos. Although Mesoamericans saw the sky as a round shape (e.g. as

an inverted jícara, gourd, or cup), they represented it in their ancient art mostly as a

horizontal band. In the pictographic codices of Nahuas and Mixtecs, we find it as a band of

blue colour with eyes or other stellar symbols in it; sometimes this band is subdivided into

different layers (as 9 or 13 heavens), for example in the Roll of the New Fire (Selden Roll,

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Figure 2-19) and the above-mentioned Codex Vaticanus 3738 (Figure 2-20). The night sky

equally appears as such a band, but then coloured black. In the case of a sunny or cloudy sky,

the vertical band is filled in with the Sun motif (yellow with red rays) or with clouds (Codex

Yoalli Ehecatl/Borgia:27). The same sky band we find on archaeological monuments such as

the round Stone of Tizoc (where the colours have been lost but can be reconstructed on the

basis of representations in the pictorial manuscripts). The sky band in Maya art may also

occur as a square(or rectangular), surrounding a scene (e.g. on the sarcophagus of Ah Pakal in

Palenque); it generally contains hieroglyphs of Sun, Moon, darkness, day, Venus and other

celestial signs (Cunningham 2000).

Earth is thought of as a square shape extending to the four directions, which may be

represented in visual art as a rectangular band, often with indications of soil and/or plants.

Earth is also represented as a living primordial being, an alligator or a turtle, floating in the

water, the (primordial) ocean (Mathews & Garber 2004). For example in Codex Mictlan

(Laud), p. 23 (Figure 2-21), we find an image of the Rain God (under a cloudy sky) walking

on top of the alligator that is floating in a large extension of water. In the pictographic codices,

we often find the open jaws of the alligator or serpent as a representation of a cave, of an

opening into Earth or of Earth in general, from which plants sprout, such as the image from

the page 29 of Codex Tezcatlipoca (Figure 2-22). This motif is ancient and already present in

the art of the Olmec times (e.g. in the famous rock carving, known as “El Rey”, in the

pre-classic site at Chalcatzingo).

Similarly, in Maya art we find the Earth represented as a big tortoise, supported by four

gods (Bacabs), and floating in the primordial ocean, with the Underworld below (Faiella

2005:23-24). Possibly the tortoise shell connotes the curved sky so that the image would

symbolize the totality of Heaven and Earth. According to a Maya narrative, First Father, the

Maize God, was born from a crack in the cosmic turtle’s shell during the August zenith

passage (Freidel et al. 1993: 96-97; Freidel, Schele & Parker 1993:65-67). This motif is

depicted on numerous vessels from the Classic period (Figure 2-23).

Figure 2-22 Part of page 29 Codex Tezcatlipoca Figure 2-23 the Maize God from a turtle rebirth (Freidel, Schele & Parker 1993:66)

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In Aztec art several monuments, such as the Stone of Tizoc, show human agency,

historical acts, taking place between the two bands: an upper band representing Heaven and a

lower band representing the surface of Earth, sometimes combined with skeletal elements

representing the Underworld (the abode of the dead ancestors). The divine power is

represented in deities such as Tlaltecuhtli (“Earth Lord”), whose head consists of the opened

saurian jaws that symbolize Earth, Tepeyollotl (“Heart of the Mountain”) and Cihuacoatl

(“Woman-Serpent”), a complex female deity (a Guardian of dead ancestors, as well as the

Numen of the Milky Way), who has similar attributes but whose head is a skull (Jansen &

Pérez Jiménez 2017:364-375).

Several components of Mesoamerican religious architecture, for example the

pyramid-shaped buildings (actually the high terraced platforms, supporting temples), reflect

this Cosmovision. Rapoport points out that the use of symbolic and semiotic methods in

building design may be understood as Nonverbal Communication. Analysing a pyramid

according to this approach, we understand that the sanctuary symbolically represents access to

liminal space: the square or rectangular ground plan, in form and orientation, refers to the four

directions, while the basic shape of the Earth is also represented by the ascending platforms,

which replicate the form of a mountain, that other representative image of Earth. The temple

that stands on the top of the mountain is the place where the gods descend and live: its

door-opening (its “mouth”) represents an entrance into a cave, it is a portal to an Otherworld,.

The interior or subterraneous part of the platform can be a burial place of the nobles, a

representation of the world of death and (re)birth (Szymański 2014). An example is again the

tomb of Ah Pakal in the lower part of the Temple of the Inscriptions in Palenque. The world

tree on the lid of the sarcophagus grows from the open skeletal jaws of the alligator or

crocodile that represents Earth: a connection between the human realm and the realm of the

gods. On the side panels of the sarcophagus, the (deceased) ancestors of the ruler Ah Pakal

are represented as trees, growing from Earth, the soil, and bearing fruits (Freidel, Schele &

Parker 1993:76-79). Another example: in the case of the Temple of the Sun in Teotihuacan

underneath the pyramid is a cave, without a doubt with similar associations (Taube 1986).

In the Mixtec Codex Yuta Tnoho (Vindobonensis), p. 47 (Figure 2-24), we find this

worldview synthesized in a sign composed of a sky band resting on a pillar that stands on/in

the open jaws of the alligator or serpent that represents the Earth. Such pillars are generally

part of a house, palace, or temple structure, where they are standing as door posts on both

sides of the door opening, carrying the upper door beam.

Temple pyramids generally have a staircase (in the case of the Temple of Kukulcan in

Chichén Itzá four staircases, one on each side), which functionally represents the movement

of humans towards the heavenly abode of the deity. The pyramid as a whole from the upper

temple to the central platform and inner mausoleum clearly reflects the three realms of

Heaven, the human world, and the Underworld.

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In the pictorial manuscripts, such as on page 33 of Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia), we

can find representations of temples with heaven bands in the roof: these refer to the name of

the building (“Temple of Heaven”) but also confirm the association of the upper part, the roof,

with Heaven. In Maya architecture, we find complex open and airy Roof Combs on the top of

the temple (Taube 1986). Maybe they are symbolically associated with the celestial birds that

are sitting on the top of the World Tree. The celestial bird probably is a representative of the

primordial creator god named Itzamna in Maya (Christenson 2016; Taube 1992:36). Itzamna

often is rendered as a paradise bird or a Bird Deity (Taube 1992:36-37), crouching on the

World Tree. The complex “buildings take on complex deity aspects” (Taube 1985).

2.4.2 Orientations, Directions, and Architecture

Spatial orientation gives a building a clear direction. Comparing the ways in which

China and Mesoamerica employed architectural orientation, we get the following generalized

impression. China attaches importance to the construction of the horizontal space with the

Earth as the basic plane and strives to strengthen the close relationship between the celestial

shape or spatial features and buildings, to achieve the integration of Heaven and Earth.

Mesoamerican architecture in horizontal space paid attention to the maintenance of cosmic

order as defined by the movement of the Sun (four directions), while the vertical aspect may

focus on the human movement towards (and contact with) the powers of the universe.

The ancient Chinese architecture pays special attention to the accuracy of spatial

directions. From the selection of urban landscape to the layout of the interior of the building

group, all aspects must abide by the law of spatial orientation: the central building is the most

distinguished, and other buildings are surrounded and separated by the universal order to the

East, West, South, and North (Wang 2009). In addition, China's architectural orientation is

linked to a set of cultural ideas concerning gods, colours, life and death, and fortune. The

Figure 2-24 Part of page 47 Codex Yuta Tnoho

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basic theoretical outlook (worldview) played a decisive role in the location and layout of

cities or buildings, contributing to their symbolic dimensions (Wang 2009).

Beijing City, which was built during the early Ming Dynasty (15th century) is an

excellent example of Chinese urban planning in a period in which cosmic theory and

traditional culture were highly developed. Its urban planning and architectural design, in some

aspects, are considered to have been designed with reference to the principles of Chinese

cosmological theories. In terms of spatial orientation, from the choice of the most peripheral

city base and the macro-planning of the whole city to the planning and design of the

Forbidden City in Miyagi, it reflects the effective grasp of the five cardinal points (East, West,

South, North, and Centre).

The site of Beijing City34

is considered a typical case of the cosmological configuration

with respect to the landscape orientation of Chinese traditional cities. Using the "Symbolic"

approach we understand that it is connected with Heaven. For example, it uses the

surrounding mountains to symbolize the Four Gods (Azure Dragon, Vermillion Bird, White

Tiger, and Black Tortoise) in Heaven. Not only this, but it also reflects the cosmic order of the

Four Gods surrounding the Heavenly Emperor in the East, West, South, and North (Liu

1998:32-33), which is in accordance with Chinese traditional city orientation theory of Feng

Shui (Wheatley 1975, Xu 1998). Feng Shui, as mentioned above, is one of the most important

cosmological theories of China (Wheatley 1975), and is used for choosing or repairing

surrounding conditions with the aim to improve or ameliorate human life. Beijing City was

the imperial capital of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, which chose the site following the

theories of “an ideal pattern according to Feng Shui” (Liu 1998:32). It is located in the

Yanshan Mountains (燕山), surrounded by more mountain ranges, while the Yongding River

(永定河) passes in front, thus forming an excellent Feng Shui site (Liu 1998:32). The

mountains surrounding it from four sides are a perfect “Symbolic” reference to the Four Gods

in Heaven who are enclosing the Heavenly Emperor and protecting him. This configuration

corresponds to the four images of directional orientation: Jing Mountain (the mountain),

located to the North of Beijing City, is the Black Tortoise; Yan Pier (the Yandun) in the South

corresponds to the Vermilion Bird; the Python Mountain (蟒山), located to the East of Beijing

City is the symbol of Azure Dragon, and the Tiger Mountain lies to the West of the site as the

White Tiger. Beijing City itself is located in the most prestigious central location, associated

with the Polar Star and the Emperor (Liu 1998:164). It was clearly recorded in Daxue Yanyi

Bu35

“Today's capital city is located in the North, just like the polar star.”

The spatial design of Beijing City thus can be understood by using Rapoport’s "Symbolic"

approach. The ancient Chinese emperor who claimed to be the son of the Heavenly Emperor

made an effort to connect himself to the Heavenly Emperor in many ways. As his capital,

Beijing City became the most important medium for him to show his close connection with

the Heavenly Emperor. The Forbidden City, as a symbol of the emperor’s identity and power,

had the highest royal status, so it was set/located in the Centre of the universe (Meyer 1987;

Chen 2016). Although the symbolic approach suggests that those celestial bodies were

34 The Beijing City was an imperial capital of the Ming and Qing dynasty (1368 -1911). The city was constructed as early as

1406. 35 Daxue Yanyi Bu (大学衍义补), written by Qiu Rui(丘濬) during the Ming Dynasty.

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(a) the Forbidden City and Four Temples

(b) the Universal Centre and Four Directions

Figure 2-25: Four Temples and the Centre (drawing by author)

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comprehensively implied in the ceremonial architecture of Beijing City as a strong reflection

of the royal power, it is possible that – being concealed in the urban design – they were not

always evident to the people in general.

A cosmic centre design is cleverly arranged in the design of the Forbidden City. Around

the Forbidden City, four temples stand for the most important bodies of the universe: Heaven,

Earth, Sun and Moon, and were cleverly placed around it: the East is the Temple of Sun (日

坛), the West is the Temple of the Moon (月坛), the South is the Temple of Heaven (天坛),

and the North is the Temple of Earth (地坛). This layout shows the basic idea of ancient

Chinese cosmology: the Forbidden City stands for the Centre of the universe, while

theHeaven is in the upper part (South), the Earth is in the lower place (North), the Sun and the

Moon stay separately in the East and the West (Figure 2-25).

A- the Purple Forbidden Enclosure B- the Supreme Palace Enclosure C- the Heavenly Market Enclosure

D- the Azure Dragon E- the White Tiger F- the Vermillion Bird G- the Black Tortoise

Figure 2-26: Chinese Heavenly Palace Constellation Groups（Drawing based on Suzhou Star Map, AD1247）

The ancient Chinese created an idealized celestial paradise: the Heavenly Palace, where

the Heavenly Emperor and heavenly citizens lived. They grouped and named the celestial

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bodies according to the spatial positions and the law of movements, and gave them social and

cultural meanings, finally constructing the heavenly society (Zhao 2012). It consists of Three

Enclosures (三垣) in the centre, the Four Images (四象) on the periphery and other celestial

bodies. The famous Suzhou plan sphere carved on a stone in the Song Dynasty (13th-century)

shows a total of 283 asterisms, comprising a total of 1,565 individual stars (Tien 1945:4). The

Three Enclosures (三垣)，the core part of the Heavenly Palace, included three parts where

heavenly offices were situated and the places for housing and entertaining the heavenly

residents (Chen 2016). This section is divided into three groups: the Purple Forbidden

Enclosure (紫微垣), the Supreme Palace Enclosure (太微垣), and the Heavenly Market

Enclosure (天市垣). The Emperor of Heaven, who has supreme power and is in charge of

everything including Heaven and Earth, lives in the Purple Forbidden Enclosure, while he

and his ministers deal with the heavenly affairs in the Supreme Palace Enclosure. Heavenly

residents live and trade in the Heavenly Market Enclosure. The Four Images are the above

mentioned four powerful beasts that guard and protect the Quarter of the Heaven, namely the

Azure Dragon (青龙), the White Tiger (白虎), the Vermillion Bird (朱雀) and the Black

Tortoise (玄武). The celestial body shape of each beast consists of seven parts, all collectively

known as the Twenty-Eight Mansions (Chen 2015) (Figure 2-26, 2-27).

Lindsay Jones has said: “A sacred Architecture can be the body, abode, and the soul

habitation of a god” (Jones & Desmond 1995: 230-234). Following this idea and analysing

the layout of Beijing City, we understand that Beijing City probably was designed and

constructed as the “body, abode, and the soul habitation” of the Heavenly Gods. In other

words, Beijing was constructed as a “sacred city” (cf. Müller 1961).

Firstly, Beijing City was considered to follow the pattern of Zhou King City (周王城)

(He 1985:56-58), however, this city pattern, to a large extent, was made with reference to the

layout of the Heavenly Palace, i.e. accommodations of heavenly gods. Zhou King City

mentioned in the ancient book of Zhou Li (周礼), was thought to be built during the Zhou

Figure 2-27 Heavenly Palace in directions Figure 2-28 Capital layout in Zhou Li Kaogong Ji

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Dynasty (1046 BC –776 BC) and became the ideal Capital City model to be widely used by

the rulers of later generations in the design of their capitals (He 1985:56-58). The chapter

Kaogong Ji (考工记) of Zhou Li stipulates: “(a Capital should have a Miyagi in the Centre);

the left side of the Miyagi (East) is the Ancestral Temple (祖庙), the right side (West) is the

Territory Temple (社庙), the front (South) is the Outer Court (外廷), and the back (North) is

the Back Market (后市).”36

(Figure 2-28)

By comparing the figures 2-27 and 2-28, we find that they are strikingly similar, which

suggests that the capital pattern described in Kaogong Ji very likely comes from the layout of

the Heavenly Palace. The Heavenly Palace is the abode of the heavenly gods, and some parts,

such as those constellations of Four Images, are the bodies of the Four Gods. As a result,

Beijing City, which followed the pattern of Zhou King City, must also have been designed as

the accommodation of the heavenly gods. According to this hypothesis, the central Miyagi

and other four buildings which explicitly marked the four directions (East, West, South, and

North) are possibly linked to the corresponding constellations of celestial bodies. The Miyagi,

where the emperor lived, is a powerful Centre and represents the Heavenly Emperor’s

residence of the Purple Forbidden Enclosure; the Outer Court, the offices of the emperor, is

the symbol of the heavenly court of the Supreme Palace Enclosure; the Back Market, where

citizens traded and accommodated, is an intimation of the Heavenly Market Enclosure (Chen

2017); the Ancestral Temple (祖庙) relates to the constellation of Azure Dragon (青龙), and

the Territory Temple (社庙) associates with celestial bodies of White Tiger (白虎) (Chen

2017). (Figure 2-28)

Secondly, in addition to being placed in an important heart position, the Forbidden City,

which is the soul of Beijing City, may also be modelled after the layout of the Three

Enclosures of the Heavenly Palace. The Forbidden City starts from the Yongding Gate and is

divided into three major parts from South to North: the Outer City (Business District), the

Outer Court, and the Harem area (Figure 2-29). The Harem, in the North of the Forbidden

City, the area where the Miyagi is located and where the emperors resided, corresponds to the

constellation of the Purple Forbidden Enclosure of Heaven, likely to be a symbol of the

residence of the emperors and their families; the Outer Court，the heart position of the city,

the place for the emperors and their courtiers to handle government affairs, corresponds to the

star group of the Supreme Palace Enclosure, likely to be a symbol of the heavenly offices of

the Heavenly Emperor and heavenly gods; the Outer City, in the south of the Forbidden City,

a place for the public to live, trade in goods and entertain themselves, corresponds to the

constellation of the Heavenly Market Enclosure, possible to be a symbol of the heavenly

market for gods to trade and exchange goods in Heaven (Chen 2016) (Figure 2-29).

Thirdly and finally, Taimiao (太庙), located on the East side of Chengtian Gate (承天门),

the Ancestral Temple of the royal ancestors, corresponds to the constellation of Azure Dragon,

is the house where royal ancestors and gods live; the Territory Temple, in the west side of

36 The ideal pattern of the capital was recorded in Kaogong Ji (vol. 41: Jiangren Yingguo 匠人营国): “The Jiang (artificer)

constructs the capital cities. He builds a square and nine-Li (里) city wall on each side; each side opens three gates. (Within

the capital are) nine latitude and nine longitude streets. Each longitude street has nine carriage tracks in width. The

left(building) is the Ancestral Temple, the right(building) is the Territory Temple, the front is the Outer Court, and the back is

the Back Market. ”(匠人营国，方九里，旁三门，国中九经九纬，经涂九轨，左祖右社，前朝后市.)

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Chengtian Gate, corresponds to the celestial body of White Tiger, is the house of the protector

gods.

Compared with Zhou King City, the layout of the Beijing City in terms of imitating the

Heavenly Palace has undergone subtle changes: the Outer Court, which includes the Fengtian

Palace (奉天殿), the Huagai Palace(华盖殿), and the Jinshen Palace(谨身殿), was located in

the Centre of the Capital; the Harem, which contains the Qianqing Palace (乾清宫), the

Jiaotai Palace(交泰殿), and the Kunning Palace (坤宁宫), was set in the North of the city;

while the Business District was put in the South of the city (Figure 2-29). The positions of the

Ancestral Temple and the Territory Temple remain unchanged, while the Outer Count,

symbolizing the emperor’s power, was located in the Centre of the whole city, which suggests

the idea of the central power of the emperor as Lord of the world.

Figure 2-29: main buildings of the Harem and Outer Court of the Forbidden City (drawing by author)

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In addition, a clear feature for Ming Beijing city planning is that the most important

buildings were built along a strong central axis from where the city expanded. This central

axis started from the southern Yongding Gate (永定门), passed through the Forbidden City

and terminated in the northern bell tower – the whole straight-line distance is about 7.8 km.

This axis runs from South to North and points to the Polar Star (Emperor Star). It is not only a

representation of the rays that are emitted from the centre of the universe to the direction of

the Heavenly Emperor but also symbolically connects the Emperor's palace with the Earth. As

the imperial city of the emperor's daily residence and work, the Forbidden City replicates the

layout of the Heavenly Palace where the Emperor of Heaven resides, and strictly implements

the cosmic pattern of the Respect Centre. The Centre, where the Polar Star lives, is respected

by people since it is “located in the north and surrounded by all the stars” (Liu 1998:164).

Social status is often described as an order in space, which means that the emperor must be

placed in the highest position. Several traditional books describe the social status of an

emperor: "The Son of Heaven (must) have his throne in the centre" (Guanzi 管子, Duodi

Pian 度地篇). Modern scholar He Yeju followed this idea and said, “The Son of Heaven must

settle in the centre of the world: that is Li(礼)/order” (He 1985:56). The order of respect

means that the emperor or the capital for the emperor must be located in the central position.

As for other types of buildings in China, such as a courtyard or a single building, ancient

people had to abide strictly by the principles of “Facing South 朝南” (Liu 1998:44) and “East

Rich, West Poor 东尊西卑” （Chen 2009）. The rule of Sitting North and Facing South

originated from the respect of sitting on the Polar Star location and facing to the Sun at Noon

(Chen 2012:100), while the East Rich, West Poor principle originated from the idea of Yin

and Yang, due to which the East belongs to Yang, the direction of strength and life, and its

counterpart, the West, belongs to Yin as a direction of weakness and death (Chen 2009). The

main building in the complex must be located on the central axis to show the importance of its

position.

In Mesoamerica, we find artistically impressive architecture, as in China, with

recognizable stylistic and technical developments, which indicate the presence of a schooled,

“professional” group of architects.37

Most likely there existed written texts and/or oral

teachings about these matters in pre-colonial times, but because of the large-scale destruction

of indigenous books and intellectual traditions during and after the Spanish conquest, we don't

have explicit primary sources on this matter. Some inferences may be made, however, from

archaeological and iconographical observations. These suggest that the layout of the cities, in

particular of the ceremonial centres, was influenced by cosmology (Benson 1981:146,

Ashmore 1991, Schele and Miller 1986, Guillemin 1968, Tedlock 1985) or cosmovision

(Lindsay Jones1995:217). Evidently, many religiously important buildings and monuments

(temples, altars, palaces, ball courts, tombs with their sculptures, paintings, decorated

ceramics, etc.) have specific and meaningful positions and orientations. Probably inscriptions,

37 Several scholars refer to the existence of Mesoamerican architects. Houston (1998: 105) states that many pre-classic

architects of Maya “developed the general forms of façade constructions”. Brunskill (1970) says that Maya architecture

belonging to the “polite architecture” was carefully constructed by architects. Vellinga (2011) explicitely mentions that most

of Mesoamerican architecture and buildings were made by many architects, architectural theorists (Vellinga 2011).

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decorations and/or the combination with figurative artworks contributed to express and

communicate the implied values.

For a single building, how to achieve the contact between humans and gods through

building shape, or how to set a passage to connect the human world to the Three Realms is

particularly important. That is to say, the building is spatially related to the vertical structure

of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld. At the same time, it has a horizontal dimension because of

its orientation in terms of the four directions and its relation to surrounding buildings and

monuments.

Many peoples and communities in Mesoamerica shared (and often still share) a common

basic worldview, with local differentiation in detail. An analysis of the layout of

Mesoamerican cities and ceremonial centres suggests that their spatial orientations were not

random but influenced by specific cosmological and other considerations (Šprajc,

Morales-Aguilar & Hansen 2009). Likely, before selecting a site, Mesoamericans carried out

research on the landscape and environment of mountains and rivers, involving precise

measurements and astronomical observations, a method of a city site positioning and

orientation similar to that used in Chinese Feng Shui (Aveni 2007; Jones 1995:215).

Similarly, the notion of Respect Centre seems also to have been present in Mesoamerican

architecture, an idea that may have been derived from the importance of the Cosmic Centre in

the culture's worldview. Before constructing a city, it then would have been an important

consideration for the builders to connect the human city symbolically to the “Centre of the

Universe” (Mathews & Garber 2004). In the Mesoamerican worldview, an important symbol

for the centre of the universe is the World Tree, which, as we have seen, may be interpreted as

a source of life (origin of dynasties) and a gateway to the three vertically situated realms

(Heaven - Earth - Underworld).

Conceptually connected to the Centre of the universe, the city obtains a supreme position

in human society. Mountains are another emblematic symbol since they are widely believed

to be residences of deities (in line with Jones 1995). In particular, the caves often are dwelling

places of the gods, and simultaneously portals to the place of origin as well as to the

Otherworld of the ancestors (Hutson & Welch 2014). The mountains or other prominent

landscape features that surround the city (located in the Centre) become its ritual foci and at

the same time its divine patrons and protectors. The divine powers of nature, present in the

mountains, are given a home in the mountain-shaped temple pyramids of the city. The layout

of these buildings towards the East, North, West, and South is a basic principle for the layout

of the Mesoamerican city (which generally was the Centre of a city-state). Let us review some

examples in more detail.

The Aztec capital Tenochtitlan was originally a small village-state on islands in the large

lake (the Lake of Texcoco) on the high plateau of Central Mexico (Gutiérrez 2015). In

approximately several hundred years before the Spanish Conquest (A.D. 1521), because of

military and commercial expansion, it grew into the capital of a large tribute-empire (Bray

1972), which finally encompassed much of what is now the Mexican republic. The population

of the original Tenochtitlan (situated in what is now the centre of Mexico City) spoke the

Nahuatl language (Schwaller 2012) and is often referred to as Aztec or Mexica (Townsend

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1992:42). Nahuatl was also spoken in the area around Tenochtitlan, where several cities were

located around the lake on the high plateau as well as in neighbouring valleys and

surrounding mountainous areas, which were conquered by the Aztecs, or rather by the Triple

Alliance consisting of the cities Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan (Schroeder 1997:3-4).

The early colonial Codex Mendoza lists the towns that were conquered by the successive

Aztec rulers (and the tribute they had to pay them). Spanish chroniclers documented various

aspects of Aztec society, which in time is situated at the very end of the archaeological period

known as the Post-classic (Aguilar-Moreno 2007: xii-xiv).

The Main Temple (Templo Mayor) is the main building in the city of Tenochtitlan (Broda,

Carrasco & Matos Moctezuma 1987v; López Luján & Balderas 2010, 2012). The main axis of

the building (which in recent decades has been excavated by archaeologists) prolongs to the

most remote point of the valley, directly to the peaks on the eastern horizon of Mexico City,

concretely Mount Tlaloc, which is the most important mountain in the landscape and is

known as Tlalocan, the dwelling place of the Rain God (Graulich 1992). In Central and

Southeren Mexico, a specific cave often was (and often still is) associated with the origin of

mist, clouds, rain, and snow, and consequently was considered a dwelling place of the Rain

God (Aveni, Calnek & Hartung 1988). Chronicler Diego Durán (1537-1588) described how

the Rain God resided in Mount Tlaloc, and clarifies that Tlaloc was a "God of rain and

lightning, and thunderbolts and all kinds of storms" (Durán 1971:154-155). The Aztecs

believed that Tlalocan, the realm of the Rain God, was a cave-like place full of water, a

paradise afterlife for people that had drowned or had been struck by lightning (Broda 1987:

83).

The city of Tenochtitlan furthermore was divided into four parts by causeways and canals

(Aveni, Calnek & Hartung 1988). There was a network of canals that crossed each other at

right angles, dividing the city into four quadrants, all facing the city centre, which was the

sacred precinct. Each quadrant was further subdivided into the four directions, with a Centre

and its own ceremonial precinct (Aguilar-Moreno 2008).

Other Mesoamerican cities likely had similar divisions or axial orientations to link the

site with the structure of the universe, with references to symbolic numbers or to events of

sacred history. The Aztecs wished to maintain a grateful and respectful relationship and

harmony with the powers of the universe and tried to appease their gods. The pivot of this

religious worldview and ethics was the Ceremonial Precinct in the centre of Tenochtitlan and

four sectors emanating from it, oriented to the four cardinal points, which led to a continuous

awareness of the position of the Sun and other deities in time and space (Aguilar-Moreno

2008). Monuments, like the statue of the Goddess Coatlicue (“She of the Skirt of Serpents”,

i.e. Mother Earth), who is the sister of the tribal solar deity Huitzilopochtli, and the large

round stone depicting the dismembered Moon Goddess Coyolxauhqui (“She with bells

painted in her face”), the sister of Huitzilopochtli, connect the Main Temple with the narrative

of the birth of Huitzilopochtli (and sunrise) and so identify the temple pyramid as a replica of

the Serpent Mountain (Coatepetl), where that event of sacred history took place. Coatepetl, or

Coatepec, the home of a deity named Coatlicue (Townsend 1982:45). Coatlicue, with a

meaning of "Serpent Skirt", was also “a metaphor for the sacred Earth” (Townsend 1982:45).

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She was the mother of Coyolxauhqui and Centzonuitznaua. One day, Coatlicue was killed by

Coyolxauhqui and her siblings since she had been magically impregnated. Huitzilopochtli,

who was still in her womb, suddenly sprang forth and killed his enemies. Coyolxauhqui,

finally, was cut into pieces and thrown down the mountain (Townsend 1982:45).

Another outstanding example is the ancient city of Teotihuacan, a metropolis of the

Classic period, flourishing some thousand years before the Aztecs (Sugiyama 1993, Carballo

2015, Robb 2017, Evans 2016). Teotihuacan is located in a sub-valley of the Central Mexican

high plateau, surrounded by clearly identifiable mountains: Cerro Gordo, Cerro Chiconautla,

Cerro Patlachique, and others. The main orientation of the city is expressed in the “Avenue of

the Dead”, its central axis running South-North towards the plaza of the “Pyramid of the

Moon” (with the Cerro Gordo behind it) and a set of accompanying temples, perpendicular to

the East-West orientation of the “Pyramid of the Sun” and that of the canalized river that

crosses the city centre. Two main buildings along this avenue, the Pyramid of the Sun and the

complex of pyramids known as the Citadel (Ciudadela), as the religious centres, face toward

the West, suggest that the city was designed to cultivate “the primacy of the East-West axis”

(Sugiyama 1993). Interestingly, architectural alignments at a number of other sites from

different periods correspond to the orientations recorded by the axes of Teotihuacan (Šprajc

2005). This suggests that architects at other sites were consciously copying the principles of

the layout of this metropolis. Similarly, several stylistic elements of Teotihuacan architecture,

such as the talud-tablero (slope and panel) profiles of façades of temple platforms and altars

were reproduced elsewhere and remained used subsequently in later cultural phases as a way

of identifying with this great civilization (comparable to the use of Greek columns in

European architecture).

The names “Avenue of the Dead”, “Pyramid of the Moon” and “Pyramid of the Sun” are

documented in early colonial sources and reflect Aztec terminology. How the ancient

population of Teotihuacan referred to these buildings is unknown, but it is not impossible that

the Aztec names reflect some ancient traditions – after all the Aztecs lived 1000 years later

but were still closer to that ancient civilization than modern scholars.

The Aztec ruler Motecuhzoma regularly went to the ruins of Teotihuacan to pay his

respect (Relación Geográfica de San Juan Teotihuacan). For the Aztecs, Teotihuacan was a

place wherein the primordial time of darkness, before the beginning of human history, the

gods had gathered for acts of creation, specifically for the creation of Sun and Moon (Sahagún,

Códice Matritense, folio 161v, ff).38

The Nahuatl name Teotihuacan may be understood as

"place of becoming a god” suggesting a link with the veneration of ancestors, who according

to ancient beliefs transformed into deities (Matos Moctezuma & López Luján 1993). In fact,

the term “Avenue of the Dead” is suggestive of the possibility that the small temples that

flanked this central road were dedicated to deified ancestors (cf. Headrick 1999).

For the Aztecs Teotihuacan was a primordial example of civilization (Toltecayotl, “the

way of the Toltecs”); indeed it is plausible that “Place of Cattail Reeds” (Tollan in Nahuatl)

38 Sahagún told a story of Sun God. First, the God couldn’t arise, "How will we live? The sun does not move. Will we

perhaps give a new life without order to the macehuales, to human beings? May the sun become strong through us! We shall

all die!” (Sahagún, Códice Matritense, folio 161v and ff. ). See also the article by Nielsen and Helmke (Where the Sun came

into Being) on fire rituals in Teotihuacan (in Tiesler and Scherer 2018).

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was the name – or at least one of the names – of ancient Teotihuacan. The toponym “Place of

Cattail Reeds” is registered in a Classic Maya inscription from the Maya site Tikal as the

place of provenance of persons, who, given their typical Teotihuacan imagery, clearly arrived

from Teotihuacan in the 4th century A.D. (Stuart in: Carrasco, Jones y Sessions 2000).

Figure 2-30 the Goddess in the Temple of Moon (Paulinyi 2006)

We may hypothesize that the main mountains located around Teotihuacan were

considered by the ancient inhabitants as the four mountain gods standing as divine protectors

at the four corners of the city and the world.39

No codices from Teotihuacan have survived

39 As we have seen, gods in the four directions have a very important position in Mesoamerican worldview, particularly the

directional Rain Gods (e.g. Anderson & Helmke 2013), while high mountaintops were (and are) seen as dwelling places of

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and the references to this place in early colonial chronicles are scant. Thus reconstructions of

its religious views can only be built on the surviving – but limited and fragmentary – visual

art (especially the murals and ceramics). In this art several Mesoamerican themes are

documented. There are frequent depictions of preciously attired individuals (priests, warriors)

participating in ritual processions or parades, sometimes throwing ground tobacco in the air or

making other offerings. These acts probably took place in the avenues and plazas, such as the

Avenue of the Dead and the Plaza of the Moon Pyramid (cf. Sarro and Robb 2015)

The pantheon of deities is difficult to reconstruct, but there are clear references to the

Rain or Storm God (prefiguration of the Aztec Tlaloc) and to the Plumed Serpent, the

Whirlwind (prefiguration of the Aztec Quetzalcoatl) and a Goddess that spends precious

water (possibly a prefiguration of the Aztec Water Goddess Chalchiuhtlicue) (cf. Anderson &

Helmke 2013). There are interesting landscape references in the visual art to mountains,

irrigated or raised fields, water streams and fields full of flowers. Large trees and complex

sets of trees also occur in the scenes of the murals and were obviously important in the

worldview.

The extent of the pantheon and its relationship to the main temples is still a matter of

on-going research and debates (e.g. Carrasco 2002:172-174; Paulinyi 2006, 2014; Taube

1986). The Avenue of the Dead, the South-North axis of the ceremonial centre, connects the

main religious buildings from the Citadel in the South, then passing by the Great Pyramid of

the Sun, and finally, onward to the Pyramid of the Moon. Behind this pyramid, at the northern

end of the Avenue of the Dead, is a large mountain, the Cerro Gordo. Possibly this mountain

corresponds to the Mesoamerican idea of a “Mountain of Sustenance” (Nahuatl:

Tonacatepetl), where the avenue pointed to. Its Nahuatl name Tenan may translate as “Stone

Mother” (Heyden 1975; cf. (Paulinyi 2006).

At the eastern side is the Lake of Texcoco, which would have been the logical domain of

a Water Goddess, who seems to be the deity with the yellow hands spending water, seeds, and

precious objects of greenstone (Paulinyi 2006); therefore, images of water settings could

relate to forces of life, sustenance and fertility (Figure 2-30).

At the same time, this religious context embedded a centre of worldly power: the rulers

of the empire and their palaces (Nielsen 2015). Visual art also depicts marching warriors

(García - des Lauriers 2017) as well as jaguars, which are symbols of bravery in Mesoamerica.

There was also an impressive economic activity, e.g. in a large market on the western side of

the Avenue of the Dead; some of the depicted persons may be farmers and merchants.

In commenting on the worldview of Teotihuacan, some researchers, such as Heyden

(1975), Sugiyama (1993), Oleschko, and Brambila (2000) have said that the city tried to build

a place to connect Heavens, Earth, and Underworld. The horizontal plane represented North,

East, South, and West, and the corners of the plane were the corners of the world. The Temple

of the Feathered Serpent symbolized the Sacred Mountain of creation, it implied the green

tree that emerged from the calm sea at the beginning of time and then created life. The

pyramid stood on a sacred spot, conceptually the centre of the world. On the top of the

the gods. This suggests that the four prominent mountains around Teotihuacan may have been interpreted by the population

as sky bearers and protectors of the four corners of the world.

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pyramid was the house to communicate with the heavenly gods, and inside the pyramid is the

underworld where the ancestors lived (Manzanilla 2000).

The symbolism of the Centre (tree of life) and the four corners (protective deities) would

have been crucial in creating the sacred space of the universe and of the community. Most

Mesoamerican cities chose such a spatial layout: the community centred on the city's site is

nurtured by the strong vitality of the World Tree. Landmarks in the surrounding landscape

probably were carefully identified and ritually cultivated as manifestations of the divine

powers of nature that provide sustenance for humankind and were invoked as guardians of the

city-state.

Similarly, Tikal in the Maya area was a grand metropolis, contemporaneous with

Teotihuacan (with which it had historical contact), equally an impressive ceremonial centre,

dominated by monumental architecture. It had dynastic links with four regional capitals that

were geometrically positioned to correspond with Bacabs, the four directional gods who

supported the sky (Thompson 1934; Jones 1995:218). For this reason, some Maya towns were

planned with four principal entrances; at each gate, a balam or jaguar stood guard (Jones

1995:218).

Thus, in terms of macro urban planning, Mesoamerican architecture exhibits strong

spatial thinking with the aim of working hard to create an orderly world in harmony with

nature and the deities. That the depiction of the city’s shapes, or the city’s cardinal directions

of space, had something to do with events taking place in the realm of the gods is immediately

suggested by cosmological diagrams derived from the civilizations of ancient Mexico. This

was not done occasionally but intended deliberately to connect a point in the architecture of

the ceremonial centre to another, or to a point specifically chosen on the horizon. In this

manner, a city starts looking like a Cosmogram, with purposeful alignments (Aveni &

Hartung 1986; Sprajc 2009).

2.5 Cosmology: General Principles in Architectures

We have tried to confront the challenges raised by Michael Smith (2003) against the idea

of Mesoamerican cities as Cosmogram with the hermeneutic model of Lindsay Jones

(1995:211). In this chapter we have focused on Jones’ first category: “Architecture as

Orientation: the instigation of Ritual-Architectural Events” with three aspects: homology,

convention, and astronomy.

From the data presented above, we conclude that cosmology played an important role in

both Chinese and Mesoamerican ancient architecture. In the process of comparing buildings

or cities in China and Mesoamerica, we find that both cultures had many general ideas in

common: both had a polytheist cosmology with tripartite vertical and quadripartite horizontal

structures with an emphasis on the Centre as the location of power (as a type of axis mundi),

philosophy about opposite yet complementary forces, astronomical symbolism, etc. At the

same time, the details and elaborations of the symbolic foci were cultural-specific and

consequently very different. Their integration into city planning and architecture design laid

the foundation for group consciousness and eventually national characteristics.

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Elements in common:

1．In terms of landscape context, before a new house or city could be built, people of the

two cultures of China and Mesoamerica located the site through a series of methods of spatial

orientation, which may have included astronomical observations as well as examining the

geography of mountains, rivers, and surrounding sites.

2．For urban planning, both cultures deliberately created civic-ceremonial centres as focal

points of the cities. The buildings in these centres or in the surrounding spaces should be

positioned or designed according to the cultural significance of the place and in accordance

with the symbolic associations of the four directions. The city centre is not only the centre of

society but also that of the universe. As the city's ritual buildings are arranged according to

the ideas about the cosmological structure, the whole city becomes a miniature model of the

Cosmos, a cosmogram.

3．Single buildings in both cultures show an in-depth application of the theories of the

universe. Ancient Chinese single buildings trace the spatial orientation of the celestial bodies

towards the horizontal plane, showing the importance of the orientation determined by the

Sun and the Polaris. The vertical dimension reflects a natural situation of human beings living

in the world, represented by the roof, the foundation, and columns of the building. In

Mesoamerica ideas about the cosmos are likewise expressed in the design of its monumental

architecture. Placement seems to reflect both the importance of position in the landscape (like

the Feng Shui) and directionality, both vertical and horizontal.

Differences:

In some aspects, however, the two cultures reflect their different characteristics in

architectural applications. For example, Chinese architecture emphasizes the spatial

orientation of the East, West, South, and North as True orientations in azimuth, that means,

the buildings should be orientated towards the true directions of East, West, South, and North.

The main buildings’ orientation is influenced by the celestial bodies and the area climates,

and also by concepts about good or bad, and by a culture of etiquette. The Mesoamerican

architecture emphasizes the correspondence with the celestial bodies as well as with other

natural gods (the Sun God, the mountain gods, the water gods, the Feather Serpent, and so on).

In general, the idea of the four directions and the corresponding orientations of buildings are

mainly determined by the movement of the Sun. Other symbols, such as the trees in the four

directions and the Centre, emphasize the importance of natural force and fertility. The

relevant artefacts, plants, and landscape elements (mountains, rocks, rivers) were considered

not as objects but as animated beings with divine power.

There are detailed sources available for China to document that the ancient architects

were consistently and explicitly applying the symbolical and philosophical implications of

their worldview. The comparison presented here, though admittedly superficial and partial,

makes it very likely that Mesoamerican architects were concerned with similar considerations.

In both cultures, there is, just as Lindsay Jones has argued: “a superfluity of evidence of the

buildings follow the Cosmovision”. As I wrote in the previous texts, the comparison of culture

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and architecture should not only be based on whether the exterior appearance of a building or

a city is completely/partially similar or different. In fact, due to the "homology" and

"convention" (as Jones said), the cosmological culture in both (for the consideration of the

same Cosmos) may be conceived with approximate external forms and form similar forms of

logical thinking. However, the differences of mainstream cultures and political systems of

different nations (for example, China is a large unified country, while Mesoamerica consists

of many scattered city-states) in certain circumstances could lead to remarkable internal

distinct characteristics under the appearance of a similar culture, which should be fully

considered in the research of cultural comparison.

The reasons for shape differences:

As we know, people choose the materials and appearance of a building based on the

function of the building, social culture, and the people's aesthetic standards. These factors

have caused a big difference in architectural form and content between China and

Mesoamerica.

The main building materials determine the inherent nature of the building.

In China, based on the culture of Yin and Yang and Five Elements, wood was chosen as

the main building material for thousands of years because of its tenacious vitality. It is

connected with the direction East, where symbolizes the new life; it is also associated with the

cycle of life, which symbolizes the forever. Therefore, wood remained popular in China as

primary building material for thousands of years. The building's form, consequently, is

limited by the material properties of wood. In Mesoamerica, stone architecture was thought to

represent power, especially as a symbol of "the powerness of the ruler" (Taube 2004: 8). The

stone, to a certain extent, was associated with eternity. Therefore, in Mesoamerica, the

dominant material of the main buildings was stone. The material properties of wood and stone

are totally different, and the shape of the building will then be different due to the limitation

of the nature of the material.

On the other hand, Mesoamerican people believe in the omnipresent power of gods, and

many prominent buildings were built for gods. The architectural external form, layout, and

decorations were related to the gods (or rulers identified with them), which made those

buildings to be complex and sacred. Chinese philosophy advocates Heaven and Man,

conforms to the nature. For this reason, the purpose of people building architecture, to a large

extent, is explicitly for human use. Chinese architecture, consequently, does not focus on how

high a building is and on whether it is permanent or not, but focuses on how comfortable it is

for people to use and if it suits their quotidian worldview. In synthesis, it emphasizes the

practical value for human use.

Based on the above two reasons, we may say that although the cosmological theories of

both cultures in many aspects show similarities, still the different purposes of construction

and materials used led to great differences in the external forms of buildings in the two

civilizations.

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3 Gods, Liminality, Architecture Intersection

In the foregoing chapter, we have discussed examples of the first subdivision of Jones’

interpretive scheme: Architecture as Orientation. Here we will continue our consideration of

the astronomical aspect of the meaning of architecture, but now working towards the second

subdivision of Jones’ scheme, which deals with “Architecture as Commemoration: the

content of ritual-architectural events” and focuses on the way architecture commemorates or

houses a deity (Jones 1995: 211).

In the field of worshiping and communicating with gods, what roles does architecture

play? Particularly, how does it create a liminal space, which allows for the contact and

interaction between humans and gods? The term ‘liminality’, with the adjectival form

‘liminal’, is derived from the Latin word limen, meaning threshold (Meyer & Land 2005).

The concept first appeared in the field of psychology in 1884, and later was used in

anthropology in 1909 by Arnold Van Gennep (Turner 1987; Thomassen 2009). More recently,

Victor Turner gave it a full definition in his works. He indicates that Liminality is “the state of

being betwixt and between where the old world has been left behind but we have not yet

arrived at what is to come” (Franks & Meteyard 2007; Turner 1987). Thus, liminal spaces

could occur in city layouts and architectural shapes with the aim of establishing a connection

between gods and human beings. These liminal spaces, to a certain extent, could help people

to build “Perceptual consciousness” which is not only “thought about the world”, but stems

from “bodily presence and bodily orientation” (Tilley 1994:14). According to the work of

Lindsay Jones (1995), religious architecture can be an “abode”, “accommodation”,

“abstraction”, and even “body” of gods (Jones 1995:230), thus, architecture itself can, with its

context, urban surroundings, landscape environment, furniture, etc, through the way of

Nonverbal Communication, show or provide a liminal space to link gods with humans.

This chapter attempts to build an understanding of the Liminality stage between gods and

human beings by examining the way in which buildings, cities, temples, and palaces found in

Chinese and Mesoamerican architectures may express religious and ideological concepts,

metaphors, and associations. Can we find indications in architecture itself for the liminal use

of space, i.e. for expressing and providing possibilities for human beings to communicate with

the numinous world? In this research, we will use the hermeneutic approach of Jones to

interpret those liminal spaces, as well as the Nonverbal Communication approach of Amos

Rapoport to explain the architecture.

3.1 Accommodation: Connect with the Abodes of Divinity

In general, religious architecture provides an effective place for humans to interact with

the gods: special forms, layouts, or decorations of buildings can help to facilitate this. There

are two design techniques that have been widely used in architecture: one is to orient the

world where people live towards the residence of the gods (sacred landscape, temples,

constellations, directions) and connect these two spaces through similarity in shape and

structure while ensuring that the human communities and those dwelling places of gods

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connect visually and are aligned through spatial orientation. Another method is to mark or

construct direct passages and portals between the human space and the dwelling of the gods

so that both can interact and communicate at any time.

3.1.1 Simulation, Gods, and Architectural Configuration

A basic principle of religious worldview is the ”creature feeling”, the consideration that

the world, life and humankind were created and are sustained by one or more mysterious,

superior forces, which remain present and need to be respected (cf. Otto 1936:10). Cultures

develop diverse (anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and other) images and symbols of those

numinous forces (gods, spirits, ancestors). Human communities look to them for comfort and

moral orientation, and develop a dialogical and ritual relationship with them. The presence of

numinous power may be felt in specific places, phenomena, elements, and beings (such as

astral bodies, mountains, rivers, wind, rain) as well as in special artefacts (images, relics) and

individuals (dead or alive), all of which consequently may become sanctified (Rappaport

1999: chapter 9). The Sacred Places or Holy Land, where the numinous entities dwell and

manifest themselves, is highly respected as a place where people turn to for worship and ritual.

These sacred places are inviolable, and looked upon with awe, sometimes even with fear: they

are places or spheres of religious experience and encounter, where humans can communicate

and interact with the numinous (for example in visionary experiences) or even participate in

the numinous power (becoming divine themselves).

1. Chinese Cities: the Layout of Heavenly Constellations.

Ancient Chinese architecture was influenced by the worldview of major religions such as

Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, among which Confucianism had the greatest influence.

Confucianism considers "Heaven" as the noblest divine principle and respects it with a sincere

attitude. The theory of Heaven and Man 天人合一 (Yi 2013) taught harmony between the

human world (architecture) and "Heaven", nature and environment. In architectural design,

therefore, the building must be consistent with Heaven and strive to build channels for people

to communicate with the heavenly gods. Such channels are present in the design and layout of

the building, as well as in the style, name, etc., especially in the design of ceremonial centres

and royal buildings such as the Temple of Heaven, the Forbidden City, and royal gardens

such as the Summer Palace (Meng & Wang 2004).

Ancient China was a polytheistic society, in which "Heaven" was considered and

honoured as the supreme powerful numinous being. The image of "Heaven" is a diverse

complex, sometimes considered as boundless and invisible air, sometimes referred to as a

supreme god and human-like creator, sometimes thought of as a god in a vague religious

sphere, which exists as a pure land or wonderland. In early time, "Heaven" and Heavenly

Emperor were two totally different entities as regards to personal ability or characteristics

represented. "Heaven" is a huge entity that contains all celestial bodies such as the shining

stars, the Sun, and the Moon; while the Heavenly Emperor as the lord of the sky rules all

heavenly stars. Later, in the process of cultural integration, the term “Heaven” was replaced

by that of the Heavenly Emperor, who ruled the sky (Chen 2005).

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The sky, inhabited by the celestial bodies, was considered to be a well-constructed

Heavenly Palace for the Heavenly Emperor and the heavenly gods to live in (Lu 2018).1 In

Chinese astronomy and legends, its centre is the Purple Forbidden Enclosure (紫微垣),

where the Heavenly Emperor (Polar Star) and other gods (Represented by constellations and

stars) live, which is surrounded by 108 palaces that consist of residences of gods of the

Supreme Forbidden Enclosure (太微垣), the Heavenly Market Enclosure (天市垣)，and

Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions (二十八星宿).2 This Heavenly Palace is a basic element of

the celestial system in ancient China: the Polar Star as the incarnation of the Heavenly

Emperor sitting in the centre of the sky, while the Purple Forbidden Enclosure, the Supreme

Forbidden Enclosure, and the Heavenly Market Enclosure are bounded by a wall and are

adjacent to each other as the representatives of Heavenly Miyagi (天宫), Heavenly Court (天

庭), and Heavenly Market (天市) (Figure 3-1). The Three Enclosures (三垣)3, arranged in a

triangular shape around the Polar Star, are the most important areas or agencies in Heaven.

The Four Images (四象), consisting of the four sacred beings, named Azure Dragon (青龙),

White Tiger (白虎), Vermillion Bird (朱雀)，and Black Tortoise (玄武), surround them in the

East, West, South and North directions of the Three Enclosures: they are four sacred patron

animals that are protecting the Heaven. Each of the Four Images is composed of seven parts

and, in total, they form 28 constellations in a closed circumference around the Polar Star

(Figure 3-1).

Ancient Chinese believed that "Heaven" had supreme power and that its words or

warnings were so sacred that the people had to obey them unconditionally. Because of this,

the emperors claimed to be the sons of Heaven in order to consolidate their rule (Luo 2012).

For showing their legitimacy as the rulers of the countries, the emperors, on the one hand,

built temples to worship "Heaven", and on the other hand, they made their palaces in a form

similar to the Heavenly Palace(天宫) of the Emperor of Heaven(天帝), striving to associate

with that Heavenly Palace in architectural styling and architectural naming. Thus, in order to

consistently prove that the emperor was the son of Heaven, his palace building had to be

consistent with the palace of the Emperor of Heaven in both spatial layout and architectural

style.

To better explain this point, we will discuss a very representative case as an illustration.

Beijing City was a famous capital of the Ming and Qing dynasties built by ancient emperors

according to their royal ideas. It might be the most outstanding representative of the ancient

Chinese imperial palace, which clearly expresses the connection with the Heavenly Palace of

the gods according to cosmology and cultural tradition. It is possible to read the ceremonial

centre of Beijing City as modelled after the form of the Heavenly Palace, which was

dominated by the Three Enclosures, Four Images, and Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions(二十八

星宿). Following the ideas of Jones and the “Symbolic” approach of Rapoport (1982), we

1 According to the Volume 48 of Book of Post Han/ Hou Han Shu (后汉书) records: "There is a purple palace in the sky,

where is the home of the Heavenly Emperor 天有紫微宫，是上帝之所居也.” 2 The Heavenly Palaces was described as a huge heavenly society in historical documents such as the Legend of Deification

(封神演义) during the Ming Dynasty and Liao Zhai Zhi Yi (聊斋志异)during the Qing Dynasty. 3 The Purple Forbidden Enclosure (紫微垣) , the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure (太微垣), and the Heavenly Market

Enclosure (天市垣) together are called the Three Enclosures (三垣).

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Figure 3-1 Three Enclosures and Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions of ancient Chinese sky

(https://www.baidu.com/, text annotation by author)

may interpret the internal layout of the Forbidden City as a representation of the

“accommodations/abodes” of the heavenly gods. This reading of the layout of Beijing City

suggests that the human ruler took himself as the son of the Heavenly Emperor, while his

palace – the Forbidden City – symbolizes the Miyagi of Heaven (Chen 2015). The Forbidden

City, the heart of Beijing City, the accommodation of the emperors, together with the

surrounding palaces, pavilions, mountains, rivers, etc., then would symbolize different

constellations of the sky. The inner planning of the Forbidden City, then would follow the

layout of the constellations of the Purple Forbidden Enclosure and the Supreme Forbidden

Enclosure.

A. Four Surrounding Gods

According to the ancient religious ideas, around the Heavenly Palace, four divine beings

known as Four Images guarded the quarters of the sky, namely Azure Dragon (青龙), White

Tiger (白虎), Vermillion Bird (朱雀), and Black Tortoise (玄武). They consisted of the 28

constellations that stayed in the outer circumference of the Heavenly Miyagi, where the

Heavenly Emperor's Palace was. Each of these four divine guardians or directional deities was

responsible for one-quarter of the sky and for protecting the Heavenly Palace, keeping it safe.

In accordance with these Heavenly theories, we find that Beijing City was constructed

following the basic idea of the layout of the Heavenly Palace. In order to replicate the Purple

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Palace / Heavenly Miyagi, the Forbidden City (the palace of the Emperor) was situated in the

Centre of Beijing City: its location was like the central position of the Purple Palace in the sky.

Its outermost periphery was a chain of mountains, which were seen as symbolizing the four

directional guardians of Beijing City. In this context, the name of Python Mountain (蟒山),

associated with a serpent, maybe a symbolic alternative of the dragon, and its location to the

East of Beijing City fits the direction of the Azure Dragon. The same interpretation could be

applied to the Tiger Mountain (虎峪), which may refer to the White Tiger. The name of Yan

Pier (燕墩) comes from the swallow, its location to the south of Beijing City could imply a

reference to the Vermillion Bird. Jing Mountain (景山) was called Zhen Mountain (镇山)

during the Ming Dynasty, its meaning as the first barrier of the Beijing City is consistent with

the protective features of Black Tortoise (Chen 2015).

B. Milky Way Stretching from North to South

Besides these, to the northwest and southeast of the city are the three major bodies of

water: the famous Jishui Lake (积水潭), Shicha Sea (什刹海) and Taiye Pool (太液池) in

Ming Beijing City（明北京) (Figure 2-25a). These waters stretch from the northwest to the

southwest and connect with the nearby Forbidden City. Their winding forms are just like the

Milky Way (银河), which crosses the sky from the North to the South. Thus, the hypothesis

that Beijing City was constructed as a cosmic model with the Forbidden City as the symbol of

the Heavenly Miyagi, placed in the Centre of the city, fits with the interpretation of the four

mountains as symbols of the four guardian animals in the East, West, South, and North of the

sky and of the three water areas as the representatives of the Milky Way, which crosses the

sky from North to South. Besides this, each part of the city was arranged according to the

orientation of the associated celestial body, then, the intersection and the mutual connection

with the corresponding gods were given form.

C. Three Enclosures in the Centre

The possible importance of the concept of the Three Enclosures for the urban planning

of Beijing City was discussed in the previous chapter. Here we elaborate that idea further.

The Forbidden City was divided into two main sections: the Outer Court and the Harem.

In terms of the function and name, the Outer Court may correspond to the star group of the

Supreme Forbidden Enclosure (太微垣) of the Heavenly Palace: it houses all the offices for

the emperor/Heavenly Emperor to handle the national /heavenly affairs. The Harem, as a

residence where the emperors and their families lived, would then symbolize the Purple

Forbidden Enclosure. We may find a lot of symbolic references to the Three Enclosures in

the buildings of the Forbidden City, but I will just take the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure as

an example here.

The Supreme Forbidden Enclosure, also known as the Outer Court and considered the

central government of the Heavenly Palace,4 was centred on the constellation of the Seats of

the Five Emperors (五帝座). The Seats of the Five Emperors consist of five stars arranged in

the shape of a cross, which was considered to represent the five offices of the Heavenly

4 Reference to the chapter Astronomy of Jin Shu：“the Supreme Palace Enclosure is the court of the Heavenly Emperor and

seats for Five Emperors,太微垣是天子的宫廷，五帝的御座”.

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Emperor in different seasons (Li & Chen 2010).5

The five central palaces of the Forbidden

City may have been arranged after the same idea of the layout of those stars in the Supreme

Forbidden Enclosure. There are more similarities between the Outer Court of Forbidden City

and the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure, such as buildings’ names, functions, and the cross

layout, which will be detailed below.

Figure 3-2 Seats of the Five Emperors and five palaces in Forbidden City (drawing by author)

It is indeed very likely that the five palaces, used as the emperor’s five offices during the

early Ming Dynasty and located in a Cross-shaped Layout in the five directions of the East,

West, South, North, and Centre of the Outer Court (Figure 3-2), originated from the

constellation of Seats of the Five Emperors. Fengtian Palace (奉天殿, today Taihe Palace 太

和殿), Huagai Palace (华盖殿, today Zhonghe Palace 中和殿), and Jinshen Palace (谨身殿,

today Baohe Palace 保和殿), together called the Three Great Halls (三大殿), were the core

building complex of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and are located on the central axis and in

the centre of the Forbidden City. The Wenhua Palace (文华殿) and Wuying Palace (武英殿)

lie to the East and West of the Three Great Halls and were also used as daily offices by the

emperors (Figure 3-2). There are some clues in historical books that suggest that the five

palaces are dedicated to the five offices for emperors and may symbolize the Seats of the Five

Emperors of the Heavenly Palace. Some ancient books, such as Ming Shi Lu (明实录)6, Ming

History (明史), Living Notes (起居注)7, and Da Ming Hui Dian (大明会典)

8, contain some

clues for identifying the functions of these halls and the activities of the emperors in them.

For a better understanding of the above, Table 3-1 gives a summary of the data from Ming Shi

Lu in comparison with the stars of the Seats of the Five Emperors.

Table 3- 1 Functions of the five palaces compared with the stars of the Seats of the Five Emperors

5 Li Weibao, Chen Jiujin. Astronomical Research and Technology, 2010 (4): 182-184. 6 Ming Shi Lu (明实录), a chronicle compiled by the officials of the Ming Dynasty. It records a large number of data of

fifteen generations of emperors during a period of around 250 years. 7 Living notes(起居注) are ancient books that record the emperors' words and daily activities. 8 Da Ming Hui Dian(大明会典) is an official record of the rules and administrative regulations of the Ming Dynasty.

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Locations Names Stars Functions

East Wenhua Palace Star 4 In the early period was used as the Piandian(偏殿) for the emperor daily

works，later was used as the palace that for the heirs of the emperor.

West Wuying Palace Star 3 Vegetarian meals, Summoning ministers

South Fengtian Palace Star 5 Daily governmental affairs

North Jinshen Palace Star 2 The emperor changed clothes here

Centre Huagai Palace Star 1 Before the emperor went to the Fengtian Palace to participate in

various grand ceremonies, he first took a nap and listen to the deacon report

affairs.

In the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure, there are two stars in its south called Duan Men (端

门), which means the southern door of the Heavenly Palace.9 The star on the eastern side of

the Duan Men is called Left Zhifa (左执法), and the western one is Right Zhifa10

(右执法)

(Figure 3-3). Furthermore, the eastern star of Left Zhifa is Left Yemen (左掖门); the western

star of Right Zhifa is Right Yemen (右掖门). 11

Not surprisingly, the same ideas may have been used in the layout of the Outer Court of

the Forbidden City. An important gate in the South of the Forbidden City was named Duan

Men, which is the same name and has the same meaning as that of the southern gate of the

Heavenly Palace. To the North of Duan Men is another gate known as Wu Men (午门), which

is the main gate to the Outer Court and has five doors, two of which are called Left Yemen

and Right Yemen with the same meaning and names of those of the Supreme Forbidden

Enclosure. Besides these, there are three departments collectively known as Three Law

Divisions (三法司) in the west outside of the Outer Court, possibly corresponding to the Zhifa

Stars.

Some other stars of the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure, in the same way, were possibly

reflected in the buildings of Outer Court. For example, the star Crown Prince (太子) next to

the Seats of the Five Emperors (Figure 3-3) was seen as representing the heir to the heavenly

throne. Similarly, it has a parallel building in this area of the forbidden city. The Ciqing

Palace (慈庆宫, Qingning Palace 清宁宫), located in the East and next to the Fengtian

Palace (the emperor’s office in Outer Court), was once the residential palace of the Crown

Prince in the early Ming Dynasty, and likely corresponded to the Crown Prince star in the sky.

D. Fairy Mountains in the Royal Gardens

Besides the above-mentioned influence of Confucianism on urban design, Chinese

Taoism, in a certain sense, has had an equally important influence on the cosmological

creation of architecture design. An example may be found in the imperial gardens of Beijing

City, which seem to have been built to represent the legendary fairy mountains (where the

9 Duan Men (端门), the southern gate of the Heavenly Palace, it was recorded Li Xian(李贤) Noted in chapter of Li Gu

Biography(李固传) of Jin Shu:“Duan Men, the southern gate of the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure 端门,太微宫南门也。” 10 Zhifa (执法) is used to prosecute people who punish evil, Left Zhifa and Right Zhifa refer to two heavenly officers who

control heavenly laws. 11 Yemen (掖门), used as the name of side entrance in Tang Danasty. Left Yemen and Right Yemen refer to the two

heavenly gate of the Supreme Forbidden Enclosure.

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Figure 3-3 Stars in Supreme Forbidden Enclosure (drawing by author)

immortals live) and to strengthen the connection with the immortals in the distance. Taoism

advocates the veneration of immortals and its theory is full of ideas about the holy lands

where the gods live (Zeng 2010:17-18). Ancient Chinese believed that there were five fairy

mountains in the East China Sea, named: Daiyu (岱屿), Yuanqiao (员峤), Fanghu (方壶),

Yingzhou (瀛洲) and Penglai (蓬莱): they were sacred mountains where the gods lived (Zeng

2010: 64-67). It was said that many fruit trees grew on those mountains and that people who

ate their fruits would be young forever and have eternal lives. Since the five mountains were

not connected with each other, in the end, two of them were washed away by the waves,

leaving only the three mountains Fanghu, Yingzhou, and Penglai.12 Ordinary people could

not reach these three mountains since they were far away, and it was difficult to pass through

the sea and a series of obstacles. In order to create opportunities to interact with the gods,

people that lived on Earth simulated those ideal dwellings when building their house

environment and started to follow that same idea in garden design, creating ponds or lakes

12 According to the records of Lie Zi· Tang Wen 列子·汤问: there are five immortal islands in the Gui Xu (归虚): Daiyu (岱

屿), Yuanqiao (员峤), Fanghu (方壶), Yingzhou (瀛洲) and Penglai (蓬莱), where the Gods live. They often were affected

by the waves, the Emperor of Heaven let Yu Qiang (禺强) resolutely solved the matter. Yu Qiang tried to save them, finally,

two of them washed away.

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with islands and placing imitations of the houses of the immortals on those garden islands.

The earliest example of this practice was Jianzhang Palace (建章宫) of Chang’an (汉长安)

constructed by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty (汉武帝) who ordered the excavation of a

large pond called Taiye Pool (太液池) on his palace grounds and constructed three islands in

the pool, which received the names of Penglai (蓬莱), Fang Zhang (方丈) and Yingzhou (瀛

洲) to imitate the three mountains of the East China Sea (Lv & Li 2013; Li 2003) (Figure 3-4).

Influenced by this layout, the model of setting up three islands became a traditional garden

pattern called One Pool with Three Mountains (一池三山)13

, which was widely used in

garden design later by people who pursued immortality. Illustrative cases are imperial gardens,

including the Xiyuan (西苑), Yuanmingyuan (圆明园), and the Summer Palace (颐和园) in

Beijing City (Li 2003), as well as those private gardens such as the West Lake (西湖) in

Hangzhou, the Humble Administrator's Garden (拙政园) and the Lingering Garden (留园) in

Suzhou (Li 2003): they all followed the model of the East China Sea, and built three fairy

mountains in the gardens to create opportunities for their users to communicate with the gods.

Figure 3-4 three mountains were constructed in the garden of Jianzhang Palace

(image circulating on the internet)

13 One pool with Three |Mountains 一池三山, is the classic landscape pattern of the Chinese imperial gardens, it refers to the

use of a traditional garden pattern with three mountains in one water area (lake, pool, river). One pool refers to Taiye Pool

(太液池)；three mountains refer to the three fairy tales of Penglai, Fanghu and Yingzhou in the East. It originated in Qin

Dynasty, continued and widespread in Han Dynasty, and was passed on to the later generations. Its origin is closely related to

the Qin and Han dynasty’s pursuit of immortality, and it also carried the emotional appeal of the emperor to the fairyland (Lv

& Li 2013)

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Ancient Chinese believed that the place where the gods / immortals lived is very sacred:

the gods were either in the sky, or in the mountains, or in the human world. In order to get

closer to the gods/immortals, people tried to connect their houses/palaces/temples/tombs to

the dwellings of gods. As Jones said, the sacred architecture was built following the bodies,

residences, or abodes of gods.

In doing so, Chinese traditional architecture created opportunities and channels for the

intersection of the human world with the divine cosmos through direct and effective methods

of simulating the environment and layout of residences of the gods. The “symbolic” approach

suggests that the space inhabited by human beings is similar or identical to that of the gods’

residence, and so human behaviour and life are one step closer to the gods. Once this building

gains the attention of the divine force, the good wishes implied in the interaction of gods and

humans are realized.

2. Mesoamerican Architecture: Creating Accommodations for Gods

With these well-documented cases from ancient China in mind, we feel stimulated to

identify similar situations in other cultures, which may reflect a commonality in the

development of human society. In Mesoamerican architecture, we also find indications that

buildings seem to create connections between the dwelling places of the gods and the social

space of humans.

Figure 3-5a Temple of Heaven in Tilantongo Figure 3-5b Temple of Heaven in Tututepec

p25 of Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall) p45 of Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall)

(digital photos made by the British Museum)

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An illustrative example is that of the Temple of Heaven (Huahi Andevui), which appears

as a prominent sanctuary in several city-states of the Mixtec people (Ñuu Dzavui, “People of

the Rain”), such as Tilantongo(Figure 3-5a), and Tututepec(Figure 3-5b), according to the

precolonial Mixtec pictorial manuscripts (codices). Its name refers evidently to the “Place of

Heaven”, a site on the top of a sacred mountain

immediately to the East of the valley where the

Mixtec royal dynasties had been born from a

Ceiba Tree. The name of that valley and town is

Yuta Tnoho, “River that pulls out” or “River of

the Lineages” (Apoala in Nahuatl). According to

an ancient narrative (registered by the

Dominican friar Gregorio García) and according

to the Codex Yuta Tnoho (Vindobonensis) the

First Couple, Lady 1 Deer and Lord 1 Deer

manifested themselves in the Place of Heaven

on the top of the Mountain of Heaven near

Apoala (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2004, 2005,

2010; Rivera, Jansen & Pérez 2016). “Heaven”

is also the Mixtec name for the East (Jansen &

Pérez Jiménez 2010:129-130). The connection

with the origin narrative associates the Temple

of Heaven also with the First Couple

(Grandfather and Grandmother) as a duality of

creative forces (cf. Mikulska 2015). A similar

Temple of the Plumed Serpent is depicted as

standing on top of a sign that represents Earth

with skeletal aspects, i.e. the Underworld,

possibly referring to a tomb (Codex Tonindeye /

Nuttall, p. 15)(Figure 3-6).

Like ancient China, Mesoamerica had – and

to some extent still has – a polytheistic religion.

Mesoamericans built a large number of temples,

most of them like Jones has said, as the

houses/accommodations for their venerated gods.

Offerings and other rituals were common to many parts of Mesoamerica, and are especially

well documented in the sources on the Aztec religion. Temple pyramids were liminal

buildings, specially designed for communicating with the gods.

Each deity in Mesoamerica has its specific character, temperament, and ability to

influence people's daily life. One of the most important deities is the Rain God, called Tlaloc

by the Aztecs (Pasztory 1988) and Chaac by the Maya, the deity of rain and thunderstorms

(Elsom 2015; Boot 1988). As rain is essential for agriculture, Tlaloc was one of the most

Figure 3-6 Temple of the Feathered Serpent on skeletal

Earth. p15 of Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall).

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influential gods, a supreme god of earthly fertility, a beneficent giver of life and sustenance.14

He is thought to be living in a cave in the mountain, where he stores his vessels with water.

For obvious reasons, he was the focus of the farmers’ devotion; nowadays this devotion

continues in Catholic forms, the rain deity being identified as a Catholic Saint (e.g. San

Marcos). He was widely worshipped and generally associated with caves, springs, and

mountains, where he was (and still is) invoked by the community before the beginning of the

rainy season (generally around the time of the first zenith passage of the Sun, beginning of

May, which has been christianised as the Day of the Holy Cross: May 3rd).

Famous is also the Plumed Serpent or Feathered Serpent, called Quetzalcoatl by the

Aztecs (Carrasco 1992:115-123) and Kukulcan by the Yucatec Maya (Seler 1898; Jansen

2010). Both names mean “Quetzal-Serpent” (Sugiyama 2000). As his name indicates, he is

depicted as a feathered flying serpent which seems quite similar to the Chinese dragon. This

being is the whirlwind, which is the emblematic connection between Heaven and the Earth.

He is seen as a bringer of life and culture and appears as a Patron of the priesthood (Jansen

2010). The central heavenly deity was the Sun God, who was called Tonatiuh (“the Shining

One”) by the Aztecs and was also a god of fire, war, rulership, and justice. The Aztec tutelary

deity Huitzilopochtli whose name means “Hummingbird of the Left” or “Hummingbird of the

South” (Boone 1989), and who was venerated as a Sacred Bundle (Snow 1992), was

identified with the Sun. It was believed he had a close connection with the capital

Tenochtitlan.

Figure 3-7 The departure of the seven tribes from Aztlan

(Codex Tira de Peregrinación/Codex Boturini, 1530-1541, folio 1.)

14 Refer to the descriptions of Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de (1569). Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of

New Spain. p.2.

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Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec tributary empire, the most important city of

Postclassical Mesoamerica, was situated on islands and raised fields in the lake of Texcoco

(Central Mexico) and carefully planned with houses, palaces, residences, marketplaces, and

temples (pyramids) for many deities (Calnek 1972; Evans 2004; Umberger 1996). In a way,

this location replicated the idea of the place of origin of the Aztec (Azteca-Mexitin) people: the

island of Aztlan (the ancestral home of the Aztec peoples), often supposed to have been

located in North-Western Mexico. The island of Aztlan is depicted in the famous Tira de

Peregrinación (Codex Boturini) (Figure 3-7) and other manuscripts tell the story of the

migration of the early Aztec tribes from this place to Chapultepec and Tenochtitlan (e.g.

Anaya, Lomelí & Lamadrid2017). The idea of several tribes is related to another Nahua origin

narrative, which refers to Chicomoztoc “Place of Seven Caves” (for example in the Historia

Tolteca Chichimeca), where each tribe originated in one of the seven caves. The location in a

lake was in accordance with the Mesoamerican worldview that the Earth looks like a

crocodile floating in the primordial ocean. This probably promoted the idea of Tenochtitlan as

being built in a sacred place. Likely, the city was constructed as the “navel of the Earth”,

which imitated Matlalatl Tozpalatl (blue water-yellow water), the residence of the Fire God

(Xiuhtecuhtli, Huehueteotl) (Lopez Lujan 2006; 2005: 222). Several origin narratives, visually

referred to by public monuments, as well as temples for specific deities, reinforced the sacred

character of the capital. For example, Tenochtitlan was also known as “the place where the

heart of Copil (the god of Huitzilopochtli’s nephew) had been thrown” (Heyden 2000: 103).

The visual image of Tenochtitlan city as a whole evoked the three layers of the vertical

structure of the Aztec universe: the lake and the caves in the surrounding mountains connote

the Underworld, while the islands and the city represent the Earth and the high pyramids point

to Heaven. The city had a large and impressive ceremonial centre and was dominated by the

Main Temple (Templo Mayor in Spanish), which consisted of a set of two temples on top of

one pyramid (see the recent synthetic

description by López Luján in Kurella et

al. 2019: 202-225). Because of its

central location and the strong vertical

effect this structure may be interpreted

as an Axis Mundi “the central axis of the

world” (Heyden 2000:165). The back of

the platform supporting the temples was

oriented to the East, so that the Sun rose

between the two temples on the day of

the vernal equinox (March 21), the

entrances of the temples and the

staircase looked to the West (Stoltman 2017:54). The one of the twin temples was dedicated

to Tlaloc, the Rain God (Northern temple), and the other temple to the tribal patron deity

Huitzilopochtli, who had solar and warlike aspects (Southern temple). The association of the

Rain God with the North is logical in Mesoamerica: a large part of the rainy season (summer)

Figure 3-8 Serpent wall in Main Pyramid

https://hablemosdeculturas.com/san-lorenzo-tenochtitlan

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is in the time that the Sun moves through the northern part of the sky. The arrangement of the

two temples on one pyramid unified two important complementary principles of Aztec

worldview and society: Rain (cold) and Sun (hot), agriculture and warfare, earth and heaven,

north and south, rainy season and dry season (Anders & Jansen 1994:76)

The Main Temple was surrounded by a stone demarcation in the form of a “serpent wall”,

the coatepantli, which involved large stone serpents encircling the building as well as stone

serpent heads set in the walls(Figure 3-8). This architectural feature is also found in some

other important Postclassic sites (Tula, Tenayuca). The idea of a serpent surrounding

(guarding) the sanctuary – as a symbol marking the liminal area – probably goes back to the

Classic Mesoamerican site of Teotihuacan (thousand years earlier), where we find already a

relief of serpents surrounding the so-called Citadel.

Figure 3-9 Sacred Precinct of Main Temple (López Luján 2005: 69)

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The precinct (Figure 3-9) of the Main Temple with its adjacent sanctuaries and

monuments was further surrounded by rectangular walls, with three openings (entrance gates)

to the North, West, and South. The Main Temple occupied the central axis and most of the

eastern part of the precinct. It comprised a high platform of four or five terraces, facing west,

with two stairways, each leading to its respective temple.

In front of the staircase (Western side) is a huge stone monument representing the

Goddess Cihuacoatl (also called Tlaltecuhtli in the literature) as Earth Goddess and Patron

Deity of Ancestors (Broda 1987; Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017). This creates a visual

impression as a connection between Underworld (Western side, where the Sun goes down)

and Heaven, the superior part where the temples are (with the divine images on the Eastern

side, where the Sun rises). A huge number of offerings added to the sacred character and

divine power of the Main Temple (López Luján 2006).

Situated among the different temples, monuments, and other ritually important buildings,

was a Ball Court (tlachtli). When we think of the confrontation of the Hero Twins with the

Deities of the Underworld (Xibalba) in the Popol Vuh, we may speculate that this Ball Court

may also have had symbolic associations with the Underworld.15

As for the two sanctuaries on top of the Main Temple, the one dedicated to Tlaloc, most

likely was associated with the main residence of the god in the natural landscape relatively

nearby, i.e. the Tlaloc mountain (Mount Tlaloc), which was located to the East, only 44

kilometres away from the island (Aveni, Calnek & Hartung 1988). Chronicler Diego Durán

(1537-1588) described how the Rain God had his residence in Mount Tlaloc, and he tells us

that Tlaloc was a "god of rain and lightning, and thunderbolts and all kinds of storms" (Durán

1971:154-155). In fact, the part of the great pyramid dedicated to Tlaloc may have been

considered an “architectural replica” of Mount Tlaloc.

Similarly, the part of the Main Temple dedicated to Huitzilopochtli (Southern side)

replicates the mountain that is mentioned as Huitzilopochtli’s abode in a series of sacred

narratives: the Coatepec, “Serpent Mountain”. This mountain – situated near Tula, the Toltec

capital – was the place where the Earth Goddess Coatlicue (“She with the Skirt of Serpents”)

gave birth to the god Huitzilopochtli and where he, upon birth, fought with his sister

Coyolxauhqui (“She with the Painted Face”, generally interpreted as the Moon Goddess) and

with his brothers, the Centzon Huitznahua (“the 400 from the South”, generally interpreted as

the stars) (Townsend 1982: 45). In other words, his birth is identified with the sunrise: he

overcame the primordial deities associated with the Earth and night (the Moon and stars) by

decapitating or otherwise killing them, and then rose as the Sun. Famous stone sculptures

have been found at the Main Temple site, representing Coatlicue and Coyolxauhqui. If we

interpret this sacred narrative correctly, Huitzilopochtli is a celestial deity, who takes power

both in Heaven and on Earth.

Many other temples and religious monuments, dedicated to a large number of deities,

surround the Main Temple and may be seen as representing the accompanying other natural

forces. A large central ceremonial plaza, between the Main Temple and Ball Court, “formed a

15

See also the connection of the balclourt with the cult of the Death God (Mictlantecuhtli) in the Codex Magliabechi, pp. 79r-80r (Anders & Jansen 1996, Libro de la Vida, pp. 215-216)

98

quadrangular 400-meter square that was symmetrical in plan” (Aguilar-Moreno 2008). It

consisted of “78 religious structures”, “all painted in brilliant symbolic colours” and

“surrounded by secondary complexes and rows of residencies” (Aguilar-Moreno 2008),

which were situated on a raised quadrangular platform, which could be considered as the

Centre of the Earth. In addition, the whole temple area included diverse architectural creations,

such as “Temple of Tonatiuh, the temple-palaces of the eagle and jaguar warriors, as well as

the Ball Court, a temalacatl (“gladiatorial-stone”)” dedicated to different gods.

Summarizing this analysis we may say that Tenochtitlan was likely planned to follow the

structure of the Aztec universe, inhabited by the gods. It was oriented towards the East

(Heaven), creating alignments to the four directions, and centred on the principles of Heaven,

Earth, and Underworld, represented by Huitzilopochtli, Tlaloc, and Cihuacoatl respectively,

as focus points of the main temple.

Teotihuacan was the religious and cultural Centre of a large realm and sphere of

influence ranging from Central Mexico to the Maya region (Guatemala and Honduras) in the

Classic Period (± A.D. 200-700). It is an outstanding case in demonstrating the close

connection of city planning and architecture with the accommodation of the gods.

Unfortunately, no historical documents survive from this great civilization; our information is

mainly based on archaeological findings, on the analysis of some preserved wall paintings and

on the vague memories from the Aztec period (± 1000 years later). On the basis of diverse

fragmentary pieces of information, modern scholars have tried to create a synthetic image of

the ancient religious ideas.

The name “Teotihuacan” is mentioned in Post-classical sources: it is generally

understood as "place where gods are made" or “place of origin of the gods” (Heyden 2000;

Fash, Tokovinine & Fash 2009; Nielsen & Helmke 2008). Indeed, according to Postclassical

Nahua texts, such as the work of fray Bernardino de Sahagún, it was the place where the Sun

and the Moon came into being (Sahagún 1952-1983: book3:1-9), and as such the place where

an era was created. On the other hand, there are indications in contemporaneous Maya

hieroglyphic inscriptions that this city was known as “place of reeds”, which corresponds to

the later Nahuatl concept of Tollan, “place of reeds” as a large capital (Stuart 2000:43,44,47).

Still, the Postclassic Nahua (Aztec) designation of Teotihuacan as the place of origin of the

gods and of an ancient era, may preserve some memory about its Classic ideological and

religious value. In that case, it may have been conceived as related to the origin and vertical

structure of the Cosmos and the accommodations of gods in each field (Evans 2016).

Elaborating this hypothesis, we find several suggestive aspects. For instance, the first element

one notices is the central avenue running North-South, which was called “avenue of the dead”

(Nahuatl: micca-otli) in Post-classical times. It runs through the main part of the city and

obviously must have played a pivotal role in relating the layout of the city to the conceived

structure of the universe. It is difficult to understand its symbolic meaning completely because

so much has been lost and so much is still unexplored – archaeologists stress that the

unexcavated part of Teotihuacan is still very large. The main buildings of the city, concretely

three big pyramids, are arranged along this “Avenue of Dead”. To the North, in a position that

seems to qualify as the “head” of the avenue and of the town, is the Pyramid of the Moon.

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The Pyramid of the Sun lies East of the Avenue of Dead, looking westward, and might qualify

as the centre or middle part, while the Temple of the Feathered Serpent, also oriented East,

lies more to the South. Again: the names of the pyramids of the Sun and the Moon, as well as

that of the “Avenue of Dead”, are terms from an early colonial source (the 1580 Relación

Geográfica of Teotihuacan) (Acuña ed.1986,2:233), supposedly reflecting terminology used

by Nahuas in the Postclassic period (Headrick 1999). There is no way of knowing if they go

back to the Classic period.

Some scholars believe that the urban planning of Teotihuacan was based on astronomical

observations and related cosmological theories (e.g. Šprajc 2005, 2009), but this was

questioned by Smith (2003). Following archaeo-astronomical methods, the scholars who

believe this have tried to prove that the "Avenue of Dead" was guiding the urban design

through alignment to a particular astral event or constellation. Indeed it is plausible that such

an important and huge ceremonial centre was anchored in observations of horizon astronomy

as well as in cosmological symbolism. It is interesting to try - in a speculative manner - to

explore how central principles of Mesoamerican cosmology may have been visualized in the

architectural design. It is likely that the city, at least the ceremonial centre, to the

Teotihuacanos, was a replica of their own concept of the Universe.

The terraced platforms of the (bases of the) sanctuaries suggest again a focus on the

verticality. The temple on top is located in the celestial sphere, while the main temples stand

on subterranean chambers on caves (Carrasco 2011; Sugiyama 2012:426-427,436). When we

suppose that the city of Teotihuacan was designed on the basis of a strong feeling of the

divine act of creation that produced and ordered the Cosmos into three vertical levels (Heaven,

Earth, and Underworld). As a hierarchically organized nation that attached importance to the

vertical stratification of the Cosmos, the Teotihuacanos were likely to build the city as a

"capital of the universe." From pre-colonial writing and visual art, as well as early colonial

records, referring to different parts of Mesoamerica, we know that a prominent Mesoamerican

symbol for the vertical structure of the Cosmos was the World Tree, which functioned as an

Axis Mundi of the universe, that is, as a connection between Heaven and Earth. May this

cosmological structure also have been used in the layout of the city design?

Looking for a way in which Teotihuacan as a city may have been in compliance with

such a cosmological layout in urban planning, we find a possible parallel between the plan of

the ceremonial centre and the symbol of the tree, supposing that this vertical symbol might

have been projected on the horizontal level like it was on the (horizontal) sarcophagus lid of

the tomb of Ah Pakal in Palenque (Figure 3-10). In that case the most prominent structuring

element of the plan of Teotihuacan, the “Avenue of the Dead”, may have been considered

(and planned) as the body of the World tree, connecting symbolic references (sanctuaries) in

the city to the three levels of the Cosmos. Looking at how the “Avenue of Dead” runs from

South to North and ends in the plaza of the Moon Pyramid, we would speculate that the North

might be a reference to the sky and to the gods who live in Heaven (possibly the night sky:

Moon and stars, as suggested by early colonial memory?). The Southern end (the roots of the

tree) would have been a place dedicated to the Underworld. Because of the limited extension

of excavations in this part of the city, however, it is not clear where that Southern part

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actually was and where the “Avenue of the Dead” actually started. Its general direction points

to the foothills of the of the Patlachique mountain chain in the South.16

Figure 3-10 Three Worlds of Teotihuacan (annotation by author)

It seems logical to suppose that the crossing point of the “Avenue of the Dead” with the

(canalized) river of San Juan, was a central reference point for the city. Clearly, the “Avenue

of the Dead” played a dominant role in the communication, orientation, and coherence of the

ceremonial centre. Its Nahuatl name (Micca-otli) is documented from early colonial times

(1580 Relación Geográfica of Teotihuacan) (Acuña ed.1986,2:233); if an echo of

Teotihuacan times, it would suggest the importance of Ancestor worship, possibly of different

noble lineages, all having a memory temple along this central road (Headrick 1999).

The Northern end of the avenue is formed by the Pyramid of the Moon, overlooking a

large plaza (to the south of the pyramid), which is surrounded by 12 small pyramid-platforms

and which has a single altar in the Centre. This complex has a solemn quality, which makes

the pyramid look more sacred. Behind the temple, the pyramid is the Cerro Gordo, a mountain

called Tenan (probably meaning “Stone Mother”) in Nahuatl (Nuttall 1926)17

. At the foot of

the Pyramid of the Moon, a large stone statue was found, which, because of its quechquemitl,

a triangular upper garment of women in Postclassical times, has been interpreted by several

scholars as a female figure, most likely a deity. It has been suggested that this image is related

16 Annabeth Headrick in her monograph on the Teotihuacan Trinity suggest that the three mountains that dominate the valley

of Teotihuacan – Cerro Gordo (Tenan) to the North, Cerro Patlachique to the South-East and Cerro malinalco to the West –

may have been considered the three “hearth stones” located there by the Gods as markers of the place of creation (Headrick

2007:103-123). 17Here from the papers of Nuttall's Peabody Museum in 1926 of colonial reports, it mentions that the original name of the hill

of Cerro Gordo in Teotihuacan was Tenan, means “'mother of stone”.

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to paintings of a water spending deity (fertility) in the Teotihuacan murals, which equally

might be a female deity (likely an antecedent of the Aztec Goddess of lakes and rivers

Chalchiuhtlicue). This leads to the hypothesis that the highest deity of Teotihuacan was a

Great (Mother) Goddess (Furst 1974:65-75; Pasztory 1997:84-90; Taube 1983). This “Great

Goddess” was apparently peculiar to Teotihuacan and does not appear outside the city except

where Teotihuacanos settled (Pasztory 1993: 44-63). Nobody knows the concrete meaning of

the “Great Goddess”, but the murals of Teotihuacan suggest that she was a goddess of water,

war, and possibly even of creation itself (Paulinyi 2006). Possibly she was also the spirit of a

mountain (Tenan?) that contained water and fertility (the Tonacatepetl of the Aztecs), as well

as the spirit of the lake on the shores of which Teotihuacan was located.

We should keep in mind that the name “Temple/Pyramid of the Moon” also stems from

an early colonial source (1580 Relación Geográfica of Teotihuacan) and supposedly was used

by the Aztecs, thousand years after the cultural apogee of Teotihuacan itself, so that the name

may tell us something about the Aztec interpretation of the site, but does not necessarily

reflect Teotihuacan ideas. Several modern researchers have concluded that the

Temple/Pyramid of the Moon was dedicated to the “Great Goddess” or Spider Woman

(Paulinyi 2006; Taube 1983; Mandell 2015). The murals from the site show that she was a

deity with great power in Teotihuacan (Taube 1983). The association with spiders in the (now

lost) “Temple of Agriculture” mural (located on the northern part of the “Avenue of Dead”)

has led to the theory that this deity may have been similar to the Spider-Woman of Indigenous

Peoples of the North American Southwest, though the evidence is lacking (Paulinyi 2006).

This goddess likely was a creative force, possibly part of a primordial couple that created

the universe and/or human life. She is portrayed with a beautiful feather headdress, coloured

gem-filled clothing, embellished with jade and jewels, suggesting that she had a supreme

position in ancient Teotihuacan (Paulinyi 2006). She has a bird face headdress and may be

compared to the Maya creator god Itzamna or God D (Taube 1992:35, 38–39). In Maya

religion, Itzamna is a creator deity, residing in the sky, and was described as a bird standing

on the top of World Tree (Taube 1992:35, 38–39). He was the most important god who

helped to make the universe and was a representation of the heavenly realm. Similarly, the

Teotihuacan Great Goddess, creator of life and fertility (water and mountain) may have had a

celestial aspect, represented as a precious celestial bird (the bird on top of the World Tree).

The Pyramid of the Moon may have been associated with this celestial aspect. The 12 smaller

pyramids around the plaza in front of it may have been the base platforms of temples for other

deities who lived in Heaven or on the branches of the World Tree.

The Pyramid of Sun, the highest building of Teotihuacan, is located on the Eastern side

of the “Avenue of the Dead” and is facing the West, creating an East-West direction in a

symbolic layout of the city plan. It is very likely that it focuses on the Eastern rising Sun God

who begins its daily journey from the Underworld to Heaven. Thinking of the Aztec sacred

narrative of the origin of Sun and Moon in Teotihuacan, and of the Aztec idea of five great

eras of creation (five “Suns”), the Temple-pyramid of the Sun may commemorate the very act

of creation and the daily rebirth of light. Like the Main Temple of Tenochtitlan, it may also

have been associated with war and conquests. Interestingly, when we look from the

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Temple/pyramid of the Moon to the Temple/pyramid of the Sun we notice that the silhouette

of the latter follows that of the Patlachique Mountain (Headrick 2007), the main orientation

point at the South-Eastern horizon.

To the South of the Sun pyramid, also situated on the Eastern side of the “Avenue of the

Dead”, we find the so-called “Citadel”, or rather the Temple of the Feathered Serpent, a

complex of pyramids around a (sunken) plaza, with the main temple (on the Eastern side), the

façade of which is decorated with reliefs of feathered serpents floating on water, presumably

of the primordial sea.18

The feathered serpent is an ancient and widely distributed divine

character of Mesoamerica.19

The Nahuas call it Quetzalcoatl, which translates literally as

“Quetzal-Serpent”, and is depicted as "Feathered Serpent" or "Plumed Serpent". It refers to

the whirlwind, which is associated with the beginning of the rainy season and also considered

as a creator deity, which taught culture, calendar, writing, and art to the humans. At the same

time, the flying serpent is an important nahual being, a natural force that humans can

transform into and experience during dreams (Florescano 1999:177-178; López Austin 2015).

Obviously, in the image and symbolic content, the divine Quetzalcoatl is comparable to the

Chinese figure of the flying dragon. With its feathered body, this being can fly free in the

three worlds and connect their symbolic realms.

In an Aztec religious narrative, Quetzalcoatl, with the help of an ant, entered the

primordial Mountain of Sustenance (Tonacatepetl) and from there brought to the humans the

first maize to plant; he also was responsible for saving humanity at the beginning of the Fifth

Sun (Taube 1996). Another Aztec narrative tells how Quetzalcoatl descended into the

Underworld (Mictlan) to negotiate with the god of the Underworld (Mictlantecuhtli) the

return of humanity's bones to the Earth (cf. Graulich 2000). Probably this conceptualization

and associated narratives, being ancient Mesoamerican religious heritage, were already in the

mind of the Teotihuacanos.

Beneath the pyramid of the Feathered Serpent in Teotihuacan, there is a subterraneous

tunnel and chamber, which has recently been archaeologically explored. Among the many

interesting findings was a miniature mountainous landscape with small pools of liquid

mercury that are interpreted as representing lakes (Shaer & Jarman 2016). This important

subterraneous aspect suggests that the temple represented and functioned as a passage to

communicate with the Underworld, while at the same time referring to the life-giving creative

power of the Feathered Serpent and to its association with the primordial sea and the

Mountain of Sustenance: a true Axis Mundi. The entrance of this subterraneous passage

probably replicated the descent of Quetzalcoatl down to the Underworld and functioned as a

portal for the people who wanted to contact their Dead Ancestors (through visionary

experiences) and/or bring about their rebirth. In summary, it is likely that the Temple of the

18 The Feathered Serpent, named Gucumatz in Quiché Maya, appears as a god who created human beings along with the aid

of the God Huracan, in the Popol Vuh. He is called Kukulkan in Yucatec Maya and generally considered the equivalent of

the Aztec god, Quetzalcoatl. In the beginning of the Popol Vuh, Gukumatz is depicted as a large serpent with beautiful

blue-green feathers, living in the primordial sea. The Feathered Serpent was clearly important in Central Mexico

(Teotihuacan) already in Classic times but rose only to prominence among the Maya in the Postclassic period. Classic Maya

visual art did depict other serpents as symbols of power and trance, however. 19 Coe (1968:114) argues that the Feathered Serpent/Plumed Serpent of Postclassic period appears as one of five great Gods

inscribed on the Las Limas statue, a stone carved in the Formative period (Diehl 2004:74)..

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Feathered Serpent represented a sacred primordial mountain that connected Heaven and the

Underworld.

The continuation of the “Avenue of the Dead” towards the South may have established

associations with the Winter Solstice (in the Southern sky), as well as with other sacred

mountains, for example as has been suggested, with the Pico de Orizaba Volcano (Citlaltepetl)

(Malmström 2014).

According to the above-given exploration of the symbolic associations of the orientation

of the ceremonial centres of Tenochtitlan and Teotihuacan, the archaeological remains seem

to uphold the hypothesis that their urban layout implied references to the structure of

Mesoamerican cosmology so that they stimulated and facilitated people to find ways to

connect their daily life with the sacred places that were the residences, the manifestations or

the bodies of the gods. Religious architecture constructed passages to remain in contact with

religious values and the divine powers of the universe.

3. Attribution: Residence for Whom?

The comparison of Mesoamerican cities with that of Beijing City, speculative as it

necessarily is, leads us to find the purpose of associating the cities to the world of the gods in

almost the same way in both cities. Both civilizations seem to connect the cities with the

dwelling places of gods and even made them to resemble the bodies of gods. However, the

two cities in the two cultures also provoke a different feeling: Beijing City is full of human

touch and people are not led to feel the existence of gods, but Tenochtitlan and Teotihuacan

make people really feel surrounded (embraced, protected) by many gods. As a result, the

question arises: to whom is the construction of this city dedicated? The answer determines

these cities to "write down" or "create" the accommodations of gods. Generalizing, we may

say that the ceremonial centre of Beijing City tried to imitate the layout of the stars in the sky,

while those of Tenochtitlan and Teotihuacan are territories and dwelling places for gods.

Comparing the two urban cultures we find a number of differences in detail:

1. The aims of the city construction are different.

Beijing City was constructed as a city for human beings to live in; all buildings,

including the temples of the gods, were planned for use by people. Tenochtitlan and

Teotihuacan seem to have been conceived and constructed, in the first place, as the homes of

gods, while people's homes surround the temples of the gods as an appendage.

2. The worlds that were intersected by cities seem to be different.

In building Beijing City, an effort was made to connect to the heavenly realm: most of

the gods it links with came from or are situated in Heaven. Some negatively associated gods

were unpopular, and so an attempt was made to avoid them in the city. Tenochtitlan and

Teotihuacan seem to have been created around an Axis Mundi, connecting all kinds of gods

from the vertical universe of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld, as all these affected the daily

lives of the population.

3. There seems to be a different symbolic dimension in the spatial layout.

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Beijing City aims to simulate the layout of the Heavenly Palace from a horizontal

perspective. The Mesoamerican cities give more attention to the vertical perspective of the

three realms, while also being very conscious of the four directions.

4. The method of contacting the deities seems to be different.

For Beijing City, it lies in the imitation of celestial structures, while the Mesoamericans

seem to focus on establishing pathways and portals to connect with the gods.

5. The orientations people focus on are different.

The reasons for interactions with the gods are similar, but the ways in which these

interactions took place and the orientations they focus on are different. For the interaction

between humans and gods in Mesoamerican cities, a sequential relationship is created

between the buildings and the gods. In Beijing City, that interaction is implemented via a

layout that corresponds to that of the gods’ place.

3.1.2 Tracking, Gods, and Architectural Orientations

The “accommodation/abode” of a god mentioned by Jones (1995) can refer to a specific

direction, that is, the place in which people think that the god resides. In order to achieve

communication with the gods for various purposes, people tried to establish, in constructing

their buildings and cities, one or more passages to connect with the place/direction of the gods.

The creation of such passages or channels tends to match or align the buildings with the

locations or positions of the corresponding gods. However, the resulting architectural

orientations and alignments are diverse because of the diversity of the locations of the gods'

residences and activities. In many cases, such an architectural orientation may refer to the

position where the god is moving in the universe at a certain time. For instance, the locations

of the sunrises and sunsets during Summer Solstice and Winter Solstice were popular as

orientation points for buildings, creating East-West directions (the Azure Dragon and White

Tiger of ancient China) and thus revealing a focus on the Sun God; at the same time, other

heavenly directions could be determinant (such as the polar star). Gods could also be

associated with or reside in prominent landscape features such as mountains, rocks, caves,

springs, lakes, rivers, etc. (Mountain Gods, Rain Gods, Water Gods....). These points could

also be related: sunrise and sunset could be observed in relation to landscape features at the

horizon (mountain tops). This structure produced associations with the seasons and with

human subsistence activities, generally marked by rituals (planting, harvesting, hunting, etc.)

At the same time, it could intersect with memory: the commemoration of rulers and heroes

(where they had been born, had been living or had done great deeds), as well as provide

pathways for their afterlife.

The tomb/mausoleum, a kind of ritual architecture for preserving the body, often plays a

crucial role in leading the deceased’s soul to the Otherworld, or, was built as a passage for

connecting with the divine powers (e.g. welcoming gods from Heaven to descend) in order to

bring about the immortality, transformation, revival or reincarnation of the deceased (Wang

2011). In early China, the axes of most of the tombs were placed in an East-West direction,

obviously, showing a focus on sunrise and sunset (Ding 2014). Later, a large number of tombs

were laid out in the southeast and northwest directions, which might correspond to the

location of the rising sun during Winter Solstice (Ding 2014; Chen 2012:99-100). After the

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Zhou Dynasty, Chinese architecture, whether a palace, a tomb or a religious building, showing

a strict regulation of Sitting North and Facing South (Ding 2014), which supposedly refers to

the highest position of the Sun God at noon, while also building an alignment axis (Central

axis) leading North to the Polar Star (Chen 2012:100). The direction of the “True” South all

the buildings faced to, was possibly associated with the most powerful sunshine direction of a

year (the Sun at noon on Summer Solstice), and therefore, became the main direction of

Chinese architecture for thousands of years.

As a manifestation of cultural similarity, most Mesoamerican architecture shows a

dominant orientation towards the East, that is, to the direction of the sunrise (Aveni &Hartung

1986, 2000; Aveni 2001, 2003; Šprajc 2001; Dowd & Milbrath 2015:21). Ancient

Mesoamericans tried to find a passage to make human structures connect with the place of the

gods, which was seen as a pathway to get to gods and so do proper veneration and receive

benefits. As peoples that considered the Sun God as one of the most important gods, it is

understandable that they dedicated the main orientation of their buildings to the East – the

direction of the sunrise.

A heated discussion about the cosmology or astronomical symbolism of the “Avenue of

the Dead” in Teotihuacan has taken place over the past decades. The avenue is aligned to

roughly 15° East of North, which may have had astronomical motives, e.g. focusing on the

place of sunset on the day of the zenith passage (Aveni & Gibbs 1976; Williamson 1981:61)

and / or may have been motivated by the wish to direct the avenue towards the Tenan

mountain (Cerro Gordo).

Other structures were oriented towards other celestial bodies such as Venus (Šprajc 1993),

a notable example being the Governor's Palace at Uxmal (Šprajc 2015). As the Moon God

was also an important figure, it is logical that certain structures were orientated to lunar

standstill positions on the horizon: some examples were found along the Northeast Coast of

the Yucatán peninsula, where the Goddess Ixchel received special worship (Sánchez Nava,

Šprajc & Hobel 2016).

In dedicating a building to a particular god, Mesoamericans may have wished to select

specific events that were characteristic of that god. For instance, some temple pyramids were

designed to achieve special light effects on particular days that were important in

Mesoamerican cosmology and/or were visually linked to places where the spirits of

mountains, springs, and ponds were dwelling (Sprajc 2009; Nelson et al. 2010). In such cases,

the orientation of the sanctuary helped to create the best moment for people to interact with

the gods. A famous example is the El Castillo pyramid, also known as the “Pyramid of the

Kukulcan” or “Plumed Serpent” at Chichen Itza, with an exciting moment that “the light of

the setting Sun as it shrines past the stepped northwest corner of the pyramid, casting a

symmetrical pattern of seven triangles of light and shadow” (Carlson 1999) on equinox dates.

Not only the astral deities but also other Gods of Nature, even the gods in the

Underworld, could be a point of orientation in such ways. Caves, in general, were considered

the homes of the Rain God, as well as portals to the Underworld, the home of the Ancestors,

and the deities of death. They may have provided alignments for cities or tombs. The Rain

God was held in great esteem throughout Mesoamerica. For instance, Tlaloc as the most

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widely known deity in Aztec was often referred to as the God of Rain, Lightning, and Thunder,

who lived in mountain caves and was the lord of Earth and Water (Estrada-Belli 2006). The

El Duende Pyramid at Dos Pilas has a very long cave, named the Cueva de Rio El Duende,

which passes beneath the temple on the top of a hill and was directly aligned with the temple,

and it has been noticed that the El Duende complex was orientated towards the spring and the

entrance to the Cueva de Rio El Duende (Brady 1997:601-618).

The idea of an Axis Mundi influenced the most famous and important architectural

alignments in Mesoamerica: a “vertical channel or axis led to heaven and the underworld and

where the supreme ruler interacted with the gods” (Aguilar-Moreno 2008). The very design of

a pyramid seems to imply these vertical dynamics. In general, a temple, symbolizing the

heavenly god’s house, was built on the top of a pyramid (high platform,) constructed in the

centre of a city, though there were many exceptions. At the same time, some tombs of rulers

or leading nobles were located beneath or in the interior of the platforms (Trik 1963;

Aguilar-Moreno 2008). More importantly, the platforms construction followed the principles

of the cosmic order according to which the universe was divided into the three parallel worlds

(levels) of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld along a vertical axis. According to Aztec thought,

the central point of the base of the platform “was where the celestial and sub-terrestrial levels

(vertical dimensions) intersect with the terrestrial realm (horizontal dimension)”

(Aguilar-Moreno 2008). From there the structure extended upwards, its body and top

representing the – conceptually 13 – layers of Heaven (where celestial bodies and heavenly

gods resided), while downwards it reached (either conceptually or through actual

subterraneous chambers or tunnels) to the Underworld, associated with the number 9, as

levels or stages of the soul’s descent to the realm of the dead (Aguilar-Moreno 2008) (Figure

3-11). This vertical Axis Mundi may have functioned as a channel to help the souls of those

buried inside or beneath the pyramid to move to Heaven or descend into the Underworld. At

the same time, this pivot provided an alignment to the directions of Heaven and the

Underworld.

Similarly, an alignment (also an Axis Mundi) from the Earth to Heaven might be implied in

Beijing City by its central axis. This north-south axis has been seen as a meridian to connect

the Polar Star and the Midday Sun (Tuan 1977:135; Chen 2012:100). Scholar Tuan (1977:

38-40) believed that the Axis Mundi of Beijing City is designed differently from the way the

vertical axis of the Mesoamerican pyramid is set: it was laid out in in a horizontal plane but

still considered a vertical axis, leading to the Nine-Layers of Heaven (Figure 3-12).

According to the analysis of Tuan (1977), the central axis of Beijing City expresses an

upward spatial design from the longitudinal direction: from the gate of Tian’anmen (天安门，

Chengtian Gate (承天门 during the Ming Dynasty), people can go into the heavenly area of

Beijing City (Tuan 1977:38-40). The Duan Men (端门) is the first gate of the Heavenly

Palace, and the Wu Men (午门) is the gateway to the Heavenly Court (天庭). The same

layout and names in the Heavenly Palace could be compared: its first door was called the

Duan Men, which is the same name as that of Beijing City. The gate of the Heavenly Court

was called South Gate of Heaven (南天门) which has the same meaning as Wu Men of the

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Forbidden City since the term of Wu (午) in Chinese ancient culture is associated with the

South direction (Tuan 1977:38-40).

To sum up, these examples of the religiously charged architectures of China and

Mesoamerica have in common a purpose to create access to the world of the gods. Both

cultures try to achieve this intersection and connection between humans and gods by

Figure 3-11 the Cosmos of vertical dimension of the Main Pyramid (Aguilar-Moreno 2008.)

constructing one or more channels (themselves of the divine, sacred character) between

human society and the places where the gods are dwelling and active. Many natural gods of

early Chinese religion have supreme powers, which later were combined with astral bodies

and constellations in Heaven. Most of the gods that Chinese architecture connected to were

those of the celestial bodies in the sky, such as the Sun, the Moon, the Big Dipper, the Polar

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Star, Venus, and the star groups of Four Images. After the further development of Chinese

philosophy, including the theory of Feng Shui, Yin and Yang, and Tai Chi, the buildings’

orientation and the axis of the city were affected by some special spiritual forces such as

Demons (煞神), Kitchen Gods (灶神), the deity of wealth (财神), and so forth, who were

close to people's

Figure 3-12 a vertical axis design of the Beijing City (Tuan 1977:39)

daily life. The directions of the buildings were chosen so that they would be avoided by

Demons and would be facing (leading to) the location of the good gods.

The gods in Mesoamerica are diverse, and the gods that influence daily life are not

confined to the world of stars in the sky. The mountains, water, fire, springs, stones, the Sun,

and the Moon, all the forces of nature are objects of worship so that the gods influence the

building guidelines in a very diverse and dynamic manner.

Chinese believe that the world of death (the Underworld) has a clear boundary with the

human world and that the cosmos and human world are divided into two realms, Yin and Yang,

which cannot affect each other. A dead person has a soul, and they can live in the Underworld,

perhaps in a similar or in a completely different way as in human society. People must respect

the world of the dead and give enough attentions to their ancestors. Because of this worldview,

the buildings built for living people or gods must be separated or far away from the buildings

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for the dead. China's civil buildings will not be built in the same place as the mausoleum

buildings, nor establish a gate to access to the Underworld. In contrast, people in

Mesoamerica have profound and reverent feelings towards the Underworld, since the world of

the dead is that of their deceased loved ones and families. People living on Earth want to stay

in close contact with their deceased family members. Consequently, they construct tombs

under their house as well as under temples to strengthen the physical connection between the

humans and the Hereafter.

As seen above，Jones’ idea on “architecture commemorates or houses a deity” (Jones

1995: 211) of the scheme “Architecture as Commemoration: the content of ritual-architectural

events” seems to have happened both in the architecture of ancient China and Mesoamerica.

Their religious architectures both can be an “accommodation”, “abstraction”, and “body” of a

god (Jones 1995:230).

The commonality in both ritual architectures is that they both associate their buildings or

cities with their ideal gods’ residences, bodies, or gods' living environment through special

ways of orientation, layout, shapes, and names. The difference is, Chinese architecture,

whether it is a magnificent palace or a majestic ancestral temple, was built with the purpose of

comforting current people and protecting their posterity, in other words, it was built is for

people’s lives, stability and the continuation of future generations. For Mesoamericans, gods

are the main spiritual source that dominate people's lives. To a large extent, their religious

buildings are to make contact with and pay tribute to the gods that they respect or to provide

them with shelter. Therefore, for each culture, the purpose of the construction of the buildings

is different, which leads to the dissimilar feelings that the buildings bring to people: Chinese

ritual architecture is a solemnity and comfortable to people, however, Mesoamerican temples

make people feel lofty and distant.

3.2 Bodies: Spiritual and Physical Symbols of Gods

In sacred (i.e. religiously charged) architectures, we find superabundant references to the

numinous in the form, style, layout, and decorations of the buildings, as well as in the ways

they are embedded in the natural environment. Those references correspond to the ideal or

imagined forms of the gods, which the people respect and love, in awe and fascination. The

iconic or symbolic reference to a god begins with the basic understanding of the character,

role, and location of that god, which might have multiple forms: being an abstract force, a

natural phenomenon or landscape feature, or having an anthropomorphic or zoomorphic

appearance, etc.

As Jones (1995) has said, architecture could be the abode or body of a god, however, in

some cases, the two can be combined, meaning a god’s body could be combined with its

dwelling: the appearance of a deity is both the form of its house and its external physical form.

For example, the Almighty God of Heaven in ancient China can be represented by a circular

form, an invisible body combined with time and space, or a dome-shaped sky encrusted with

stars; the Earth deity in Mesoamerica sometimes looks like a crocodile, or sometimes like a

woman. In order to create a more effective place or space for interaction with the deity,

people constructed architecture to be the body or symbolic representation of the god in

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question. In this way, the built sanctuary causes the god’s presence or becomes a passage for

the god to enter into the human world. As a result, the architectural event, as a religious ritual,

took place in the interior of the deity, passing through or in front of the deity, i.e. in direct

contact and identification with the deity. The ritual no longer faces a temple of a deity, but the

divine power itself.

3.2.1 Bodies, Symbolism, and Chinese Architecture

The Temple of Heaven (天坛), constructed in Beijing City during the Ming Dynasty as a

temple to worship the heavenly gods of ancient China, is an excellent example of a building

associated with gods, built and designed as the embodiment of the divine power of the

Cosmos (Heaven). Its design, form, ground plan, style, cultural symbols, etc., show what the

essential characteristics of this divine power are. Drawing on the hermeneutic analysis of

sacred architecture by Lindsay Jones (1995), we recognise several manifestations of this

numinous entity, from the architectural design:

1. The temple plan shows the body of the Cosmos.

The Cosmos shape was expressed in the temple’s plan. The whole plan shows an imagined

body of the Cosmos and shows the Chinese worldview of Heaven above and the Earth below.

The plan was designed as a circular shape in the North and a square enclosure wall in the

South (Figure 3-13), which were clearly constructed in accordance with the Chinese idea of

Round Heaven and Square Earth (天圆地方). In Chinese philosophy, the Cosmos consists of

Heaven and the Earth: Heaven looks like a dome with a circular shape in the highest sky

above the Earth; as the other side of this duality, Earth is imaged as a square land under

Heaven. Following this idea, therefore, the entire plan of the Temple of Heaven was probably

designed to be an imagined shape of the Cosmos, that is, the body of Heaven with a circular

shape and that of Earth as a square shape, which is a symbol of Upper Circular and Lower

Square (上圆下方). The plan implied a design in the vertical dimension, that is, the Northern

part of the plan reflects the upper / top part of the Cosmos and the Southern part symbolizes

the lower/bottom part of the Cosmos. The whole plan of the temple area, thus, expresses the

body of the Cosmos, its head (Heaven) on the top (North), its foot (Earth) at the bottom

(South), with the human world between them, represented by the imperial hall. In line with

this idea, we find that internal structure of the Cosmos body was indeed divided by the

East-West road and wall into three parts, which stand for the regions of the Heaven, Earth,

and the human world, each of them with a heart in the form of a building, hall or altar inside.

(Figure 3-13)

2. The temple is planned according to the structure of the universe.

In terms of the internal layout, the main hall of each world/part of the Cosmos/temple

was placed in the corresponding part of the Cosmos body. In detail, the Circular Mound Altar

(圜丘坛), the main altar for praying to the heavenly Gods was dedicated to the Heaven, and

placed on the Southern part of the temple, as a symbol of the heart of the Heaven. Different

from the previous "South" symbolizing the "Lower" part of the body of the Cosmos, in this

perspective, the southern part inside the Cosmos refers to the Heaven region. This is a

relatively complicated philosophical problem in ancient China. People thought the Heaven is

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Figure 3-13 plane of the Temple of Heaven

(https://www.travelchinaguide.com/attraction/beijing/heaven/)

in the remote area of the South direction in terms of the horizontal dimension; instead, the

Earth is in the remote area of the North direction. This well-known theory, which influenced

common practice for Chinese people has been formulated as the principle of Heaven South

and Earth North (天南地北).20

As a result, the Circular Mound Altar, which represents the

heart of Heaven, was located in the Southern part of the Cosmos’ body. By the same token,

the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests (祈年殿), corresponding to the heart of the Earth, was

located in the Northern part of the temple area. The orientations and the shapes of the Cosmos

20 The theory of the Heaven South and Earth North is generally believed to have received the influence of the orientation of

the Congenital Eight Diagrams (先天八卦). In the Congenital Eight Diagrams, the Qian (乾) that represents the Heaven is

located in the South, and the Kun (坤), which represents the Earth, is located in the North. That is why Heaven South and

Earth North.

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plan with the two halls of Heaven and Earth reflect the traditional worldview and

cosmological theories of ancient China, expressed in the principles Heaven Circular and

Earth Square, Upper Circular and Lower Square, Heaven South and Earth North.

3. The Hall of Prayer symbolizing the body of the Sacred Time.

The Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests is one of the most beautiful halls in the temple area:

it might be qualified as a symbol of sacred Time. The heavenly powers to which the Son of

Heaven (emperor) prays for a good harvest, consisted of diverse factors of Time, which

directly affected the agricultural society and the harvesting of crops, and were expressed

through Heavenly Numbers (天数).21

The hall was composed of a series of concentric circles

(Figure 3-14) in nine layers from the base to the top level which was thought of as

symbolizing the nine layers of Heaven (Gu 2005). Furthermore, the highest Heavenly Number,

9 – a number associated with Heaven or emperor – was widely used in the design of the

Figure 3-14 plan of the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests

21Book of Changes divides the 1-9 number into two parts with the Heavenly Numbers (天数) and Earthly Numbers (地数).

The term Heavenly Number refers to the odd numbers of 1,3,5,7,9, among which the number 9 is the highest of the Heavenly

Numbers. The Earthly Numbers include the even numbers of 2,4,6,8, of which the number 8 is the highest. The Heavenly

Numbers belong to Yang, in contrast, the Earthly Numbers belong to Yin. The Heavenly Number 9 belongs to the highest in

the category Yang, which is associated with the emperor.

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hall as a clue that it was dedicated to Heaven. Its height, in total, is 9 Zhang (丈) plus 9 Chi

(尺), plus 9 Fen (分), and coupled with 9 Cun (寸),22

and inside it is decorated with 9

dragons on the ceiling. In addition, there are two halls on each side of the Hall of Prayer for

Good Harvests, each of them consists of 9 rooms, which again refer to Heavenly Number 9.

The continuous use of the Heavenly Numbers gives a basic image of the hall as a symbolic

embodiment of Heaven.

As one would expect, the number and arrangement of the 28 columns of the main hall

are in accordance with the time unit of the ancient Chinese calendar, evoking the idea that

Time, in the form of years, seasons, months, and hours, determines daily life and agriculture.

The 28 pillars are placed on the floor to form a three-column network of inner, middle and

outer circles. The inner circular pillars are 4 huge Dragon Pillars (龙井柱), which reach to

the top of the building and support the ceiling dome on the highest level. They could be seen

as the representatives of Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter. In addition, these four pillars

might symbolize the four giant pillars that, according to Chinese cosmovision, supported the

sky in the four directions (East, West, South, and North). The 12 spaces separated by 12 Gold

Columns (金柱) in the middle circle, it was said, represent the 12 months of the year.

Together these 12 Gold Columns plus the 12 spaces in between them represent the 24 Solar

Terms (节气) of a year. The 12 spaces separated by 12 pillars on the outer ring represent 12

hours of the day. The outer and inner 12 columns together may also symbolize the 24 Solar

Terms. The grand total of 28 pillars represents the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions of the

ancient Chinese zodiac circle. The numerical symbolism of the external nine-fold structure

and the internal 28 pillars of The Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests makes it so that the

building becomes a representation of Time.

4. The Circular Mound Altar as a representation of Heaven.

The Circular Mound Altar, known as Huan Qiu Altar (圜丘坛), located in the southern

part of the Temple of Heaven, the place where the ancient emperors meet the Emperor of

Heaven on the day of Winter Solstice, may be interpreted as a representation (embodiment) of

Heaven. The altar has a circular shape with three layers of platforms and four staircases in the

East, West, South, and North – clearly expressing the concept of Circular Heaven. There are

carved white marble railings around each platform and an enclosure with white marble fences

outside. The meaning of Huan (圜) in Chinese is Heaven, which is mentioned in the Book of

Changes(易经), "Qian(乾) is the Heaven, as Huan 乾为天,为圜”. Another book, Songs of

Chu (楚辞), also says: "Huan has nine levels 圜则九重", which means that Huan is the

Heaven. Therefore, the Circular Mound Altar was dedicated to Heaven. Consequently, the

components of the altar were linked with the Heavenly Numbers. The Circular Mound Altar

had three platforms with four gates in the East, South, West, and North, the total number of

steps of each level were a multiple of the number 9. The diameter of the lowest platform was

21 Zhang, of the middle 15 Zhang, of the top 9 Zhang. The total of the three is 45 Zhang,

which is five times 9, symbolizing the Ninth Five Emperor 九五之尊, which was referred to

by the Book of Changes as a “flying dragon in the sky 飞龙在天”.

22 Zhang, Chi, Fen, and Cun are Chinese ancient measurement units. Effective in 1930 and after, 1 Zhang=10 Chi=100

Fen=1000Cun. 1 Chi is around 33 1⁄3m.

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Not only that, but the Heavenly Number 9 is also used in the number of bricks. Set in the

centre of the top platform there is a circular stone named Tai Chi Stone, which is a symbol of

Tai Chi (太极). The bricks laid around the centre of the Tai Chi Stone, form a total of nine

rings in a paved brick enclosure from the centre to the edge. The first circle consists of 9

bricks, the second circle of 18 bricks (2 x 9), and so on until the ninth circle, which consists of

81 bricks (9 x 9). The numbers of the railing and columns around the stone platform are also

increasing in multiples of nine. All this is a symbolic expression of the idea that "Heaven has

nine levels". Number 9 is regarded as the largest Heavenly Number in ancient China so that

this number and its multiples have symbolic value. Thus, as a structure consisting of circular

platforms with the continuous use of the Heavenly Number 9 in its components, The Circular

Mound Altar becomes a consistent representation of Heaven, so that the rituals carried out

here invoke the presence of the divine powers of Heaven, as a living deity with good shape

and strong spirit.

Figure 3-15 second floor plan of the Vientiane Shrine (Recovery drawing by Hongxun Yang)

The Temple of Heaven is an excellent example to illustrate the above presented

interpretive approach. In fact, there are many other buildings/temples that may be regarded as

the abodes or embodiments of numinous powers. For example, the Temple of the Sun, the

Temple of the Moon, and the Temple of the Earth, located on the East, West, and North of

Beijing City, have in a similar way integrated references to or representations of their

respective deities in their ground plans and shapes. Concretely, the Temple of the Earth shows

in its plan the "Square Shape" of the Earth. Also the altar, as the heart of the Temple of the

Earth, was designed to have this square shape. Furthermore, the building incorporates the

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Earthly Numbers in its different components, in order to establish a close connection with the

Earth. The central altar of the temple is a two-platform structure with staircases of 8 steps on

each side (8 being (the highest Earthly Number), the upper level consists of 36 large square

stones, and there are 512 (= 8 x 8 x 8) small square stones outside. In addition, there are 1024

(= 2 x 8 x 8 x 8) small square stones on the lower level.

A famous example of how the Temple of Heaven reproduced cosmological symbolism in a

similar way to the Mingtang buildings (明堂)23

, is the Vientiane Shrine(万象神宫) of the

Tang Dynasty constructed by Empress Wu Zetian (武则天) in A.D.688 (Figure 3-15). It was

the biggest wooden construction in ancient China, but it was destroyed in 695 by fire. The

symbolic elements are:

1.The building is a body of Cosmos.

It was designed as a combination of square and circular shapes. The outer square and the

inner round shapes in its plane symbolize the combination of Heaven and Earth; the

round/dome roof and square base of the structure replicate the Cosmos: Heaven above and

Earth below.

2.The giant pillar is the ladder to Heaven.

In the centre of the building, there was a huge pillar from the foundation to the top.24

In

symbolic terms, its function is comparable to the sacred tree Jianmu which connects Heaven

and Earth, as a ladder from Earth to Heaven.

3.The building is the body of the Sacred Time.

Like the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests, this huge building symbolizes the sacred

time.

It has three floors: the first floor is a square shape and symbolizes the four seasons; the

middle floor is a dodecagon which represents the 12 hours in a day; the upper floor has a

regular icositetragon shape, which represents the 24 Solar Terms.25

Summarizing: when structures or buildings are dedicated to a specific deity, the ancient

cultures tend to construct them as liminal spaces to establish contact with the numinous world.

This could be done by shaping a building or a city as a replica of the imagined iconic or

symbolic form of the divine power and/or in a less direct way by using dimensions,

proportions, or numbers that were characteristic of the deity. This situation did not only

happen in ancient China but also, for example, in the temples of ancient India: “The (Hindu)

temple is at once the notion of god, the dwelling of god, the body of god” (Wu 1963). Another

example is the medieval Catholic Churches, whose ground plan has the shape of the cross as

the central symbol of Christianity, commemorating the crucifixion of their founder. Even

more specific, the Austrian Baroque Church of the Trinity in Stadl-Paura (1714-25) is

23

Mingtang (明堂) is a kind of important building that was used by ancient emperors for administration and sacrifice. 24

Reference is derived from Zizhi Tongjian·Twenty of Tang Ji(资治通鉴·唐纪二十): There is a huge pillar in the centre,

which runs through top to bottom(中有巨木，上下通贯)。 25

From Zizhi Tongjian·Twenty of Tang Ji: Mingtang has three levels: the lower level symbols four seasons, the middle level

symbols twelve hours, and the upper level symbols twenty-four Solar Terms(明堂三层：下层四时，中层法十二辰；上层

法二十四气).

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constructed with an emphasis on the number three: three façades, three towers, three portals,

and three altars, clearly referring to the Trinity (Jones 1995:231).

3.2.2 Bodies, Divine Powers, and Mesoamerican Architecture

In Mesoamerica, deities not only have a place in the temples but also in the houses of

common people. One of the central ideas, explaining the connection between gods and

humans in the Mesoamerican worldview, is that the house itself is thought of as a living being

(Gillespie 2000: 136). The façades of some temples or palaces are made in the form of faces

with eyes, mouths, teeth, tongues, etc. so that these buildings reproduce the bodily form of

deities. This aspect of Mesoamerican architecture fits Jones' theory very well.

In this manner, the temple pyramid could represent the divine Earth life force in the form

of a prominent landscape feature, such as a mountain or cave (witz in Maya terms): "Maya

conceived of mountains as living beings, they represented them as zoomorphic creatures,

complete with eyes, muzzle mouth, and ear ornaments” (Schele & Mathews 1999:43) (Figure

3-16). In addition, the entrance to the mountain / temple is often shown as a serpent or snake

with large, opened jaws, a feature that was seen as

a portal to enter a cave, the liminal area to

approach particular deities, such as the Rain God.

Built like the body of the mountain god, the

pyramid might have an interior chamber, tomb, or

tunnel that would imitate the natural cave of a

mountain. The rising terraces and staircases

directed the eyes of the people from the ground up

to the sphere of Heaven. The sanctuary or temple

itself, the “house of the god” (teo-calli in Nahuatl)

was located on the top platform of the pyramid.

Climbing up or going down the staircase of the

temple pyramid as an artificial mountain made the

believers experience the approach to Heaven and

the return to Earth, and consequently created the

appropriate mental condition for addressing the

deities. This staircase movement was the liminal

space for humans to come into contact with the

gods.

Mesoamerican houses, in general, are considered as living beings, which have bodies

like humans or animals (Gillespie 2000:143). For example, the Quiche Maya call the door the

mouth of the house and the posts the legs (Gillespie 2000:143). Similarly, the Tzotzil Maya

and the Mixtec indicate that the interior of the house is its stomach or heart, the foundation

stone is the foot, the corners are ears, and the roof the head, etc… Similarly, Mesoamerican

languages often use the names of body parts (as prepositions) in referring to mountains, maize

fields, artefacts, etc. (Gillespie 2000:144). Not only does the house shape follow the structure

of the human body, but it also becomes animated in this way: a spirit may enter into or

Figure 3-16 the cave was the mouth of the

Mountain (Schele & Mathews 1999:43)

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become manifest in the house, concretely at the house altar, where divine beings (now: Saints)

are invoked and prayed to. An example from the Quiche: a house with an altar houses the

spirit and is alive, but when the altar is moved by the house owner from an old place to a new

house, the original house remains without the divine spirit and will die, while, in contrast, the

new house will be alive (Gillespie 2000:144).

Given this cultural and linguistic context, we may understand the decoration of the

façade as further characterization of the building's spirit. Maya art provides examples of

façades in the form of masks or zoomorphic portals. Thompson (1990) says that this kind of

Maya temple façade sculpture represents “the face of celestial monsters, the doorway, often

set with teeth, representing the creature’s mouth” (Thompson 1990:215). What western

scholars have dubbed “monsters” are more likely forms that express the superhuman power of

the living deity. Indeed, there are many buildings with such mask facades and zoomorphic

mouths in the Maya region. An interesting example is that of Chicanná in the Rio Bec-Chenes

area of Central Yucatan. The façade of a building called “structure II” by archaeologists,

consists of a huge mask, totally made with eyes, nose, teeth, and mouth (doorway). It looks

like the face of a serpent or a dragon, which may represent Divine Earth, called traditionally

“the earth monster” by researchers (Jones 1995:233) (Figure 3-17A). Another Maya ruin in

Mayapan shows the same element on its wall (Figure 3-17B).

Interestingly, we find also religious buildings with the name ‘Temple of Heaven’ in

Mesoamerica. An example of such a temple is painted in the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Codex

Borgia), pp. 33-34(Figure 3-18, Figure 3-19). This is a pre-colonial religious manuscript from

the Nahuatl speaking world, probably from the town of Cholula, an important religious centre

of the Postclassic period; the pages in question form part of a large section that details

emblematic events during the annual ritual cycle. The codex contains two prominent pictorial

representations of the Temple of Heaven, differentiated by the form of the roof, colours and

associated elements. In both cases the roof of the temple contains four “heaven bands” (blue

bands with star symbols), possibly referring to the idea of different layers of heaven, in

A Structure II in the Rio Bec-Chenes B Maya Rain God in Mayapan

Figure 3-17 buildings as the bodies of gods in Yucatan, Mexico (Photos courtesy: Manuel May Castillo)

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combination with the number 4, which may refer to the four directions. Deity figures (painted

in directional colours) lie in between these heaven bands: in the first image nine figures of the

Fire God (Xiuhtecuhtli), in the second image ten figures of a Skeletal Goddess of the

Figure 3-18 Temple of Heaven in Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Codex Borgia), p 33.

(drawings made by Agostino Aglio for the work Antiquities of Mexico;

published by Edward King, Lord Kingsborough Volume III (London 1831)

Underworld and of the Milky Way (Cihuacoatl). These deities seem to qualify the divine

powers of the building. The temple is surrounded by a large serpent, which indicates that a

temple is a place of visionary experiences. The serpent is coloured black in the first image and

red in the second image: “the black and the red” stand for “writing”, “wisdom” and for the

opposition between darkness and light. The temple has an interior space for ritual actions. In

the first image we see priests devoted to (and therefore painted as) specific gods: the Venus

God (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli) together with the Wind God Quetzalcoatl, busy with a

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bloodletting ritual. In the second we see a priest (painted black with a hallucinogenic ointment)

drilling a

Figure 3-19 Temple of Heaven in Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Codex Borgia), p 34.(figure source ditto)

new fire for the dog-headed deity (Xolotl) who carries the Sun. In front of the temple is a

staircase, indicating that the temple is situated on top of a pyramid. In the platform, there are

again deities extended in a flat position. Underneath is a sign that represents Earth (a

combination of alligator and sawfish) with a heart in the centre: the temple is standing on the

Heart of Earth. The many elements in these pages that surround the temples are indications of

multiple ritual activities. This ancient pictorial manuscript as a whole shows the details and

complexity of ancient Mesoamerican Cosmovision and ritual rules, much of which is still

difficult to interpret (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017: chapter 7).

In summary, whether in China or in Mesoamerica, a building constructed in the form of

the body of a deity provides a liminal space or a way for ancient people to communicate with

the gods. The examples discussed here show that the Chinese did not directly construct the

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building in an anthropomorphic shape, but as a culturally determined ideal and symbolic form

that denoted the god’s presence. In Mesoamerica, the building itself is the dwelling place and

the embodiment of the deity. The deity may have a specific form, which may incorporate

anthropomorphic or zoomorphic aspects, but combined in such a way that the result does not

depict a commonly observable human or animal, but instead characterizes the superhuman

and supernatural powers of the divine being.

Ancient Chinese architecture, to a certain extent, "imitated" the form/body of celestial

bodies, or established a path connection of the Axis Mundi between Heaven and the Earth.

However, the appearance of the god of "Heaven" did not have a fixed shape in ancient

Chinese minds. It could be represented by many things, such as the sky, the Sun, the stars, the

air, and even the Emperor of Heaven. For this reason, there are many ways to "simulate" or

"express" the image of "Heaven" in the field of architectural creation, for instance：arranging

buildings following the position of stars (such as the Forbidden City); using circles or domes

to symbolize the Heaven (such as Temple of Heaven); Use "Heavenly Numbers" to imply the

sublimity of "Heaven" (such as the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests).

In comparison, Mesoamerican architecture also connected with the gods in the universe

by building their bodies, dwellings, or establishing Axis Mundi channels. They built the

temples of reprehensive gods to symbolize/represent the characteristics of gods in the

universe. Such as in Tenochtitlan, it implies the Three Realms in the temple design. The Main

Temples, dedicated to Tlaloc and Huitzilopochtli, are reflections of Heaven; the huge stone

monument representing the Goddess Cihuacoatl as Earth Goddess (Broda 1987; Jansen &

Pérez Jiménez 2017), which can be linked with the Earth God; a Ball Court (tlachtli) was

arranged on the southern part of the temple, we may speculate that it might connect to the

Underworld.

These methods in architecture used for connecting the gods in China and Mesoamerica,

to a certain extent, fit the idea that Jones mentioned "architecture commemorates or houses a

deity”.

In fact, ancient Chinese architecture (represented by the urban planning and architectural

design of Beijing City) uses the perspective of cultural concepts to metaphorize or symbolize

these cosmic theories in their architecture through the ways of cultural "borrowing" or

"referencing", however, the essential characteristics of architecture is not dramatically

affected (such as the architectural forms or urban space). For example, the layout of the city

culturally follows the orientation of the stars or borrows the names of stars from the

conception, etc…, however, architectural shape or the city plan have not undergone major

changes due to these theories.

The “cosmological configuration” of buildings or cities is more inclined to use the

Nonverbal Communication way theorized by Rapoport (2003) to interpret the cosmic culture,

such as using a round shape to symbolize Heaven, arranging building groups by following

star configurations, the use of colours, and the grasp of the spatial scale, etc… The methods of

"borrowing" and "symbolism" are cleverly "implied" in the concept of Heaven and Earth in

the architectural design. This approach is different from the complete imitation of celestial

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bodies, but, from an abstract perspective, it expresses the cosmological ideas and the

philosophical culture of which the architecture is an extension.

Therefore, for those foreign tourists who do not understand the Chinese ancient culture, it

is difficult to interpret the internal symbolic meaning of the building by only studying it from

its external form. It is obviously different from buildings using an anthropomorphic or

zoomorphic facade or the exaggerated exterior shapes found in the architectural design of

Mesoamerica (especially in the Maya Temples).

Ancient Chinese architecture has "simulated" the external forms of "Heaven" or "gods"

through various ways, such as in the building’s layout, semiotics, and symbolism. Similarly,

Mesoamerican architecture has "created" the world of gods under the guidance of gods. It can

be said that the city design of Mesoamerica (such as Teotihuacan, Tenochichlan), to a certain

extent, reflect the characteristics of the realms of the universe (Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld) in which the gods lived. Each temple may be associated with a god, god’s body,

god’s residence, or god’s character. For example, the sanctuary on top of the Main Temple

dedicated to Tlaloc, was possible associated with the Tlaloc mountain (Mount Tlaloc), which

is the main residence of the god Tlaloc. EI Castillo, a temple for the Feathered Serpent (Pugh

2001), can be taken as another case that uses its serpentine carvings and the light and shadow

of the equinoxes to reflect the character of the Feathered Serpent. The two cases take

straightforward design approaches through their materials, carvings, building volumes, and

inscriptions, making people experience the power and sacredness of gods.

In Mesoamerican architecture, especially those pyramids, the Nonverbal Communication

methods advocated by Rapoport are used well, such as Semiotic (square plane, tower-shaped

body), huge volume, heavy materials, and symbolism (mountains, earth, and gods, etc.).

Therefore, whether it is an attempt to "imitate" or "create" the architecture of gods, with

the help of Nonverbal Communication approaches (such as Semiotic, symbolic, material,

volume, etc…), the ritual architecture of ancient China and Mesoamerica both attempt to

connect with the worlds of the gods. Both peoples made efforts to make their buildings with

spaces of Liminality, in order to help humans build connections with the Cosmos.

3.3 Holy Land: an Interactive Place for Talking to Gods

In general, an interactive place provided by architecture is a necessary and indispensable

condition for the successful completion of a religious ceremony. The place can be an open

space, or a temple house, but it must have a spatial or cultural connection with the gods that

are invoked or worshipped. How did people and gods interact with each other? And how

could humans reach the Otherworld to talk with gods? In most instances, these processes need

to be carried out with the help of cosmological architecture.

3.3.1 Paths, Procedures, and Rituals

The temple/house, whether it is the body of a god or the home of a god, has, as an

ultimate goal, the construction or use of a sacred space by humans to establish a channel in

which the communication and interaction with divine powers become possible. This process

of ritual interaction with the gods, and consequently the presence of sacred architectural

spaces, are essential elements in the religions of ancient China and Mesoamerica.

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Before communicating with the deities, a series of preparations were required in which

the congregation of worshippers would manifest and intensify their respect for and loyalty to

the gods, involving sacred spaces, ritual pathways (circuits), and special symbolic actions.

Ancient Chinese society made offerings to many kinds of gods, ranging from the community

gods in the village to some gods with the power for controlling a certain region, or the gods

respected by a whole nation, such as the God of Heaven, the God of the Sun, and the God of

the Moon. Strict procedures and rules were observed in the ceremonies in order to manifest

human respect for the gods. One typical case is an annual festival in which the emperor

personally participated: in spring praying for a good harvest in the Hall of Prayer for Good

Harvests and on the Winter Solstice day worshipping the Heaven at the Circular Mound

Altar/Huan Qiu Altar.26

Both activities took place in the Temple of Heaven, which was the

largest ceremonial place dedicated to Heaven during the Ming and Qing Dynasty. In such

ceremonies, there is an entanglement of a special time, sacred space, and specific ritual

actions. As a concrete example, the ritual at the Circular Mound Altar comprises the

following activities.27

1. Preparation Before the Ceremony

First of all, the comprehensive renovation of various buildings and facilities in the

Temple of Heaven is very important. Secondly, it is necessary to repair all buildings along the

street that pass from the Forbidden City to the Temple of Heaven, which the emperor passes

through, and to renovate their façades. The emperor needs to fast for three days before the

ceremony, and the staff and officials need to prepare all the offerings and set up sacred tablets

of the gods before the ceremony.

2. Ritual Positions Setting

In total, seven kinds of sacred tablets, representing the heavenly gods, are placed on the

Circular Mound Altar as objects of worship during the ceremony. The tablet of the Heavenly

Emperor represents the supreme and most respected god, who, being the highest in rank, must

be placed at the side of the true North (location of the Polar Star) on the top platform. The

divine tablets of the emperor’s ancestors, being second in rank, are placed on both sides (East

and West) of this main tablet. Other sacred tablets, such as for the stars, Sun, Moon, Cloud,

Rain, Wind, or Thunder, being third in rank, are placed on lower locations. Various offerings,

such as artefacts of jade or silk, as well as a whole cow, a sheep, a pig, with wine, fruits, and

other dishes are put on tables in front of the sacred tablets, as an offering to the gods in order

to express respect. The locale where the emperor has to do the rituals is in the South of the

upper and middle platforms, a bit lower than that of the tablets of the gods but in a respectful

relation to them. More than 60 musical instruments including bells and chimes were placed

under the steps of both sides (East and West) of the altar, in preparation for the performance

of the festival music.

26 The rules for the sacrifice of the Heaven on the winter solstice were formulated during the Zhou Dynasty. Zhou Li says:

"Winter Solstice, worship the Heaven on Earth 冬至日，祭天于地上之圜丘", after that, almost all the emperors of the

successive dynasties followed this rule. 27 See the rules of Zhou Li (周礼)and Book of Rites（礼记）and the records from Ming Shi Lu(明实录), Ming Hui Dian(明会

典), Qing Shi Lu(清实录),and Qing Historical Documents(清史稿).

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3. The Time of the Ritual

The ceremony happens each year on the date of the Winter Solstice, which is the day of

the start of a new year in the traditional Chinese calendar. The ceremony starts at seven

quarters before the sunrise. When the time arrives, the Taihe Bell (太和钟) of the Zhai Palace

(斋宫), where the emperor stayed, will be rung, then the emperor sets off to go to the Circular

Mound Altar to perform the rituals. When he arrives at the altar, the bell stops ringing, and

instead, the music of the offering is played to indicate the beginning of the festival.

4. Ritual sequence

The ceremony is divided into nine processes, namely, Welcome Gods (迎神), Offer Jade

and Silk (奠玉帛), Offer Animals (进俎), First Offering (初献), Second Offering (亚献), Last

Offering(终献), Finish Offer (撤撰), Send-off Gods (送神), and Burn Offerings(望燎). For

each procedure, different music is played, and corresponding dances are performed: Ba Yi (八

佾舞)28

. For each ritual, the emperor must genuflect to the Gods many times in different

positions.

5.Ceremony Rules

The ceremony rules are very strict and must ensure that the ritual is carried out

completely and without mistakes. Otherwise, the people who commit errors will be severely

punished. People are not permitted to cough, talk, laugh, etc…, during the period of the

ceremony. The sacred ritual procedures are very important because they should express

religious respect as the correct way to approach specific deities. These strict procedures would

make people physically aware of the existence and the presence of the gods. In order to show

that the gods not only exist but also could talk to the emperor in a special way, a specific

acoustic design is embodied in the Circular Mound Altar of the Temple of Heaven.

As a symbol of the heavenly gods, the Circular Mound Altar was divided into three

platforms, each of them constructed with a multiple of the Heavenly Number 9 in the number

of bricks or artificial components such as stones, steps, and fences. In the process of

worshipping Heaven, only the emperor can climb to the upper platform of the terrace which is

considered the liminal place for conversing with the gods. In the ceremony, the emperor

speaks to the gods at the central place of the upper platform, where a round marble plate

called Heavenly Heart Stone (天心石) is situated. The emperor here pronounces his prayers to

those gods, and the gods respond to him in a special way of echo. The acoustic design has the

effect that when people standing on the top of the stone give a soft call, they immediately hear

continuous sounds coming from all directions. The emperor interpreted this phenomenon as

the message from the heavenly gods; in fact, it s an echo, which an reflected sound wave that

being blocked by others. After the sound waves from the centre stone pass to the surrounding

stone columns, they are quickly reflected back. According to a test, the time from the

pronunciation to the return of the sound wave to the centre of the circle is only 0.07 seconds,

so the person standing on the centre stone hears the sounds. In this way, the experienced

interaction between humans and gods is completed.

28 Ba Yi (八佾): An ancient dance with a strict hierarchy. In ancient times, 1 Yi was 8 people, then 8 Yis were a total of 64

people. Zhou Li stipulates that only the emperor can order a dance of 8 Yis, which means, 64 people.

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Similarly, the prayer for a good harvest in spring each year, another important ritual in

the Temple of Heaven, implies the design of a series of space-guided ritual acts with symbolic

elements. When the emperor departs from the Zhai Palace to the Hall of Prayer for Good

Harvests (祈年殿), he will walk on a wide and straight road which leads to the Temple of

Prayer for Good Harvests (祈谷坛). The road with the name Danbi Bridge (丹陛桥), known

as Divine Road (神路), runs four metres above the ground – a bit lower in the North but

higher in the South – was considered the ladder that led to the residence of the heavenly gods:

the Emperor had to climb it to perform the ritual at the god's place in the Hall of Prayer for

Good Harvests. On the Eastern part of the road, a rectangular platform was constructed,

where the emperor would wash and change clothes before the ceremony. The circular

structure of three platforms that composes the Temple of Prayer for Good Harvests is

surrounded by high square walls, which form a sacred outer space where the circular meets

the rectangular, symbolizing the intersection of Heaven and Earth. The true South of the

sacred hall is the Gate of Prayer (祈年门), which represents the Southern Heaven Gate (南天

门) of the Heavenly Palace. When the emperor passes through this door it means he has

reached the realm of Heaven. Many Fan Stoves (燔炉) and Liao Stoves (燎炉) outside the

Gate of Prayer provide places for the emperor to burn pine and cypress branches and other

offerings.

The Temple of Prayer for Good Harvests is divided into three platforms and each of

them surrounded by white marble columns. The caps of the upper platform’s marble columns

and the water outlets are carved with dragons, and those of the other two layers of platforms

are engraved with phoenixes and clouds. After the emperor has completed the burning of

offerings outside the Gate of Prayer, he enters the Temple of Prayer for Good Harvests to

perform the next ritual. The three platforms of the altar symbolize the triple heavens, here the

emperor enters the body of the god, symbolized by the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests, to

interact directly with the divine powers and to pray for a good harvest.

This interaction of the emperor with the heavenly gods, mediated by the Temple of

Heaven constitutes an example for human beings, in general, to connect with the gods in

ancient Chinese society. For this purpose, the meaning (and religious impact) of the temple

was strengthened by different elements and circumstances of the design:

1. The guiding role of the path of the sky: the road connecting the Hall of Prayer for

Good Harvests and the Circular Mound Altar was elevated and raised step by step,

symbolizing that it is a road leading to the location of Heaven. People who start walking this

path feel the symbolism of approaching Heaven.

2. The building reinforces a rigorous positive/true orientation design, with the main

buildings situated on the North-South axis and Sitting North and Facing South. The setting of

the divine tablets of gods on the altar also strictly follows the orientations of Chinese ritual

cultural characteristics.

3. The ritual ceremony procedures are very strict, which creates a special feeling and a

collective manifestation of piety among all participants in the ritual. Whether it is a ritual of

worshipping Heaven or praying for a good harvest, each ritual procedure demands abundant

human and material resources, so that the act of worshipping the gods creates an

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overwhelming collective experience, which at the same time reaffirms publicly each

participant’s individual commitment to the shared religious values (cf. Rappaport 1999).

4. The design of the architecture is a prominent expression of the sanctity of liminal

spaces. No ceremony hall is built on the Circular Mound Altar, but the luxurious marble

material and the high-profile dragon-shaped sculptures show the high quality (and therefore

importance) of the architecture. The meeting of the circular and square spaces is meaningful

because of the cosmological symbolism.

5. In the design of the venue, in terms of humanity and the liminal spaces for good

interaction, the place of meeting and communication between humans and gods has been

specially emphasized. The echo design of the Heavenly Heart Stone creates a phenomenon

that humans understood as the response from the deity, and secretly communicating with the

gods in the Hall of Prayer makes the interaction between humans and gods more mysterious.

Similar to the way in which the ancient Chinese culture emphasized the guiding role of

paths, rituals, and architectural spaces for contacting the gods, Mesoamerica also attached

great importance to the path of connection with the divine powers and to the series of ritual

procedures in the context of the religious architecture. We already saw that the most

representative building in this respect was the temple pyramid with a temple on top dedicated

to a specific deity. Mesoamerica is a region with polytheistic religions; for instance, ancient

Mayans worshipped hundreds of gods (Wallech et al. 2013:197). The gods in this area, to

some extent, were represented in an anthropomorphic manner; in the sacred narratives, they

also appear as humanized actors. An example is the narrative of the Hero Twins in the Popol

Vuh, where the protagonists descend into the Underworld, confront the gods of death, and are

reborn as Sun and Moon in a way that symbolizes the cycle of day and night, light and

darkness, life and death. Similarly, the Maize God is represented as a young lord that is born,

grows up, dies, but then is reborn (e.g. from a turtle’s shell, representing Earth) (Figure 3-20).

Figure 3-20 Maize God born from turtle shell (drawing by Linda Schele)

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The temple-pyramids are artificial structures built for worshipping many kinds of Gods,

such as the Sun God, the Feathered Serpent, the Rain God, and the creator gods, but the

people who built them considered them as a living being with a soul (Schele & Mathews

1999:43).

These temple pyramids – the houses of the gods within the towns – were sacred spaces

for community rituals, often focusing on the agricultural seasons (thus also: prayers for a

good harvest and calendar rituals to mark the passage of time). Because of their visually

dominant position, the temple pyramids became emblematic of the community’s religious

identity, a permanent reminder of the importance of the divine creative powers in providing

sustenance for the human families. In reciprocity, to express gratitude to the superhuman

forces who had created and maintained life on Earth, Mesoamerican peoples made offerings,

praying for good crop yield, good weather, etc… Heart and blood were seen as the carriers of

the life force. Therefore, people regularly performed auto-bloodletting rituals (also called

self-sacrifice), perforating tongues, ears, or genitalia to offer drops of blood on altars or

directly to Earth (Figure 3-21). Aztec sources indicate that auto-bloodletting was a regular

part of Mesoamerican public life, as well as a private practice in which rulers, nobles, and

commoners would pierce themselves and spill their blood inside temples as an offering to the

gods (Dodds Pennock 2008:41-46). Similarly, animals such as quails, dogs, and deer were

killed in rituals associated with feasts and ceremonies. Of course, also the food was offered to

the deities: especially new corncobs as well as flowers.

Figure 3-21 a priest perforates his tongue (Codex Telleriano-Remensis)

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The Aztec ruler Motecuhzoma, when showing Cortés the Main Temple, summarized the

main motivating principle of Mesoamerican religion: “In our eyes these are good divinities:

they preserve our lives, give us nourishment, water, and good harvests, healthy and growing

weather, and victory whenever we pray to them for it. Therefore we offer up our prayers to

them, and make them sacrifices.” (Díaz del Castillo, Memoirs, ch. 92)

The temple pyramids and related altars were also used for the execution of enemies,

taken prisoner in combat, as well as of criminals and others who had transgressed social

norms or laws. This religiously embedded and ritualized form of socially sanctioned killing

was described by the Spanish conquerors and missionary friars as a human sacrifice. The

conqueror Hernán Cortés and the following colonizers referred to such “barbarous,

sanguinary devil worship” as the justification of their own violent invasion and subsequent

destruction of the native cultures. A hostile stereotype was constructed, which is comparable

to that of persons in 15th and 16th century Europe who were disliked because of being

different, dissident, or because of other reasons, and who were (generally falsely) accused to

have heretic or pagan beliefs: consequently, they were persecuted, tortured and burned as

“witches”. Many scholars have uncritically followed this colonial propaganda and today the

“human sacrifice” is still a part of the

mainstream image of Mesoamerican culture.

Specialist discussions centre on the amount

of victims. Spanish sources claim that during

the dedication of the Aztec Main Temple in

honour of Huitzilopochtli (Hofstadter 2005)

in 1487, as many as 80,400 prisoners of

war29

were killed over the course of four

days. Some modern authors, on the basis of

these sources, have calculated a continuous

killing of large numbers of sacrificial victims

over the years (Hanson 2000:194-195;

Harner 1977:46-51). Others consider these

numbers huge exaggerations and point to the

need to understand this custom in its cultural

context (Hassig 1995, Dodds Pennock 2012).

Only some recent authors stress that the

Spanish sources were not eye-witness

accounts and were clearly biased against the

native population, so that they

misrepresented the ritualized death penalties

of Mesoamerican society as “human

sacrifices”, part of an idolatrous and

cannibalistic cult, intolerable in Christian

29 The confirmation of the numbers of the victims are uncertain. the Codex Telleriane Rernensis says 20,000, Torquemada

states 72, 344, and Duran shows a total of 80,400 (Harner 1977).

Figure 3-22 drawing of the tzompantli in the chronicle of

Diego Durán

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eyes (Hassler 1992; Graham 2012, Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2019).

The ritualized execution of captives is portrayed in several precolonial documents and

inscriptions. The colonial descriptions, though biased, suggest that such rituals could involve

specific preparations dramatic performances, costumed dances, the music of flutes and

percussion instruments, chanting, while the condemned person, specially dressed up, would

be led to the sacrificial stone in front of the god’s house on top of the temple pyramid, where

several priests stretched him out, controlling his arms and legs, and a special central priest or

executioner stabbed him in the chest, according to some descriptions, cutting out his heart

(Harner 1977:120-126). Next to the main pyramid stood a skull rack, called tzompantli in

Nahuatl (Figure 3-22). In recent years, the tzompantli has been rediscovered and is at present

being excavated by Mexican archaeologists. Possibly further research will solve the question

if the skulls exhibited here indeed belonged to ceremonially killed persons, as suggested by

Spanish chronicles (Duran 1964:141,198), or if this was a way of guarding and venerating the

relics of selected ancestors.

A double staircase was built on the Western side of the Main Temple where the Aztecs

believed the Sun plunged into the Underworld. We imagine that the high Mesoamerican

pyramids were experienced literally a “Stairway to Heaven” where a few priests could climb

to the top platform to talk with deities of the multitier heaven. Some pyramids were

constructed over natural caves, springs, or artificially constructed tunnels or subterraneous

chambers, which were considered portals to the Underworld or other residences of deities. As

a result, the Mesoamerican pyramids, exemplified by the Main Temple, played an important

role for people to establish communication with the gods. Associated with these sanctuaries

we find several cases of sacred space and connecting pathways:

1. Pyramids contained visible paths leading to Heaven and the Underworld. The staircase

as a vertical passage helps humans reach Heaven. The two huge Western staircases cross from

the ground up to the top of the Main Temple of Tenochtitlan, in a symbolic sense, could lead

the people to climb from the Earth (ground) to the heavenly realm (temple, house of god on

top). In Mesoamerica, the pyramid itself was considered a mountain whose top reached the

heavenly realm, hence, its stairs from the bottom to the top could carry the people up to that

heavenly realm, as a great pathway (and liminal passage) from the human world leading to

dwelling place of the gods. On the other hand, some pyramids built on springs or caves

contained passages to the Underworld, since the caves in mountains were the entrances to the

Underworld in the Mesoamerican worldview (Ashmore 1991; Mathews & Garber 2004).

2. The Aztec Main Temple (Templo Mayor) was aligned with the place of Sunrise

during the Spring equinox, a spatial configuration that may have served to anchor the yearly

feast cycle of the calendar in astronomical observation (Aveni, Calnek, & Hartung 1988).

3. The Spanish reports, though biased, suggest that rituals were performed according to

specific rules with many symbolic details, aiming to express humans’ respect towards the

gods and gratitude for the sustenance they provided. The auto-bloodletting through

bloodletting involved (and committed) the believers in a personal and bodily manner.

4. The ceremonial centre was complex and consisted of many different temples, altars

with other buildings and architectural spaces, likely organized in a specific order, in

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accordance with cosmological symbolism. The main pyramid (Templo Mayor) was built in

the centre of the Tenochtitlan as the most important temple, renovated and expanded by

successive rulers; likely its orientation provided a general principle for the whole ceremonial

centre, which also contained the Tzompantli (Figure 3-22), the Ball Court, the important Sun

temple, and other buildings, such as the palaces of the rulers, as well as many sculptures of

deities (e.g. Coatlicue and Coyolxauhqui) and historical monuments (such as the Stone of

Tizoc). All these highlighted the central importance of the main pyramid and the square in

front of it in terms of space, size and orientation.

5. The dialogue between human beings and gods happened in the temple on the top of

the pyramid, a sacred place, which was considered the ideal liminal locale for human-divine

interaction.

3.3.2 Sanctuaries, Spirits, and Homes

In China, the building of a temple is usually similar to that of a house inhabited by

people. The Chinese believe that a temple is used to provide a venue for a deity rather than as

an iconic expression of the deity’s physical form. A god is a spiritual being that can manifest

itself in a variety of forms, including the illusion of a human appearance. The essence of a

god is a spiritual power that can inhabit and be attached to a statue, a tablet, a stele, and other

materials that humans offer to it. Therefore, the role of the temple is to contain a tablet or

statue for worship and to provide a place to rest, meditate or talk to a god. In Mesoamerica, a

temple was “a house of god” (teocalli in the Aztec language), “a place to worship, a stage for

ceremonies, a depository for offerings, and a place to redistribute goods. Finally, temples

provide an arena for political competition” (Lucero 2007). Architectural forms, statues,

murals, and inscriptions manifest the religious importance of “the god and rituals as well as

the historical agency of rulers (who built them)” (Lucero 2007). Temples in Mesoamerica, as

the most loyal offering donated to the gods, are not only associated with the numinous world

but also facilitate a close relationship between humans and gods.

Usually, the sanctuary provided gods and spirits a way to move through Heaven, Earth,

and Underworld and to appear to humans and communicate with them.

Typically, offerings of different kinds are made to the deities, and a special group of

people (priests) maintain the temple. People who can access the sanctuary are subject to

religious rules under control of the ruler, loyal nobles, and leading priests. We may

distinguish the following religious functions of the temple building:

1. A temple is a resident house/home for one or more deities.

In China, each part of a temple is only meant for one specific god, for example, the

Temple of the Sun only serves the Sun God, for the same reason, the Temple of the Moon is

only for the Moon God. In addition, some temples belong to one main deity, but also

accommodate other gods who accompany him of her. Cases in this area are more common in

Buddhism, such as the temples for venerating the Buddhist Sakyamuni (释迦牟尼), in which

some messengers of Buddha would appear with him. Most of the temples of Buddhists and

Taoists in China are usually assigned to a particular god, as the dojo and home of this god.

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Figure 3-23 Lady Xoc is talking to her ancestor, drawing by Ian Graham (Biglin 2005:91)

The hall dedicated to the Buddha statue in Buddhism is the residence of the god's soul;

thus, the god can come to the temple and live in the statue or communicate with people

through the statue.

Similarly, temples in Mesoamerica can also be dedicated to one or more gods according

to the wishes of the builder. For example, EI Castillo or the Pyramid of Kukulcan in Chichen

Itza is a temple pyramid predominantly associated with the Feathered Serpent (Pugh 2001).

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The Main Temple (Templo Mayor) in Tenochtitlan is mainly dedicated to two deities, namely

the Rain God Tlaloc and the Solar Warrior God Huitzilopochtli, while images of other deities,

such as the Feathered Serpent (Quetzalcoatl), Mother Earth (Cihuacoatl Tlaltecuhtli) and the

lunar goddess Coyolxauhqui, also appeared in the temple compound. Likely, sacred texts

explained the relationships between the different deities.

2. A temple provides a channel for gods descending to the Earth.

Gods manifest themselves to humans in reaction to people's requests (prayers, rituals).

As a (liminal) medium between two worlds, the temple provides a place and a channel for a

god to reach the Earth.

Figure 3-24 the wife of Bird Jaguar IV is talking to a spirit, drawing by Ian Graham (Biglin 2005:92)

In China, people express their desires through burning incense and praying in front of a

sacred tablet or statue in which a divine power resides, at the same time placing the offerings

dedicated to the god in front of it. It is believed that the deity, when he/she receives the

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prayers of the people, and when he/she gets the message from the prayers and wants to

answer their requests, will descend from Heaven or the Otherworld to the Earth and inhabits

with a soul in the tablet or the statue. In this process, the temple provides a place for

communication between humans and gods, providing a passage for the gods’ descent.

The temples in Mesoamerica have the same functions as those in China. People tell their

needs and wishes to the gods through prayers, grand ceremonies, and offerings. The gods

reply with signs and/or appearing in visions (Chiappari 2002; Nash 2002). Several artworks in

Mesoamerica show the talking to an ancestor, who manifests himself by appearing in the

mouth of a Vision Serpent.30

A masterpiece of Maya art (originally from Yaxchilan, now in

the British Museum) shows such a Vision Serpent: Lady Xoc, the first wife of the ruler Shield

Jaguar (Biglin 2005:43) performing a bloodletting ritual, invoking an ancestral spirit, who

then shows himself, emerging from the opened jaws of the serpent (Figure 3-23). In another

case of such a vision, one of the wives of the ruler Bird Jaguar IV has invoked the Vision

Serpent through the bloodletting rite (Figure 3-24). She is communicating with a spirit called

up from the Otherworld (Biglin 2005:44). With a pious attitude, she is listening to the spirit,

who is coming out from the mouth of the serpent. The fact that such reliefs are situated in

temples suggests that it was in these temples that the action took place.

Thus, we find, that temples were the locales where the spirits of the ancestors, Buddhas,

or gods appeared, providing channels for them to come to the human world.

3. A temple is a place for gods’ spirits to appear.

Only in some special circumstances can a temple become a place where souls live,

otherwise, it is a place for the gods to appear in the human world.

In China, the soul is the spirit of a diseased person that could continue living in another

world after death. After a person dies, his soul is separated from his body, which will be

buried in the cemetery, and then enters the Underworld or rises to Heaven to become divine.

According to the traditional customs of China, after the death of a person, the family members

must make a spirit tablet as the house or residence of his/her soul. The spirit tablet can be

enshrined in the family's temple which is also known as Ancestral Temple (祠堂), where

family descendants go to worship and dialogue with their ancestors. The souls of the

ancestors can appear in the Ancestral Temple when they ascend from the Underworld through

the channel of the spirit tablets or statues that were offered by the living family members.

In Mesoamerica, death was more than an occasion for fear, mourning, and ritual

response; rather, death was perceived as a vital, generative, and creative moment in a cosmic

process (Berger & Kroesen 2015:147-164; Baquedano 2011). Aztec sources explain that one

body held three souls, which in Nahuatl were named: Teyolía (the life-giving motion, situated

in the heart), Tonalli (the force of brightness and heat, situated in the head), and Ihíyotl (the

health maintaining force, situated in the liver) (López Austin 1988:313-316). Upon the death

of the individual, these souls would disperse, and one of them would travel to Underworld

30 The appearance of the Vision Serpent marks the moment in which, during the bloodletting ritual, prayers would provoke

visions in which the invoked ancestors or deities manifested themselves and gave their counsel to the believer. Thus the

Vision Serpent is considered an important marker of Mesoamerican ritual as well as of royal status and legitimacy. In Maya,

the Vision Serpent “ceased to be the instrument of the king used to communicate with the ancestors and become a symbol of

the divinity of the state” (Schele & Freidel 1990:394-395).

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(López Austin 1980). The bodies of the deceased could be buried under their house or in a

tomb elsewhere or could be cremated and deposited in urns. Ancestors’ souls could stay

within the house, connected to a house altar, to statues or specific memorabilia so that people

could talk to them. Hence, for Mesoamerican peoples, the house could be considered a temple

where the ancestors’ souls were dwelling. In China, however, dead bodies must strictly be

separated from the family’s house since ancestors’ souls-inspired fear (see Chapter 4).

3.4 Conclusion: Liminality between Humans and Gods

Integrating the content of this section, we found that ritual architecture and palaces

provide sacred spaces (ceremonial centres) where humans may interact with gods. In a way,

religious architecture, focusing on ritual communication with the gods in order to guarantee

sustenance through prayers and offerings, celebrates the life-giving powers of the deities and

commemorates Creation itself. This is a general aspect that ancient China and Mesoamerica

had in common. In the process of the interaction of humans and gods, architecture in both

cultures focused on how to build pathways to guide/lead humans to enter into the numinous

sphere. The Temple of Heaven in China defines its association with the spatial domain of the

gods through accurate orientations and numerical aspects of buildings, spaces, sacred tablets,

and people’s standing points, and even, through architectural naming and abstract symbolic

elements. Mesoamerican temple pyramids approach the space of the supreme gods through

the symbolism of mountains as animated, living beings, natural homes of the gods, natural

pathways to heaven and – through their caves – to the Underworld. Generalizing on an

abstract level, we may say that in the process of interaction, the Chinese cases emphasize the

standardization of sacred places and of ritual procedures, while the Mesoamerican cases focus

on the personal (embodied) experience of the contact with the divine, e.g. through

auto-bloodletting, fasting rituals, nahual transformations, dreams and visions.

Chinese palace architecture (such as the Forbidden City) shows such a cosmological

layout as to establish connections with the heavenly gods. Like the function of ritual

architecture, it also provides liminal spaces to help royal members to get in touch with

Heaven.

Thus, an important purpose of temple / palace buildings in ancient China and

Mesoamerica is to be a pathway to the liminal places where gods can be contacted and

communicated with. Prayers, offerings, and other ritual procedures promote the human-divine

encounter, while also showing respect and gratitude. The salient consequences of practicing

communication between humans and divine powers for architecture maybe summarized as

follows:

1. The temple building is part of a context: it highlights the group layout and designs a

series of inner and outer spaces. The axis and orientations of the buildings might be

influenced by cosmological theories, cultural perceptions of the landscape and astronomical

observations.

2. There are various connections between the temples and gods, temples are the places

where the souls of gods live or descend to Earth. The design of the individual temple and of

the ceremonial complex as a whole, may be influenced by the ideas about the corresponding

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deities, their imagined visual appearance, attributes and/or characteristic symbols, as well as

their role in sacred narratives and related religious metaphors or philosophical concepts.

3. Religious architecture provides a liminal place of encounter between deities and

humans. This function, which implies concrete ritual activities, has an influence on the shape

(volume, height, subdivisions, materials, proportions, surroundings) of the buildings. In order

to facilitate the (ritual) movement of people and induce specific hierophanies, special

enclosures, passages, portals, alignments and procession routes are to be provided.

4. Urban planning and architectural design reach out from the realm of human beings to

Heaven and Underworld as well as to the world directions where the gods and spirits are

located, so that the buildings have to integrate – in their structure, orientation and/or

symbolism – the different components of the Cosmovision.

5. Architecture acts as a medium for people to communicate with the numinous but also

provides sacred spaces for them to interact with each other. The communication between

humans and gods is accomplished through grand rituals, burning incenses, offerings, and

prayers, which also serve to create and maintain the human community, as people through

their (publicly visible) participation manifest their commitment to a shared value system. This

leads to the incorporation of (visual) references to the social organization, cultural memory,

political history and elements that legitimize the power of the rulers.

For this reason, the liminal space, as the result of human activities, was constructed

under the influence of cosmological concepts. Its purpose is to provide a sacred place and

sanctuary for the "spiritual connection" between humans and gods. As Jones said, “religious

architecture as Commemoration” could be the “abode”, “accommodation”, “abstraction”, and

“body” of gods (Jones 1995:215, 230).

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4 Death, Passage, Ritual Architecture

Continuing with the theme “Architecture as Commemoration” as defined by Jones in his

interpretive scheme (1995: 211), we arrive at the aspect of funerary architecture, which

commemorates revered ancestors. Here we will focus on how architecture may be influenced

by ideas about the travel of the soul of the deceased person to the place of the Afterlife.

People care about what happens when their lives come to an end; they care, for example,

if their spirits will go up to Heaven or descend into the Underworld. What journey is ahead

and what kind of channels or ritual acts might help the souls reach their destinations is a key

issue that has to be solved in the construction of a funerary monument or mausoleum,

especially when powerful persons or rulers are concerned. In general, a sepulchre or tomb

provides the last resting place for the body of the deceased, but it equally is a point of

departure, a place that should orient, prepare and help the soul in its journey to the Other

World. Thus people's fundamental ideas about life and death, as well as their desires to reach

a specific place or form of the Afterlife, often intervene in the design of a tomb or mausoleum

(Parker Pearson 1999:5-7; Chapman et al. 1981:2-24).

In general, the tomb and its funerary items can give us a lot of information about the

deceased and about his/her ideas and expectations concerning the post-mortem world.

However, since this information is not from a determined historical record, it is necessary to

return to the original consciousness to analyze the formation process of ancient concepts and

categories. This chapter will compare some cases of funerary architecture in Ancient China

and Mesoamerica and try to understand them in relation to ideas about the Afterlife in both

civilizations. Here, the theoretical literature on Phenomenology and Perception, concretely

publications by archaeologist Christopher Tilley and anthropologist Tim Ingold, as well as the

thoughts of Mike Parker Pearson on the archaeology of death and funeral, provide guidance.

4.1 Heaven or Underworld: Residences of the Souls

“The body is not all there is to a person” (Fowler 2004:11). The question of whether a

person has a soul and whether his soul continues to exist or will disappear after the person's

death, has been an important topic of thought and speculation in different cultures.

In European religious and philosophical reasoning, a person consists of “a series of

aspects, defined as the mind, the body and the soul” (loc. cit.). About such aspects, and the

relationships between them, many scholars have formulated their ideas. Among them, Rene

Descartes (1596-1650) thought that “the mind and body were theoretically separable”,

furthermore he defined the different components and their relationships as follows: “The mind

was the seat of reason, the soul is the enduring aspect of a person with overtones of spiritual

value, the body was the material location of the mind and the soul” (Fowler 2004:11-12).

Fowler synthesizes Descartes’ ideas about this matter: (1) “the body could be separated from

the soul”; (2) “the soul was eternal and rational”; and (3) “the mind - as a faculty of the soul”

(Fowler 2004:12). Descartes, as one of the most important philosophers of the 17th century,

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has had great influence, though, of course, later scholars have questioned his ideas (Bordo

1987:99). Similarly, these questions have become a topic of psychological research, which

also has proposed different subdivisions of the soul (e.g. Ludden 2020). Till today, however,

there is a tendency in European / Christian thought to see the human mind and soul “as

contained by the human body” (Fowler 2004:13). That unit corresponds to the notion of

“individual personhood”, which is quite central in Western culture. In other cultures, however,

anthropological studies have found the notion of “dividual personhood”, according to which a

person has several animic forces, which may have different destinies after his / her death. Karl

Smith (2012: 53) summarizes the contrast (and its implications) between the two as an

indivisible self vs. a divisible complex: “The individual is thus monadic, while the dividual is

fractal; the individual is atomistic, while the dividual is always socially embedded; the

individual is an autonomous actor performing a culturally written script; the individual is a

free-agent, while the dividual is determined by cultural structures; the individual is egocentric,

and the dividual is sociocentric......”

Chinese and Mesoamericans coincide in considering the souls a dividual complex,

consisting of multiple parts, which would leave the body and separate after death. At the same

time, they distinguished different forms of the Other World (situated in Heaven or the

Underworld) where these souls might continue to exist. Tombs, resting places for the body of

the deceased, provided channels to help the souls find their destinies.

4.1.1 Immortality, Reincarnation, and Chinese Mausoleums

In ancient Chinese thought, death was something terrible and fearful. The belief was that

when people died, the flesh, associated with Qi (气), would finally disappear, corrode and rot,

while the soul, which controls the mind of the person, would live on in another way and never

die (Chao 2018; Yuan 2010). The soul of a person can be divided into two parts: Hun (魂)

and Po (魄) (Chao 2018).1 Hun refers to the spirit that can exist when leaving the human

body; Po refers to a spirit that appears in connection with the human body (Liu et al. 2007).

According to the records of the ancient book Inner Canon of the Yellow Emperor, Hun is

located in the liver and Po resides in the lungs. Hun and Po, in general, synchronize with the

birth, aging, death, and disappearance of physical life (Chao 2018). Hun and Po sojourn in the

flesh of the human being and finally merge with it. After physical life comes to an end, the

Hun and the Po will leave the flesh and go to their respective destinations (Chao 2018).2

When the flesh disappears and the soul has not yet reached its final resting place, the soul has

no place to be registered and will then become a ghost (Chao 2018). For this reason, the

family members have to look for a place to bury the body so that the soul can find a place to

stay. Ancient Chinese believed that people were made of clay and followed the concept of

1 The earliest record of Hun (魂) and Po (魄) can be found in the book of Zuo Zhuang Zhaogong Seven Years 左传·昭公七

年 (534 BC). It said: "Life begins with Hun, follows with Po. Hun belongs to Yang.人生始化曰魄。既生魄，阳曰魂". They

are usually referred to as the spiritual aura of a person. In ancient times, the Hun was considered to be Yang (阳), which

constitutes the human mind. Po is a rough, turbid Yin (阴), which constitutes the human body (Shuo Wen Jie Zi). The

coordination of the Hun and Po (Yin and Yang) is human health. The soul of the dead (Yang) belongs to Heaven; the spirit

and the skeleton (the body) are separated, and the body flesh (Yin) is attributed to the Underworld. 2 Cf. the Book of Rites (礼记),"The Hun up to the Heaven. The Po goes to the ground. 魂气归于天,形魄归于地”.

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Putting in the soil to rest (入土为安). Embedding the body of the deceased into the soil

means that it has returned to its original home, and the soul can be comforted.

There are two concepts about where the Hun and Po eventually go to after they leave the

flesh: (1) they never die or disappear, according to the beliefs of the early stage, and (2) the

soul could be reincarnated, according to the beliefs of the later stage (Liang 1991). The soul

never dies but enters the Underworld to continue living there as it used to, but in another way

– this was the basic concept of death for the ancient Chinese before Buddhism was introduced

to China (Zhan 2016). Moreover, it was believed that the soul could climb or access to

Heaven with the help of the tomb and funerary rituals. Even the pursuit of becoming a god

was one of the important spiritual aspects of Chinese society before the Han Dynasty (Qi &

Deng 2012). Heaven is difficult to get to, however, which makes it so that ordinary people

hardly ever reach Heaven. Only those who are aristocrats and emperors, after a long period of

preparation, can be transformed into stars living in Heaven (Gao 2004). Ordinary people

could continue to live as a spirit in the world of the dead, where a society exists that is similar

to the human world, where one can be rich, can be poor, can be jailed, and can be an official

of the Underworld (Zhang 2012). The Underworld is an extension of the human world, and

dead relatives can be reunited there. That is why the tombs were built in a family burial site to

ensure that family members would live together after death.

Continuous reincarnation, as the way for souls to survive, is the second death concept,

which developed after the introduction of Buddhism into China (Wang & Yang 2018). From

then on, the Chinese concept of death has undergone notable changes: factors such as one’s

good and bad deeds during life and the form of death (normal / abnormal) have become

determinant for the spirit to access smooth reincarnation or to be punished in Hell (Wang &

Yang 2018). Chinese Buddhism is devoted to doing good and resisting evil; consequently, the

soul can reach Heaven as a carefree fairy if the person does good things during life and/or has

a normal death. On the contrary, the soul of a person who has done much evil and/or died

abnormally will fall into Hell to suffer punishments (Wang & Yang 2018). Buddhism

suggests that the soul can enter another person’s body and start a new life, but then it will lose

its memory and no longer remember things from its previous life. Moreover, Buddhism uses

the theory of Three-Generation Reincarnation (三世循环), karma, and other concepts to

explain the phenomenon of social and economic inequality as the result of past-life

performances (Wang & Yang 2018). The human flesh easily disappears (naturally rots away),

so only a spiritual entity can be the subject of passing from one life to the next (realization of

reincarnation). Thus, it is said that "The spirit will not die after death, but will continue in a

new shape. Good things and bad things are done during one’s lifetime will receive the

corresponding retribution (人死，精神不灭，随复受形。生时所行善恶，皆有报应)."3

The tombs or mausoleums, according to these concepts of death, have real meaning for

people’s existence. In the times when it was commonly believed that the soul never dies, the

tomb and the funeral objects were thought to provide a good Afterlife environment for the

deceased (Zong 1997). Consequently, it was believed that the more beautiful and extravagant

the tomb, the more comfortable the soul would be. In those days, people buried all their

3 See the work of Yuan Hong comments Buddha 袁宏论佛说, written by Su Shi (苏轼) during the Song Dynasty.

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family members in a family cemetery so that they could live together after death. The burial

procedures and rituals were thought to determine the quality of life after the soul enters the

Underworld. The funerary rites transport objects for daily use, such as money and food, into

the Underworld; regular offerings by relatives, could also send these to the spirit. Many

luxurious tombs with numerous high-quality funerary objects, including luxury architecture,

fine food，wine, and even servants, which accompanied the burial and ensured the comfort of

the deceased in the Underworld, were found everywhere in China during the Warring States

Period and the Han Dynasty (Zhan 2016). The funerary objects from tombs of the Qin and

Han Dynasties (221BC-220AD), unearthed today, included daily necessities (clothes, food,

accommodation), and even various items needed for travel, showing how people at that time

believed that the life of the Underworld was essentially the same as that of the human world,

so the prosperous conditions of one’s lifetime could be taken to the Underworld by means of

these luxurious tombs and funerary objects (Ma 2005; Zhao 2011). The Underworld was an

extension of the human world and the spirit will live there forever (Tang 2004).

When people started to believe that the soul could reincarnate, the conditions of the

mausoleum, such as the style, the chosen site, and its environment were designed in

accordance with the theory of Feng Shui, as they were considered to be the most important

factor to determine whether or not the soul could reincarnate as a wealthy or happy person

(Wang & Yang 2018). The combination of the two death concepts (immortality versus

reincarnation of the soul), has dominated Chinese funerary culture for a long time, as a

consequence of which tombs were made either as a place for the Afterlife or as a condition for

a good reincarnation.

Under the dual influence of the ideas about immortality and the reincarnation of souls,

ancient Chinese emphasized the importance of the way in which a tomb was to be built. The

tomb not only gives a soul a good condition for reincarnation but also provides a place for it

to live, which can be strengthened by the support of many factors, such as the environment

and quality of the soil, and even the orientation to the world directions. For this reason, many

early tombs had an East-west layout, obviously following an orientation toward sunrise and

sunset (Ding 2014). The tombs, especially the Emperor's Mausoleum, clearly followed the

principle of Sitting North and Facing South after the Zhou Dynasty (Ding 2014), which might

have been influenced by the concept of the Middle Sun (日中之阳) (Chen 2012: 100). The

layout of those tombs imitated that of palaces at that time and so hoped to create good

conditions for the emperor to continue to rule the Underworld after his death (Liu et al. 2010).

The mausoleum of the emperor at that time was extremely luxurious and completely

simulated the palaces of the human world. Qin Shihuang (秦始皇), the first emperor of China,

reconstructed his palaces and their environment of mountains and rivers, together with all

kinds of objects of daily life in his mausoleum (Sun 1994).

4.1.2 Afterlife, Rebirth, and Tombs in Mesoamerica

Similarly, people in Mesoamerica had elaborate funerary practices and ideas about the

Afterlife. The character and contents of these ideas, however, are not well known, as the

Spaniards had little interest in them and did not register indigenous religious thought

adequately. The evangelization process has had a profound influence on the indigenous ideas

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about the Afterlife, as the ideas about Heaven and Hell are a crucial part of the Christian

doctrine. Thus, it is a challenging task to reconstruct the original Mesoamerican worldview,

particularly in this respect. On the basis of diverse fragmentary pieces of information (from

precolonial writing and visual art, as well as from early colonial records, referring to different

parts of Mesoamerica), scholars have tried to create a synthetic image of the ancient religious

ideas.

Ingold said in his work, “killing appears not as a termination of life but as an act that is

critical to its regeneration” (Ingold 2000:13), which means that Death is not always to be

associated with fear. In Mesoamerica, it seems that death was considered a normal part of life

more than an occasion for fear: it was considered an important, generative, and creative event

in a cosmic process (Berger & Kroesen 2015:147-164; Baquedano 2011). We get the

impression that, in general, death in Mesoamerica did not represent a radical break with life,

but rather a logical continuation and a state closely associated with life. The dead, particularly

the deceased ancestors, remained present in the world: they were important for the living and

could give counsel in visions.

Early colonial sources suggest that in Mesoamerica there was an idea about the existence

of a life-giving principle, “soul” or “spirit”, manifest as different animic entities in the human

body. The soul could enter and leave the body through the mouth or the top of the head, at the

fontanel (Stross 2007). The idea continues to exist in the present-day Mesoamerican

worldview, which believes that the soul can freely leave the body during sleep and wander at

night (for example as an animal: the nahual); furthermore, the soul can be traumatized under

the influence of some frightful event (Spanish: susto) because a spirit present at a specific

place attacks or captures it, which may result in psychological and/or physical illness (cf.

Scherer 2015:13). The soul, which controls the life of a person, is so strong and important that

it can continue existing after it departs from the flesh and blood.

As mentioned in Chapter 3, sources referring to the Nahua (Aztec) people (Central

Highlands, Postclassic period) suggest that people believed that humans had three animic

forces, named Teyolía, Tonalli and Ihíyotl in Nahuatl (López Austin 1988: 313-316).

According to López Austin, the Teyolía was the life-giving principle located in the human

heart (yollotl), therefore, inside everyone's chest (López Austin 2012:222): this was the most

important and central force of the three that determined human life and controlled the life

situation. After a person died, their Teyolía could leave the body, and – being immortal – live

on in another way. Generally, it still remained several days in the human world after it had

left the dead body, but then was carried (by a god) to one of the final destinations in an

Afterlife realm, another world (Matos 2013: 52, 8-35). While the Teyolía would travel to the

other world, the other souls would dissipate (López Austin 2016: 403-405). The Ihíyotl, “as

the nucleus of the vigor, passions, and feelings”, which produced “appetites, desires, greed,

lust, and courage”, was located in the liver, and could exit the body as well for a short period

(López Austin 2016: 406). It controlled human passions (Stross 2007). That is, the Ihíyotl,

associated with people’s emotional control, could stay in a body’s liver and cause various

feelings. The Tonalli, located in one’s hair or the fontanel area of the head (López Austin

2016: 405-406), determined the “vigor and energy” for a person in daily life, played a

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vivifying role and acted as “sign, body part, and a symbol of the sun’s warmth” (Carrasco

2014: 71; López Austin 2016: 406). Tonalli is also the term for a day, i.e. the birthday and

calendar name of an individual, which influenced his/her character, consciousness, talents,

and destiny. These animic forces – Teyolía, Tonalli, and Ihíyotl –constituted the three parts of

the soul of a person, each of which played one or more essential functions for human life. We

find here a similarity with the ideas about Hun and Po in ancient China.

Mesoamericans believed that after a person died, the main animic force or soul would

continue to live in another state or realm. There was a general notion of an Underworld

(Mictlan4 in Nahuatl, Xibalba in Maya K'iché), as a dark and mysterious place where

skeletonized people and gods lived. For the Aztecs, the soul arrived there after an arduous

journey in which it had to cross the river that separates the world of the dead from the world

of the living. For the Maya’s, the Underworld itself could have a watery character (Steele

1977; cf. Scherer 2015). The Underworld was characterized by the number 9: so, it is

described as having 9 layers or compartments (Moyes 2012). It was the destiny of people who

died of old age or illness, considered an unremarkable death.

But there were other realms as well where a person’s soul could go to after his death.

The Aztecs, specifically, distinguished several realms of the Afterlife, each associated with a

specific deity. The way in which a person died (considered to have been caused by a specific

deity) was an indication of the realm where his or her soul would go to (Baquedano 2011).

Death became a manifestation of being selected by a deity. For example, the warriors who

died in battle went to “the House of the Sun” (Tonatiuh Ichan), a kind of celestial paradise in

the East, where they joined the Sun rising in the morning or joined the war God

Huitzilopochtli in battle (Rupp 1988). Women who died in childbirth were equally considered

as courageous and honourable so that their souls would go to Heaven, in this case the western

half, where they accompanied the Sun from zenith to the horizon (Green1972). People who

died from drowning, lightning or diseases characterized by pustules, went to the realm of the

Rain God (Tlalocan), a kind of earthly paradise, sometimes located in one of the thirteen

layers of Heaven (Rupp 1988).

It is plausible that Mesoamericans, given the different qualities of these Afterlife realms,

tried to influence the destiny of the soul by specific attitudes and actions (e.g. courage in war

or childbirth), as well as devotions to specific deities and ancestors.

Offerings to the dead may also have served the purpose of maintaining contacts that

could be used later in the Afterlife world. In this manner, death was not some horrible state

separate from life, but a continuation of life in another world. The Underworld and the

different other Afterlife realms were extensions of the world of the living, where the human

souls continued to live: a kind of social continuity in the Afterlife (Baquedano 2011). One

should live one’s life in piety (in accordance with social norms) and the devotion to specific

deities would result in a “good death”.

4 Sahagún said that Mictlan was “the house of the Sun” (Sahagún 1950–1982: 163), and also pointed out that it was “the

place of the dead went all those who died on Earth, who died only of sickness: the rulers, the commoners. People who died of

a common illness were cremated” (Sahagún 1950–1982:41). Another document called Codex Vaticanus A mentioned that it

was a place for “the people of natural death” (Baquedano 2011).

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There are indications for the existence of ideas about some form of reincarnation, but

this matter has not been adequately documented. Supposedly, in Mesoamerica, the belief

existed that a person could be reborn someday with the help of a special ritual or other

funerary guidance after his death (Miller 1974: 45-49). For example, Maya people used to put

maize in the mouth of a deceased person: since maize is a strong symbol of rebirth as well as

of food and sustenance, it may have helped the dead person during his/her journey to the other

world (Fort 2002). Similarly, a piece of jade, symbolizing wealth, could be placed in the

deceased’s mouth, while whistles, moulded or carved in the shape of gods or animals served

as offerings to help the souls / spirits of the deceased find their way to Xibalba (Miller &

Samayoa 1998; Reilly 1990: 12-13).

The idea of a continuation of life in some Afterlife realm or state obviously had an

influence on funerary monuments and related religious rituals. As souls would live on and

remain in contact with the living, people deposited offerings of food, tools, clothes, and

similar items in the burials that could be used by the deceased in the other world. Luxurious

tombs were built for the deceased rulers and other important persons, with images and/or

inscriptions that would commemorate their deeds and devotions, while also preparing them

for the Afterlife.

The tomb of Ah Pakal, an impressive mausoleum for the king K'inich Janaab' Pakal, the

ruler of the Maya city-state of Palenque (AD 603- 683), was constructed with especially

lavish and complex funerals (Tiesler & Cucina 2006: 3-13). His tomb was an elaborate stone

sarcophagus, with carvings around and with a carved slab on top, located in the vault at the

bottom of a pyramid (the Temple of the Inscriptions). The main image on the sarcophagus lid

shows the ruler lying together with offerings and ritual implements in a vessel that is

identified with the Sun deity, descending into the Earth. In this position, the ruler is located at

the foot of a tree, on top of which sits a richly attired bird. Apparently, the image shows the

deposition of the ruler into the Earth, while identified with the descending sun, and the

continuation of the dynasty (tree of life). The reliefs around the sarcophagus show Ah Pakal’s

ancestors, transformed into trees growing out of the Earth. This configuration suggests that

the ruler enters the circle of his ancestors and will transform like them into a tree. Thus, the

mausoleum indicates that his Afterlife would continue his good life on Earth and that he

would remain a sustaining force for the dynasty (O'Neil 2009).

Oaxaca is another region where the connectedness and interaction of the living and the

dead is apparent. Classic Zapotec tombs contained mural paintings and effigy vessels

(misleadingly called “urns” in the literature), which point to the importance of the dead for

the living and to the relevance of the Afterlife world (Magaloni Kerpel 2010). One Classic

tomb (Tomb 7) of Monte Albán was chosen in the Postclassic as a place for visionary rituals

through which important ancestors were contacted. It contained several assemblages of

human bones, which most likely were lineage relics, conserved as contents of Sacred Bundles,

as well as a series of carved bones of jaguars and eagles, the images on which seem to be

invocations of deceased ancestors (Jansen and Pérez Jiménez 2017).

Such magnificent monuments are commonly found throughout Mesoamerica, which

suggests a widely held belief in the connectedness and interaction between living human

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society and the Afterlife world. People who were related as a lineage could live together in the

Afterlife world since they were buried in the same tomb place, or at least were mentioned in

the images and inscriptions in tombs. At the same time, tombs were seen as homes of the dead,

often establishing a symbolic connection with caves in the mountains, from where the

ancestors had originated. In the Mesoamerican worldview, a dead person needed a tomb to

keep his body and help his soul to travel to the Afterlife realm. In different Mesoamerican

cultures, different directions are associated with the Underworld or other Afterlife realms. For

the Aztecs, the Underworld (Mictlan) was located in the North (Cohodas 1975:105), according

to the Teoamoxtli Group (Borgia Group) of pictorial manuscripts and for the Mixtec pictorial

manuscripts it was in the South. The place of the dead warriors was in the East, while the

West – place of sunset – was the Afterlife realm of the women who died in childbirth. These

associations may have influenced the orientation and location of specific funerary structures,

such as tombs or graves in general. The orientation and location may also have been

influenced by the visual connection with important points in the town or its surroundings

related to historical events or phenomena of horizontal astronomy. The location in a cave or

the orientation towards a cave, which was seen as an entrance to the Underworld, is

particularly telling (Ashmore 1991; Mathews & Garber 2004; May Castillo 2014). The tomb

of Ah Pakal was aligned with the Northeast direction (see Figure 4-1): “The long axis of the

crypt is perpendicular to the direction of sunset at the Summer Solstice or sunrise at the

Winter Solstice.” (Klokočník & Kostelecký 2013: 314; Schele & Freidel 1990:223-226).

From the Centre of the Maya town of Palenque, it was possible to observe the sunset at

Winter Solstice above the Temple of the Inscriptions, which was built over the crypt and tomb

of Ah Pakal. The connection to sunset - sunrise and to the Winter Solstice (marking the

moment that the Sun from his lowest position starts to recuperate his strength and warmth)

may imply a symbolic reference to ideas about rebirth.

Figure 4-1 the location of the sarcophagus of the Temple of the Inscriptions facing Northeast

(Klokočník & Kostelecký 2013: 314)

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At the same time, several Mesoamericanists consider that the forms of emblematic

architectural constructions had themselves important associations that may have constituted a

reference to the world of the dead. Pyramids point to Heaven and temples may have been

oriented to important directions. Plazas, especially sunken courtyards, point more towards the

Underworld (Savkić 2014), the same is true for Ball Courts (especially when we think of its

function in the Popol Vuh). Steles (often commemorating ancestors) could be considered trees,

while wells and cenotes were caves that provided access to the Underworld (Miller & Taube

1997:31).

Pyramids with tombs inside seem to have been considered mountains with caves. In a

number of cases, the bodies of deceased rulers or nobles were placed in tombs inside or below

the pyramids. The stepped platforms might symbolize the layers or realms of the Underworld

or the layers of Heaven. As we have seen in the Aztec worldview (exemplified by the -

colonial - Codex Vaticanus A), Mictlan, the realm of the dead in the Underworld, was

associated with the number 9; while Heaven was associated with the number 13. This

numerology is often applied to other parts of Mesoamerica although precise indications from

the other cultures in question are lacking. The tomb of Ah Pakal, for instance, is reached by a

hidden internal staircase covered with a series of 13 vaults going down to the burial chamber,

which might be a symbolical reference to Heaven. The EI Castillo pyramid in Chichén Itzá,

has nine layers or stepped platforms, which might refer to the nine levels of the Underworld.

The tombs of rulers were often full of luxury goods or offerings such as polychrome pottery,

terracotta figurines, jade beads and artefacts, stone or jade masks, complex ornate necklaces,

and also objects made of obsidian and exotic materials (Coe 1965). Supposedly these funeral

items were to be used by the deceased in the Afterlife. The tomb of Ah Pakal is an exemplary

case: many high-quality objects accompanied him in his sarcophagus. He was wearing a jade

mask of exquisite workmanship with many layers of bead necklaces; other jades and obsidian

were put in other important locations near to his body. All this may have served the purpose

of marking the status of the ruler and effectuating his transition to divinity (Cucina & Tiesler

2006).

4.1.3 Residence, Heaven and Underworld

In summary, comparing the concepts of death in ancient China and Mesoamerica, we

note obvious differences but also interesting correspondences. Both cultures believed in the

existence of a composite soul or internal life force. After the person’s death a part or the

totality of his/her soul might go to another world: the vast majority of mortals went to the

Underworld, but special groups of people could go to other destinies (located in Heaven or in

special places on Earth). The places or directions, where souls live or where life begins, were

linked with the cultural concepts of life-death-afterlife, as well as with observations of natural

and astral phenomena. Ingold (2000) has pointed out that people's interactions with the

environment (including narratives, rituals, religious concepts, etc.) are inseparable from their

– culturally determined – cognition of real and spiritual worlds (Ingold 2000:9). Similarly,

their concepts of life and death are linked to the observation of nature and astral bodies.

Burials often seem to have a specific orientation, which might be significant. For example,

Jewish burials in ancient times were arranged to be “either south-north, with heads to the

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South, or west-east”, with the head “placed towards the exit from the cemetery” (Parker

Pearson 1999:6), which may be to facilitate the exit of the soul. In Christian burials the

west-east direction, with the head in the West, might mean that the soul could “arise on the

Day of Judgement to face God in the East” (Parker Pearson 1999:6). Orientation patterns of

burials in ancient China and Mesoamerica may have had similar cultural meanings.5

In accordance with this view, the early Chinese tomb buildings show a clear East-West

axis, apparently expressing a desire for resurrection or going home (Chen 2012:170). But later,

the concept of Yin (阴) and Yang (阳) prompted the constructors of tombs to follow a layout

pattern of Sitting North and Facing South (坐北朝南). In the Chinese worldview, souls

belong to Yin and can only live in a dark and cold world; one of the most important

circumstances for them to be reborn as a human being is a place that is full of Yang.6 The

South, where the Midday Sun is, is an excellent direction full of sunshine and Yang – this

prompted the vast majority of tomb builders to pursue this direction. On the other hand, the

South was also a place where the sky was located,7 which made it symbolize a good wish to

guide souls to ascend to Heaven. In Mesoamerica, the burials could be located in diverse

places, such as under a plaza, patio, house, platform, or temple, even inside a pyramid. In

order to lead the soul to its ideal destiny, the graves for the deceased (including the buried

bodies) were often given a specified direction. For instance, in Uaxactun, the orientations of

the bodies (including those of infants, children, and adults) were fixed with the head nearly

towards the North (Wauchope 2014: 443). In Palenque, in the cases in which the directions

are known, people are buried with the head towards the North (Wauchope 2014: 451).

Although we cannot find or reconstruct a general law for the orientation of burials in

Mesoamerica, it seems plausible that the directions chosen in particular cases had symbolic

value and were meant to help the soul to proceed to one of the realms of the Afterlife and/or

to reunite with the ancestors.

Caves are included in the Mesoamerican narratives of creation, as places of origin

(Moyes 2012: 152-153): a key example is the Chicomoztoc (“Place of 7 caves”) of the Nahuas.

Caves are also places where the bones of the dead (ancestors) could be deposited (Moyes

2012:154), and consequently, they represent a portal to the Underworld (Mictlan, Xibalba).

This implies that a cave burial facilitated the entrance of the soul to the Underworld

(Manzanilla et al.1994: 7). At the same time, to bury people in a cave means to reconnect

them to the place of origin: the dead “return” home.

It is worth noting that both ancient China and Mesoamerica attached great importance to

the post-mortem world. Both believed strongly that some animic elements (souls) of the

individuals would continue to live in another world after death, which was conceived as an

5 See the discussion of death, life and the directions in Chapter 2. 6 The need of the tomb to be built in Yang places is mentioned by many books; most of them tell people the theory and how

to choose a good place full of Yang, e.g. the book of Yangzhai Shishu / Ten books of the Siting of House (阳宅十书), written

by Wang Junrong (王君荣) during the Ming dynasty, Dili Renzi Xuzhi (地理人子须知), written by Xu Sanji and Xu Shanshu

(徐善继,徐善述) during the Ming Dynasty, and Yangzhai Jicheng/ Collection of Siting of Houses (阳宅集成), written by Yao

Tingluan (姚廷銮) during the Qing Dynasty. 7 Chinese believed that the Heaven was in the South and the Earth was in the North, which was registered in ancient texts

such as the poem of Chenzui Dongfeng (沉醉东风) written by Guan Hanqing (关汉卿) : “People who are very close to each

other will be separated far away (South of Heaven and North of Earth). Suddenly, a beautiful party will become as miserable

as a damaged Moon and a flower flying away. 咫尺的天南地北；霎时间月缺花飞”.

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extension of the human world. In order to make it possible for the deceased people to

maintain a similar state of living after death as they had in the human world, the graves

(especially the tombs built for the elite) usually contain a large number of luxury objects,

which were to be used by the deceased in the other world.

In the Chinese worldview, the dead could manifest themselves in the world of the living

as ghosts. If they were not comforted, these ghosts could have a bad influence on the living.

We find indications of a similar belief in Mesoamerica, for example, women who had died in

childbirth became deified as Cihuateteo “women gods”: their spirits would descend to Earth,

haunt crossroads and try to steal children (Key 2005: 106-107). Both in Mesoamerica and in

China deities and spirits could have a good and/or a bad character and so benefit or harm

human society.

In ancient Chinese culture, death commonly had negative associations because people

feared the cold and dark aspect of the Underworld, since only a very small number of people

can fly up to the sky and become gods, and everyone else must go into the dark Underworld

to begin a different life. The world after death is dark, cold, ruthless, and boring, causing

people to fear death and be full of attachment to the human world. In contrast, Mesoamericans

mostly saw, and still see, death as an integral part of life. For them, souls after death went to

the realm of a specific god (indicated by the cause of death), or to the general underworld, but

might also be reborn in the form of other beings in nature (such as hummingbirds, butterflies

or trees).

Most Chinese hope to get a situation of being put to rest into the soil (入土为安) and of

going back to the origin (落叶归根) after death. The burial of a body in the ground is a good

way to return to the original homeland. According to Mesoamerican ideas, the ancestors came

from primordial caves, so that depositing the dead body in a cave facilitates the return of the

soul to the place where the ancestors lived. Such a return would mean that the soul would rest

in peace. This concept of spirits or souls returning to the original ancestors’ place after death,

therefore, is similar in both cultures.

4.2 Paths: Passages for the Souls

Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the soul, separated from the body of

the deceased, in many beliefs, not only goes to a specific destination in the Afterlife (possibly

indicated by the form of burial) but also continues to maintain a connection with the buried

corpse and so with human society (Gillespie 2002: 71-72). It was conceived that living people

could keep in touch with the souls, via a path, which is constructed through the way in which

the bodies have been taken care of (Gillespie 2002). Similarly, both ancient China and

Mesoamerica seem to have had the notion of a “soul path”, a medium or passage to help the

souls to move from one world to the other. Such soul channels connected the Three Realms,

(Heaven, Earth, and Underworld), as three different vertically ordered worlds.

Heaven, in Chinese philosophy, in a very high position of the sky, was a happy kingdom,

the Heavenly Palace where many heavenly gods were living. Earth, in the middle of the three

worlds, was the place for human beings, living on its surface and exchanging their labours for

a peaceful life. The Underworld, located at the bottom of the Cosmos, was where most of the

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souls lived. These three worlds were separated from each other in parallel levels with clear

boundaries and no mutual interference.

In comparison, Mesoamerica had a similar concept of three worlds, but there were also

differences with the Chinese idea. Heaven in Mesoamerica, the highest layer of the Three

Realms, was divided into the four or five directions and its importance and power came from

the gods (such as the Sun God) who lived in it. The Earth, where humans and other creatures

were living, was the realm of the gods of nature. The Underworld was the world of the dead,

where most souls went, separated from the human world by a river. The Three Realms were

totally different from each other but at the same time connected. This connection seems to

have been expressed by a huge tree (World Tree, Tree of Life, Directional Trees), which

suggests that intercommunication between the three worlds was possible. Artificially

constructed soul paths further intended to serve as a connection between the Three Realms

and help the souls to go from one world to another by ascending to Heaven or descending into

the Underworld.

4.2.1 Ascension, Feng Shui, And Chinese tombs

In the early and late stages of ancient China, the establishment of soul channels in a tomb

was shown in diverse ways and with strongly different purposes. In the earlier stage, people

admired the lives of the gods who lived in Heaven; consequently, they tried to build paths to

help their souls ascend to Heaven, even if they knew that most of them had to go to the

Underworld. Heaven is far away and out of reach, but, with great hope and longing to become

a god, people tried to realize their dreams through their own efforts. Thus, using a soul path in

a mausoleum or tomb was seen as an effective and concrete method to help the souls climb to

Heaven. There are diverse sorts of soul paths that were constructed in different mausoleums

or tombs, for example, the path used to link the tomb entrance and the location of a god, or,

the path located on the central axis of a tomb, which was used to connect the coffin with the

relevant gods. In fact, most of the tombs in early China were laid out in the East-West

direction in such a way that they corresponded to the Sun's position during the equinoxes and

the solstices; consequently, soul paths have connected the positions of the Sun at sunrise or

sunset on a special date to the entrances of tombs (Chen 2012: 170). Another popular way

was to reflect the shape of Heaven or lives of heavenly citizens in the tomb’sdesign, for

example, a tomb with a dome-shaped roof, or a ceiling painting full of heavenly stars was

thought of as a good way to establish spiritual connections and channels for souls to

communicate with the heavenly gods.

The practice of creating soul paths in a tomb has a long history in China. As a common

principle, a tomb consists of a generally rectangular grave in which the coffin is placed

underground, and of a mound that covers the grave, which generally is a dome-shaped, so that

the corpse is placed between the Heaven (dome mound) and the Earth/Underworld

(rectangular grave in the ground). Thus, the tomb (home) of the deceased is the medium that

connects Heaven, Earth, and Underworld. One famous tomb discovered in the past century

can be used to illustrate this. The archaeological study of the tomb unearthed in Xishuipo,

Puyang of China, shows that it was constructed 6500 years ago. One of the graves, called No.

45, shows the idea of how to help the soul ascend to Heaven in ancient China. According to

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Feng Shi in his book Chinese Archaeoastronomy, the grave had “a round shape in the South

and square in the North (Figure 4-2a), which is a reflection of the body of Chinese Cosmos”

(Feng 2000:402-406). That is, the round shape symbolizes Heaven, the square part represents

the Earth: consequently, the body/deceased was put between Heaven and Earth. The position

of the head of the deceased (lord) towards the South and of his feet towards the North, makes

it so the body lies on a meridian line from North to South – or a passage from the Earth

(square) to Heaven (curved shape) –, which makes us imagine the Lord as standing on the

Earth where the horizontal meridian converts into a vertical Axis Mundi so that with the help

of that axis, at last, he will fly to Heaven. Besides this, at his hands, oriented towards East and

West, two accompanying persons were deposited in line with the directions of the Spring

Equinox and Autumn Equinox, while yet another person at his feet was facing the direction of

the Winter Solstice (Feng 2000:404) (Figure 4-2a). John C. Didier analyzes the layout of the

tomb as a replication of the structure of the star map of Big Dipper, Ursa Minor, the Polar Star,

and other stars. He also points out that the owner of the tomb is in a position that correlates in

Heaven with a very clear meridional line (Didier 2010:5-7)(Figure 4-2b). These

directions/lines may indicate the passages to their final places. In general, the use of the shape

of buildings (including graves) to imitate the accommodations or personal forms of gods

(such as Heaven, Earth, Stars, Sun, and Moon) was a popular way widely used by ancient

Chinese to build the connection between Heaven, Earth, and Underworld. All the above

shows that the early Chinese paid attention to the post-mortem world and tried to establish

paths to help their souls ascend to the heavenly realm.

(a) grave No. 45 of the tomb Xishuipo (b) grave No. 45 stellar patterns

(Feng Shi 2000:404) (Didier 2010:6)

Figure 4-2 grave No. 45 of the tomb Xishuipo

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The tomb is not the only place where soul paths could be built, such practice also

occurred in temples. Although the boundaries between Heaven, Earth, and the Underworld

are clearly defined, according to an ancient narrative, people and gods could move between

the Three Realms through a tall sacred tree named Fusang (扶桑树 ).8 In the later

development of the story, a divine shooter called Yi (羿) slammed the tree during a fight with

many Sun Gods, which made the connections among the Three Realms break off. This

symbolic narrative reflects the Chinese idea of the sacred tree as the path connecting Heaven,

Earth, and the Underworld. In architectural practice, the Chinese tried to (re)build such a path

as the sacred tree of Fusang to connect the human world and the Heavenly Palace in the form

of huge pillars. The Mingtang temple (明堂) belongs to that type of buildings. Among the

historical records of the Mingtang, a very illustrative example is the Mingtang Temple built

by Empress Wu Zetian (武则天) during the Tang Dynasty (Wang, Yang & Feng 1988). It is

said that a huge divine pillar standing in the Centre of the temple played the same role as the

Fusang/Jianmu and acted as the passage connecting the Empress’ Palace with the Heavenly

Palace above.

To build passages in a tomb or a temple was motivated by people’s desire to guide and

help souls to ascend to Heaven in order to guarantee them a happy Afterlife there. This was a

strongly recommended procedure before the Han dynasty. In later tomb building, when

people no longer believed in souls flying to Heaven, however, the main pursuit was to keep

souls safe and enjoying a relatively pleasurable existence in the Underworld.

Buddhism caused an essential change in the concept of life and death to Chinese after the

Han Dynasty. They believed the souls could be reborn and reincarnate, only a few souls could

travel up to Heaven or did belong to the Underworld (Liang 2014). For a considerable time, a

diversity of ideas, involving ghosts, gods, souls, rebirth, reincarnation, and immortality

coexisted together – clues may be found in many tombs (Liang 2014). As people became

more concerned about reincarnation than about pursuing immortality, they reconsidered the

ways to improve their lives after death, which affected the design of the tomb’s inner or outer

spaces. People loved their way of life in the world and tried to build the passage or the

connection between their present life and the future Afterlife through careful selection of the

cemetery and the elaborate design of the tomb. Feng Shui, a theory completely formed after

the Tang Dynasty (Lei 1993), played an important role in the process of building a tomb and

deeply affected people’s death concept. Over a long period of practice, the Feng Shui ideal

pattern, considered the Golden Rule, was finally formed and widely used for choosing the

best site for a city, house, tomb, temple, and everything else people wanted to build in later

Chinese societies, and even today. People believe that a good cemetery site chosen carefully

under the guidance of the Feng Shui theory can construct a passage between the living family

members and their ancestors; in return, the family members can get help in many ways from

their ancestors (Lei 1993). Consequently, when people want to bury the dead, they first need

to consider how the future development of the family might be affected by the deceased’s

tomb, which can be constructed, under the guidance of Feng Shui theory, in such a way that

the ancestors may be of help and assistance to the living and future generations. In other

8 The narrative was recorded in the book of Shan Hai Jing.

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words, the conditions of a tomb, such as its location, shape and grave goods are equivalent to

the family's welfare, and the prosperity of the children and grandchildren. The tombs built in

accordance with Feng Shui principles were less likely to pursue longevity, immortality, and

reincarnation, but focused on locating the burial site in a good environment so that the soul of

the deceased could enjoy the life in the Underworld and provide protection to their family and

future generations (Lei 1993).

To sum up, since ancient times the Chinese worldview has been that there are clear

boundaries among the Three Realms (Heaven, Earth, and Underworld). The soul can leave the

body after its physical death, and either ascend to Heaven, or enter the Underworld via soul

paths. Heaven is the beautiful land of the gods, emperors, and those people who do good

things before their deaths, while the Underworld is the place in which the ordinary souls live.

Later, when Taoism and Buddhism combined together, the concepts of spaces such as the

Eighteen Hells of trial and imprisonment of evil souls in the Underworld were created. The

Eighteen Hells do not refer to 18 spaces in the vertical direction, but to the 18 degrees of

punishment for evil souls from the shallow to the deep. Consequently, the Chinese

Underworld was imaged to be in the midst of a vast ocean that was dark, cold, ruthless, and a

terrifying world of ghosts.

4.2.2 Climbing, Descending, and Mesoamerican Pyramids

In the Mesoamerican worldview, the tree that sustains the Heaven (in the four directions

and the centre) is generally interpreted as a World Tree or Tree of Life: it may have played

the role of passage for gods, human beings (shamans, priests, or religious specialists), and

souls to move between the three levels of the universe. The Hero Twins, the two brave

brothers of the Popol Vuh, descended into the Underworld to confront the powers of Death

and, finally, climbed from the Underworld to Heaven with the help of the sacred tree (Freidel

et al. 1993:129–130; Reilly 1990:38).

As mentioned before, in the Mesoamerican worldview Heaven occupied the top position

of the three cosmic realms, below was the surface of Earth, represented as a square and

divided into East, North, West, and South. Its animic, living aspect was represented as a huge

alligator or turtle floating in the primordial ocean. Under the surface of the Earth was the

Underworld, associated with the number 9 (as nine levels or nine locales), where the souls of

most dead people would go to (Fernández 1992:30,33-34; Stross 1987; Faiella 2005:4-5). The

Maya Underworld was a dark and cold place, full of water, sometimes represented as a water

deity (Bonnafoux 2011), i.e. where the power of water is manifest. The World Tree standing

in the central place with its branches upwards to Heaven and its roots in the Underworld,

frequently depicted with birds in its branches, has also been interpreted as a representation of

the band of the Milky Way (Freidel et al. 1993:129–130; Reilly 1990:38).

Since people believed that gods and souls could climb or descend from one realm to the

other by using a passage like the World Tree (Miller & Taube 1997; Christenson 1997), dead

bodies (sometimes replaced by other things such as coffins, bones, urns, or statues) are buried

in a respectable way and a channel is provided for their souls to pass through (Fitzsimmons &

Shimada 2011:18). Possibly, tombs in pyramids were constructed with the idea of the World

Tree as Axis Mundi in mind (as the sarcophagus of Ah Pakal suggests) to help souls to travel

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from the human world to other realms. This is in line with the idea that the pyramids

themselves were designed to produce the (religious) experience of connecting with the

universe of the gods, with the unity of the (numinous) spheres of Heaven (temple on top),

Earth (surface level) and Underworld (cave, subterraneous tunnel or chamber) (Townsend

1982; McCafferty 2018). The tombs located inside the pyramid might symbolize the cave of

origin where the ancestors came from, and water inside such places (a spring, lake or pool)

likely was considered an entrance to the Otherworld (Manzanilla et al. 1994; Heyden 2000;

Manzanilla 2000).

Astronomical alignments encountered in several important buildings (Šprajc 2000, 2005;

Ashmore et al. 2002; Dowd & Milbrath 2015; Aveni 1975) suggest that sanctuaries, tombs

and ceremonial centres may have been orientated towards positions of the sun at sunrise or

sunset on special dates, such as solstices, equinoxes and zenith passages (Dowd & Milbrath

2015:21). Since these positions mark the seasonal cycle, including the death and rebirth of

nature, they could also symbolize the “death” and “rebirth” of human individuals. The

alignment or axis, consequently, leading to the positions of sunset or sunrise on those days,

probably was understood as a path built for souls to go to the Other World. For instance, there

are more tombs in Palenque that show the North-South orientation (Wauchope 2014:451),

which might have the same implication of the soul path found so impressively in the

mausoleum of Ah Pakal.

The Zenith Tube, observed by Aveni & Hartung (1981), is a hollow passage leading

from the tomb’s or temple’s chamber, “a fifth axis being directed towards the zenith” (Aveni

& Hartung 1981), enabling the observation of the sun’s zenith passage (which creates a

“column of light”). It has also been interpreted as a "psychoduct", a passage for souls

travelling or climbing to Heaven (Ruz Lhuillier 1992:119, 270; Coe 1988:234; Schele &

Mathews 1999:109,130). Ruz Lhuillier stated that this kind of device in a tomb or a temple

also occurred elsewhere in Mesoamerica (Ruz Lhuillier 1992:271), and is still popular in

contemporary Yucatec Maya, as a path to lead the souls of the deceased free to ascend to the

other world (Ruz Lhuillier 1992:272).

Figure 4-3 two Zenith Tubes in Los Amates (Aveni & Hartung 1981)

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Indeed, there are more cases: two zenith tubes were found in the subterraneous chambers

of Los Amates, one of which (Tube 1) is still functioning today (Aveni & Hartung 1981) (see

Figure 4-3). Another case was found in Tomb III of Temple XVIII-A and the Temple of the

Inscriptions tomb in Palenque (Gillespie 2002:71). The phenomenon has been documented as

well in Teotihuacan, Xochicalco, Huamelulpan (Ruggles 2005:446; Villalobos 2014:30), and

other sites. As these cases are connected with subterraneous chambers in temple buildings it

sounds plausible that they did not only serve for astronomical observation but also had the

connotation of connecting the Underworld (the dark underground chamber) with the heavenly

sphere of the sunlight, and that souls could travel through these passages. More research,

however, is necessary.

A concrete archaeological example of a tomb that explicitly reflects the Mesoamerican

idea of a soul path is Tomb 1 of Zaachila (near Oaxaca City), the capital of a Postclassic

Zapotec realm (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2009: 65-78). The archaeological site – in the centre

of town – consists of the ground plan of a precolonial palace at the foot of the main pyramid

(“Mound A”). In the patio there are two tombs: Tomb 1 is oriented North-South, while Tomb

2, next to it, is oriented East-West. The entrance of Tomb 1 is similar to a palace façade: the

stone lintel on top of the door opening is decorated with a step-fret motif, which is common in

the codices as a sign for a town, people or community. The main chamber of Tomb 1 contains

the skeletal remains of two individuals as a primary burial. On the walls of Tomb 1, several

moulded stucco figures have been preserved. On the East and West lateral walls, two

individuals are represented in the typical regalia of the royal dynasty of Zaachila. They are

identified by calendar names as Lord 5 Flower and Lord 9 Flower. It is logical to assume that

these two moulded figures refer to the two buried persons. Lord 5 Flower is mentioned in the

Mixtec Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall), p. 33, as a member of the Zaachila dynasty - he must have

lived around AD 1300. The two lords are depicted in a respectful attitude (arms crossed in

front of their chest) and in priestly activity: they carry incense bags in their hands. They are

walking from the interior of the tomb in the direction of the entrance, i.e. from North to South.

In doing so each follows the image of a Death God, preceded by an owl (the bird that is

associated with death in Mesoamerica). The Death God makes a gesture with his arm as if

summoning the lords to come with him. The suggestion of the action is that the souls of the

deceased lords will stand up from the skeletal remains and follow the Death God, leaving the

tomb in a Southern direction. The South was the direction of the Realm of Death in the

pictorial manuscripts of the Teoamoxtli Group (Borgia Group) and also in those from the

Mixtec region. Thus it is likely that the Zaachila figures show how the Death God takes the

souls of the lords to his realm in the South. This makes Tomb 1 itself into a soul path.

Accompanying offerings in the niches and on the floor of the tomb express the desire of the

surviving family members to bring about this voyage of the deceased to the realm of the

Death God, where they would remain as deified ancestors.

4.2.3 Vertical, Horizontal, and Architecture

The Three Realms, in both cultures, are three separate worlds in three vertical spaces,

each of which is subdivided in layers or stations. The horizontal spaces, as multi-directional

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spaces on the same horizontal plane, are also discerned in the two cultures; moreover, they are

represented in their architectural designs.

In China, Heaven was vertically organized in nine layers, but in many literary works, it

was described as a huge Heavenly society on one and the same horizontal level. The same is

valid for the Underworld. The three realms (Heaven, Earth, and Underworld) in Chinese

cosmology look like three parallel horizontal planes, clearly separated from each other (Yi

1991). Few people emphasized the vertical division; instead, all buildings and areas were

considered to be located on the same horizontal plane.9 Thus, the Chinese attached great

importance to the horizontal dimension; the vertical space is relatively less valued. As a result,

most of the architectural groups were designed on the same horizontal plane, in which the

Centre is highly respected by the other directions (East, West, South, and North). The vertical

design, however, was developed in the construction of individual buildings. The single temple

building or tomb, as a microscopic model of the Cosmos, was designed in a vertical direction

with the dome/curve shape on the roof/mound, a square or rectangular platform/grave

on/under the ground, and between both was the pillar and the human body. In addition, a

vertical design was highly recommended in the mausoleums for emperors of the Ming and

Qing dynasties with a well – the Golden Well (金井) – under the coffins. It was considered,

from the perspective of the Feng Shui theory, as the most important place where the Qi (气)

could be gathered (Wang 1986).

As we have seen, the vertical and horizontal dimensions are also present in the

Mesoamerican worldview, in the form of the vertical order of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld

as distinct Otherworlds and Afterlife realms (Moyes 2012; Nicholson 1971), and in the form

of the horizontal order of the four directions (determined by the sun). All are abodes of

different gods and are connected to the Centre. In the temple pyramid, we see the interaction

of these two dimensions. The vertical order of the temple on top, the main body in the middle,

and a tomb inside or below corresponds to Heaven, Earth, and Underworld (McCafferty

2018). Besides this, the horizontal base of the pyramid and the orientation of the temple

entrance and the staircase with its façade reveals a design in which the four directions (East,

North, West, and South) played a prominent role, the temple itself taking the place of the

Centre. This quadripartite division of the horizontal plane is also dominant in the conception

and layout of towns, as illustrated in the idealized plan of Tenochtitlan in the opening scene of

Codex Mendoza (Ch 3, Figure 3-9).

4.3 Paradigms：Wandering Among Three Realms

People wanted good places for their bodies after death, via which, they hoped, their souls

could fly to their final destination. For this reason, they did their best in the construction of

the tombs but also added elements in the interior that would assist in this process. Associated

works of art, therefore, specify and reveal the connection of the funerary monuments with the

cosmology.

9 The ancient Chinese sky was regarded as the same plane space, divided into five large special areas according to the East,

West, North and Center.

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Figure 4-4 the drawing of the Mawangdui Painting(www.sohu.com)

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Figure 4-5 Sarcophagus Lid (drawing by Merle Greene Robertson [1983:Figure 99]).

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Two illustrative cases are the T-shaped silk painting of Mawangdui (马王堆) in China

and the Sarcophagus of Ah Pakal (from the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque) in

Mesoamerica. The silk painting of Mawangdui, painted during the early Western Han

Dynasty, a kind of silk product that vividly draws the ancient Chinese cosmology pattern with

coloured oil, shows a strong desire to guide the soul to the ideal place. The relief carving on

the lid of the stone sarcophagus of Ah Pakal shows the burial of the ruler and the continuation

of his soul in the form of the cosmic tree. In both cases, we are dealing with highly symbolic

representations, which obviously transcend the simple register of a historical event.

The interpretation of artwork is empirical by nature, and is closely related to the

interpreter’s knowledge and experience. Generally, the most important element comes from

the (subjective) perception and reflection of the interpreter.

“Any perception of a thing, a shape, or a size as real, any perceptual constancy refers

back to the positing of a world and of a system of experience in which my body is inescapably

linked with phenomena.” (Tilley 1994:12) The subsequent comparative analysis of these

artworks is inspired by the perspective and method of Tilley’s Phenomenology.

4.3.1 Panorama, Passages, and Cycles

Both the Mawangdui Painting (Figure4-4) and the Sarcophagus Lid from Palenque

(Figure 4-5) functioned as a covering of the coffin; the images – respectively painted and

carved on them – express cosmological ideas.

The painting of Mawangdui, a kind of Zhaohun Pennant (招魂幡),10

covered the coffin

of Lady Xin Zhui (辛追)11

with the aim of guiding her soul to her ideal place.12

The pennant

is a silk painting (in total 205 cm long, 92 cm wide at the top and 47.7 cm wide at the end),

which employed mineral paints such as cinnabar, azurite, and greenstone, and which is still

bright and colourful today. The painting is considered to be divided into three parts: top,

middle, and bottom, which correspond to Heaven, Earth, and Underworld (Tian 2017:1-2)

(Figure4-4). Heaven is at the top part of the painting, with a boundary, and its heavenly gods

are floating in different forms. The Sun is at the right-hand side and the Moon at the left, a

heavenly gate in the centre of this upper section is guarded by two immortals on each side

(Zhang 2016; Tian 2017:1-2; Fang 2003; Chen 2003). The Earth is located in the middle and

separated from the two scenes above and below. The upper part of this middle section depicts

a scene of the deceased's soul ascending to Heaven accompanied by three maids, and the

lower one shows the sacrifice ritual performed by her family on Earth (Tian 2017:1-2). The

bottom segment shows the scene of a giant lifting a square land from the dark water, which is

depicted in accordance to the Chinese idea about what the Underworld looks like. Looking at

this painting, I perceive the journey of the soul of Xin Zhui: her soul is now departing from

her body and flying to Heaven. She is smiling, I think she might have a strong hope and

longing that she will arrive at the heavenly kingdom.

10 Flags used to guide the souls of the dead in ancient China. 11 Xin Zhui (辛追) (217 BC-168 BC), the wife of the prime minister of Changsha in ancient China, was the owner of the No.

1 Tomb of Mawangdui. 12 The Tomb of Mawangdui was excavated in Mawangdui Township, Furong District, Changsha City in 1972. The

archaeological excavation showed that the site was an early cemetery from the time of the Western Han Dynasty (in the

period of 175 to 145 BC). The images were painted on the silk, used to cover the lid of the coffin of Xin Zhui with the

purpose to guide her soul to fly to the Heaven (Zhang Limei 2016).

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The Sarcophagus Lid of the tomb of Ah Pakal, is a 3.8 by 2.2 meter square, stone slab

that covered the coffin in which the corpse of Ah Pakal was deposited. Its sculpture describes

how Ah Pakal's body is deposited into the ground (Guenter 2007:55). This corresponds to

reality: the sarcophagus is located in a subterraneous vault deep inside the pyramid of the

Temple of the Inscriptions in Palenque. The structure of the scene depicted on the

Sarcophagus Lid refers to the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld in accordance

with Maya cosmovision (Robertson 1983:56-57; Schele and Miller 1986:268-269). The

human world/Earth is in the middle of the scene, represented by a huge World Tree as a

passage that connected Heaven, Earth, and Underworld (Freidel et al. 1993:129–130; Reilly

1990:38). Heaven is represented by a celestial bird on the top of the tree; moreover, around

the edges of the lid is a continuous band containing a set of cosmological signs, including

those for Sun, Moon, Venus and darkness, as well as the heads of six named ancestors (Schele

& Mathews 1998). The lower segment of the scene is identified as the Underworld: Pakal is

lying on a bowl on top of the head of the Sun God which is swallowed by the skeletal jaws of

Powerful Earth (Grube & Nahm 1994:702), i.e. the king’s body is deposited in a cave-like

subterraneous place, but that was not the final destiny of his soul (Schele & Miller1986:269).

Ah Pakal’s position between the World Tree and the entrance to the Underworld, shows the

ruler in a state of transition between life and death (Tiesler 2006). When we try to interpret

the meaning of these religiously charged representations, we have to admit that there is a big

gap between contemporary scholars and those “ancient” people who created them. Tilley

addresses this “gap, or a distance in space” (Tilley 1994:12), but also suggests that “through

perception (seeing, hearing, touching), bodily actions and movements, and intentionality,

emotion and awareness residing in systems of belief and decision-making, remembrance and

evaluation”, we can come closer to the ancient people's purpose. It is particularly important to

explore the iconic and symbolic significances of all the components of the scene, taking into

account their various associations, and to connect these in a plausible, consistent whole. From

this perspective, we see the posture of Ah Pakal, and all the decorations around him; he might

be taken as the Maize God, as the Sun God or as the Hero Twins, who enter the Underworld

in order to rise again. Interpreting the scene with the narrative of the Popol Vuh in mind, we

understand it as an expression of hope for the rebirth of the ruler’s soul through an

identification with the sun and with the precious tree, in other words as a prayer that his soul

may participate in the cycle of life and light, that it may live on in nature (like his

predecessors, who also transformed in trees and are sculpted on the sides of the sarcophagus)

and that, under his spiritual protection, the tree of the dynasty may continue to flourish.

In short, the Mawangdui Painting and the carving on the Sarcophagus Lid both refer

explicitly to the basic cosmic structure of Heaven, Earth, and Underworld, as well as to the

cultural concepts of the Afterlife.

4.3.2 Heaven, Gods, and Immortality

In many cultures, we find an image of Heaven as an ideal and peaceful kingdom, the

residence of gods, without sadness and pain. Chinese Heaven, known as Heavenly Palace (天

宫), was explicitly described in historical works as the residence of the Heavenly Emperor

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and gods.13

It was said, that the gods who lived in Heaven had strong power and could affect

humans’ lives.

As we have seen in Chapter 2, in Mesoamerica the Heaven, i.e. Heaven-during-the-day,

was mainly seen as a bright place, the sky-realm of the Sun with the residence of the

Primordial Creator Couple in its highest segment – the different layers were abodes of other

deities, such as the Moon, Venus and other stars (the nocturnal aspect of Heaven) as well as

thunder, etc... (Fernández 1992:30,33-34). People saw Heaven as a positive and beautiful

place and hoped that after death they could join the original creative forces, either there or in

another positive and beautiful realm of nature.

1. Heaven in Mawangdui Painting: A Paradise for Gods

Heaven, shown on the top of the Mawangdui Painting (Figure 4-7), interpreted by

scholars such as Luo Kun(1972), Jin Weinuo(1974), Han Ziqiang(1979), Liu Zongyi (1997),

Xiao Bing(1980), Sun Shiwen (1987) and Zhen Shubin (2007), consensually, was thought of

as the final place where the soul of the Lord wanted to get to. Most scholars have mainly

focused on interpreting what happened in Heaven, what kinds of gods there were, as well as

on the different functions of this painting. Among these studies, a widely disputed question is:

who is the figure with long hair and coiled serpentine body sitting in the middle of Heaven

(Figure 4-6,4-7). Also, the gender of the god has been a matter of debate. Some scholars

believed that this is probably the female deity who created humankind: Nü Wa (女娲) (e. g.

Sun 1987). Others considered that this might be a male creator deity with the name of Fu Xi

(伏羲) 14

(Figure 4-8). However, as more and more research results appeared gradually, the

idea came up that he might be another original god with the name Candle Dragon (烛龙)

(Sun 1987).

Figure 4-6: Candle Dragon in Mawangdui Paniting

From a historical perspective and considering the purpose of facilitating the voyage of

the occupant of the tomb towards Heaven, I agree that the main god who is sitting in Heaven

13 See Post-Han Book·Forty-eighth 后汉书·卷四十八: "There is a Purple Palace in Heaven, and it is also the home of

Heavenly Emperor 天有紫微宫，是上帝之所居也". Another reference from Guang Ya·Shi Tian 广雅·释天: "Heavenly

Palace is called the Purple Palace 天宫谓之紫宫." 14 Fu Xi (伏羲) and Nü Wa are two creator deities in ancient Chinese religion. According to religious narratives, Nü Wa

created humanity with the help of Fu Xi, and Fu Xi invented and taught humans the technology of the hunting, fishing,

domestication, and cooking, and also created and taught the writing system of Chinese characters. Fu Xi was counted as the

first of the Three Sovereigns at the beginning of the Chinese dynastic period.

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is the god called Candle Dragon. There are two main reasons for this. (1) His appearance is

consistent with historical records, who describe Candle Dragon as having the head of a

human being and the body of a snake15

(Zhou 1998). (2) The function of the Candle Dragon

is in accordance with the theme of the soul flying to Heaven: he was thought to be the divine

ruler who controls the Heavenly Gate (天门), opens his eyes for the day, and closes his eyes

for the night (Li 2015). The Heavenly Gate serves as a connection window for Heaven and

Earth, its opening and closing determines the alternation of day and night. As the “soul

channel manager” of the world, the Candle Dragon is indeed likely to appear in a painting

that guides the soul to Heaven. In the painting, he sits in the central part of Heaven and is

surrounded by cranes and dancing geese, which accentuate the beautiful and happy

Figure 4-7: the 9 Suns and the Moon in Heaven as represented on the Mawangdui Painting

atmosphere of Heaven as an ideal world for humans to pursue. In short, the Candle Dragon

represents absolute sacredness and majesty, and dominates the order of Heaven (Li 2015).

Back to the representation of Heaven in the Mawangdui painting: at the right -hand side

we see a blackbird within a red sun with eight other suns below it, and at the left-hand side is

the Moon with a toad (Figure 4-7). These two scenes refer to two interesting religious

narratives from ancient China.

15 There are three main textual descriptions of the image of the Candle Dragon in ancient books, which are from Shan Hai

Jing, Huainan Zi and Shan Hai Jing Zhu. All three describe his appearance as having a human head and a dragon / snake

body.

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The “blackbird within a red sun” comes from the ancient legend of “Golden Crow Carry

Sun” (金乌负日). According to Shan Hai Jing, the Golden Crow is the sprit and carrier of the

Sun and the son of the Heavenly Emperor, there are a total of 10 sons of the Heavenly

Emperor, and each of them is represented by a Sun/Golden Crow. Each day needs a sun

(carried by the Golden Crow) to work in the sky, hence, the other 9 suns /Golden Crows wait

their turn and rest in a tall and sacred tree named Fusang (扶桑).

Fusang is one of the sacred trees of ancient China, the passage of Heaven, Earth, and the

Underworld.16

It grows in Tang Gu (汤谷), in the East China Sea, and is the home of the 10

suns. Whenever one sun rises and works in the sky, the other 9 suns rest on the tree’s

16 The earliest record about the divine tree comes from the ancient book Shan Hai Jing 山海经, it said, "There is a tree called

Fusang on the Tang Gu(汤谷), the bath place for ten suns, in the north of the Nie Chi (墨齿). It is a very big tree and lives in

the water. One sun on its top branch and other 9 suns on its lower branches (Shan Hai Jing· Hai Wai Dong Jing)."

Figure 4-8: Fu xi and Nü Wa in a silk painting Figure 4-9: Bronze Sacred Tree in Sanxingdui

of Tang Dynasty (http://www.bjnews.com.cn/) (https://baike.baidu.com/)

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branches. The Fusang tree, as the most important passage that connects the Three Realms,

appears in Heaven at our right-hand side in the painting, with a total of 9 suns on its branches:

the 8 small suns sitting on the branches, plus the big Golden Crow make a total of 9 suns,

which attaches to the legend that 9 suns rest on the tree. Similarly, Jianmu (建木), another tall

and divine tree in the Chinese worldview, was also seen as a channel to connect Heaven and

Earth, mentioned in the Shan Hai Jing: many emperors, including Fu Xi (伏羲)17

and Yellow

Emperor (黄帝)18

, went up and down through the tree ladder between the Earth and Heaven.19

An illustrative artwork that depicts the ancient Chinese sacred tree and the legend of the

Golden Crows is the Bronze Sacred Tree (青铜神树) which was unearthed in 1986 in

Sanxingdui (三星堆 ,3000-1000BC) of Chengdu in China (Figure 4-9). Sanxingdui is

considered to be non-Han Chinese culture by many scholars; however, the Golden Crow and

Ten Suns are also popular in Han-Chinese culture. The Bronze Sacred Tree, as unearthed

heritage object, proves that Golden Crow and Ten Suns were once widely spread in ancient

China. The tree has 9 branches, with a bird on each of them. The 9 birds represent the 9

Golden Crows of the 9 Suns. Moreover, a dragon is descending to the Earth along the trunk

from the top to the bottom, in line with the story that the ancient emperors and the dragons

could go back and forth along the tree between Heaven and the Earth.

Returning to the painting, the left part of the Heaven contains the image of a Crescent

Moon with a running rabbit and a toad holding herbs in its mouth (Figure 4-7). Below them is

a fairy flying close to the Moon. Maybe the painter wanted to tell us the story of “Chang'e

Flying to Moon” (嫦娥奔月). Chang'e was one of the fairies in literary works who lived in

the Moon Palace, accompanied by the rabbit and the toad, the other two animals in the Moon.

Except for the Suns and the Moon, there are two dragons with inverted "S" shape bodies

flying and dancing in Heaven. The dragon in China is often thought of as an auspicious

animal that can pass through the Three Realms and brings good things everywhere. The two

flying dragons painted here might symbolize the peaceful and beautiful atmosphere of the

Heavenly Palace. Moreover, the Gate of Heaven, in the centre of Heaven, below the two

dragons’ heads, where the two gatekeepers are sitting opposite each other, possibly expresses

a welcome for the arriving soul. Still, under the Candle Dragon, two gods with animal faces

are using a rope to pull an instrument and make it sound, which might be the culminating

welcome ceremony for the soul.

In conclusion, the details of the scenes in the painting concur with the ancient Chinese

ideas about Heaven as a place of dignity and sacredness, full of kindness and beauty, and

about the importance of ascension rituals. The scenes seem to express the hope that the soul

of the Lady would go to Heaven and get a wonderful and happy existence there in the

Afterlife.

2. Heaven in Sarcophagus Lid: A Powerful World for Gods

17 One of the creator gods of ancient Chinese religion. 18 Yellow Emperor (黄帝), 2717 BC – 2599 BC, is considered to be the ancestor of the Chinese nation and the earliest

emperor of China (Records of History). 19 See the book of Huainan Zi: “Jianmu lives in Duguang(都广), all emperors come up an d down from it 建木在都广，众帝

所自上下.”

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In comparison, the Sarcophagus Lid of Ah Pakal uses a more abstract way to show a powerful

world of Heaven.

The first reference to Heaven on the Sarcophagus Lid is the sky band that encloses the

scene. Among the signs in the band, we recognize K’in (day or the Sun), Ak’ab’al (night or

darkness), Uh (Moon), Chak Éek (Venus), shells, jade beads, signs of plenty, as well as 6

heads of ancestors (Mazariegos 2006; Guenter 2007). There is a suggestion of cyclical

movement in the sky band as it mentions day and night or the Sun and the Moon alternately

(Figure 4-10). The signs of sun/day and the moon/night from East to West might imply the

movement of Ah Pakal's soul journey from life to death, at the same time, it indicates the

basic pattern of celestial bodies such as the Sun in the East and the Moon in the West of the

sky (Laughton 1998:100). There are 6 human heads / portraits on the short sides of the

rectangular band: according to Mazariegos, they are probably references to the souls of

ancestors (who also appear on the lateral walls of the sarcophagus: “The characters

represented on the sides of the Palenque sarcophagus are both historical figures and deified

ancestors of the deceased king K'inich Janahb' Pakal, who is himself equated with the Maize

God in his transit to death and rebirth” (Mazariegos 2006). In the sky band, then, the souls of

these ancestors are flying amidst the astral bodies, which indicates that they have become

heavenly gods, and are protecting Ah Pakal.

Figure 4-10: details of sky band (annotation by author)

A second image that alludes to Heaven is the Celestial Bird standing on the top of the

World Tree (Figure 4-11). This Celestial Bird (named by Schele & Freidel 1990:407), is also

known as Itzam-Yeh, the Serpent Bird, and the Principal Bird Deity (Schele and Miller 1985;

Schele & Freidel 1990:407; Zender 2005). It is generally thought that it is a representative of

the primordial creator god named Itzamna (Christenson 2016; Taube 1992:36), which was

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rendered in Maya art as a paradise bird or a Bird Deity (Taube 1992:36-37), associated with

Heaven.

Figure 4-11: The Celestial Bird on Sarcophagus Lid of Pakal

(Schele & Freidel 1990:407)

It was a deity in bird form nested in the axis of the great Ceiba Tree - the World Tree.

Itzam-Yeh could see all of creation and knew all the secrets of all three planes of existence

(Schele and Miller 1985). Its image, in general, looks like a special bird, with a long tail,

“personified wings”, and the head of a zoomorphic “monster”20

(Schele & Freidel 1990:407).

In its most common representation, it sits at the top of the World Tree, which has been found

throughout various Maya sites. Clearly this is not a common natural bird, but a spiritual entity,

which may have played a role in rituals. On this lid, the celestial bird seems to represent the

idea of the natural world and the heavenly realm (upheld by the tree).

Figure 4-12: the Serpent Bar on Sarcophagus Lid of Pakal

(Schele & Freidel 1990:415)

A Serpent Bar, also known as Bicephalic or Double-headed Serpent Bar (Schele &

Freidel 1990:415), crosses the stem of the World Tree and hangs above Ah Pakal. This is an

element that Maya rulers often hold in their hands in ceremonial contexts, and thus may be an

attribute of rulership. According to some researchers, it might also represent the Milky Way

20 Some early Western scholars called these unrecognizable beings to be “monsters”, but in the eyes of the locals Mayans,

they were deities.

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(Freidel et al. 1993:76-77) (Figure 4-12), which would make it another symbolic reference to

Heaven (in this case the nocturnal aspect). The Serpent Bar bends its body, and its double

heads with big, opened mouths, are similar to the maw of the Underworld, where they appear

skeletonized and united at the lower jaw, as a curved container that represents the portal

where Pakal is descending into.

3. Heaven in Comparison: Ideal Paradises

In the two artworks presented above, Heaven seems to be considered as the most ideal

resting place for the souls, that is, the final place where the souls hope to arrive. From the

perspective of artistic expression, Mawangdui Painting takes a direct and intuitive angle to

show the situation of the Heavenly society; in comparison, the Sarcophagus uses an abstract

approach, using symbols such as the celestial bird, the sky band, and possibly the serpent bar

to refer to Heaven in a more indirect manner.

In the painting, the Candle Dragon stays in the Centre of Heaven, the Sun and the Moon

reside on both sides. Besides this, there are sacred herbs that can remove all diseases, as well

as instruments that can make pleasant sounds. In order to show the solemnity of the soul’s

Ascension, the gods personally come to welcome the arriving soul of the lord, while the

dragons are dancing, the phoenixes flying, the beasts running, and the auspicious clouds

shining. Meanwhile, tigers and leopards are guarding the Heavenly Gate. All scenes show that

the ascension process of the soul is a very happy, solemn, and respectable occasion.

In the central part of Ah Pakal’s Sarcophagus Lid, the precious celestial bird as the main

element on top is a reference to Heaven, while the surrounding sky band suggests the cosmic

movements of Sun and Moon, day and night, and the souls of various gods or ancestors are

present, apparently to protect the soul’s transformational voyage. If indeed the bicephalic

serpent represents the Milky Way, this seems to open the channel for the soul to rise from its

descending into the Underworld (skeletal jaws of the Earth) towards a permanent life in

Nature (tree) under a heavenly aspect (bird). The combination of tree and bird suggests that

the soul of Ah Pakal will eventually reach an ideal paradise.

Comparing the representation of Heaven in the two artworks we conclude the following:

(1) Both works of art refer to the movement of the universe: Sun and the Moon are

mentioned in order to express the alternation of day and night. The painting uses the Eastern

Sun and the Western Moon to vividly indicate this movement of Cosmos. The Sarcophagus

Lid uses the hieroglyphs of the Sun (on the Eastern side) and the Moon (on the Western side)

in the sky band to express this same dichotomy of day and night.

(2) Both include references to narratives about the origin of their respective civilizations.

The gods, animals, and plants in the Mawangdui Painting vividly recall the creation of

Heaven, especially the legends of the 9 Suns and the Moon Palace. On the Sarcophagus Lid,

the image of the Celestial Bird recalls the narrative of the precious bird who represented

(“pretended to be”) the Sun in the Time of Primordial Darkness until the Hero Twins,

according to the Popol Vuh, took his jewels and replaced him as the true Sun and Moon. The

references to ancestors as small portraits in the sky band and as the images on the sides of the

sarcophagus (where they appear in the form of trees), suggest that they have preceded him in

a transformation that made them part of Heaven and part of Nature.

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(3) Both suggest that, among the three worlds, Heaven is the most ideal world for gods,

souls, and ancestors.

(4) Both artworks represent the idea that a huge tree could serve as the passage to the

Hereafter. Both trees, Fusang in the Mawangdui Painting and the World Tree on the

Sarcophagus Lid, are tall and have huge bodies connecting the Three Realms of Heaven,

Earth, and Underworld, so that gods and human souls could climb up and down through it.

It is noteworthy that the two artworks also have some differences in the artistic

expression of Heaven. For example, Heaven in the Mawangdui Painting is depicted as a large

class society similar to the human world. There are main gods, servants, animals, flowers,

birds, fishes, tigers, dragons, etc., there is singing and dancing. The place is so beautiful and

happy that people and gods yearn to live here forever. The Sarcophagus Lid depicts a cosmic

and natural environment inhabited by diverse divine powers and ancestors. The World Tree is

so tall that the Milky Way goes across it. It symbolizes a life force that connects Heaven and

Earth, which, consequently, are not totally separated from each other.

4.3.3 Earth, Humans, and Entreaty

The Earth, between Heaven and the Underworld, full of plants, animals, and other beings,

is considered the location where human souls attach to their bodies only to separate from each

other when a person dies. Earth is the closest world to human beings; however, humans do not

always find it of the same importance as the other two worlds.

The middle parts of the two artworks that we are discussing here, deal with the human

world and show how souls pass from the human world to the Other World, which reflects

people's imagination and entreaty for the Afterlife.

1. Earth in the Painting: Combination of Reality and Imagination

The Earth shown in the Mawangdui Painting is divided into two scenes: the upper part is

a realistic picture of a sacrificial ceremony of the deceased's family, and the lower shows a

scene that might refer to the heavenly messengers welcoming the soul’s coming.

The whole earthly part is encircled by two long dragons climbing from the bottom to top.

Where their bodies are intertwined with a crystal circular white Yubi (玉碧): is the division of

the human world into an upper and a lower part (Figure 4-13). Dragons, in Chinese beliefs,

are the beasts that could move between the three worlds and thus could carry the souls of the

dead up to Heaven or down to the Underworld. Therefore, they often appear painted in tombs

to lead the souls to their final destination.

The lower part of the human world is between the Yubi and a square land that is held up

by a giant (Figure 4-13). In this part, expensive-looking silk curtains hang on both sides –

they are pulled up by special birds which might represent the gods of Gou Mang (苟芒). In

the Chinese worldview, Gou Mang was the Spring God or the Azure Emperor (青帝), who

controls the tree's life; so, finally, this was a symbol of new life and resurrection.21

It is said

that Gou Mang had a human face and the body of a bird.22

He could give a new life to a

deceased, so he was a very popular god in the decoration of a tomb. We notice that a

21 Reference to the Huainan Zi, Lv Shi Chun Qiu, and The Book of Rites. 22 Reference to the Huainan Zi and the chapter Hai Wai Dong Jing of Shan Hai Jing.

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ceremony is being performed below the curtains, possibly a reminder that the corpse of the

deceased is still there, though her soul already flew away to Heaven (upper part). The looks of

the family are solemn (Figure 4-14b); likely the instruments above their heads are playing sad

songs. The soul flies and arrives at the Heavenly Gate (upper part) and is welcomed by the

heavenly gods (Figure 4-14a): the scene expresses the wish of the family members.

Figure 4-13: Middle part of the Mawangdui Paniting

The upper part of the human world (Figure 4-14a), briefly, depicts the grand welcoming

ceremony performed by the god of Heaven. In the picture, a huge bird resembling an owl

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under the Heavenly Gate is welcoming the soul’s arrival. Under the bird, the soul of Xin Zhui

(辛追), leaning on a crutch and accompanied by three servants, is impressively dressed and

slowly walking with a ladylike temperament. In front of her, two heavenly messengers,

wearing long crowns, seem to offer treasures to her (Figure 4-14a). She faces the West, where

the heavenly paradise and the world of eternal happiness are located.

a. Welcome the arrival of the soul b. offerings made by the family of the deceased

Figure 4-14: details of the Middle part

The human world described in the painting, in summary, contains the image of the

funerary ceremony while the soul ascends to Heaven. In the ceremony, devices such as bells,

tripods, pots, etc. are set up to offer food and express the family’s attention to the funeral of

the deceased (Figure 4-14b). The deceased drives the dragon's carriage, accompanied by three

servants. Heavenly messengers wait for her and pick her up. Hence, the key idea of the human

world is respect for the ascending soul.

2. Earth on the Sarcophagus: Imaginary Situation

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The World Tree on the Sarcophagus Lid is generally interpreted in Eliade’s terms as the

Axis Mundi, the central axis of the world. The tree has been identified as a Ceiba (Yax Che’ in

Yucatec Maya), which is highly respected by Mesoamerican peoples, but seems to have been

called by the ancient Maya: Wakah Chan, “six skies” or “raise up the sky” (Schele & Freidel

1990:66,418; Freidel et al. 1993:75-78; Robertson 1983:79). The tree in the lid was decorated

with jewels and square snouted serpents as the left and right hands / arms / branches, whose

curves and drops have been identified as references to the offering of human blood (Schele &

Freidel 1990:418) (see further below). Its trunk is decorated with bowls that might be used to

catch sacrificial blood, mirrors, and sacred elements (Figure 4-15), which indicates that the

tree is a shining and powerful being and so commands respect. Jade beads and tubes rain on

the tree and surround the serpents that are

born from these vessels, implying that they

are especially precious and sacred (Schele &

Freidel 1990:418). These jewel-covered

beings are depicted in deliberate contrast to

the skeletal dragons below them. The one that

forms the top of the tree supports the celestial

bird, suggesting that his body could be a

tunnel or a passage for human beings to get to

the Heaven, a connection between the natural

and supernatural worlds, a central life force of

the Cosmos (Schele & Freidel 1990:418)

(Figure 4-15).

Besides this, Ah Pakal’s body is placed

at the foot of the tree where is part of the head

of the Sun deity, which is marked with a big

K'in (Sun or day) sign, and also decorated

with a sign of death: evidently this is the

setting sun, descending into the Underworld

(Christenson 1997:16). The scene seems to tell the beholder that Ah Pakal has died and that

his body is going to be deposited in the ground, on the road to the Underworld (Xibalba)

guided by the setting sun. At the same time, the position of the body suggests that Ah Pakal is

rising up (Stuart & Stuart 2008:174-177). Furthermore, he is depicted with a smoking celt or

cigar embedded in his forehead – this is an attribute of K'awiil (also known as Bolon Dzacab

in Yucatan and named God K by earlier epigraphers), which seems to be a generic

personification of life force and fertility, associated with lightning and with maize. This

suggests that the ruler through the identification with this god has the divine power of

resurrection (Rice 2012). The bone that pierces Ah Pakal's nose may be a reference to

rulership as well as to self-sacrifice (auto-bloodletting), and as such, refers to tasks of the

living and in this context may be understood as a symbol of rebirth (Stross 2007:11,26-27).

The same is valid for the turtle shell on his chest, as it may refer to the birth of maize from the

Figure 4-15: The World Tree Sarcophagus Lid

(Schele & Freidel 1990:418)

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turtle as a representation of the primordial Earth (Carrasco & Hull 2002; Bassie-Sweet 1999)

(Figure 4-16).

Thus, the scene on the Sarcophagus Lid seems to show that the ruler Ah Pakal is buried

and enters the Underworld as the Sun God and as the maize deity (Niell et al. 2008:39-40), so

that he, like them, is going to rise again and be reborn. In this case he is expected to transform

into a tree,23

like his predecessors (depicted on the lateral sides of the sarcophagus) before

him, and so to become a divine protector of the dynasty.

More than 800 years later, a similar image was painted in the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl

(Borgia), an important religious (mantic and ritual) manuscript from the Nahuatl-speaking

world, probably from the town of Cholula. This image is part of a chapter (pp. 49-53) that

refers to the divinatory associations of the four directions and the centre (Anders, Jansen &

Reyes García 1193: 261-277). This chapter contains the trees of the four directions and then

presents separately a fifth tree (p. 53), which is the tree of the centre and therefore may be

Figure 4-16: Turtle shell on Pakal’s chest (Schele 1974)

considered the Axis Mundi. This tree is clearly identified with the maize plant: on the two

branches and in the centre appear symbols of preciousness from which corncobs and maize

flowers come forward. This depiction suggests that the square snouted serpents that form the

branches of the tree on the Sarcophagus Lid may also represent maize flowers. The tree is not

a realistic depiction of a maize plant (as maize, obviously, does not grow as a tree) but is

rather a symbol of sustenance, fertility, and life. On top stands the bird, this time clearly a

quetzal, which in Mesoamerica is a well-known symbol of preciousness and nobility. The tree,

together with corncobs grows out of a lying figure in the same position as Ah Pakal on the

Sarcophagus Lid: in this case, it is an image of Cihuacoatl, “Woman-Serpent”, a goddess of

Earth, death and the Milky Way, also associated with birth and new life - evidently, she

supports the tree and makes it grow. She is lying on the skin of an alligator, i.e. on the surface

23 Humans, according to oral tradition in contemporary Maya communities, reborn as trees. There is a story of two brothers

Chakah and Ch’echen who reborn as trees after their death.

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of Earth, with behind her a circle of water, which is to be read as Anahuac, “in the ring of the

water”, the term used by the Nahuas (Aztecs) for their world. At the side of the tree we see

two deity figures sacrificing blood through a penis perforation: they are Quetzalcoatl (at our

left), the Wind-god, sometimes identified with the planet Venus, who is the creator of culture

and the archetypical priest, and Macuilxochitl (at our right), a god of flowers and joy, Patron

of the souls of the warriors that have died in battle (tonalleque). Their explicit self-sacrifice

suggests that the “rain” of jewels that surrounds the tree on the Sarcophagus Lid may also

indicate bloodletting – “jade water” (chalchiuh-atl in Nahuatl) is a metaphor for ‘blood’ in

Mesoamerica – presumably carried out by the priests and warriors present at Pakal’s funeral

ceremony and commemorative occasions.

As for the importance of blood offerings in such ritual settings, it is important to keep in

mind that: “the ancient Maya pilgrimage was not about acquiring a particular thing or

venerating a specific place or destination. The Maya gained cosmological knowledge, linking

the movement of their body to the annual path of the sun and their sexuality and human

regenerative power to earthly renewal, which required blood to be successful” (Harrison-Buck

et al 2018).

The image in the Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia), p. 53, lends support to the above-given

interpretation of the tree on the Sarcophagus Lid as being a World Tree and a Tree of Life

(Sustenance), associated with the centre of the world (Axis Mundi). Cihuacoatl as the deity of

death and new birth, manifested in the Milky Way, parallels the configuration of Ah Pakal,

lying on the setting sun, entering the Underworld. This also suggests that the position of Ah

Pakal at the foot of the tree (like that of Cihuacoatl) is not passive but implies that he – with

the divine power of K’awiil – supports the tree and gives it life.

3. Souls from Earth to the Other World

The Earth appears in both the artworks, but in different ways. Both the Mawangdui

painting and the relief on the Sarcophagus Lid from Palenque express that the soul leaves the

human body after death, ascending or descending from the human world (Earth) to the Other

World. Besides this, there are some commonalities in the two artworks:

A. Souls departing from bodies

The Mawangdui Painting shows, in a visual way, the corpse of Xin Zhui on Earth and her

soul ascending to Heaven, which clearly reflects the separation of body and soul after her

death. The Sarcophagus Lid shows the deposition and deposition of Ah Pakal's soul into the

Underworld, and at the same time indicates the continuation of his life force / soul through the

tree.

Although both cultures conceived of the soul as a complex unit, consisting of different

animic forces that would separate after death, the representation of the soul in these cases is

simply that of the deceased in her / his aspect as an (integral) human body, without showing

the process of the break-up of its components.

B. Final destinations of souls.

Through the scene of the heavenly Messengers that pick up and welcome the soul, the

Mawangdui Painting shows the desire of the deceased to ascend to Heaven. The Sarcophagus

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Lid of Ah Pakal seems to tell that the the body is laid to rest in Earth (the sarcophagus in the

basement of the temple pyramid) but that the soul, entering the Otherworld, is participating in

the cycle of death and life, connecting with Cosmos and nature (the tree growing into heaven),

which will lead to the continuation of his existence as a divine power.

C. Abstract expressions of the Earth.

The Earth is represented in both artworks: in the Mawangdui Painting as a square plate

below the ceremonial scene, on the Sarcophagus Lid as the World Tree.

D. Life can continue after death.

The Mawangdui Painting shows the people's respect for the deceased that have gone to

the Hereafter through offerings, clothing, and ceremonies, which express the wish that a good

life will be extended to the post-mortem world. The Sarcophagus Lid of Ah Pakal shows a

continuation of life in the post-mortem world in the form of the tree (with the bird) while

jewels and precious objects represent ritual offerings (including self-sacrifice) that express the

respect of the living for the deceased and the post-mortem world.

4.3.4 Underworld, Deities, and Water World

The Nether World (地府) or Yin world (阴间) in China (Zhang 2016) as well as the

Xibalba of the K’iche’ Maya (Miller & Taube 1997:177) or the Mictlan of the Aztecs (Moyes

2012), are considered a subterraneous realm (Underworld) and one of the main destination of

souls after death. These were imagined as dark and cold places, often associated with water,

realms of the Death Gods with their powers (often represented in the form of serpents). As

such the Underworld appears in the lower part of the Mawangdui Painting and the

Sarcophagus Lid relief.

1.Chinese Underworld: Demons and Ghosts are Rampant

The Underworld in China, known as the Yellow Springs (黄泉) in Taoism, a dark world

surrounded by cold water and without light and warmth (Han 2017), was the place where

most people’s souls would go and live after their death.24

It was called the Nether World (阴

曹地府) during the Han Dynasty; later, when combined with Buddhist ideas, it became a

more systematic society which had Eighteen Hells (十八地狱) where the souls of evil-doers

would be punished. The Eighteen Hells refer specifically to places where the sinful souls are

confined: prisons and execution grounds in the Underworld. As for those persons who do not

need to be punished, they can still have a happy life as human beings in the Underworld;

furthermore, a truly good person may even ascend to heaven and become a god.

In the lowest part of Mawangdui Painting, several water animals are depicted, such as

turtles, snakes, fish, and nocturnal animals, which clearly indicate that the Underworld was a

dark and watery place. A naked man, holding up a square land with his hands and riding on a

snake, stepping on two huge fishes, maybe the Earth God, named Gun (鲧) (Xiao & Qiu 2005)

(Figure 4-17). According to Chinese legendary history, Gun was a great man in early China,

24 The Yellow Springs is a death world mentioned in many ancient documents, such as Zuo Zhuan: "Not to Yellow Springs,

never meet again 不及黄泉,无相见也".

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who, because of his unsuccessful water management, was punished to go the Underworld25

(Xiao & Qiu 2005). Those snakes, turtles, owls, and other fear inspiring creatures that

surround Gun in the water, might imply that this is a place not liked by people; however, they

may also be seen as positive as they can suppress the demons in the Underworld and keep

them from attacking the souls (Luo 1972; Guo 1993).

Figure 4-17: the Underworld part of the Mawangdui Painting

In summary, the Underworld of Mawangdui Painting was imagined to be a dark, cold,

watery place where demons and ghosts were rampant: snakes and turtles indicate the

terrifying, cold, watery character of this realm, while the owls and other nocturnal animals

appear imply it is a dark place. Everything painted here shows that the Underworld is not a

pleasant world for human beings.

2. The Maya Underworld: Devours the Souls

In Maya iconography, the Underworld (Xibalba) is often depicted as a watery

environment, possibly a remnant of the dark primordial ocean before Creation. In this

environment lives a big, serpent-like being (Leroux 1988; Schele & Villela 1993). On the

Sarcophagus Lid, the soul of Pakal is going to descend into, or rather, be swallowed by the

opened jaws of Xibalba, represented as the great gaping mouth of a skeletal zoomorph

(Schele & Freidel 1990:412) (Figure 4-18). The Maw of Xibalba symbolizes “death or the

point of transition between the natural world to the Other World” (Schele & Freidel

1990:412).

Pakal is lying on top of a complex entity that resembles a head – epigraphers refer to it

as the “Quadripartite Monster” (Schele & Freidel 1990:414-415) (Figure 4-19).

25 In the legend, Gun died and fell into a deep pool called Yu Yuan(羽渊)，refering to Seven Years of Zhao Gong in Zuo

Zhuan. Gun was the father of emperor Yu (禹). In history, Yu was more successful in protecting the country against flooding.

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This being appears in three versions: “as the rear of the Cosmic Monster26

, as an

independent image at the base of the World Tree, and as a sceptre of headdress” (Schele &

Freidel 1990:414). The bowl on the forehead includes the hieroglyph K’in (Figure 4-19),

which represents “the Sun as it travels on its daily journey through the cosmos” (Schele &

Freidel 1990:415). This bowl - apparently an offering that accompanies the buried person –

contains a shell, a stingray spine as perforator for bloodletting, and the sign ‘kimi’, which

means “death” (Figure 4-19). In combination these elements may indicate a phrase referring

to the bloodletting ritual (stingray spine) for the watery world of the dead (shell plus kimi) –

interestingly the kimi hieroglyph (Death) is then combined with sprouting leaves, which

visually suggest the continuity of life.

3. Water World: Different Expressions

The relation of the Underworld with water is expressed somewhat differently in our

Chinese and Maya cases, but, interestingly, in both images, the presence of water is not

directly expressed with an iconic representation of water, but rather suggested in an indirect

manner; in the Mawangdui Painting, this is done through the presence of water animals

(turtles, snakes, and fishes), and on the Sarcophagus Lid through the skeletal jaws of the

serpent or dragon (watery cave) and the shell in the bowl on top of the Quadripartite Being.

It should be clarified that the corresponding Aztec Underworld (Mictlan) did not have a

watery character, but was described as a cold, dark, and desolate place (Sahagún, Book III,

Appendix 1). It was separated from the human world, however, by a broad river (“River 9”).

Furthermore, the Aztecs thought that those who died from being struck by lightning or

because of diseases of pustules were taken by the Rain God (Tlaloc) to his house, a special

Hereafter: Tlalocan, a nebulous and watery cave full of vegetation. Babies that had died

returned to their place of origin: a large tree that gave milk, called Chichiualquauitl, the breast

26 It should be clarified that in the Maya worldview, it is not a monster (western idea), but a sacred place. it might be a site of

cold and darkness but rarely the sites of monsters.

Figure 4-18: the Maw of Xibalba Figure 4-19: Quadripartite Xibalbá

(Schele & Freidel 1990:412) (Schele & Freidel 1990:415)

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tree, where they would wait under the supervision of the god Tezcatlipoca for the next

opportunity to be born again (Codex Vaticanus A, p. 3v).

4.3.5 Comparison, Cosmos, and Passage

So, what exactly do these two artworks tell us? In fact, their purpose most likely was not

to "tell" or “teach” people anything, but just to be part of the performance of rituals for the

deceased. That is to say, they were "expected" to assist in "guiding" the souls to their final

places, as well as in comforting the living by reaffirming their shared worldview, ethos, and

hope concerning the Afterlife. Taking a phenomenological perspective, looking at the

postures of the two persons with the other elements surrounding them, we can try to

reconstruct the horizon within which the people in those times perceived the function of the

two artworks, which helps to interpret the original meanings of both.

As a result of this analysis, we conclude that the main purpose of these images is to help

the souls to find their final destiny, in accordance with the worldviews of the respective

cultures. They have in common: (1) the vertical stratification of the cosmos in Heaven, Earth,

and the Underworld, and the layered subdivision of the Heaven; (2) the observed movement

of the Sun, the Moon and other celestial bodies from East to West; (3) the passage that

connects the three worlds in the form of a sacred tree as Axis Mundi. Besides this, the two

artworks give the impression that that Heaven is a place of light and the most ideal place for

the souls to live on and that, on the contrary, the Underworld is a cold, dark, and unpleasant

world. Apart from these aspects that we may identify in the two artworks, we ask ourselves

what the relationship is between human beings and the three worlds (Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld)? What is their status? Do human beings have the same important position as the

three worlds, or are they just as an accessory to the Cosmos?

1 Human Beings: Relationship with the Three Worlds

For a long time, China has paid attention to the relationship between Heaven, Earth, and

the Humans which together were called San Cai / Three Powers (三才). Heaven and Earth, in

ancient people’s thought, were two parallel worlds, an example of a fundamental duality /

opposition. About their status, some information is provided by the ancient theory of Heaven

Rich and Earth Poor(天尊地卑).27

The Human was placed in the middle of Heaven and

Earth, considering the people as the connection between the two realms: as such, this might

be the most important component of the three.

Although people respected or feared all kinds of gods, they believed that people could

change something, finally, if they tried their best. Several ancient texts discuss this topic; the

book of Changes, for instance, mentions that there is a total of three theories concerning

Heaven, Earth, and human beings,28

which implies that human beings could be in the same

position as the other two realms. Another idea suggests that humans, in a sense, might be in

the most important position among the three. For example, Zhuang Zi once said, "Heaven and

Earth are living with me, and everything is one with me”, which might suggest that in his

opinion, human beings are in the centre of the three (Figure 4-20).

27The theory came from the chapter of Xici 系辞 of Book of Changes,“Heaven Rich and Earth Poor 天尊地卑.” 28 Refer to the chapter of Xici 系辞 of Book of Changes,“There are theories on Heaven, Earth, and Humans 有天道焉，有

人道焉，有地道焉.”

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All of the above reflects that, in ancient China, Humankind has its position between

Heaven and Earth, and plays an important role in the process of the development of human

society. The Underworld, one of the Three Realms, in fact, never had the same position as

Heaven and Earth in ancient people's hearts. Among the three worlds, Heaven is the most

important place where all souls and human beings would love to live in; the Earth is the

second place for human beings to live in; and the last, the Underworld is the place that people

actually abhorred.

For Mesoamericans Heaven, Earth, and Underworld were strongly associated with

specific gods. They were separated, but also connected through passages and liminal places

(see the “seams” in Figure 4-21). These connections, among others, made it possible for gods,

humans (shamans or priests), and souls to pass from one world to the Other World. There was

some religious parallelism between them: for example, the presence of divine couples – for

the Aztecs, Tonaca-tecuhtli and Tonaca-cihuatl “Lord and Lady of our Flesh” (i.e. of

sustenance) resided in Heaven and Mictlan-tecuhtli and Mictlan-cihuatl, Lord and Lady of the

“Place of the Dead” in the Underworld (Klein 1982).

Heaven and Earth were powerful places since many gods including the Creator Gods

dwelled there, controlling many affairs such as wet and dry seasons, day and night changes,

and whatever matters related to the harvest as well as to human society. The Earth, between

the sky and the Underworld, was very important to human beings and also a medium that

connected Heaven and the Underworld. Human beings were created and maintained by gods,

and so had to respect them and to make offerings to them.

People paid attention to the Underworld since they believed the Afterlife exists, which

made them consider death not as a final phase, but a beginning of a new life, in accordance

with the alternation of day and night as well as the cycles of vegetation and astral bodies

observed in the Cosmos.

a. Consider the world as a centre b. Stand between Heaven and Earth

Figure 4-20: models of ancient Chinese thinking about the world

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Figure 4-21: three worlds of Mesoamerica as reconstructed in modern perspective on the basis of ancient art forms

(https://mayaarchaeologist.co.uk/, added text by author)

In the Maya worldview (as reported in the Popol Vuh) the Hero Twins, as forces of light

and life, overcame the powers of Xibalba and so offered hope of resurrection to humans, so

that they could also escape from that “Place of Fright”. Transforming into Sun and Moon, the

Hero Twins became associated with Heaven, while at the same time they represented the

divine growing power of the Maize, and as such were associated with Nature on Earth (Read

& Gonzalez 2002: 241). For the Aztecs, Heaven was the Sun’s House (Tonatiuh Ichan), a

glorious place, where the souls of brave people went: the warriors who died in battle to the

Eastern part and the women who died in childbirth to the Western part.

2. Souls: Leaving for the Other World

The two cases discussed above show that there is a continuation of life after death: souls

can separate from the bodies and travel to one of the other realms after the death of their

physical body. The souls can be led to an ideal world with the help of their tombs’ facilities,

funerary objects, passages, etc. These souls may fly to Heaven, enter the Underworld, or

return to the human world after being born again.

Obviously, these are just two cases, which may not be taken to be representative of

civilizations so ancient and complex as China and Mesoamerica. Still, the comparison serves

in a search to identify certain fundamental ideas. The death concepts of China and

Mesoamerica, we notice, have similarities and are quite different from, for example, the

Christian idea of a Heavenly Paradise after the final judgment.

In Mesoamerican Cosmovision, the Sun marches through the sky during the day, and

then enters the Underworld to continue its travel underground after sunset. After working hard

in the Underworld, it finally rushes out of the dark field at dawn to begin a new day of travel.

Similarly, the vegetation, exemplified by the Maize plant, which was the epitome of

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sustenance, sprouts from the seed, grows, bears fruit, i.e. new seeds, and dies (is harvested),

while the new seeds are planted and start the cycle again. Human life circulates in the same

way as the cycles of Sun and Maize. When a person's life ends, his soul will continue to travel

the next journey, that is, his soul will continue to live in the Other World. For the Maya, the

soul can someday rise to Heaven as a deity to continue living there like the Hero Twins who

defeated the death gods of Xibalba. Therefore, the journey of life goes on and on, never

stopping. All these concepts might be based on the fact that Mesoamericans equated human

life with the cycles of the Sun and the Maize.

People in early China also paid close attention to the trajectory of the Sun. They thought

that, in the morning, the Sun God starts his journey (at sunrise) from his resident place of

Fusang (扶桑), located in the eastern sea, then crosses the sky to patrol the Heaven until at

sunset he falls down into the Earth and rests on the western tree named Ruomu (若木). When

darkness comes, one might imagine that the Sun has died, but – how exciting it is! – the Sun

will revive the next morning. The life cycle of a person is very similar to the rising and setting

of the Sun as well as to the growth and withering of the maize plant (or any other plants). This

similarity suggests that when a person dies and is buried in the soil, he or she can be expected

to be reborn someday, in a new sunrise, a new germination. In this aspect, both cultures

coincide since both closely make the comparison of human life with the movement of the Sun

and the life cycle of vegetation. These cycles can be observed on the whole planet,

consequently that observation produces similar conceptual results, a similar “root metaphor”

in religions worldwide.

4.4 Ancestors：Deceased Relatives

Ancestors, family members of the same lineage who have been dead for a long time or

have recently died, are regarded as powerful spiritual beings or even gods, who could protect

the surviving family members and their future descendants. Of course, in both cultures, this

would demand respect and veneration from the descendants. The rituals and offerings to the

ancestors could happen at any time when people needed their help or wanted to talk to them.

The offerings imply a belief in reciprocity, which originates from the concept of human

society preserving harmony with Heaven and Earth.

Modern anthropological and archaeological research suggests that the ideas about an

Afterlife and about a continuous presence of ancestors are among the most ancient beliefs of

human beings (You 2015). In archaeology, especially, there is a focus (using diverse methods)

on how to “make sense of how and why people of the past treated their dead, disposed of their

remains, and provided ways for the dead to co-exist with living.” (Parker Pearson 1999:20) In

Mesoamerica and China we find a long tradition of ancestor veneration. In both regions

people believe that although their ancestors have passed away, their souls still exist and have

a continued affection for their descendants. Therefore, their descendants devoutly bring them

offerings. This is a long-standing and very pious tradition, which has been passed down to

today. We find several commonalities between the ideas of these two cultures on the more

general, abstract level; on the other hand, we must remember that: "no single society has ever

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been the same as another" (Parker Pearson 1999:20). Indeed, we also see many cultural

specificities and differences in the concrete forms, contexts and elaborations of those ideas.

4.4.1 Tombs, Sanctuary, and Ancestor Veneration

In order to show their respect, people need places to keep bodies or do rituals for their

ancestors. These places, therefore, can be seen, to a certain extent, as sanctuaries. In general,

such a sanctuary could be a tomb, a temple, a tablet, a stele, a cave, or even a niche, any place

where the ancestor’s soul was deemed present or where people could talk with it.

Tombs, as the most important sanctuaries or homes for storing the bodies of the deceased,

in general, were carefully constructed. Tombs also were seen as the gates to the Other World;

consequently, they were thought of as the junction between the human world and the

Underworld or Heaven.

In order to achieve the desire to be born again or ascend to Heaven, people built the

funerary architecture as a channel to help their souls fly from the underworld to Heaven,

expressing their ideas in the design of tombs and the inclusion of works of art, as well as in

the funerary ritual, the placements of offerings, etc. In China, almost all tombs were

constructed as a dome-shaped mound, which symbolized Heaven. Similarly, the graves were

built in a square shape, in reference to the Earth. Tombs in the early times faced to the East,

probably in order to provide a passage for rebirth (Chen 2012:92-94), or were orientated to

the South, which might be because that direction is seen as the source of strong energy (Chen

2012:95-97). Consequently, the basic shape of Chinese ancient tombs was designed as a

cosmic model, which was connected to Heaven, Earth, and Underworld, and which might

build channels for the deceased, to assist their rebirth, resurrection, ascension to Heaven, and

eternal life.

Later in China, the location of a deceased's cemetery was motivated by the wish to create

a place where the souls could rest in peace but also as a place of continuous connection and

communication, through which the ancestors could have a profound impact on many aspects

such as the career, family, and wealth of their descendants. For this purpose, most of the sites

of the Chinese tombs were selected carefully under the guidance of the theory of Feng Shui

(风水). As a rule, the grave must be orientated in a good location, taking into account the

surrounding mountains, water, topography, and landscape.

Similarly, ancient Mesoamerican culture also attached great importance to the choice of

a good burial place for the deceased. The tombs of the rulers and nobles were often situated in

close connection with sanctuaries, such as temple pyramids or caves. Most likely the choice

of the site and the orientation of the burial place took into account the surrounding urban

and/or natural landscape. The pyramid body was designed as a huge mountain to connect

Heaven, Earth, and the Underworld, which might provide channels for those nobles’ souls to

move between the levels of the Cosmos. Thus, we find also in Mesoamerican tombs

references to the ideas of the soul’s voyage to the Hereafter and to people's wishes of rebirth,

resurrection, ascension to Heaven, and eternal life.

From the above case study, we conclude therefore that in China and Mesoamerica

ancestor worship was important and that, in the construction of the tombs, ideas about the

Afterlife played a role. The commonalities are:

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1. people remained in contact with their ancestors as dead family members and

performed ceremonies for them;

2. tombs referred to and/or reproduced, on a micro-scale, the structure of the Cosmos

according to the worldview of the culture and provided passages for the souls to travel to their

final destiny;

3. the location of tombs was carefully selected in accordance with the religious

worldview and paying attention to the influence of the surrounding environment;

4. the tombs contained funerary objects (gifts, offerings, works of art) that functioned in

the funerary ritual and expressed or connoted ideas about the Afterlife.

4.4.2 Rituals, Communication, and Offering

Ancestors, in the Chinese and Mesoamerican cultures, are considered permanent family

members, with whom their descendants remain in contact - generally on special ritual

occasions. The ancestors are still alive but in a spiritual form, as souls or gods. People respect

their ancestors, including those who have been dead for a long time, as well as those family

members who have passed away recently, such as grandmothers, parents, brothers, and sisters.

In both cultures, people have a similar respectful, caring attitude towards their ancestors,

which includes the effort to bury them in a respectful way, to care for the burial, and to make

offerings to their souls.

Figure 4-22: Lady Xoc talks to her ancestor emerging from Vision Serpent’s mouth

(http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/maya-lintels.htm)

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In both cultures people communicate with their ancestors: sometimes at the ancestors'

tombs, sometimes in front of a portrait, an abstract representation, or a relic that evokes the

memory / spirit of the deceased (such as a tablet in China, or a sacred bundle in Mesoamerica).

From the perspective of phenomenology, the way of communicating with ancestors through

certain religious rituals (such as sacrifices, prayers, blooding, etc.) is also a way of connection

by prayer to contact his / her ancestor through "perception".

This perception could take the form of an oneiric or visionary encounter, it constructs a

personal space of "personality, of encounter and emotional attachment", "involving feelings

and memories giving rise to a sense of awe, emotion, wonder or anguish in spatial

encounters"(Tilley 1994:16). In Mesoamerica, such an encounter – generally provoked by

ritual preparation, which usually included fasting, self-sacrifice (auto-bloodletting), and the

use of hallucinogens – was represented with the image of a serpent, which we call the Vision

Serpent. When a Maya person offered to his / her ancestors the blood of his tongue, it was

said, he / she would see (perceive) his / her ancestor coming out from the mouth of a Vision

Serpent: “It was usually bearded and had a rounded snout. It was also often depicted as

having two heads or with the spirit of a god or ancestor emerging from its jaws" (Schele &

Freidel 1990:395,417) (Figure 4-22). The ancestor, the one emerging from the serpent's

mouth, would give her advice and counsel: “the Vision Serpent was a direct link between the

spirit realm of the gods and the physical world” (Schele & Freidel 1990:395,417).

The Chinese could perform a spiritual dialogue with their ancestors through praying in

front of the mausoleums or the tablets of their ancestors. For them, their ancestors could hear

their troubles and – with the strong power of their souls – might give them help.

In terms of ways for communication and rituals, there are some commonalities between

Mesoamerica and China:

1. The rituals for the ancestors can take place anywhere, but the place in front of the

ancestors' tombs is considered to be the closest to the ancestral souls, thus, it is always the

most indicated place for performing such action. In addition, both cultures have customary

practices in sacrificing at the crossroads. In China, crossroads – going out to the four

directions – are thought of as places where spirits or gods could arrive from anywhere and

contact with the Underworld was possible. Offerings made here could be sent directly over

these roads or taken by mediating spirits to the deceased relatives. Also in Mesoamerica,

crossroads are associated with death and the Underworld and therefore places to pray and

make offerings to the deceased.

2. The way to worship ancestors is similar in both cultures. Before the ceremony, people

must first prepare and set the offerings according to the preferences of the ancestors, such as

foods that they liked during their lifetime, or necessities for their daily lives in the Hereafter.

During the process of the ritual, people light fire (candles), burn incenses and place the

offerings, then they may directly think of or speak to the ancestors at home altars or at

tombstones or graves.

3. The date of such ceremonies can be a special recurrent festivity, but it is not limited to

such a usual date. If there are major events in the family – e.g. marriage, rehousing, travel,

and difficulties in daily life – people can also call upon the ancestors for help.

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When people migrate, they obviously cannot take the ancestors' graves with them. In

China, in towns with migrant populations, mourning halls or ancestral halls were built,

dedicated to the ancestral tablets, that took the function of the ancestral cemetery in the places

of origin, in order to facilitate the descendants in implementing their ancestral ritual activities.

In Mesoamerica, the images on home altars, as well as sacred bundles with ancestral bones

and other relics, may have been used to solve the problem of travel and migration and to

enable the continuous contact with the ancestors.

4.5 Present：Changing Perceptions

In China, especially in the early days of the founding of New China (around 1949-1967),

many religious activities (including the ancestors ritual) were banned as they were regarded as

remnants of feudalism (Zhou & Lou 2016). Later, with the disintegration of the lifestyle of

the large Chinese families, family rituals on a large scale basically disappeared. Traditional

Chinese burials have also been replaced by cremation (after 1956), and the offering places

have been moved from the tombs and ancestral halls to the respective family homes or to

public halls where the ashes of ancestors are stored.

This change in traditional concepts has gradually weakened people's feelings toward

their ancestors. The object of people's offerings is mainly concentrated in the memory of their

recently lost loved ones, while ancient ancestors receive less attention. People's belief in the

souls of ancestors is not so strong as before. Because atheism has had a strong influence on

Chinese people since the founding of New China, most people no longer believe in the

existence of souls.

Nevertheless, since the rituals for ancestors are so much a part of Cultural Memory29

in

China, it has become embedded in people’s minds. Therefore, everyone worships their

ancestors or deceased relatives in the traditional Qingming Festival each year, which is

dedicated to the respectful memory of ancestors of the same blood. In addition, people in

some areas still retain more traditions, for example, they often perform a ritual before an

important decision or event (such as marriage, building a house, giving birth, etc.) and/or pay

attention to their ancestors on important traditional festivals (such as the Spring Festival,

Lantern Festival, etc.).

In Mesoamerica, people's concept of death has undergone tremendous changes compared

to the pre-colonial time: the traditional system of ancestor worship has come under fierce

attack (Houseknecht & Pankhurst 2000). As we have seen, in the ancient, pre-colonial culture

it was believed that ancestors could have a great effect on the life of their descendants; at the

same time, living people might contact the dead ancestors through rituals. However, under the

long-term influence, first of Catholicism and Spanish Culture, and then, more recently, of

modern materialism, ideas about death and the Afterlife have been heavily affected. This is a

complex process, which is not easy to generalize. Research in indigenous communities,

carried out in the Mesoamerican languages, shows that the ancient (dividual) concepts of the

soul continue to be alive and inspiring (e.g. Guiteras Holmes 1961; Knab 2003).

29 Cultural Memory: a term and concept provided by German Egyptologist Jan Assmann. It is used to abstract “the textuality

of the past” in terms of memory, historical consciousness, identity, and culture. Assmann qualified it as “the individual

storage of texts, images, and rites that are meant for reuse related to various societies and epochs” (Assmann 2003).

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For many, the role of the ancestors now may be little more than an incidental memory

(Ball 2014). Deceased family members are now buried in a special graveyard, clearly

separated from the areas of the living. The burial does generally involve an intense family

ritual during several (generally nine) days, but after that, there are no large offerings or

ancestral ritual activities, with the exception of the important and exuberant collective

celebration each year in the form of the Days of the Dead, now generally concentrated on the

Catholic All Saints’ day and All Souls’ day – Todos Santos (1 – 2 November), with an

additional celebration of the deceased children (31 October). The Days of the Dead (Día de

los Muertos, Todos Santos) are an inextricable synergy of indigenous and Catholic believes

and practices: "to what extent these pre-Hispanic festivals and their associated rituals were

transmuted into the Christian festivals remains a matter of keen debate" (Carmichael & Sayer

1991:33).

The festival is a beautiful occasion to celebrate that living people and the dead can meet

together once a year! In the cities people offer funeral sweets and offerings, dancing and

singing, even play with the Death, making fun of it in carnivalesque masquerades (Brandes

1998). People wearing grimacing masks and skeletons are engaged with macabre humour in

happy satires of society. It is no longer a very serious thing, more like a Halloween party

accompanied by joyful and lively music (Brandes 1998). In the rural areas, where indigenous

traditions and mentalities remain dominant, the celebration is more religiously charged, a

serious and intense remembering of specific deceased family members, who on these days are

welcomed on the home altar with candles, incense, flowers, fruits, sweets and the food that

they used to love. At the end of these days, all families of the community go to the graveyard,

clean the graves, place flowers and burn candles there, and have a meal there together.

In order to refer to the ancestors, ancient Mesoamerican art often used, images of bones

and skulls, and in order to refer to the contact with the mysterious world of the Hereafter, it

used the image of the serpent. Western beholders, however, tend not to think of ancestor

worship but instead read such images as macabre symbols of death and demons. Under the

influence of the colonial propaganda (which characterized the native culture as one of devil

worship, cannibalism, and human sacrifice), this has led to a misleading perception of the

Mesoamerican world as a culture “obsessed” with death and violence.

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5 Calendar, Religion, Architecture

Observing the sky was one of the most important ways for ancient people to understand

the laws of the universe. No surprise, this was also the case in ancient China and

Mesoamerica. These cultures focused on the most noticeable celestial bodies, and especially

on observing the regularities of the movement of the Sun, the Moon, and other bright stars or

planets. As a result, they developed their powerful astronomical systems, which, in turn, were

the basis of their calendars.

The calendars of ancient China and Mesoamerica have interesting similarities in their

structure and function. The calendars made it possible to keep track of the seasons and

astronomical phenomena, to register historical events, to determine the adequate time for

religious rituals, to make divinatory predictions, to plan social interactions and economic

activities, etc. For both cultures, the calendar was intimately intertwined with religious ideas,

reflected their concepts of the universe, and played an important role in their respective social

systems and ideologies (Šprajc 2009:87-59).

This chapter will focus on the question of how architecture in both civilizations was

related to the calendar. Therefore we will first focus on the structure and symbolic character

of the calendar in each of the two civilizations and examine their implications for rituals and

consequently for architecture related to these rituals. This section, therefore, corresponds to

the third aspect of Lindsay Jones’ interpretive scheme: Architecture as Ritual Context, which

focuses on the presentation of ritual-architectural events (Jones 1995:211). Architecture often

provides the background or decor for performing rituals; as such it is an intimate element and

an important agent in the ritual event. Given this function, sacred architecture is often given

formal aspects and decorative elements that are conducive to religious contemplation and

supportive in concentrating and leading the mind and emotions of participants towards the

canonical messages expressed in the ritual (cf. Rappaport 1999).

5.1 Calendar Creation: Based on Astronomical Observations

An essential function of the calendar is to calculate the progress of time and determine

time intervals in accordance with the observation of astronomical patterns, which is used to

determine the sequence of seasons, to predict the weather (crucial for agricultural societies)

and, consequently, to organize social activities and rituals. At the same time, the calendar may

be used for historical registers and divinatory purposes. Different cultures have their own sky

maps with specific ideas about celestial bodies. For the creation of the calendar, in general,

the Sun, the Moon, and Venus play a major role, as well as other celestial bodies that can be

easily observed (e.g. the Polar Star, Big Dipper, etc.). The methods of creating calendars are

diverse, however, the most common ways are to observe the celestial movements from a fixed

site in their relation to specific points on the horizon or markers in the landscape (hilltops,

rocks, houses, temples) or by placing a monument or a pole to survey its shadows.

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5.1.1 Pole, Shadow, and the Chinese Calendar

Observing pole shadows to determine the time and distinguish directions has a very long

history in ancient China. Evidence can be found in many historical books such as Zhou Bi

Suan Jing (周髀算经) and Zhou Li (周礼). Through this method, people can not only know

the hours of the day, but also accurately judge the nodes of equinoxes and solstices of the year,

and all the directions, East, West, South, and North.

The instrument (竿) that was used in ancient China to distinguish time and directions,

has many names in different documents such as pole (杆), pillar (柱), wood (木), Biao (表),

Gui (圭), Nie (槷), and Nie (臬). The pole stands on the ground, its shadow changes with the

movement of the sun, hence, the time can be judged by its shadow. The seasons and

directions can be distinguished by observing the length of the shadows at noon and the

locations of the sunrises.

The chapter Chun Guan (春官) of Zhou Li pointed out that “the pole shadow can know

the four seasons and the movement of the Sun and the Moon”1; both Dong Guan (冬官) of

Zhou Li and Zhou Bi Suan Jing recorded a method to find the directions by the shadows of a

pole: draw a circle with the pole as the centre and record the nodes where the shadow meets

the circle at the moments of the sunrise and sunset. Connecting the two nodes, the

straight-line drawn points to the East-West direction, while the connection between the

midpoint of the line and the pole is the North-South direction.2(Figure 5-1)

Figure 5-1 Schematic diagram of direction determination (drawing by author)

In terms of measuring time, the period of time from the shortest measured shadow to the

longest shadow, and then back to the shortest shadow can be considered as a solar year. The

months, seasons, and Solar Terms can be read from the perspective of the shadow of the pole,

which is the basis for the creation of Chinese ancient calendars.

1 Zhou Li Chun Guan: “Pole tell the time and Sun and Moon (土圭致四时日月)”. 2 Refer to Zhou Li·Dong Guan·Kao Gong Ji and Zhou Bi Suan Jing (周髀算经).

Zhou Bi Suan Jing (周髀算经) is the oldest book on astronomy and mathematics in China. There has been controversy over

the time of completion of the Zhou Bi Suan Jing. Generally it is considered that its main text was completed in the early

Western Zhou Dynasty, about the 11th century BC. The mathematics theory and the universe model were completed in the

4th and 5th centuries BC. Later, some of its contents were revised, but this should not be later than 100 BC.

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The pole shadow calendar in ancient China has a long history and was widely used. The

sundial, a timekeeping instrument based on its principle, has also been widely used in many

ways; the compass, another instrument used for determining the directions and time, is also

created on the basis of this theory. Besides this method, the ancient Chinese also discovered

the laws of the universe by observing other celestial bodies such as the Big Dipper, the Moon,

and Venus.

5.1.2 Observatory, Alignments, and Mesoamerican Calendar

Mesoamerican astronomer-priests used natural places or buildings as points of

observation (“observatories”), looking at the effects of light and shadow, and to scan the

horizon to discover patterns in the complex motions of the Sun, the Moon, and stars, which

they recorded and calculated in their books (codices). On the basis of such observations,

Mesoamericans developed their calendar to keep track of the passage of time. In accordance

with their religious worldview, the calendar structure reproduced the symbolic numerology of

the cosmos, particularly highlighting the cosmologically relevant numbers 4, 9, 13, and 20.

Among the methods of observation, the connection of observatory uses and qualities

with landscape features (caves, rocks) as well as with ceremonial architecture, was commonly

used in city planning. In archaeological sites, multiple examples can be found of ceremonial

buildings that were precisely aligned to the four directions or to places at the horizon where

the sun rises on significant days (such as solstices, equinoxes, zenith passages). On such days,

for example, Sun rays might be cast through a small hole, lighting up the interior walls of a

tomb, cave or building.3

Figure 5-2 Schematic diagram of direction determination (drawing by author)

In the severely limited corpus of surviving codices, we find clear evidence of prolonged

astronomical observations in the Maya codices (Dresden, Madrid, Paris, Grolier), including

tables of the heliacal risings of Venus and of solar eclipses.

3 Such as some caves or tombs have a tube-like opening to get the zenith sun rays.

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A characteristic of the Mesoamerican calendar that immediately calls the attention is the

fact that the basic cycle consists of 260 days. It has been speculated that this 260-day unit

originated near a latitude of 15°N, where there is a 260-day interval between transits of the

zenithal Sun (Malmström1973) (Figure 5-2). In-depth analysis of the calendar, however,

suggests that the origin of this time unit must be sought in symbolic considerations: the

combination of the number 13, associated with heaven and completion, with the number 20,

the basic element in the vigesimal counting system, based on 20 as the total of fingers and

toes in a human being (see below).

Regardless of the methods used to create the calendars, it is undeniable that ancient

China and Mesoamerica created fascinating and world-renowned intellectual systems to

capture time, which are worthy of their peoples’ pride.

5.2 Calendar Structures: the Prescriptions of the Cosmic Order

The traditional Chinese calendar (officially called Agricultural Calendar) is a lunisolar

calendar which is based on the structure of the Xia calendar (夏历) and absorbs some contents

of the system of Heavenly Stems (天干), Earthly Branches(地支), and 24 Solar Terms (二十

四节气) (Zhang 2008:2-28). It takes the cycle of the Moon as the length of each month and

adds a "leap month" to make the "average year" consistent with the length of the solar return.

There are 7 leap years in every group of 19 lunar years, and each leap year has one extra leap

month, which creates an average calendar year of 354 days (Zhang 2008). With the use of the

system of the Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches, the years were organized as a Calendar

Round in a repeated 60-year cycle.

The basis of the Mesoamerican calendar is a unit of 260 days (known as tzolkin in Maya

and tonalpoalli in Nahuatl), which is composed of the combination of twenty day-signs with

numbers of 1 to 13, resulting in a total of 260 (= 13 x 20) different days. The period of 260

days has no confirmed correlation to astronomical or agricultural cycles but approximates the

period of human pregnancy (Miller &Taube 1993:48). This would suggest that it was

originally designed for the divination of the character and destiny of the human individual

(Anders & Jansen 1993: 50-510). Within this endless stream of days in 260-day cycles,

another unit was distinguished, namely the year of 365 days (haab in Maya and xihuitl in

Nahuatl), which was used for historical registers. This unit of 365 days was clearly based on

observations of the sun (or rather of the consequences of the relative positions of the earth and

sun with respect to each other). The units of 260 days (tzolkin / tonalpoalli) and of 365 days

(haab / xihuitl) came together as a Calendar Round of 52 “historical years” (52 x 365 = 18980

= 73 x 260 days).

5.2.1 Day, Month, Year, and Calendar Round

The origin of the traditional Chinese calendar can be traced as far back as the 14th

century BCE: the oracle bones of the Shang Dynasty give evidence of an existing lunisolar

calendar, which has been much modified but persists until today (Xia 1985). It is said that the

Yellow Emperor (黄帝) created the calendar in the years between 3000 and 2600 BCE,4 then,

the Chinese followed it and calculated years, months, and days according to astronomical

4 This is a historical legend, and there is no evidence to prove whether this really happened.

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phenomena.

Similarly, Mesoamerica has an ancient and distinguished calendar system which is

already evident in inscriptions from as early as around 500 BCE, and which still plays an

important role in several indigenous communities of the Guatemalan highlands (Tedlock

1992:1; Van den Akker 2018), and in the Mexican States of Veracruz, Oaxaca, and Chiapas

(Miles 1952; Jansen 2012; Rojas Martínez Gracida 2014; Macuil Martínez 2017; Reyes

Gómez 2017).

1. Days and Months

In the Chinese calendar, a common year has 12 months and around 353–355 days, while

a leap year has one more month and a total of 383–385 days. Salient features of the Chinese

traditional calendar are:

• Day: from midnight to the next.

• Month: one-month cycle, is 29 or 30 days.

• Date: one day of the month.

• Year: the period of a revolution of the Earth around the Sun. In general, the beginning

of a year is the date of the Beginning of Spring (lunisolar year), or the Winter solstice (solar

year).

There are several ways to record days and months in ancient China, but the most

commonly used system is that of stem-branches (干支系统). For a long time, it was used to

record the date in order to avoid ambiguity. The stem-branches system, also known as

Celestial Stems, first appeared during the Shang dynasty (ca. 1250 BCE); it includes 10

Heavenly Stems (天干) and 12 Earthly Branches (地支) in a fixed order to form 60 basic

units. These were constructed in the process of observing the laws of the Sun’s movement

(Chen 1988) and used to record the years, months, days, and hours (Chen & Wang 2001). It is

a decimal system with names in a fixed sequence: Jia (甲)，Yi (乙)，Bing (丙)，Ding (丁)，

Wu (戊)，Ji (己)，Geng (庚)，Xin (辛)，Ren (壬), and Gui (癸), together forming the names

of the ten days of a week in the Shang dynasty (Smith 2011). For the record of a date, they

were used in combination with the Earthly Branches, which might be related to the

observation of the Moon (Chen, Jiujin 1988). The Earthly Branches, a similar cycle of twelve

characters in a fixed sequence are: Zi (子)，Chou (丑)，Yin (寅)，Mao (卯)，Chen (辰)，Si (巳)，

Wu (午)，Wei (未)，Shen (申), You (酉), Xu (戌), and Hai (亥). The Earthly Branches were

considered an accompaniment of the Heavenly Stems. It is said that the ancient Chinese found

there were 10 months in a year, while in the meantime, they observed the full moon 12 times,

which could be the reason that the 12 Earthly Branches were created.

As already indicated, the tzolkin / Tonalpoalli defined and named the sequence of the

260 different days as combinations of two cycles, that of the 20-day signs, and that of the

numbers 1-13 (Miller & Taube 1993:48). The twenty signs reflect the vigesimal counting

system of Mesoamerican languages.

The signs used in Classic Maya inscriptions are: Imix' ( ), Ik' ( ), Ak'b'al ( ), K'an

( ), Chikchan ( ), Kimi ( ), Manik' ( ), Lamat ( ), Muluk ( ), Ok ( ),

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Chuwen ( ), Eb' ( ), Ben ( ), Ix ( ), Men ( ), Kib' ( ), Kab'an ( ),

Etz'nab' ( ), Kawak ( ), and Ajaw ( ) (Pitts 2009:50-58).

In the Nahua and Ñuu Dzaui pictorial manuscripts these 20 signs are: Alligator, Wind,

House, Lizard, Serpent, Death, Deer, Rabbit, Water, Dog, Monkey, Grass, Reed, Jaguar,

Eagle, Vulture, Movement, Flint, Rain, and Flower (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017:11). They

appear in a fixed sequence from 1 to 20 (Figure 5-3).

Figure 5-3 Mayan 20 day-signs and 4 year- bearers

(http://www.mesolore.org/tutorials/learn/13/Keeping-Time)

In order to produce the 260 different day names, these twenty signs work together with

numbers from 1 to 13. The tonalpoalli starts with the first sign combined with number 1: day

1 Alligator. Then the successive days follow: 2 Wind, 3 House, 4 Lizard, etc. After the 13-day

sign is combined with the number 13 – day 13 Reed –, the next sign (the 14th of the sequence

of twenty signs) is combined again with the number 1: 1 Jaguar, and so on. The final

combination, which is the 260th day of the sequence, is that of the twentieth sign with the

number 13: 13 Flower (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017:11-13; Miller & Taube 1993:50).

The haab / xihuitl the unit of 365 days uses the same day names as the tzolkin /

tonalpoalli but extends for 105 days more (thus 105 day names occur twice in the haab /

xihuitl): it approximates the solar or agricultural year (Miller & Taube 1993:50). Structurally,

it comprises 18 “months” of 20 days each, plus an additional five days ("superfluous days") at

the end of the year, thus in total a count of 365 days (20 × 18 +5 = 365). The position of the

day within a month could be identified by a day number followed by the name of the month.

In Maya inscriptions the18 months are successively: Pop ( ), Wo' ( ), Sip ( ),

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Sotz' ( ), Sek ( ), Xul ( ), Yaxk'in ( ), Mol ( ), Ch'en ( ), Yax ( ), Sak'

( ), Keh ( ), Mak ( ), K'ank'in ( ), Muwan'( ), Pax ( ), K'ayab ( ), and

Kumk'u ( ) (Pitts 2009:59-63).

The last five days without a month’s name at the end of a year were together called

Wayeb' ( ) (Figure 5-4). Due to their separated position from the main body, they were

considered not appropriate for normal activities and therefore were often seen as unlucky or

even dangerous days (Miller & Taube 1993:51; Pitts 2009:64).

Figure 5-4 Months names in Mayan Calendar (Rice 2009:40)

To sum up, the elements are similar but different in tzolkin and haab, they are:

tzolkin

• Day: number (1-13) + day sign (cycle of 20): in total 260 combinations.

• Subdivision: twenty 13-day periods (each beginning with number 1)

• Date: a day (one out of a total of 260 possibilities).

• Cycle: 260 days.

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haab

• Day: number (1-20) + month sign

• Subdivision: 18 periods of 20 days (“months”) with 5 extra days

• Date: a day (of the tzolkin) positioned within a 20-day period (“month”)

• Cycle: 365 days.

The Aztec year (xihuitl) was similarly structured in eighteen 20-day periods (“months”),

which were identified with a sequence of rituals, most of which seem to have been determined

by seasonality.

Each of the twenty day-signs had its patron deity. The same was true for each of the

thirteen numbers. Moreover, there was a cycle of nine Deities of the Night, which

accompanied the tonalpoalli: the first of these deities was the patron of the first day, and so on;

the final (260th) day was governed by the last two of the nine Deities of the Night. Also, each

of the twenty 13-day periods had a patron deity. The eighteen 20-day periods were

characterized by rituals, which also implied an association with specific deities. In this

manner, the birthday of a person would hold many associations with deities and, consequently,

with divinatory symbols, which would influence the character and destiny of that person

(Nowotny 2005). Equally, it was important to examine these associations with the divine

world for planning a ritual, a battle, or some other activity.

The 365-day period approximates the tropical year. As the real length of the

astronomical/natural year (the “tropical year”) is not exactly 365 days but close to 365.24219

days (average), a 365-days year runs out of pace with the seasons and needs some form of

correction through the insertion of leap-days, as in the Julian and Gregorian calendars (an

average of 1 day in 4 years, with additional corrections per century). It is a matter of debate if

and how leap-days were introduced in the Mesoamerican calendar system. Several Spanish

early colonial sources affirm that leap days occurred in the Aztec calendar, and indeed they

would be important for keeping the agricultural rituals in pace with the seasons. On the other

hand, other sources contradict this, and leap days cannot be observed in the on-going

sequence of the days in historical registers and correlations. Jansen and Pérez Jiménez (2019)

have suggested, therefore, that leap-days were not included in the formal count of the Aztec

years as fixed units of 365 days, but were occasionally added to the duration of the

agricultural feast-periods in accordance with astronomical observations (e.g. of the zenith

passage of the Sun). That would have created a separate natural year that consisted of the

sequence of seasonal feasts and that would start every year in accordance with the observation

of a specific astronomical event. In practice, this would have connected the sequence of

rituals to the seasonal and astronomical reality of the tropical year and have made it

independent from the fixed 365-day period. Consequently, leap days were not included in the

“historical years” of 365 days, but did occur in practice in the “natural years” of the

successive seasonal rituals.

In the Classic Maya calendar, however, the position of the “months” was fixed and

limited to 20 days in a fixed manner, without leap days. It still has to be investigated whether

the monthly feasts within those “months” changed in character or moved in accordance with

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seasonality and solar positions.

2. Years

In terms of naming the years, China and Mesoamerica have adopted different methods in

their calendar systems.

In China, there are several methods to name or mark the years. The first way is to follow

the name of a king, which first happened in the First Year of King Xuan of Zhou (周宣王,

827 BC). After this, the Year Name (年号), the name of a period of an emperor’s rule, was

taken as the new calendar year by Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty (汉武帝) in the first year

of his enthronement, which was called the First Year of Jianyuan (建元元年，140 BC). This

continued to the last feudal dynasty of China (Qing Dynasty). The stem-branches were used

as a calendar system to mark the years by Emperor Guangwu of the Han Dynasty (汉光武帝),

moreover, it was officially and widely used 30 years after he became emperor (AD 54) (Bao

2009). That is to say, in the early time of China, the King used his name to record the year;

later, the Year Name and stem-branches system were the main ways to indicate the concrete

time of the years, months, and days. Besides this, a zodiac system that includes a 12-year

animal cycle was and is still used by the people to mark the years (Bao 2009).

In Mesoamerica, the Nahuas (Aztecs), Ñuu Dzaui (Mixtecs), and other peoples in the

Postclassic period used to name the year of 365 days after one specific day, the “year bearer”.

Dates were registered as the combination of the year-bearer and the day within that year.

The number of 365 days contains 18 times the twenty signs, with a remainder of 5 signs

(365= 18x20+5). Consequently, the day-sign of the year-bearer will move forward five

positions each year in the list of the 20 day-signs (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017: 14). After

four years the same day-sign returns as year-bearer, because four times 5 positions moved

forward again completes the cycle of twenty signs and therefore returns to the same sign. That

means that the year bearer can only fall on 4 signs within the cycle of 20 day-signs. In the

Nahua and Ñuu Dzaui calendars, the signs of Reed, Flint, House, and Rabbit were taken as

the day-signs of the year-bearer signs (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017: 14-15) (Figure 5-3).

Similarly, the number of 365 days contains 28 times the series of 13 numbers, with a

remainder of 1 (365 = 28 x 13 + 1). This means that the number that accompanies the

day-sign of the next year-bearer would be one digit higher. Different people might use

different year-bearers, depending on the day they chose to begin the year.

3. Calendar Round and Long Count

In Mesoamerica, people used the calendar to record the passage of time. Especially the

Maya achieved complex calculations of long time periods for registering historical and

astronomical events.

The cycles of 260 days and 365 days in combination result in a Calendar Round of 52

years, after which the cycle of year-bearers is repeated. The total amount of year-bearers is 52

because only four day-signs qualify for the year-bearer position, but each may be combined

with numbers from 1 to 13 (13 x 4 = 52). Concretely, if we start with a year 1 Reed, the next

year of the Calendar Round would be 2 Flint, to be followed by 3 House, to be followed by 4

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Rabbit, to be followed by 5 Reed and so on until 13 Rabbit, after which the new cycle would

again start with 1 Reed (Figure 5-5).

The 52-year cycle in Nahuatl is called xiuhmolpilli, “binding of the years”. This

Calendar Round could be subdivided into 4 periods of 13 years each, starting with 1 Reed, 1

Flint, 1 House, and 1 Rabbit respectively: “the beauty of this mathematical organization is

that the sign of the leading year-bearer during such a 13 year period will fall on the positions

1, 5, 9, and 13, which are symbolically associated with the Centre and the four directions of

the Earth’s surface (1, 5), the Underworld where the dead ancestors are (9), and Heaven (13)”

(Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2017: 15).

Figure 5-5 Calendar Round works (Pitts 2009:69)

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The Codex Cihuacoatl (Borbonicus) is an early colonial copy of a precolonial pictorial

manuscript (Anders, Jansen & Reyes 1991), which contains a full presentation of the Aztec

calendar in four chapters:

1) The tonalpoalli of 260 days, divided into twenty 13-day periods, each with its central

image of the patron deity and divinatory symbols; each day is listed with its respective Deity

of the Night and its corresponding Deity of the Number, accompanied by an augural bird.

2) A list of the 52 year-bearers, making up the Calendar Round.

3) The 18-month rituals, paying special attention to the beginning of the Calendar Round

with a New Fire ceremony in the year 2 Reed (1507).

4) The sequence of years in the next calendar round.

The precolonial Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Borgia) contains a central chapter devoted to

“temple scenes”, which shows the ritual activities and corresponding priestly experiences in a

specific ceremonial centre during the 18 months of the Aztec year (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez

2017: chapter 7). Here we see the integration of architecture (temples, altars, plazas, ball

courts, roads) with landscape features, ritual actions of the priests, and the presence of deities.

Figure 5-6 Chinese Jia-Zi works (drawing by author)

Similar to the Calendar Round of Mesoamerica, the stem-branches were the important

recording system in ancient China, used to mark the years, months, days, and hours in

different historical periods (Chen 1988); it produces a repeated 60-year cycle which is called

Jia-Zi (甲子) in China. As mentioned before, the stem-branches system includes 10 Heavenly

Stems and 12 Earthly Branches in total. The 10 Heavenly Stems, in general, are numbered

from 1 to 10; combining with each of the 12 Earthly Branches in turn, they produce a cycle

for 60 years (Figure 5-6). For example, the first year of the cycle is a combination of Jia (first

of Heavenly Stems) and Zi (first of Earthly Branches), called the year of Jia-Zi; the second

year is the year of Yi-Chou, from the combination of Yi (second of Heavenly Stems) and Chou

(second of Earthly Branches); and so on, until the tenth year of Gui-You. From the 11th year

onwards, the 10 Heavenly Stems have finished a cycle, so they must be repeated from the

beginning. The same thing happened in the 13th year, at that time, the 12 Earthly Branches

also have completed their first cycle, so they must enter a second cycle. Consequently, this

combination of the stem-branches creates the sequence of the years: Jia-Zi, Yi-Chou,

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Bing-Yin... until Gui-Hai. In this process, the Heavenly Stems have completed their cycle 6

times and the Earthly Branches have cycled 5 times, which forms a 60-year cycle in total. A

60-year cycle is called one Jia-Zi, that is, a Jia-Zi equals 60 years, which is thought of as

closing the life destiny of a human being, hence, it makes people believe that after a Jia-Zi

people will become much weaker.

To anchor a tzolkin / haab date further in time, the Classic Maya devised the “Long

Count”, counting the number of days that had passed since the beginning date of the calendar:

4 Ahau, 8th day of the month Cumku, a virtual “year 0”, which, according to the most

accepted correlation, corresponds to 11 August 3114 BCE (in the proleptic Gregorian

calendar). The total number of passed days was counted in cycles in the vigesimal system,

using a unit of 360 days (tun) as the basic unit: 20 tuns is a katun, 20 katuns is a baktun, 20

baktuns is a pictun, 20 pictuns is a calabtun (around 158 millennia), and another bigger one

called kinchiltun, which consists of 20 calabtuns (around 3.16 million years) in total (Salyers

1954).

Historical inscriptions of the Classical period date important events in this Long Count,

listing the total number of days passed since 4 Ahau 8 Cumku in a sequence of 5 digits: the

baktun's (units of 20 x 20 x 360 days), katun's (units of 20 x 360 days), tun's (units of 360

days), uinal's (units of 20 days) and kin's (individual days). For example, the accession date of

Ah Pakal, ruler of Palenque, is given as the Long Count date 9.9.2.4.8, which means: 9 baktun,

9 katun, 2 tun, 4 uinal and 8 kin since the beginning date of the calendar (11.08.3114 BCE),

arriving at 5 Lamat 1Mol, which corresponded to 27 July A.D. 615 (proleptic Gregorian).

In ancient China there was also a system to record very distant dates, but it appears in an

ancient book and seems to not have been used in real life. According to the Zhou Bi Suan Jing:

"19 years is a Zhang (章); 4 Zhangs is a Bu (蔀), a total of 76 years; 20 Bus is a Sui (遂), a

total of 1520 years; 3 Suis is a Shou (首), a total of 4560 years; 7 Shou is a Ji (极), a total of

31920 years."5 “When these times are over, everything begins again”.

6 The Zhou Bi Suan

Jing was one of the official mathematics textbooks in the Tang Dynasty, it has a very

prominent historical position in the field of mathematics and astronomy in ancient China,

however, its “Long Count” system was not so popular in history books since people preferred

to record the history in periods corresponding to the rule of specific dynasties, the sequence of

which was memorized. Consequently, they marked the time of the first empire as the Xia

Dynasty, then the Shang Dynasty, the Zhou Dynasty...... until the New China of today. From

this system, all Chinese can easily locate the historical stage for an event that occurred in its

history. As for the concrete date, the use of the stem-branches combined with the King’s

name or Year Name clearly marks each day of the ancient past, and so there was no need to

differentiate the years further in the record: the combination of the above-mentioned methods

was clear enough (Zhang 1995).

Nevertheless, we note that the “Long Count” systems in the Maya and Chinese calendars,

operated on similar principles.

5 The original words in Zhou Bi Suan Jing are: “19 years is a Zhang(章); 4 Zhangs is a Bu(蔀), a total of 76 years; 20 Bus is

a Sui(遂), a total of 1520 years; 3 Suis is a Shou(首), consists of 4560 years; 7 Shou is a Ji(极), including 31920 years(十九岁

为一章。四章为一蔀，七十六岁。二十蔀为一遂，遂千五百二十岁。三遂为一首，首四千五百六十岁。七首为一极，极三万一千九百二十岁。)” 6 The original words in Zhou Bi Suan Jing: “生数皆终，万物复始”.

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5.2.2 Zodiac, Days, and Records

Another popular astrological and calendric element in China was the Zodiac, consisting

of constellations, i.e. imaginary groupings of stars into forms of animals or other figures. The

Chinese zodiac system originated following the 12 Earthly Branches (Ye 1998) before the

Qin Dynasty (Ye 2015) and used to mark the years and hours (Wang 2008). It contains 12

animals, each of which is related to a year and an exact hour. The year of a specific zodiac

animal appears every 12 years: it was believed that the year was associated with the character

of the animal. The order of the 12 animals is: 1) Rat, 2) Ox, 3) Tiger, 4) Rabbit, 5) Dragon, 6)

Snake, 7) Horse, 8) Goat, 9) Monkey, 10) Rooster, 11) Dog, and 12) Pig. Among these

animals, the Dragon was the most important supreme sacred animal in Chinese legend; the Ox,

Horse, Goat, Rooster, Dog, and Pig were six very important domestic animals for Chinese

daily life and agriculture, while the other five animals were close to human society. The

system of 12 zodiac years is still popular in today’s China: when a child is born, it will be

attached to the animal year it is born in, and as a result, in folk worldview, its character and

destiny are associated with that zodiac animal. Besides this, the 12 animals are connected with

the traditional hours (another use of Earthly Branches), each being attached to an exact hour

that belongs to one of the total 12 hours a day. For example, the Rat ranks first and

corresponds to Zi in Earthly Branches, the contemporary time is from 23:00 to 1:00, and so

on:

Rat (coordinated with Zi)-from 23:00 to 1:00;

Ox (coordinated with Chou) -from 1:00 to 3:00;

Tiger (coordinated with Yin) -from 3:00 to 5:00;

Rabbit (coordinated with Mao) -from 5:00 to 7:00;

Dragon (coordinated with Chen) -from 7:00 to 9:00;

Snake (coordinated with Si) -from 9:00 to 11:00;

Horse (coordinated with Wu)-from 11:00 to 13:00;

Goat (coordinated with Wei) -from 13:00 to 15:00;

Monkey (coordinated with Shen) -from 15:00 to 17:00;

Rooster (coordinated with You) -from 17:00 to 19:00;

Dog (coordinated with Xu) -from 19:00 to 21:00;

Pig (coordinated with Hai) -from 21:00 to 23:00.

Moreover, the days, as well as the months, were also connected with the zodiac, for

instance, a date can be named after a zodiac name such as Snake, Horse, Ox, etc. (Li 1999).

The ancient Mesoamerican zodiac has not been well documented. The 20-day signs of

the Aztec and Mixtec calendar consist of animals, natural elements, or artefacts associated

with people’s daily life. It has been speculated that these day-signs were, at least in part,

connected to a zodiac system. Although this argument has been questioned and indeed lacks

proof, it is still thought-provoking and has attracted the attention of several scholars (Spinden

1928; Brotherston 1989). Anyway, it is interesting to note that these basic signs of the

Mesoamerican calendar have symbolic meaning, similar to the use of the zodiac signs in

China. Among those 20 signs, ten represent animals: Alligator, Lizard, and Serpent are

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reptiles, which generally represent “Earth” in Mesoamerican culture; Deer and Rabbit are the

typical animals of the mountain (symbolizing freedom) as well as animals that are hunted, the

rabbit being particularly symbolically associated with pulque, a fermented beverage (prepared

from maguey juice); the Dog is the only domesticated animal and associated with death (as it

has to transport the soul of the river to Mictlan); the Monkey is seen as funny, and is

associated with art and performance; the Jaguar symbolizes strength, courage, and bravery –

these are five animals that are close to people’s daily life and important in the Mesoamerican

worldview; Eagle and Vulture, the other two animals, are noticeable birds that can fly in the

sky and touch Heaven. These ten animals, in summary, are associated with the Heaven, Earth,

human life, and the Underworld. Besides these, the sixth sign of the 20 day-signs is Death,

and therefore a reference to ancestors and the Underworld; the Grass, Reed, and Flower are

representative of important plants, used by humans; Flint is an important artefact; the House

is a hint of human family life and represents human beings; the Wind, Water, and Rain are

elements of nature; and the sign Movement – which also refers to Earthquakes and to the

Sun’s orbit – signals that there is dynamism in the universe. Each of these signs had symbolic

and divinatory associations, which were important for the character of the person born on

such a day (Anders & Jansen 1993; Nowotny 2005).

From the above, we find both similarities and differences in the ways that both cultures

used animals and natural or cultural elements for referring to the passage and divinatory

meaning of time.

Ancient China was a highly developed agricultural society, people paid attention to all

activities related to agriculture; therefore, the main animals of the zodiac system are closely

related to agricultural production. As a result, most of the animals belong to the category of

domestic animals, and most others are close to people’s daily life. The Dragon is also

extremely important to agriculture. It is not only a very auspicious animal but also the divine

power that controls the rain, which directly affects agricultural production. In terms of

recording time, whether it is the year, month, or hour, this list of animals is closely related to

people’s daily life. Consequently, the Chinese zodiac system was connected to and serving its

agricultural society.

In comparison, the Mesoamerican day signs cycle seems to reflect ideas about the

structure of the cosmos. Firstly, it contains all the elements of the Three Realms of the

universe: Heaven (Eagle and Vulture), Earth (Alligator, Lizard, Serpent as well as Rain), and

the Underworld (Death, Dog and maybe Flint); secondly, it includes animals (Deer, Rabbit,

Dog, Monkey, and Jaguar) as well as plants (Grass, Flower, and Reed) that play a role in the

human world; thirdly, it refers to the powers of nature (Wind, Water, Rain, Flint, and

Movement); fourthly, it, of course, contains the reference to human culture (House) – it

should be noted that the corresponding sign in other Mesoamerican calendars is Darkness

(Maya: akbal) or Owl.

5.2.3 Duality, Combination, and Circulation

The calendars of both China and Mesoamerica are deeply rooted in cultural memory and

have an important symbolic and cosmological dimension. The dates and other segments of

time on the one hand create historical consciousness, on the other have religious and ethical

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meanings, which is relevant for human life in connection with Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld (the world of the Ancestors).

In China, the name of a date is a combination of Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches,

which are two sides of the Chinese calendar, one related to the Sun and the other related to the

Moon. The part of Heavenly Stems is always called Yang (related to the Sun), the other part

from Earthly Branches called Yin (related to the Moon). Heavenly Stems were first used to

mark the days recorded in the oracles, later, found to mark the months and years in the Taichu

Calendar (太初历) of the Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 24). The origins of the 10

characters of the Heavenly Stems, are not recorded, but scholars suspect several possibilities.

Most scholars believe that the 10 characters came from the ten Suns of Chinese legend, since

they had the same names (Zhou 2006). Besides this, there is a popular idea that the 10

characters are related to the movement of the Sun. Chen Jiujin said, “the 10 characters are ten

stages of the Ten Months Solar Calendar” (Chen 1988). He said the original meanings of the

10 characters are not to be taken as the numbers of 1-10 to be used, but were based on the

periodic motion law of the Sun and associated with the agriculture. Each of them was linked

with a stage of agricultural planting from cultivating the soil and preparing the land for

sowing, to harvesting in the fall and storage in the winter. The sequence is:

Jia, the month of the plants come out from the soil;

Yi, the month of the plants bend to grow;

Bing, the month of the weather is bright;

Ding, the month of the plants’ growth;

Wu, the month of the plants are lush;

Ji, the month of recording and remembering;

Geng, the month of the plants’ maturity;

Xin, the month of the plants’ revivification;

Ren, the month of the plants breeding;

Gui, the month of the plants managed and harvest (Chen 1988).

According to his idea, the 10 characters were abstract graphs for describing 10 states of

crops, 1 for each month. In other words, the 10 characters are 10 numbers related to the Sun

movements for a whole year. The Sun, with its strong energy, is the best representation of

Yang, which is a good representative of the Heaven (also belonging to Yang), that is why they

were named as “Heavenly Stems”. Similarly, the Moon, which mostly comes out at night,

looks like a cold pan, and generally was seen as Yin, opposite to the Yang of the Sun. The 12

Earthly Branches, as a result, which derived from the lunar calendar of 12 months, were

associated with Yin, complementing the Heavenly Stems. The two parts of this duality are

combined together to mark dates in detail with years, months, days, and hours. For example, a

child’s birthday was marked by the Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches in four units –year,

month, day, and hour – which were composed of 8 characters and each with two parts of this

duality.

In comparison, the way in which the tzolkin named the days, also includes two parts

related to the Heaven/Cosmos and the Earth: The sequence of thirteen numbers seems to be

related to Heaven/Cosmos) as they also appear as the number of thirteen layers of heaven in

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Codex Vaticanus A. They also represent the 13 directional points of the cosmos: thus the

thirteen numbers are related to the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and the Underworld

(Austin 1980). The number 1 represents the Centre, and then in each of these realms, four

directions can be distinguished: 13 = 1+4+4+4 (Jansen & Pérez Jiménez 2010: 27). The

central plane is therefore represented by the number 5 (1+4), adding the four directions of the

Underworld we arrive at the number 9, indeed a number associated with death and the

ancestors. The number 13 completes this structure with the four directions of heaven. Hence,

whether the numbers were from the 13-layered sky or from 13 directional points of the

Cosmos, they belong to the universe and particularly to Heaven.

The number of 10 Heavenly Stems, according to another argument, is related to the 10

fingers of the human body, which is the basic idea for the origin of the decimal counting

system. Similarly, the amount of 20 day-signs in Mesoamerica came from the total number of

fingers and toes (characterizing the human being), which is the source of the vigesimal

counting system. At the same time, this sequence of day signs may symbolically be connected

to Earth. The two parts of the date name may represent a concept of the intertwining of human

society with the cosmos and time. When we look at the 13-day periods we find that the days

(Nahuatl: tonalli = day, heat, light) have on the one hand a heavenly aspect associated with

the Sun (Tonatiuh, the shining and bright one), which is symbolized by the 13 augural birds

that accompany the deities of the 13 numbers. On the other hand, the days also include the

nights, which are governed by the 9 Deities of the Night. The luminous and nocturnal aspects

with which all dates are associated reflect the pervasive Mesoamerican duality of “hot” and

“cold”, comparable to the yang and yin of Chinese philosophy. In both sets – the 13 deities of

the numbers and the 9 deities of the nights – we find to some extent the same deities, of which

some are clearly more associated with “hot” qualities (e.g. the Sun God and the Fire God)

while others have a “cold” character (e.g. the Rain God, the God of Death).

5.2.4 Solar Year, Divisions, and Ecliptic

The 24 Solar Terms (24节气) was an important calendar element, which served to

support the agricultural production in ancient China; it was formed by observing the solar

anniversary movement and recognizing the season, climate, phenomenology, and other

changes in the year. For easy use, ancient Chinese divided the trajectory of the Sun

Anniversary into 24 equal parts, each of which was a Solar Term. A Solar Term has three

climate periods, each of which is five days. Consequently, a solar year was divided into

Season (季), Jie (节), Qi (气), and Hou (候), so that 1 Year = 4 Seasons = 24 Solar Terms (12

Jies+12 Qis) = 72 Hous. The 24 Solar Terms express the concept of time as a connection

between humans and the universe, which contains the long-term cultural memory and

historical accumulation of China (Chen 1987).

The names of the 24 Solar Terms describe in a sequence of characters the climate of the

whole year, i.e., from the first, which tells the beginning of spring, to the last, which shows

the coming of the ice-cold period, they tell the people what the climate is at each stage, and

what will happen in the next period. This aspect is clearly associated with traditional

agriculture. The sequence of the names is:

Spring Begins (立春), February 3-5th;

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Rains (雨水), February 18-20th;

Insects Awaken (惊蛰), March 5-7th;

Vernal Equinox (春分), March 20-22nd;

Clear and Bright (清明), April 4-6th;

Grain Rain (谷雨)，April 19-21st;

Figure 5-7 Chinese 24 Solar Terms (drawing by author)

Summer Begins (立夏), May 5-7th;

Grain Buds (小满)，May 20-22nd;

Grain in Ear (芒种), June 5-7th;

Summer Solstice (夏至), June 21-22nd;

Slight Heat (小暑), July 6-8th;

Great Heat (大暑), July 22-24th;

Autumn Begins (立秋), August 8-9th;

Stopping Heat (处暑), August 22-24th

;

White Dews (露水), September 7-9th;

Autumn Equinox (秋分), September 22-24th;

Cold Dews (寒露), October 8-9th;

Hoar-Frost Falls (霜降), October 23-24th;

Winter Begins (立冬), November 7-8th;

Light Snow (小雪), November 22-23rd;

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Heavy Snow (大雪), December 6-8th;

Winter Solstice (冬至), December 21-23rd;

Slight Cold (小寒), January 5-7th;

Great Cold (大寒), January 20-21st.

The 24 divisional points within this cyclical movement of time coincide with points 15º

apart on the ecliptic, as they form a complete circle of 360º (Figure 5-7). The Sun needs to

take 365 days to finish its journey of this cycle, which means, each Solar Term contains a

journey of around 15 days, i.e., the whole Solar Year was divided into 24 parts and each part

consists of 15 days.

As a comparison, the Mesoamerican calendar (whether tzolkin / tonalpoalli or haab /

xihuitl) consists of cycles (which Western scholars tend to represent as circles), similar to that

of Chinese 24 Solar Terms: the 20 day-signs, the 13 numbers and the day positions in the 18

months, all move in succession around their respective Centres (Figure 5-8). The 20 day-signs,

as a basic unit, are repeated 13 times (in the tzolkin / tonalpoalli) or 18 times (in the haab /

xihuitl). The 13 day-numbers, the other basic unit, are repeated 20 times (in the tzolkin /

tonalpoalli) or 28 times (in the haab / xihuitl). The division of the 365-day year (haab / xihuitl)

into 18 months of 20 days with 5 extra days is clearly based on the passage of the seasons –

most of the rituals are intimately related to corresponding food producing activities of

agriculture, hunting, etc. – and very comparable in its structural idea to the Chinese 24 Solar

Terms.

Figure 5-8 Mayan 20-day Signs (internet)

5.2.5 Summary, Similarities, and Comparison

Through the above analysis, the most salient similarities between the Chinese and

Mesoamerican calendars are: they both use a combination of cycles to create a system for

marking the time. As mentioned above, the ancient Chinese took the Stem-Branches system

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to create a Calendar Round of 60 years. What makes this system special is: it consists of 10

symbols from the Heavenly Stems and 12 characters from the Earthly branches, which, when

combined into one cycle, form a table of 60 small units that are different from each other,

which were used to mark the years, months, and days. Similarly, the Mesoamerican calendar

forms a Calendar Round of 52 years by combining the four year-bearer signs with the

numbers 1-13. The 60-year and 52-year cycles of the two calendars (Chinese and

Mesoamerican respectively) are very similar in terms of the composition of the calendar and

its functions.

Besides this, the symbolic aspect of the calendar in both cultures is represented by means

of 12 or 20 animals or elements, which reflect the human experience in both cultures, in

China primarily connected to agriculture, in Mesoamerica related more generally to nature. In

both calendar systems, these symbols connect people's daily lives to cosmological ideas.

It should be noted that Western society also has a zodiac system that includes 12 names

of animals and some other figures. They were first used as star groups to be “the

conceptualization of the sky” (Gurshtein 2005), then they were connected with many

meanings and so developed into a divinatory system: astrology, rooted in the ancient Eastern

and Mediterranean cultures (Tester 1987:1-3). The sequence of these Western zodiac signs,

each associated with a month-length period, forms a parallel year calendar, not official but

popular until today, which is supposed to influence the character of the periods and of the

persons born in them. At the same time these signs are categorized symbolically according to

the four elements (Fire, Earth, Air, and Water) and combined with the positions of the sun, the

moon and the planets – all these are also associated with the different parts of the human body

and for a long time influenced medical thought and practice.

5.3 Calendar Symbols: A Special Performance of Architecture

Calendars, which can tell people how the universe works and how time goes on, in

general, are thought of as religiously charged, mysterious, and sacred thought systems, to be

respected by the people. Architecture, which was associated with rituals and consequently

also with calendars, was constructed by the same people who wanted to use it to inspire

religious emotion, e.g. as a place of contact with the Numinous, as scenery for ritual events or

as a dwelling for people of divine status. Besides those functions, the architecture, in certain

circumstances, can also be used as tools for people to observe the movements of the celestial

bodies, on which calendars and ritual cycles may be founded.

Nowadays, analyzing the way in which the calendars were associated with and expressed

in architecture may shed light on their original nature and development. The structure,

contents, and functions of a calendar (e.g. for historiography, astronomical observations, and

seasonal predictions as well as for ordering religious associations and other symbolic aspects

for ritual and divination), generally, have great relevance to the users. For that reason, the

meanings associated with the calendar can be found in works of art; we encounter them when

exploring its history and symbolism. For example, when architectural components follow the

number of days, months, years, seasons, or when architectural decorations use calendric signs

and numbers, we can find the special moments marked and symbolized in time, or the

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structure of a calendar or its original meaning in ancient epochs. Astronomical alignment of

architecture, as one of the most visible aspects of the calendars, is prominently present in the

culturally important buildings of ancient Mesoamerica and China.

5.3.1 Calendar Numbers, Connection, and Cosmos

The number of days, months, and years – the main body of a calendar, the best reflection

of the laws of the universe – was seen as a sacred connection with the Heaven/Cosmos and

the Gods, which would not always appear to the Earth but were mysterious, fascinating and

important to the people. Therefore, as a good way to show respect to the divine powers, and to

make ritual participants think of the religious worldview, the ancients often included the

central numbers of their calendar in their sacred buildings.

Many cases in Mesoamerica show that such a practice widely existed. For example,

calendric inscriptions in Mesoamerican tombs and temples register events of ancient history

as well as – politically important – rituals, while the calendar’s numbers were used in

complex buildings as symbolic references to the structure of the Cosmos. A well-known

pyramid in Chichen Itza, called El Castillo, is an outstanding representative case of how

calendar numerology could be used in sacred architecture. In doing so, it reminds the people

of the ancient, sacred time and demonstrates the high quality of the Maya calendar system and

of their excellent mathematicians and astronomers (Declercq, et al. 2004). The year, the

seasons, the equinoxes, the days, the world directions, and the number of the Underworld all

have a place in the building (Carlson 1999). The most straightforward way of displaying

calendar numbers is in the number of steps of the four pyramid staircases (its liminal area,

which connects the people with the Gods): each step stands for one day of the Maya haab

year. The total number of steps on each of the four lateral staircases is 91, together these steps

on the four sides add up to 364, with the top platform to be seen as the last one, bringing the

total on 365, which is the number of days in one haab year. The season's separation points are

also clearly reflected in the pyramid design: solstices and equinoxes. The hierophany of the

descending Feathered Serpent described above reminds people of the religious dynamic of the

ritual year: the arrival of the different seasons, associated with the world directions.

Figure 5-9 the plane and façade of El Castillo (internet)

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Besides this, this pyramid consists of nine layers or platforms, which may be a reference

to the cosmic meaning of the number 9, associated with the ancestors and the Underworld

(Foster 2002: 204) (Figure 5-9). Often, the number of layers and steps of the Mesoamerican

pyramids seem significant in terms of the calendar.

Not coincidentally, the calendar, as a mysterious intellectual construct that holds ancient

wisdom, is a way to attach sacredness to those excellent architectures. That also happened in

ancient China. For example, the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests (祈年殿), the main palace

in the Temple of Heaven (Chapter 3), as one of the most outstanding ancient buildings in

China, shows a very close connection to the calendar in the use of numbers. The hall was used

to worship Heavenly Gods who controlled the time for harvesting; consequently, it was

designed as a body / spirit / cultural symbol of sacred time (Chapter 3). For that reason, its

plan, architectural components (especially the columns), and decorative aspects were

designed to show explicit associations with calendar numerology. A total of 28 columns were

set in the building, which can be read as containing several symbolic references to the year,

the months, the days, hours and seasons, the 24 Solar Terms (节气), and, last but not least to

the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (28 星宿) of the Chinese calendar.

Figure 5-10 the columns and the symbols of the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests

(drawing by author)

In detail, the 4 biggest pillars, separated toward the four directions in the Centre (Figure

5-10), supporting the main structure of the hall, stand for the four seasons of a year; the set of

12 pillars in the middle line and the set of 12 outer columns of the hall each represents the 12

months and the 12 Chinese traditional hours. The total of these 24 pillars refers moreover to

the 24 Solar Terms of the ancient Chinese Solar Calendar; the total amount of the pillars (28),

then represents the traditional Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions, which are the main bodies of the

ancient Chinese constellations of the Ecliptic circle. The total number of fences on the outer

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three enclosures of the hall is 360; it represents the days of a whole year in the traditional

calendar.

In summary, calendar numbers were used in the constructions of both Chinese and

Mesoamerican architectures as a way of connecting with the Cosmos. The El Castillo pyramid

is the embodiment of the cosmic order, which is represented in various aspects: infinite time

is symbolized by the use of the calendar numbers (days, seasons, years), in addition, spatial

dimensions refer to the four world directions plus the upper and lower cosmic levels.

Calendar numbers make a strong and significant statement of how time is going on in the

Universe. The Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests shows the same idea about the embodiment

of cosmic order in time and space. The time is reflected in those calendar numbers of years,

seasons, days, months, hours, which are implied in the numbers of the columns. The spatial

dimension of the universe can be seen in the vertical layer design of the building: the

nine-layer Heaven. From the vertical height, the lowest three layers of white marble platforms

represent the three layers of the sky, while each wall and roof of the building symbolizes a

total of the six levels of the sky, that is, all the spaces of the universe. This combination of

references to time and space in architecture to reflect the concept of the order of the universe

may be observed in both civilizations.

5.3.2 Calendar, Towards, and Architectural Orientation

Chinese and Mesoamericans had similar ways of using accurate knowledge and

astronomically derived concepts to express cultural meanings attributed to certain celestial

events. Buildings, tombs, temples, even cities, were designed so that they expressed in their

orientation an alignment with the movement directions of celestial bodies or the locations in

which special celestial bodies were located on specific dates.

The cases discussed above show that temples and other important buildings were located

and constructed in astronomical patterns in several ways. Especially architecture with

religious or some emblematic status may express astronomical, cosmological, and astrological

meanings through their shapes, proportions, decorations, and uses of cultural symbols and of

sacred numbers. In this way, they are related to calendric calculations, astronomical

predictions, and the observation of celestial events. As such, they could be oriented to mark or

follow a specific location (rise or descent) of a specific celestial body (the Sun, the Moon,

Venus, etc.) on a specific date (e.g. equinoxes, solstices, festivals, birthdays of great persons,

etc.). Such particular orientations may have been determined by ritual requirements and were

often relevant for agricultural ceremonies in the annual cycle.

"Facing East" is a general rule that comes out from the early buildings or structures in

different cultures (Chen 2012:93-95; Lv 2011; Hoskin & Morales Núñez 1991). In early times,

people did not know why the stars, the Sun, and the Moon come out every day in the same

way, which made them imagine that their appearances were controlled by various Gods. The

Sun was the most important celestial body since it is bright and hot, it rises in the morning

and goes down in the evening, which made people link human beings' lives with its rebirth.

As a result, people tried to construct their temples, tombs, and houses to seek rebirth channels

for their souls.

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Early Chinese architecture, especially tombs, shows a dominant alignment in East-West

direction (Chen 2012:89-96). In the study of the Dolmen (石棚) tombs from the Neolithic Age

in Northeast China, the author found that a number of Dolmen tombs had a regular layout

with most of their entrances pointing to the sunrise direction of the Winter Solstice (Chen

2012:95-97). The central “Big House” (大房子) of the prehistoric site of Banpo Village (半

坡村), Xi'an, China, has an entrance that faces to the true East, which reflects that ancient

Chinese who built the house took the sunrise direction to determine the orientation of the

house already 6000 years ago. Later, a large number of tombs were laid out in the southeast

and northwest directions – the direction of sunrise at Winter Solstice –, which suggests that

calendar dates and corresponding astronomical observations were widely used in architectural

orientation in early China (Chen 2012:95-97).

The ancient worship of the Sun God is well documented in early China. The oracle bones,

with the characters of Sunrise, Sunset, or Worship Sun, reflect the people’s practice of

observing the Sun and worshipping the Sun at the time. Some tombs, temples, and houses

give further evidence of orientations towards the directions of the sunrise or sunset. Facing

East is a natural orientation activity of human beings focusing on the Sun and seeking rebirth

– this is well documented in ancient Chinese architecture (Chen 2012:93-95; Lv 2011).

In comparison, the vast majority of buildings in Mesoamerica, such as houses, temples,

tombs, and other elements of ritual architecture during the entire pre-colonial period of the

civilization, firmly points to the directions of sunrises and sunsets on specific days (Šprajc

2010). The "Eastward" layout of the building is an approximate range from Southeast to

Northeast and that may correspond to diverse positions of the sunrise during the year (Šprajc

2010), i.e., the building orientations seem to locate the sunrise directions of meaningful dates,

hence, they are not always pointing to the True East.

Fray Toribio de Motolinia mentioned in his Memoriales (1971) how the ancient Aztecs

focused on astronomical observations (c.q. the calendar) in constructing their temples. He

wrote a paragraph to describe the main calendar feast at the Main Temple (Spanish: Templo

Mayor) in the capital Tenochtitlan:“(the ceremony) took place when the Sun stood in the

middle of [the temple of] Huitzilopochtli, which was at the equinox, and because it was a little

out of line, [King] Moctezuma wished to pull it down and set it right.”7

This statement clearly indicates that the ancient Aztecs tried to make their temples

connect with relevant calendar dates, in this case the equinox. After many years of serious

archaeo-astronomical research, Šprajc (2009) concluded that to connect the building

directions with the calendar dates was a common thing in ancient Mesoamerica:

“Mesoamerican architectural orientations exhibit a clearly non-uniform distribution and that

civic and ceremonial buildings were largely oriented on the basis of astronomical

considerations, particularly to the Sun’s positions on the horizon on certain dates of the

tropical year” (Šprajc 2009:87-95).

In fact, the locations of sunrise and sunset on solstice days are very easily identifiable in

a whole year, for example because the shadow of a pole (or stela, building etc.) at noon on

those days shows the farthest/nearest distance from the Centre, and the daily advance of the

7 See the discussion by Aveni in his book Skywatchers (2001)..

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places of sunrise / sunset in a certain direction on the horizon also reaches a turning point,

after which the Sun seems to stop and change direction. The junctions of the Sun's round-trip

path are seen as the intersection of the transition between life and death, the places where the

souls go to the Underworld8 and where life can be reborn. This is the main reason why

ancient Mesoamericans oriented most buildings in these two directions. Another orientation

phenomenon is the alignment with the sunset or sunrise directions on Quarter-days of a year,

buildings are aligned with the East-West or South-North directions determined not by the

Equinoxes but by the Solstices middle points (Šprajc 2009:87-95). A sacred building’s

cardinal direction in early Mesoamerica, as a result, is East-West, that means, to the

sunrise-sunset directions.

Many buildings facing east document the importance of Sun worship in ancient

Mesoamerica. The East, generally, was believed to be the place where the Sun God had his

home (Tonatiuh Ichan), as he started his daily journey from there; consequently, most of the

Mesoamerican architectures were oriented to that direction. The West, as the place of sunset,

was associated with the entrance of Underworld and/or places of ancestors: this was also very

important, thus some of the buildings were aligned to it.

The North-South direction, finally, the main alignment direction in China from ancient

times till today, points to the Polar Star. This star and its surrounding stars were seen as the

Heavenly Palace with the Heavenly Emperor in its Centre. The Polar Star, located in the true

North of the Northern sky, was considered in Chinese astrology the embodiment of the

Heavenly Emperor, who controlled the whole universe. Meanwhile, the Southern Sun at noon

was believed to give the most energy; consequently, the direction of the true North-South was

the most desirable for people. The alignment that Facing South and Sitting North (sitting in

the direction of the North Star and facing to the Midday Sun), as a result, was taken as the

best architectural direction to be widely used in various buildings. This custom continues in

China until today.

For Mesoamericans, the East had great significance as the place of sunrise and of the

origin of light and life. Many buildings, therefore, are oriented to that direction. Aveni in the

process of investigation of the Terminal Classic-Puuc sites attempted to demonstrate that the

calendar alignment played a role in certain stages of the city planning (Aveni & Hartung

1986). The same evidence may be found in some other emblematic sites, such as Teotihuacan,

Chichen Itza, or Uaxactun: they all have clear axes from South to North, with temples facing

East or West (Aveni & Hartung 1986). Overall, the buildings/cities in China and

Mesoamerica seem to have established a relationship with the calendar, and their orientations

appear to be aligned with the rising or setting Sun on important calendar dates. This shows

that the calendar has played a crucial role in the architectural orientation of the two

civilizations.

5.4 Celestial Events: Interactions Between Humans and Gods

From the above, we conclude that architecture has been married with astronomy for

thousands of years: buildings / cities were matched with astronomy in alignments on a

8 This worldview exists in many civilizations, such as ancient China, Maya, Aztec, Egypt, and India.

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calendar date, or in a certain circumstance, taking a symbolic meaning in close connection

with the movements of the Sun, Moon, and stars.

There are many possible reasons for being matched together in this way, one of them

being the purpose of building a channel between the Gods and human beings, to allow

interaction with each other. Buildings that include references to celestial events help people to

find a moment to contact the deities. Many temples and religious buildings around the world

have been found to have this characteristic. In order to show the greatest respect to the Gods,

finding out the best moment to interact with those Gods, and when it is the best time to do the

ceremony is important in most religions. Therefore ancient peoples made the buildings

connect to celestial events with great success both in China and Mesoamerica. The connection

of architecture with a specific event and moment in time (which would repeat itself in

accordance with the astronomical and/or seasonal cycles) might also produce a hierophany, a

visible manifestation of the deity, while also symbolizing the cosmic order.

In ancient Mesoamerica, there were many sacred sites, connected with sacred dates for

collective or individual religious celebrations, several of them associated with the calendar

(and celestial events). One of the best-known examples is the pyramid El Castillo in the

archaeological site Chichen Itza in central Yucatan. During the Spring and Autumn Equinox

occurs a hierophany of the Plumed Serpent, Kukulkan in Maya, which is one of the most

important deities in ancient Mesoamerica, the Maya version of the Aztec deity named

Quetzalcoatl (Read 2000:180). At Chichen Itza, Kukulkan was likely thought of as a Vision

Serpent connected to the ancestors. In a later period, his images served as a medium between

the king and the ancestors or gods and became the symbol of the divinity of the state (Schele

& Freidel 1990:394-395).

The hierophany at El Castillo is that during the days of the spring and autumn equinoxes

every year, the shadow of the edges of the layers of the El Castillo pyramid, produce, together

with the sculpted serpent head at the base of the northern stairway, a waving image of a

descending serpent moving down the pyramid. This lively scene, still observable today,

suggests that at this moment the deity Kukulkan (Plumed Serpent) is descending from the top

of the pyramid, i.e. from Heaven to Earth, to give good things to human beings. For the

believers, this is visible proof that the pyramid is a sacred temple where the deity may interact

with human beings. Even today, every year thousands of people from all over the world,

either because of curiosity or with religious inclinations flock to Chichen Itza to watch and

experience this impressive moment.

El Castillo is a famous case of the connection between architecture, symbolism, and

astronomy, but not an isolated one. Other Mesoamerican communities had their own precise

astronomical calendars and religious cosmovision, which could affect their architectural

design. Through their observations, they had acquired the knowledge to put the building in the

precise spot and to give it the adequate shape so that it would produce such visual effects,

with which it became a stage for rituals and religious experience as well as for celebrating and

commemorating great historical moments.

The hierophany as a celestial event has also been created in temples of ancient China,

even though there are not many cases to be found today. As an influential religion, Buddhism

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has a long-standing dominance in ancient Chinese societies. In order to preach the Buddha's

mana, which is very powerful and mysterious, Buddhist believers or monks made an effort to

associate their buildings with astronomy to create “magical” effects to create religious

emotion among their followers.

A typical case of such a miracle celestial event is the Buddha’s Halo manifestation of the

Three Saints Palace (三圣殿) in the Qixia Temple (栖霞寺), Nanjing, China. The palace built

in the period of the Southern Qi Dynasty (484-489) has been located there for more than

1,500 years. It is reported that every year in the period of November 22-25 there is a circular

Sunlight spot staying on the eyebrow of the biggest and central Buddha of the palace. When

the Sunlight spot stays in the Centre of the eyebrow, its light illuminates the gems on the big

Buddha's forehead, because of the light reflected by the stone, which makes the stone room

where the Buddha is located amazingly full of many colourful light spots. The spot first

appears on the right cheek of the Buddha and slowly moves up until it reaches the eyebrow.

After shedding the spotlight on the gemstone for several seconds, it disappears (Figure 5-11).

The gemstone between the eyebrows of the Buddha had been there since the earliest

construction period of the temple, as is clearly recorded in the history books of Buddhism.

Unfortunately, it was taken away by others after one thousand years so that the amazing event

of Buddha’s Halo was gradually forgotten with the loss of the gemstone. In recent years, due

to the reinstallation of the gems in the Buddha’s eyebrows, the Buddha’s Halo phenomenon

has come back and has immediately drawn great attention of the public. Many people from

everywhere come to Qixia Temple as pilgrims or as tourists to observe the special event when

during the period of the annual festival Buddha’s Halo appears.

It is said that the founder of the Qixia Temple was a monk with the name of Sengshao

Ming (明僧绍), who once dreamed of the appearance of Buddha’s Halo on the western

stone-wall of the Qixia Temple, so he set up a volunteer to build Buddha statues here. It is

believed that the Buddha’s Halo phenomenon was caused by the Chinese monks who, well

versed in astronomy and considering the Sun’s movement, deliberately created the of

Buddha’s Halo celestial event, aimed at promoting pilgrimages to the Western Lord Buddha

(Yi 2011).

From the above, we see that astronomical phenomena were used in China and

Mesoamerica for a religious purpose, making buildings or monuments produce hierophanies

Figure 5-11 the Sun light spot moves to the middle of Buddha’s eyebrow

(Drawing by author)

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as miracle scenes on religiously relevant calendar dates. El Castillo makes the Feather Serpent

descend to the Earth on the equinox days, the Buddha’s Halo phenomenon in the Three Saints

Palace is a wonderful light effect of the Buddha statue. Such miracle creations are not unique

and not limited to the civilizations studied here; there are many more cases around the world.

As long as any religious congregation identifies a celestial event that might contribute to

creating a special religious emotive experience, the believers love to work hard to combine

their sacred architecture with the mysterious working of the universe. Of course, the

prerequisite is, they have good astronomical knowledge to support their activities.

5.5 Astronomical Predictive: Astrology in Daily Lives

Astrology, as a popular astronomical predictive system, uses the position of celestial

bodies (especially Sun, Moon, and the planets of the solar system) to explain or predict

human destiny, character and behaviour in daily lives, as well as in political and military

actions that are directly related to the destiny of a country.

In China, astronomical observations from the beginning were associated with rituals,

divination, and religion. Astronomy was astrology, which became widely used in the later

period (Zhang 2013; Chen 1980:2-8). As a result, Chinese traditional calendars integrate the

contents of astrology to a large extent, which means, that astronomy, calendar rituals, and

religious ideas are difficult to distinguish from each other, even today. The constellations used

for astrological purposes can be found in several ancient astronomical works such as the

Astronomical Astrology (天文星占) of the Chu State (楚国, 740-223 B.C.) and the Astronomy

(天文) of the Wei State (魏国, 403-225 B.C.), two works that were collectively referred to as

the Gan Shi Xing Jing (甘石星经) in the Warring States Period. Later, Sima Qian (司马迁), a

famous historian of the Western Han Dynasty, summarized and defined all stars and built a

complete system of constellations from many ancient books (especially the two above

mentioned books) in his famous book Historical Records Tian Guan Shu (史记•天官书).

That book records a total of 1,465 stars, which belong to 283 asterisms, known as Star

Officials (星官).9 These are the fundamental works that combined the aims of astrology and

astronomy.

The 283 Star Officials were seen as the main body of Chinese ancient astronomy. Their

names clearly reflect the social system of ancient time: some of them are named after

countries or states, such as Qi (齐), Zhao (赵), Zheng (郑), Yue (越), Zhou (周); some are

associated with the national Star Officials’ positions, such as the Crown Prince (太子),

Captain of the Bodyguards (郎將), Nine Senior Officers (九卿)，Three Excellences (三公);

some follow the names of buildings, for instance, House (房), Room (室)，East Wall (东壁),

Heavenly Market (天市), and so on. Each Star Official is a group of stars; each star was

named after a specific aspect of the human world. In general, Star Officials are widely used

for astronomical/astrological predictions in many aspects. If a celestial body changes its

position within the scope of the Star Official, people can predict what will happen and the

possible occurrence of the corresponding event according to the unique star name and its

9 The English translation Officials first was used in the article written by Hsing-chih T'ien and Will Carl Rufus, The Soochow

astronomical chart, Ann Arbor : Univ. of Michigan Press, 1945.

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changed position. For this reason, the contents of Star Officials became a fixed coordinate

system of ancient Chinese astrology.

The astronomical entity among the Star Officials with the greatest influence in ancient

China might be the Big Dipper. Its handle points in different directions in different seasons:

this phenomenon was used for building a normal calendar to be served for agriculture; besides

this, it moves around the Polar Star, and is visible throughout the whole year and very

eye-catching in the sky. Regarded by predictors as the Heavenly Carriage of the Heavenly

Emperor who traveled in the sky, it was taken as an important Star Official to predict the life

conditions of an emperor. The seven stars of its body also symbolized the seven officials of

the Heavenly Palace. When the brightness of any of its stars changed significantly, that would

indicate a problem with the work of the corresponding official, reminding the emperor that he

should be replaced. The eclipse is another astronomical phenomenon that provoked

preoccupations among the people. In ancient Chinese thought, the Sun symbolizes the

emperor; when a Sun eclipse occurs, it means that the emperor is blocked by the shadow,

which suggests that the position of the emperor is being violated or endangered. In the case of

a solar eclipse, the emperor will take a series of measures to ensure that his ruling power is

not affected.

Chinese prediction or divination has a long history: it is a huge knowledge system based

on ancient calendars and combined with Chinese traditional cultural concepts such as Taiji

(太极), Eight Diagrams (八卦), Yin and Yang (阴阳), Heavenly Stems (天干), Earthly

Branches (地支), and Five Elements (五行). According to Zhou Li (周礼), there are three

sacred books associated with predictions in early time called Zhou Yi (周易), Lian Shan (连

山), and Gui Zang (归藏) – unfortunately, only Zhou Yi has been handed down till today, and

the other two have been lost. Zhou Yi is used to predict success, failure, peace, and danger in

the past, present, and future events and affairs of people. It is worth noting that most of the

above-mentioned elements such as Taiji, Eight Diagrams, and so on, were not used for

divination at the beginning, but used by ancient people to understand and explain the

characteristics of the universe in philosophical categories. Later, the combination with

astronomy made them into a Fortune-telling theory widely used. For example, the technique

Eight Characters of Birthday (生辰八字), based on the fact that a birth date consists of eight

characters, was widely used to predict the destiny and marriage of a person in ancient China,

and even remains popular today. It is defined by the concrete year, month, day, and hour

equipped with Heavenly Stems (天干) and Earthly Branches (地支) at the moment of birth,

which are combined into eight characters, so it is called Eight Characters of Birthday. A

person’s character and personality is identified at the very moment of his or her birth, so his

or her destiny, future life, happiness, family, marriage, and personhood itself could be

revealed through the analysis of these eight characters.

Similarly, in Mesoamerica, the birthdate of a person implies links with a series of deities:

the patrons of the day-sign and the number, of the night, of the 13-day period, etc. but also

deities in charge of special almanacs listed in the religious codices (Nowotny 2005; Anders &

Jansen 1993; Boone 2007). The influences of all these deities together determined the

character and the destiny of the person. Of the small corpus of manuscripts that have survived

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the destruction of the Spanish conquest and colonization, several books mention subdivisions

of the calendar with deities and symbols used for divination and for planning rituals:

“almanacs” that indicated the aspect of time, i.e. the role and influence of deities in

undertaking all kinds of activities during specific periods. Some of these pre-colonial

religious books are in the pictographic tradition of Central Mexico (the Teoamoxtli Group,

also known as Codex Borgia Group), others are in the hieroglyphic script from the Maya

region.

The Mesoamerican calendar was a pivotal device for recording human life events and

organizing life in accordance with religious principles. Mesoamericans believed that each day

and each period was linked with a specific god, world direction, and a set of (divinatory)

symbols, which allowed them to foresee threats and opportunities.10

In these scenes，we find

references to the Sun and Venus. The ancient Maya could calculate solar and lunar eclipses

(Bricker et al 1983; Knowlton 2003); they connected the eclipses with darkness and death.

Mesoamericans, in general, saw these events as indications of dangers or insecurity. For

example, the Codex Mictlan (Laud), page 24, shows an eclipse: the God of Death is blowing

darkness on to the precious bright disc of the Sun God, while at the same time, taking the life

of a man by cutting out his heart (Figure 5-12). Clearly this indicates life-threatening danger

(Anders & Jansen 1994). Codex Yoalli Ehecatl (Codex Borgia), another manuscript with

predictions, tells people what period is bad for the activities of rulers, priests, women, farmers,

ballplayers, merchants, etc. and also contains prognostications for marriages, childbirth and

Figure 5-12 part of page 24 of Codex Mictlan

other aspects of personal life (Anders & Jansen & Reyes 1993). In order to avoid negative

influences and to implore the favour of the gods, people were counselled to make offerings,

say prayers, and behave ethically. In both the Maya and the Central Mexican divination books

we find a chapter that deals with the effects of Venus at heliacal rising: the Venus god is

shown throwing spears (probably a metaphor for rays of light) to persons that stand for certain

social groups (rulers, warriors, etc.). The Maya Codex Dresden connects these images with a

10

Jansen states: “Each of the 260 days, but also each of the many periods defined within the calendar, was associated with

specific patron deities, mythical personages and events, as well as with cosmologic realms” (Jansen 2012: 43,44, 77-94).

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precise calculation of the periods of visibility and invisibility of Venus in a period of 104

years, i.e. two calendar rounds (Bricker & Bricker 1992).

The calendars of ancient China and Mesoamerica, therefore, were not only used as a

calendar to record the passage of time but also had a religious dimension and were used for

divination, prediction, and rituals. To an ancient Chinese, the decision of a large part of the

matter of his daily life depended on the warrant of "Heaven", that is, his "fate", and his

destiny could be predicted by his calendar date. Similarly, Mesoamericans' lives tried to

maintain harmonious relationships with the deities: people took the calendar to find out to

which deity to turn for orientation and support, as well as for identifying the positive, negative,

or indifferent influences of the deities in certain moments of time.

5.6 The character of time: Rhythm and Uniform

Anthropological and historical studies show that many cultures have developed a

concept of time as an abstract measure of duration, and have invented ways to express this in

metric quantities through a calendar, which makes it possible to determine the sequence of the

seasons, to register history and to plan the future (see the classic publications by Munn 1992

and Gell 1992). Consequently, time perception contains an interaction of cyclical (seasonal)

and linear (historical) aspects. Some cultures stress the cyclical aspect in their worldview,

according to which time is experienced as unchangeable, continuous, homogeneous, infinitely

continuing without beginning and without end. In other cultures a linear perception may be

dominant, for example, in Christian thought time is seen as moving from Creation to a Last

Judgment. In Western culture, this teleological orientation has developed into an idea of

progress and economical accumulation, in which the West is seen as modern and leading in

the world, while other cultures are seen as “primitive”, “underdeveloped”, “in another time”

(Fabian 1983).

Chinese tradition is not teleological. When we read the ancient calendar texts and related

literature, we find the following aspects in the way Chinese perceived, practiced and

understood time:

1. Time is flowing rhythmically.

The Chinese perceive time as flowing with a certain rhythm, like a heartbeat. Time can

be measured by labelling some important nodes. Specifically, time is accumulated from small

to large, in a certain rhythm and scale: "5 days is a Hou, 3 Hous is a Qi (Jie), 6 Qis is a Shi

(season), 4 Shis is a Sui (year)”11

. The time nodes here can be summarized as:

1 Sui= 4 Shis = 24 Qis = 72 Hous = 365 days

From here, longer periods of time can be distinguished12

:

1 Ji = 7 Shous = 21 Suis = 420 Bus = 1680 Zhangs = 31920 Suis

The above-mentioned nodes of the time from the small to the large is: Day - Hou - Qi -

Shi - Sui- Zhang - Bu - Sui - Shou – Ji. This is just a cycle of time, when it is over, another

11 Refers to the chapter of Six Jie Zang Xiang Lun(六节藏象论) in Su Wen(素问), “5 days is a Hou, 3 Hous is a Qi, 6 Qis is

a Shi, 4 Shis is a Years 五日谓之侯，三侯谓之气，六气谓之时，四时谓之岁”. 12 Refers to the Zhou Bi Suan Jing, “19 years is a Zhang(章); 4 Zhangs is a Bu(蔀), a total of 76 years; 20 Bus is a Sui(遂), a

total of 1520 years; 3 Suis is a Shou(首), consists of 4560 years; 7 Shou is a Ji(极), including 31920 years”.

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cycle (Ji) will begin. In a period of a Ji, the time flows evenly and has a certain sense of

rhythm. It jumps forward like an hour-hand, and also has life phases like human beings. The

rhythm of time as a cultural order (calendar) expresses and structures the social and economic

rhythms (cf. Lefebvre 2004).

2. Time is phased, with beginning and end.

According to the Zhou Bi Suan Jing, a life cycle consists of a total of 31920 years, called

Ji. This cycle is controlled by Heaven; when it is over, all creatures will die13

, and a new Ji

will begin.14

That is, the time is phased in cycles, its life periods, which run from a beginning

to the end. It is started by Heaven and will end its life after 31920 years.

3. Time is promoted by the dualistic parts of Yin and Yang.

In traditional Chinese worldview, the original universe was a mass of chaos. The light

gas rose, and heavy dust fell, forming Heaven and Earth, Yang and Yin.15

The dualism of Yin

and Yang is manifest in the alternation of Day and Night, which promotes the time to move

forward (Zhan 2008). This idea was shown in Cheng Ma (乘马) of Guan Zi (管子), “the

changing of Spring, Autumn, Winter, and Summer is the result of the transition of Yin and

Yang...the alternation of day and night is caused by the change of Yin and Yang.”16

Other

books such as the Book of Changes and Huainan Zi also reflect the same idea. For example,

the Astronomy in Huainan Zi records, “Heaven and Earth are inherited by Yin and Yang. The

movement of Yin and Yang forms the four seasons.”17

Consequently, the changes in the

dualistic parts of Yin and Yang promote the moving of the time.

4. Time has meaning and character.

Time in China is an abstract period of duration in which events happen, but those events

do not repeat themselves: each of the time periods is different. The change of day and night,

and the change of seasons, not only reflect the movement of time, but also a process of Yin

and Yang alternation and time-space conversion. The changing from Spring to Summer, for

example, reflects many aspects: (1) the alternation from Yin to Yang, (2) the agriculture period

from sowing to plant cultivation, (3) the space connected with time shifts from the East to the

South, and so on. The length of each time period is the same, but in fact, its contents, essence

and connotation are not the same. Each time period (such as year, seasons, Jie and Qi, Hou,

even the date, hours) is related to many aspects, such as Yin and Yang, agriculture, directions,

good or bad, building activity, and even human life.

In comparison, what was the time concept of Mesoamerica? The passage of time was

characterized by its association with the patron deities of the cyclical periods and this was

expressed in rituals: “the temporal structure and organization of the 260-day calendar, the

365-day calendar, the 52-year calendar, and the Long Count calendar inform about the

perception, purpose, and the characters of the respective ritual practices.” (Pharo 2013:11).

13 The original words in Zhou Bi Suan Jing is: “ all creatures will die, everything begins again 生数皆终，万物复始”. 14 Zhou Bi Suan Jing: “Heaven changes the time, and makes a new calendar.天以更元，作纪历”. 15 Refer to Xu Zheng, Three and Five Calendars, Three Kingdoms, "Yang and clear is Heaven. Yin and turbid is the Earth." 16 The original words in Cheng Ma (乘马) of Guan Zi (管子) is:“春秋冬夏，阴阳之推移也……日夜之易，阴阳之化也。” 17It was recorded in the chapter Astronomy of Huainan Zi, “Heaven and Earth are inherited by Yin and Yang. The movement

of Yin and Yang forms the four seasons (天地之袭精为阴阳, 阴阳之专精为四时).”

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The structure, character and content of the different Mesoamerican calendar cycles, may be

summarised as follows:

1) Time is structured in a vigesimal system.

As we have seen, the calendars in Mesoamerica have a vigesimal structure (consisting of

multiplications of 20 days), which could be interpreted as a rhythm. The basic unit of

calendars is the set of 20 day-signs: in the tzolkin / tonalpoalli the 20 day-signs are paired

with 13 numbers leading to a 260-day cycle; in the haab / xihuitl calendar, 18 periods of 20

day-signs plus extra 5 days, in the end, form a unit of 365 days. That is:

13 x 20 = 260

18 x 20 + 5 = 365

From the above, both units can be seen as based on a multiplication of 20. In

Mesoamerica, a day called kin, a 20-day signs circle called uinal (month), a year of 360 is a

tun. So, there is a basic system of tun is:

1 tun = 18 uinals x 20 kins

Furthermore, the Classic Maya “Long Count” shows the same vigesimal structure, the

total number of passed days being counted in multiplications of 20, with the tun (360 days) as

the basic unit. As we have seen, the largest time unit is the alautun, which corresponds to

about 63,000,000 solar years or 23 billion days (Penprase 2017:181; Kremer 2000), and the

time units on which it is based decrease step by step in a 20-fold relationship, forming a series

of rhythmic time units, making time move forward at a uniform speed:

1 alautun

= 1x20 kinchiltun

= 20x20 calabtuns

= 20x20x20 pictuns

= 20x20x20x20 baktuns

= 20x20x20x20x20 katuns

= 20x20x20x20x20x20 tuns

In comparison, the time units of China show a constant, but evenly expansion one by one,

while the units of time in Maya expand rapidly with a 20-fold relationship. The largest time

unit in China Ji includes 31,920 years, while Mayas' alautun has reached 63 million years.

Obviously, the date recorded in the time units of the Maya is even more distant.

2) Time has a beginning and end.

Similar to the Chinese idea of the life cycles of time, the Mesoamerican worldview was

that there were several successive creations of the cosmos. The duration of these creations

was defined in significant calendar periods. Thus the Maya seem to have believed that the

present universe was created and exists in a period of 2,880,000 days long (about 7885 solar

years), then it will be destroyed finally and recreated to the next universal cycle. The Maya

world is a process of creation and destruction, and so is time. The current calendar cycle has a

beginning date, which may mark the beginning of the present universe: 4 Ahau 8 Cumku,

corresponding to the Gregorian date 13 August 3114 BC (Penprase 2017:180), and September

6, 3114 BC in the Julian calendar; this count came to a completion on 4 Ahau 3 Kankin,

corresponding to 21 or 23 December, AD 2012 (Penprase 2017:181: Kremer 2000). In the

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view of the Mayas, time exists in a sequence of cycles, each with a beginning and an end:

when this “time” dies, the next “time” will start. That is, the time cycle, like a person’s life,

has a beginning and an end. This idea is similar to that of ancient China.

3) Time is moved forward by the “Bearers”.

As was explained by Thompson, the time units of the Maya calendar are carried and

moved forward by series of “Bearers”: “Maya conceived of the divisions of time as burdens

which were carried through all eternity by relays of bearers... [not] the journey of one bearer

and his load, but of many bearers, each with his own division of time on his back.” (Rice

2004). These bearers are all deities and each bearer / god is paired with and in charge of a

time-period (Montejo 1999). Each time bearer plays its own role in a cosmic relay, and when

he passes his burden to the next bearer his work is completed and he may rest (León-Portilla

1990:24).

Generally speaking, the time of China is driven by the interaction of Yang and Yin,

manifest in the alternation of Day and Night. Strictly, the two dualistic sides are not gods,

they are seen as aspects of a spiritual cosmic force (Zhan 2008). In contrast, the Maya bearers

are regarded as individual gods who are responsible for taking care of a (cyclical) unit of time

and pushing it forward. When the period finishes, the patron or bearer goes to "rest" and

another bearer will come to take over the responsibility (burden) for the next period of time.

4) Time has its character and links with rituals.

In Mesoamerica, “every time interval and calendar has its own character” (Pharo

2013:11), that is, the calendar is not only a counting device but has a complex meaning of its

own, intimately related to deities, religious symbols and ritual practices (Pharo 2013:1).

Because of these relations, the units and cycles of time have augural qualities: specific days or

periods may be good, indifferent or bad for specific actions and may impress those qualities

on events that take place and persons that are born then. Similarly, time is always linked with

the rituals since people who want or need to carry out a ritual must choose a special time, and

since the repetitive character of the rituals tends naturally to coincide with calendar cycles.

Consequently, time in Mesoamerica is a “social, cultural, religious, and political construction”

and “cannot be understood as a universal and uniform category” (Pharo 2013:6).

Generally speaking, the combination of time and architecture is achieved under religious

needs. Architecture achieves its special performance in the universe through being an external

symbol of or having an internal alignment with celestial bodies in order to achieve religious

purposes. Because the time, as the given form in the calendar, has many religious aspects, the

buildings associated with it added to the sacredness of ritual actions.

This is an example of Non-verbal Communication (as analysed by Rapoport). On the one

hand, the exterior aspects of architecture (e.g. shape, size, scale, height, colour, materials,

textures, decorations), as well as its internal structure (proportions, numbers of components,

etc.) was associated with aspects of the religious worldview, time perception and cultural

memory (calendar numbers, star maps, historical figures, cosmological theories, astronomical

symbols, day signs, etc.), which could evoke people's emotions (happiness, surprise, fear,

respect, sadness, loss, and so on); on the other hand, ceremonial buildings might be physically

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aligned to the world directions and the positions of the celestial bodies and the gods, resulting

in celestial events (hierophanies), which could bring awe, creature feeling and a sense of

mysterious personal contact with the powers of the universe.

5.7 Conclusions: Calendar and Worldview Complement Each Other

Ancient calendars in China and Mesoamerica were not merely technical devices based

on purely astronomical observations but were intertwined with religion and symbolism. It is

even difficult to distinguish whether the astronomical or the religious aspect was dominant in

the formation and use of the calendars.

There are many commonalities between the calendars from both civilizations, mainly:

1. Structure

Both calendar structures use the combination of several cycles. The Chinese took the

Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches to create a Calendar Round of 60 years; the

Mesoamerican calendar formed a 52-year Calendar Round by combining four year-bearer

signs with the numbers 1-13.

2. Dates have cosmological connotations

In both calendars the names of days and dates have symbolical connotations (connected

to cosmological ideas) and contain (implicit) references to the duality of light (hot) and

darkness (cold).

3. Religious dimension

Both calendars were not only a tool for measuring time but also were deeply connected

to religious and cosmological ideas as well as ritual practices. As such the calendars were

important in the construction of a community.

4. Connection with sacred architecture

In both cultures, astronomical alignments were to establish a symbolic link between

architecture and the (ritual) calendar, in close connection with celestial phenomena to create a

hierophany. At the same time, calendar numerology was used in the construction and

proportions of buildings so that architecture would have a connection to the numinous world

and would be experienced as sacred.

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6 Heritage and Interpretation in Comparative Perspective

The architecture that is often used for in-depth studies of cultural heritage, can be

divided into two principal categories: (1) the buildings constructed for gods and religious

purposes, including shrines, churches, and temples; (2) the buildings constructed for humans

themselves, such as palaces, gardens, mausoleums, even mansions for rich persons. Those

architectures, as a visually very impressive part of the remnants of human history, often

contain indications that can tell us what the purposes and design ideas of the ancient

constructors and users were. They may (1) reflect the concepts of the human understanding of

social structures; (2) represent static, timeless references to specific historical circumstances;

(3) reveal the attitudes of ancient or contemporary populations – building constructors and

human users in different involvements – toward their heritage in general; and (4) reflect the

universality of hermeneutical or other special aspects (such as astronomical, astrological, or

cosmological features) upon distinguished architectural events.

Gadamer in his development of the hermeneutical method referred to Goethe’s statement

that everything is a symbol: “Everything that happens is a symbol, and, in fully representing

itself, it points toward everything else” (Gadamer 1993: 77). In other words, humans

communicate, express, and codify but also recognize and attribute meanings in the multiple

aspects of daily life, particularly (and often in an intensified manner) in works of art. Such

works, consequently, demand an interpretation.

In the case of the cultural heritage of ancient civilizations such as China or Mesoamerica,

the original meanings often are now missing and need to be recovered. In the previous

chapters, while referring to Jones’ work on sacred architecture, we interpreted the possible

meanings of both architectures in terms such as the "Sacred" and "Liminality". Rapoport's

Nonverbal Communication method also played an important role, focusing on the "Symbolic"

and "Semiotic" aspects of the building's appearance such as their colors, proportions, sizes,

etc.; at the same time, the "Perception" and “Experience” approach of authors such as Tilley

and Ingold also influenced the thinking about the relationship between architecture and

cosmology in this thesis.

However, the meaning of architecture is not static but dynamic, a continuous

development in which new interpretations, contexts, and experiences become associated with

the ancient works and add to their significance. Needless to say, modern people’s attitudes

towards heritage may have changed significantly from those of the original creators and users.

Where the ancients may have looked upon a building as the dwelling of a divine being,

provoking a pious attitude, today’s visitors may see that building only as a secular part of the

cultural memory, or as a tourist attraction, or as something without any value at all. The

interpretation of the original meanings of the heritage is obviously important for

understanding the historical relics; studying the continuities and changes in the meaning and

use of buildings helps us to understand more about the multifaceted and stratified nature of

heritage.

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Nonetheless, the interpretation of architectural heritage still faces many challenges,

ranging from the identification of the builders and users as well as the positioning of the

interpreters and interpreted, to investigating the credibility of the heritage information, and the

emotional aspects of historical identity.

6.1 Credibility of Heritage Information: Cosmogram or Non-Cosmology

Looking back at the question raised by Smith in Chapter 1, we remember that he

questioned the “credibility” of the information (cosmological information) reflected in the

architectural heritage (mainly Mesoamerica), since the arguments given by contemporary

scholars on this matter were too "vague" and "weak" so that they were not convincing.

Through the discussion of the above chapters, it has become much more clear that the

cosmological character of certain architectural heritage in Mesoamerica and China in a

comparative perspective.

This problem can be extended to the information management of the entire architectural

heritage, after all, some historical information may have been lost over time. Mircea Eliade

(1907-1986), a famous Romanian historian of religions, who strongly advocated the

cosmological (ritual and mythical) interpretation of architecture and notions about “sacred

space”, has been enormously influential for the academic study of religion in the world,

however, his ideas have also been severely criticized. Lindsay Jones gave a summary of the

main themes in Eliade’s model of cosmological ideas: (1) the space of “Hierophanies”; (2)

“Imago Mundi” in buildings or cities, and (3) the “Center” as “Axis Mundi” (Jones 2000:

ch14). According to Eliade, these three aspects exist in many religions and their architecture

worldwide, irrespective of many different historical, social, and cultural circumstances. One

of the important criticisms of Eliade, therefore is that he suggested that "certain religious

forms of spatial and temporal consciousness and certain types of religious symbolism

employing natural objects are essentially the same" (Brown 1981). Jonathan Z. Smith

questioned Eliade’s conclusions based on empirical rather than theoretical evidence (Smith

1993:88-103), that is, lack of cultural information and scientific proof in concrete cases.

Although Eliade’s ideas have been criticized and questioned, it is undeniable that these views

have attracted and influenced a large number of modern scholars (such as David Carrasco,

Paul Wheatley, Alfredo López Austin, Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, etc.) in their studies of

ancient Mexican/Chinese religions or religious architecture. Following Eliade's

phenomenological and comparative approach, these scholars have tried to interpret ancient

visual art (such as the sculptures or paintings on the walls, the shape of buildings, the layout

of the city, or the surrounding landscape of a house) in accordance with widespread general

religious themes and interests in combination with specific information about the concrete

cultural contexts as supplied by archaeological data, historical sources, and living traditions.

Intercultural comparisons show the importance of certain general religious phenomena on a

high level of abstraction, which may guide an enquiry as a heuristic tool to study concrete

cases with empirical cultural information. Thus an interpretation may start as a speculation,

but if it is supported by such information in an extensive, coherent, and consistent manner and

if it fits the other known data about the culture in question, it becomes more and more

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credible and convincing. In the previous chapters, we have discussed several cases in which

there are good reasons for interpreting works of art and architecture in terms of ancient

cosmological ideas.

6.1.1 Analogy, Comparison, and Reference

By analogy, we can arrive at the same conclusion. As a Chinese architect, who has been

influenced by traditional culture and senses that ceremonial architecture is seriously shaped

and affected by cosmological ideas, I can imagine that most Mesoamerican religious

architecture was similarly affected by the cosmology and religion of that civilization, which

must have deeply influenced the people in those days.

The ancient Chinese believed that humans were between Heaven and Earth, as

individuals in the universe. No matter what people did, they could not violate the relevant

theories of the Cosmos. When humans built a house, they tried to create a house like a small

Cosmos. For this reason, I argue, the basic shape of a traditional building of China consists of

three parts: the big roof, wall/pillars, and platform, which are seen as the symbols of the

Heaven, human world, and the Earth respectively, i.e. in the total representation of the

Cosmos. Besides this, most of the Chinese capital cities were constructed following the

cosmological theories (especially the layout of the Heavenly Palaces) in urban design. This is

because that cosmology was deeply ingrained in peoples’ minds, and affected consciously or

subconsciously daily life and the process of building construction.

Historical sources and living traditions suggest that religion, and therefore cosmology,

were very important in the life of the Mesoamerican peoples and influenced their daily

behaviour, ideology, and art. Gods were everywhere and could profoundly influence people's

behaviour on a daily basis, in many aspects. Respect for the gods and efforts to establish and

maintain a harmonious relationship with them, obviously, affected the planning and building

of cities and temples.

6.1.2 Cities, Sacred Space, and Commonality

William Solesbury, in one of his articles, mentions that a city may be understood

metaphorically as “community”, “battleground”, “marketplace”, “machine”, and “organism”

(Solesbury 2014). These five aspects explain the form, function, organizational structure, and

internal texture of a city from different angles. In other words, if you want to understand a

city thoroughly, you need to explore its potential connotations from various perspectives. The

three cosmological themes raised by Eliade, summarized by Jones (as articulated above), in

fact, can be used as another potential metaphor to understand the architectures in both ancient

China and Mesoamerica.

1. The Space of “Hierophanies”

The Hierophanies were created for religious purposes in both architectures, as mentioned

in Chapter 5. It is worth noting that in addition to the three main religions that were popular in

ancient China (Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism), the philosophical system based on

"Heaven" is summarized in Taoism but, in essence, differs from other contents that aim to

cultivate immortality. Based on that, I propose that those buildings or cities constructed as a

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mirror image of star maps - as in the heavenly Officials of the Heavenly Palace -, to a certain

extent, may be considered Hierophanies. Strictly speaking, those star maps and star Officials

are abstractions corresponding to the locations of the stars in the sky. Theoretically speaking,

these buildings and cities have a "spatial correspondence" relationship with the stars in the

Heavenly Palace. The astrological significance of the heavenly bodies and their positions

reinforces this argument.

2. Imago Mundi

Cities and buildings with cosmological features, including the Axis Mundi, were

mentioned in Chapter 2, and discussed in further detail in Chapter 3. Beijing City reproduced

the layout of the heavenly bodies (Heavenly Palace), and it also created an image of the world

surrounded by temples for the four gods: Sun, Moon, Heaven, and Earth. A Central Axis

running from North to South pointing to the Polar-North Star and Southward to the Middle

Sun was clearly designed (Figure 6-1). Such a Central Axis passes throughout the Centre of

the universe. In this regard, Beijing City embodies the characteristics of an Imago Mundi.

Figure 6-1 Cosmogram design in Beijing City (drawing by author)

In Mesoamerica, the Imago Mundi can not only be found in pyramids but also was

integrated into the design of the cities. Tenochtitlan and Teotihuacan are good cases of an

Imago Mundi that seems to connect the deities in the vertical direction. The city of

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Tenochtitlan, for example, seems to condense the three layers of the Aztec universe: the lake

and surrounding caves connote the Underworld, the islands and the city represent the Earth,

and the high pyramids connect with Heaven. The Aztec city was oriented towards the East

(Heaven), creating alignments to the four directions, and centred on the principles of Heaven,

Earth, and Underworld. Teotihuacan, as we mentioned in Chapter 3, seems to be designed

according to the order of the Cosmos into three vertical levels (Heaven, Earth, and

Underworld).

3. Centre

Chinese cities (represented by the capital city) symbolize the Centre in diverse ways,

(1) The city Centre concept. A capital city, in general, followed the pattern of Zhou King

City with a Miyagi in the Centre: left is the Ancestral Temple, right is the Territory Temple,

front (South) is the Outer Court, and back (North) is the Back Market – a structure that

derived from the basic model of the Chinese ancient Heavenly Palace;

(2) Symbolic references to the heavenly Centre, represented by the Heavenly Palace,

surrounded by other buildings were associated with celestial bodies; and

(3) Symbolic references to the cosmic Centre, as in the case of Beijing City: surrounded

by four temples which symbolize four gods (Heaven, Earth, Sun, and Moon) in four

directions (Up, Down, East, and West).

Planning Beijing City as the Center of the universe was not a short-lived fancy of the

ancient rulers; in fact, the ancient Chinese thought that China was in the Centre of the world.

Zhong Guo (中国), the Chinese name of China, means, of course, the "Central Country".

Ancient Chinese regarded China as the central, powerful country in the world; consequently,

they saw the "Centre" as the noblest position among all the directions. This concept, which

has continued from ancient times to present, has profoundly influenced the Chinese

worldview. Consequently, people embodied this idea in the city.

Since the traditional cosmological concepts were so powerful in ancient Mesoamerica,

people's life was deeply affected by them. It is not surprising, then, that while building cities

people incorporated those cosmological ideas into urban planning. The cities in Mesoamerica

（especially those of the ancient Maya）have a ceremonial centre located in the Centre of a

perimeter square, which could be seen as a “domestic space” (Hanks 1990:299). The

“domestic space” in the Maya worldview is “a direct embodiment of cultural order” (Hanks

1990:315). The centres of some cities or houses were constructed with four buildings/symbols

in their four corners (Parmington 2011:9), corresponding with the four corners of the universe

while also connecting the Underworld, the Earth surface, and the Heaven.

6.2 Motivation towards Divinity: Beliefs or Utilitarianism

As we have seen, ancient Chinese and Mesoamericans associated most of their

architecture with deities. Some scholars use "shamanism" as a conceptual framework to

interpret the cosmological ideas of both cultures in diverse ways (Chang 1963, 1967, 1981,

1983; Furst 1973-1974, 1976). Chang and Furst assumed that ancient Asian and American

cultures originated from the same ideological and cosmological substratum (Qu 2017:499).

The cognitive and affective aspects associated with Cosmos, and nature gave mystery and

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sacredness to their art. Peoples’ effort to provide these buildings with a magnificent and

excellent appearance was meant to create a religious quality that would inspire profound

sentiments and emotions and connect people to the gods. Thus, these architectures, in their

purpose and motivation, are distinct from utilitarian products.

6.2.1 Chinese Belief, Utilitarianism, and Cosmological Architecture

Since ancient times, the Chinese have cultivated the worship of Heaven and Earth,

especially the worship of the absolute supreme Heaven (Heavenly Emperor). In 5,000 years

of history, Heaven and Earth were seen as the divine principles that are the source of the

natural forces of the universe and of the order of human society. Everything in the world must

be seen in relation to Heaven and must obey Heaven. Heaven as the supreme ruler is

omnipresent and omnipotent (Li 2012).

The Chinese concept of Heaven has not been embodied and personalized as a specific

god, an immortal individual, or a being with absolute consciousness. The so-called supreme

"Heaven" has been a point of reference for the people and for the politics of the real society

from the very beginning. The Chinese used the character of "human" to symbolize Heaven,

used the behaviour of the sage to suggest the greatness of Heaven, and then used the doctrine

of Heaven to explain the good and the bad things of the world. The ethics and highest values

of existence were people-oriented, but not institutionalized as dogmas of formal religion.

Three aspects are characteristic: First, the diverse belief systems coexist under the tolerance of

“Heaven”; second, the existence of religion is based on pragmatism; third, Chinese religious

beliefs exist in close connection to imperial politics (Li 2012).

For the above reasons, the differences between the ancient Chinese religions were a

matter of outer appearance but did not actually exist (Li 2012). Chinese scholar Liu Wei

comments on the attitudes of Chinese as "believe but not religiously" (Liu 2013). He said that

people at different levels have different religious purposes: "Officials focus on formalization,

scholars focus on philosophization, and folks focus on utilitarianism” (Liu 2013). Apart from

the observance of “Heaven”, ancient Chinese maintained an open attitude towards the diverse

religions. Those religions can guarantee people some mental peace and comfort, but did not

give them a powerful motivation to pursue the truth. Once people encounter huge and

profound ideological shocks, the mentality that religion brings may get out of control, which

may result in serious social conflicts. In Chinese culture exists an age-old utilitarian mentality:

people seek the help of the gods through prayers and worship for psychological comfort.

Another example, the Chinese offer respect to their ancestors because they want to get a good

life (or eternal lives) through the protection or blessing of their ancestors (Luo 2005).

The founding of New China (1949) introduced a new ideology and a new mentality in

this respect: the belief that humans themselves can control many things. The ancient gods, for

that reason, were gradually forgotten. After a decade of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976),

the gods were totally removed from people's lives, Chinese religions instantly disappeared

and were replaced by atheism. After the Reform and Opening-up (1978), religions began to

"resurrect" and have shown a strong growth trend (Du 2010). Decades later, Taoism,

Buddhism, Islam, Catholicism and Protestantism flourish throughout China, at least 10% of

the nationals being integrated into religious life (Du 2010). Heaven, which had such a

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profound and far-reaching influence on ancient Chinese society, culture, and architecture,

however, has gradually been neglected, with the demise of the imperial dynasty; only a few

religions (such as Taoism) have inherited a part of its concepts.

Chinese traditional architecture has been exploring human relationships with Heaven.

These are expressed and visualized in the Heavenly Emperor, the Heavenly Palace, heavenly

gods, the Cosmos, the directions, and time, all being symbols of Heaven. The architecture

created connections to the values of Heaven by making concrete references to the stars, the

constellations, the Sun, and the Moon. The reference to and association with these elements

was considered very positive, as being an effective way to get the blessing of the gods, or

achieve the purpose of eternity and ascension for human beings. For the rulers, religions

(especially the theories of Heaven) were the major ideological justification for imperial

political and military objectives. They used articles, books, and education, from a theoretical

point of view, convincing people that the emperor’s rule of the country was legitimate, as

everything had to follow the choice of Heaven. People should obey the imperial power, as this

was equivalent to obeying Heaven.

6.2.2 Mesoamerican Spirituality, Christianity, and Religion

Mesoamericans had a strong connection with the natural gods and the spiritual world.

Social ethics, daily life, and rituals were deeply rooted in the concept of "Spirituality",

according to which the world was created and protected by divine forces or spiritual

protectors (gods), with whom humans could communicate. In this worldview, those forces or

protectors strongly influenced the human life. Mesoamerican peoples respected the powers of

nature, their faith was based on a strong sense of spiritual connection “between the celestial,

supernatural forces of the Cosmos and the biological, animal, social, and human patterns of

life on earth” (Carrasco 2013:15).

Morley and Sharer (1994:514) gave their ideas about Mesoamerican beliefs in a classic

work on the Ancient Maya: “All things, whether animate or inanimate, were imbued with an

unseen power.” Thus ‘spirits’ inhabited the rocks, trees, both in an animistic sense (Laack

2020) of an amorphous invisible power, as well as in the form of personification, in which

unseen power was “embodied in a ‘Deity’ perceived to take animal-like or humanlike form”

(Morley and Sharer1994:514). At the same time, the world was determined by a

Cosmic-Temporal Order, following the movements of the ‘sky wanderers’ including the Sun,

stars, Moon, planets that “marked the passage of the time.”

Religion, it seems, permeated the whole of Mesoamerican society and daily life,

integrating different social segments; the faith in the divine powers of nature was used to

explain the meaning of life and the universe. However, this belief system was profoundly

affected by the Spanish Conquest. Under the (often violent) influence of the Spanish, Western

culture, the Indigenous society of Mesoamerica was transformed in many ways. The Spanish

colonial regime imposed Catholicism on all indigenous communities (the “spiritual

conquest”). On the other hand, the indigenous communities incorporated the Christian beliefs

into their own religious traditions and created diverse forms of syncretism and a symbolic

synergy between the two. In this way, the local religious traditions (elements and structures of

Mesoamerican concepts, Cosmovision, rites, sacred narratives, and ceremonial discourses)

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have survived in various regions, often connected with forms of Christian worship. The

precolonial deities, often, have merged with Saints; similarly, the precolonial rites and places

of worship as such have been discontinued but often survive in hybrid forms.

Mesoamerican Catholicism, in turn, is impregnated with indigenous elements (Bonnefoy

1993：46) in the same way. The Indigenous Peoples assimilated and incorporated elements of

the new religion, for example, by renaming their own gods as Saints and connecting the

symbolic spheres of both religions. Very soon, the missionaries understood and accepted the

necessity of compromising with the local religions at the price of the “Mesoamericanization”

of Christianity (Megged 1996:5; Wood 2003; Tavárez 2011). In early colonial Mexico, an

inextricable and unique religious syncretism, or rather synergy, was created, which may

resemble a “Pagano-Christian” religion. Often it is difficult to separate the indigenous beliefs

and the ones attached to the Christian faith. Christian rituals may be carried out in a canonic

way but associated with underlying Mesoamerican beliefs (Norget 2007). For example, the

traditional Aztec Rain God Tlaloc was identified with the Catholic saints such as San Marcos

or San Isidro while Jesus Christ was identified with the Mesoamerican Sun deity or the Maize

God. For this reason, the Christian cult in Mexico may take unexpected forms; in some local

churches, Saints are dressed in traditional indigenous regalia (Drucker-Brown 2003).

The pre-colonial Mesoamerican monuments, inscriptions and codices suggest that

religion was an important charateristic of society, promoted and directed by rulers and priests,

who by doing so must have enhanced their own prestige and authority. Spanish reports and

the continuous tradition demonstrate that this religion was shared by the population at large as

the basic framework for understanding the cosmic order and conforming to the social

stratification (Reilly 2012). In the colonial period, the Spanish missionaries demonized and

persecuted the indigenous religion and imposed the Catholic form of Christianity as the only

true faith; in this way, Christianity was introduced as an alien belief system of the colonial

oppressor, an ideological system that provided justification of the conquest and of the state's

political, military, and economic institutions. But by incorporating, Christianity, adapting it to

their own worldview, connecting it to their own symbols, ethics, and values, the indigenous

communities constructed their own form of Christianity, which corresponded to their spiritual

needs (Burkhart 1989, Boone and Cummins 1998; cf. Cook 1997:15-21).

6.3 Attitudes towards Heritage: Constructors and Users

Architecture, as a product built with a certain purpose, for people of different classes,

reveals the attitudes of historic or contemporary people – both the constructors and the users

of the buildings – towards cultural heritage. Architecture, in particular sacred architecture,

was, and often still is, very meaningful to people. For the constructors it had its specific

original character and function, such as (1) a tool of dwelling, pragmatic, expedient, and

useful; (2) a God’s body for people to worship; and even (3) a channel connecting the human

world with the Otherworld. The subsequent users in different historic eras had, and have, a

diversity of attitudes toward the architectural heritage, according to the different levels of

understanding of its meanings and possible use.

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6.3.1 Constructors: Pragmatism and Sacredness

In China, most architecture was built for human beings with a pragmatic purpose, even

though it was a temple; in most circumstances, its purpose was to satisfy human needs,

secular or spiritual (searching for blessings, peace, comfort or joy). The constructors built the

structures with such a specific purpose in mind. For instance, the Temple of Heaven, built by

the Chinese emperors in 1420, was not just for those heavenly gods; rather, it was a place to

show the close relationship between the emperors and Heaven. Constructors used the

architecture to express veneration of the gods, but they themselves may not even have had a

strong belief in them, as the gods were considered to be far away and hardly interacting with

the human world. In these circumstances, architecture was a tool for the constructor to show

the order of the Cosmos and the order of the state, as well as the identity, legitimacy, and

good character of the ruler, and so to appease the people. Similarly, the Forbidden City, as the

palace of the emperors that closely connected with the Heavenly Palace and heavenly gods,

originally had a strong political – propagandistic – purpose (Bai & Huang 2011).

In the eyes of the ancient constructors, a building was not a solid, incapable object, but

rather like a living being, which could grow and also die someday. Thus they constructed the

building as an individual with life characteristics, with a vibrant vitality and life cycle. In

order to express the vitality of a building, they used wood as the main building material

because, in their view, the wood was extremely strong in its life, it could continue its life for

thousands of years, and also had the life cycle every year from living to death, but was not

eternal. This fits the Chinese understanding of a building.

In Mesoamerica，the general opinion of experts is that the architecture, in particular the

sacred architecture, was governed by religious ideas, buildings were made for gods and

expressed an attitude of devotion and loyalty to the divine powers which were everywhere.

The divinatory calendar and the ritual year indicated that every part of people’s life was

linked to one or more deities and that one had to pay homage and to bring offerings in order

to get their help (Stresser-Péan 2009). Creation stories such as the Popol Vuh explain that the

human was made by the deities, the purpose being that the human should thank and worship

the gods unconditionally. As a result, most of the architecture of the civic-ceremonial centres

was linked in a direct or indirect manner with religious ideas, and promoted religious ethics

and worship. For example, the emblematic classic city Teotihuacan had a huge ceremonial

center with many temples, and likely was seen as a sacred city, in which the gods had their

home and had a close connection to and continuous interaction with the people (Arnold

2014:10-11). The temples, called generally “house of god” in Mesoamerican languages

(teocalli in Nahuatl), were supposedly built as dwelling places of specific gods and even as

bodies of these gods: they were places of worship, stages for rituals, storage places for

offerings, they provided sanctuary and were meant to induce religious experiences (Jones

1995:211-214). People saw the architecture as manifestations, representations, and dwelling

places of the divine powers, for which they felt awe, devotion, and care.

6.3.2 Later Users: Relics or Ruins

Cultural heritage expresses different meanings and values to the users in different

historical periods and provokes different attitudes. The users first need to figure out what

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these ancient remains exactly are and what they represent in the present. To what extent is

there a continuation of the past? Who used them or for whom were the built? What was their

original function and meaning, and what are their possible values and use in the present? Are

they relics, a legacy of our ancestors that demand special care? How can they be given a place

in the modern urban landscape and livelihood? Do they express a continuation of an ancient

way of life in present-day society, a testimony of an old civilization that defies the passage of

time? Or are they useless ruins? Or mere environments for sightseeing, with possible

economic interest as tourist attractions? And, if so, what exactly constitutes their

attractiveness?

These are difficult questions to answer (Wang & Rowlands 2017; Wang 2018:47). For

example, in ancient times, travelling to religious sites most often had a purpose of

experiencing and expressing religious faith: the pilgrimage —the pilgrim may be considered a

traveler of religious motivation (Durán-Sánchez et al. 2018: 1-2). However, the attitude of

most contemporary travelers to such sites has totally changed and has become integrated in

and influenced by the international phenomenon of tourism. In the last decades, traditional

pilgrimage destinations have often become tourist sites of a multifunctional nature and the

tourists generally have multiple motives for travelling, even within a single journey

(Durán-Sánchez, et al 2018: 2). Obviously, this development corresponds with a change in

attitude towards heritage. Generalizing from personal impressions, based on (unsystematic)

observations, readings, and conversations, I would sketch the following image. For Chinese,

during the period of imperial dynasties, a traditional culture lasted for 5,000 years, during

which architectural heritage, as part of the culture, was well protected and continued to be

used by later users although the dynasty was overturned. However, China has experienced

two major cultural changes in the modern era; one occurred about 100 years ago during the

destruction of the feudal system, and the other was during the Cultural Revolution of the last

century. These two social upheavals have profoundly affected Chinese attitudes towards

traditional culture and heritage. At that time, people rejected ancient civilization and tried to

completely discard its heritage, which led to the devastating destruction of the architectural

heritage for a period of time. Fortunately now, with China's reform and opening up, people's

interest in history and traditional culture and awareness of the need to protect heritage have

intensified.

In today's China, the heritage belongs to the entire country, the government has the

power to manage and use it, the public, as the users, is supervising this. People's attitudes

toward heritage are related to the country's cultural policy and their depth of understanding of

heritage monuments. For example, today's China attaches great importance to the protection

of cultural heritage, and from the local to the central, it has increased measures to protect

ancient architectural heritage. People, including intellectuals, farmers, students, and officials,

are aware of the value and importance of the heritage, which is closely related to the country’s

mainstream cultural dissemination (through TV programs, newspapers, local policies,

museum exhibitions, etc.).

The attitude of contemporary Chinese to the heritage is diverse, depending on their levels

of understanding of the meanings of heritage. Some see it just because of special exhibits

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(Chen & Ling 2009), some consider it to be a medium associated with the ancient world

(Chen 2004). People may be curious about ancient society and are interested because of the

way ancient culture is portrayed as a period of glory.1 On the other hand, ancient culture has

disappeared from modern life, and people look back at it with a mixed attitude of connection

and alienation, wonder, enmity and envy. It is undeniable that quite a large number of people

do not realize the true value of architectural heritage. They tend to focus on the commercial

value brought by the heritage (Herzfeld 2017) and the cost of maintenance of the external

image of the buildings while giving up the whole issue of the meaning of ancient art as

something that seems to have no use for modern commerce. Consequently, this kind of

heritage has suffered seriously from neglect or destruction both in its tangible and its

intangible aspects as well as in its environmental context.

In Mexico (and other parts of the Americas) colonization has interrupted the

autonomous development and continuation of the indigenous civilization and has changed

profoundly the composition and identity of the population.2 The majority of the population

has indigenous roots but has been transformed (acculturated) by the cultural, religious,

linguistic and in many cases also genetic influences and influxes from Europe, although there

is only a small group of people of real European descent.

At the same time, however, there is a significant part of the population that has grown up

in traditional indigenous communities that, to some extent, continue speaking a

Mesoamerican language and maintaining indigenous customs and concepts. They constitute

the Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, or what Bonfil Batalla has called “el México Profundo”

(Bonfil Batalla 1996). These different segments of the population have different links with the

pre-colonial past and – more importantly – also different opinions about that, depending also

on their education, affiliations, and ideologies. Colonization introduced a discriminatory and

racist rejection of the (oppressed and marginalized) Indigenous Peoples and cultures, which

often is internalized even by Indigenous people themselves. On the other hand, after national

independence, more and more admiration for the ancient civilization in the past hundred years,

seen as the national past, has grown enormously. This often results in an ambivalent attitude

of glorifying the Indigenous past (pre-colonial civilization) while discriminating against

Indigenous culture and people in the present as being “primitive”. Consequently, a divorce is

constructed between the Indigenous past and the Indigenous present: continuity is denied or

dismissed. This situation is further complicated by the lack of access to information about

these matters. Indigenous culture, art, history, language, and literature are often not taught in

schools. This hampers identification with and interpretation of the Indigenous cultural

heritage.

This disjunction leads to the bizarre contradiction that descendant communities have, in

their traditional culture, very valuable, even crucial knowledge for the interpretation of

ancient art and worldview, but that this is often not taken into account in the study of the

ancient world, while the communities themselves are often unaware of the value of their

1 Qin Hongling said that “Heritage has a unique emotional value.”(Qin 2015)

2 The following synthetic – and admittedly generalising – overview is based on my participation (during various years) in

international seminars on Mesoamerican heritage at the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, which counted with the

presence of several Mexican Indigenous scholars and other specialists in Mesoamerican studies.

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traditions, as they are living in a world that has become separate from its roots (and is

maintained separate through the national system of education and scientific research).

Colonization has cut and divided cultural memory, even in regions where cultural continuity

is obviously present. Thus, people often do not know how these buildings relate to the ancient

world; when standing in front of them, they often cannot associate them with the historical

development of their society. They may be curious about the appearance of the ancient

architectures, but cannot give well-founded explanations as to their original function and

meanings. Therefore, these buildings cannot bring a significant cultural message to them, nor

boost their cultural memory and identity.

In ancient Mesoamerica, temples were seen as sacred places, a means for humans to

connect with the divine powers and as the homes for the deities, creating religiously

significant cultural landscapes. But today, people see them with a different attitude in a

different context. There is a big problem for contemporary people to understand the meaning

of this architectural heritage, the original functions and meanings having been lost in centuries

of abandonment and spiritual colonization. Due to the colonial and modern changes in

religious convictions and daily life, contemporary people have become distanced from the

Indigenous heritage: the ancient religion has been banned and its temples are no longer places

of an officially recognized worship. Most of them have been reduced to mere objects of

archaeological research or opened to the public as tourist attractions. Traditional places of

Indigenous worship, such as the caves where people go to pray for rain and to invoke the Rain

God (or his manifestation as a Catholic Saint) on the Day of the Holy Cross (May 3) (Jiménez

Osorio & Posselt Santoyo 2016) are seen by many as sites of “folk beliefs” or even

“superstition” – during the colonial period, such places became known as “caves of the devil”.

Needless to say, those Mexicans who do not identify with Indigenous cultural traditions

are bound to see the archaeological remains essentially as manifestations of a distant and

strange “foreign” culture, topics of specialist research and speculation. Legally, the care for

this heritage is the exclusive domain of the national institute of anthropology and history

(INAH), which, since its creation in 1939, has never been directed by persons of Indigenous

background.

In policy, the Federal Government of Mexico dominates the management of the national

heritage. This may result in cases in which local and Indigenous people are prevented from

the use and control of archaeological heritage. Apart from scholars and specifically interested

individuals, the public in general not only knows little about the sacred history associated

with the architectural sites but also has nothing to do with the management and development

of the heritage. Meanwhile, Mesoamerican monuments, especially those that have been

associated with new age mysticism or other fanciful meanings (e.g. visitors from outer space),

have been overexploited for commercial purposes. For example, the influential archaeologist

Jorge Acosta denounced that the Mexican government was more interested in getting profits

from tourism instead of caring seriously about preserving the pyramids of Teotihuacan

(Villalobos Acosta 2013). Similarly, modern facilities have been installed in the important

Maya architectural site of Chichén Itzá between 1979 and 1980 in order to get the maximum

effect from tourism (Villalobos Acosta 2013).

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Although more and more original meanings of Mesoamerican architectural heritage have

been recovered by scholars, this information tends to circulate in limited groups. Furthermore,

many aspects, such as construction techniques and the cultural symbolism of monuments and

art, are complicated and still not fully understood. Thus, the visitors to an archaeological site

are often given incomplete and superficial, even speculative, descriptions, while the local

indications often are more concerned with the commercial interest (shops and cafes on the site)

than with the archaeological ruins and artifacts on display (Walker 2013:23), that is, they may

be induced to note the “entertainment” value, rather than “other motivation such as personal

education, education of students, authenticity, or helping support historic preservation efforts”

(Walker 2013:23).

6.4 Interpretation of Architecture: Problems and Practice

Heritage, especially the architectural remains, has been there for a long time, perhaps

for thousands of years. The meaning of its initial construction and the subsequent historical

functions, because of the changes over time, maybe difficult to recover and to explain to the

present generation. Certainly, some buildings can be well-explained thanks to explicit

historical records. In the Forbidden City of China, for instance, there are abundant historical

sources, which contain details about who constructed it, what happened in the past, what was

the reason to construct the city was, and so on. In Mesoamerica, the amount of preserved

manuscripts and inscriptions is much less, so it is often not possible to give adequate

explanations of religious symbolism nor to tell a story about historical figures and events

related to the heritage. There is still much research to be done.

6.4.1 Chinese Traditions, Problems, and Reference

Conventional interpretation methods sometimes have serious drawbacks, which can be

seen in the interpretation of the deep meaning of Chinese ancient architecture. As a country

that faithfully inherits traditional culture, the Chinese habitually use the ancient classics and

the words of the sages to explain everything, whether it is Buddhism, Taoism, or

Confucianism, including architectural theories. For a long time, scholars have relied on

ancient concepts mentioned in works related to architecture (including Feng Shui, Yin and

Yang, astrology, ethics, etc.) to explain the causes, creative intentions, and values of ancient

architecture. The theories of Heaven and Earth and Heaven and Man were used to explain the

relationship between architecture and Heaven, Earth, and the Cosmos. They rarely use "gods"

to explain things, although it is undeniable that Heaven and Earth have always been regarded

as gods being omnipotent and real. It is also the main reason that people traditionally try to

connect architectural creations with religion. An approach which does not take that ancient

worldview into account might incur a number of misunderstandings:

1. “Heaven” is limited.

The "Heaven" which is substantially related to ancient Chinese architecture can be

expressed by an invisible atmosphere, or celestial bodies such as stars, the Sun, and the Moon.

Although it was rarely described as a god in ancient books, Heaven actually had the

characteristics of a Supreme God who controlled everything. Since it does not have a specific

shape, the “Heaven” exhibited by the buildings was multi-faceted. Scholars use historical

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sources to explain the reason for this phenomenon by the Taoist theory of Heaven and Man or

the theory of "Destiny" from Confucianism (according to which everything is arranged by

Heaven, and man can change nothing). From the perspective of the Hermeneutics of sacred

architecture (Jones 2000), Chinese traditional ceremonial architecture, in fact, often refers to a

deified Cosmos, which is a combination of Heaven and Earth, or time and space.

2. The universe-centered worldview is ignored.

Using the theory of Heaven and Earth, the Chinese situated humans in the Centre of the

world, with Heaven and Earth as two supreme divine powers above and below them, and with

the Four Directional Gods around them located in the four directions (Figure 6-2). It seems to

be a fixed pattern that allows people to meditate in calm and inactivity in the Centre of the

universe when they want to consider any questions. In this pattern, each god is abstracted as a

force and orientation point, while maintaining a divine status. For example, the gods of

Heaven and Earth are abstracted into Heaven (天) and Earth (地), the Four Gods as symbols

of East, West, South, and North, and the gods of Sun and Moon are mentioned as the Sun (日)

and Moon (月).

Figure 6-2 Chinese living in the Centre of the Cosmos (drawing by author)

3. The way of constructing inheritance is broken.

The way of building and construction in ancient China was different from today’s

architectural design, and the good experience was continued by students who directly got the

knowledge from their Shifu (师傅 teacher) generation after generation. A Shifu generally did

not write down their construction theories in books, but their knowledge was mostly

transmitted by oral tradition, checked with experience. That is why Chinese ancient manuals

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on architecture are not enough to explain the buildings. More seriously, the abandonment of

Chinese traditional culture in the past 100 years has led to the loss of traditional skills, while,

on the other hand, the implantation of modern construction methods has caused a serious loss

of traditional transmission of knowledge to inheritors/successors. The craftsmanship of

Chinese architects and builders - the rules of ancient construction that have not been recorded

adequately in books - have disappeared with the turmoil and change of history. These skills,

now rarely inherited, cannot reach the ancient level of perfection.

In order to reconstruct the knowledge of the architects and the meaning of ancient

architecture, additional analysis of possible symbolic and astronomical aspects is necessary.

4. Traditional common sense rarely was recorded.

Certain aspects of architectural knowledge were not recorded in books because it was

traditional common sense. This lack of register nowadays may become an obstacle to

understanding ancient architecture. For instance, wood was chosen to be the main building

material of Chinese architecture because it was a symbol of life and vitality, but today's

people do not share that worldview anymore, so they have come to think that the ancients

were stupid in using such a perishable and flammable material. Another example: for

thousands of years Chinese architecture has been using an inherited model consisting of a big

curve roof, pillars, and square or rectangular platform. As a common-sense knowledge, the

fundamental reason for this traditional form has not been written down in the history books,

so that contemporary people do not know that it actually symbolizes the three parts of Cosmos:

Heaven, Humans, and Earth.

Therefore, contemporary people have difficulty understanding their traditional

architecture comprehensively. Some of the thoughts, theories, and knowledge of the ancient

architecture may be missing and not have been recorded in the classic books. Therefore, the

interpretation of architectural heritage today still faces many challenges.

6.4.2 Mesoamerican Concepts, Problems, and Practice

The history of Mesoamerica took a dramatic turn after the Spanish conquest in 1521

and the subsequent persecution of native religion. In several areas, people's perception of the

ancient world was severely interrupted and eroded in the process of compulsory cultural

change by the Spanish conquest and because of pervasive discrimination. The interpretation

of Mesoamerican architecture is particularly complicated and overwhelming because there are

a number of problems in reconstructing the ancient cosmology in a comprehensive and

systematic manner.

1. The fragmentation of Mesoamerican culture

The lack of ancient information, caused by the fragmentation of Mesoamerican culture,

is the biggest obstacle to explaining the original meanings of its ancient architecture today.

After 1521, the new government imposed a cultural policy that completely overthrew the

long-standing indigenous traditions of Mesoamerica and severely disrupted the traditional

culture of the region: “in the centuries following the European contact, the political conquest,

completed by 1530, was accompanied by a cultural conquest that continues to this day”

(Pollard 1993:3). Consequently, people have been alienated from their heritage. There is, at

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the same time, a strong cultural continuity in the indigenous communities, but this continuity

is a mosaic: in different communities, different aspects have been preserved, a coherent

overview is still lacking. In comparison, to a certain extent, Chinese culture has been passed

down in many ways, however, a coherent overview is still lacking.

2. Ancient books destroyed

It is very regrettable that no written texts have survived that would enable us to access

the knowledge and intentions of the ancient architects and builders. In their crusade against

indigenous religion and cultural memory, the Spanish conquerors and missionaries destroyed

much of Mesoamerican writing. Less than 20 pre-colonial books have been preserved (among

which only four Maya codices). A considerable number of archaeological inscriptions and

paintings (pictographs in Central and Southern Mexico, and hieroglyphs in the Maya region)

have been preserved, but these generally just depict rulers, priests, or deities involved in

historical or ritual events. Needless to say, the ancient writing systems pose their own

challenges for decipherment and understanding. Although today’s scholars have successfully

interpreted the general rules of Maya hieroglyphs and Aztec-Mixtec pictography, there still

remain quite a few uncertainties, doubts, and questions in the interpretation of specific texts

and images.

3. Indigenous scholars involved in the interpretation are limited

The large majority of interpreters of the Mesoamerican culture work in a Western

paradigm, distant from the Mesoamerican worldview. Due to discrimination, adverse

economical situations, and lack of educative opportunities, still very few speakers of

Indigenous languages are actively and professionally involved in the study and interpretation

of their cultural heritage. This imbalance implies that most research in the past and the present

suffers from a lack of personal familiarity (and identification) with relevant languages,

cultural concepts, oral traditions, local history and customs.

4. Mesoamerican concepts were influenced by the introduction of Christianity

The languages and cultural traditions of the present-day indigenous communities have

preserved many aspects from the past and thus hold important keys to understanding the

pre-colonial Mesoamerican world. On the other hand, the ancient culture is not fossilized:

many transformations have occurred over time, continuities are partial and fragmented. After

Catholicism entered Mesoamerica, the concepts of the universe held by Mesoamericans were

influenced by the Catholic missions with their specific doctrines and European worldview: a

complex process of interaction, cultural translation and symbolic synergy (syncretism)

occurred. For example, the cross in Mesoamerica was a cosmic symbol of the four directions

and of the World Tree(s) connecting the Three Realms of the universe (Edgerton 2005). It

was also associated with the four seasons and with the Rain God (Braden 2003:62). As a

pecked cross, it represented the four directions of the world and was likely used as a marker

for (astronomical) observation and orientation (Aveni, Hartung & Buckingham 1978). The

(tall, standing) cross in Christianity is the symbol of the passion (sacrifice) of Christ, the

signal of redemption, and "the total truth about God, man, and the world" (E. Echevarria The

Apostolate of College Campus Ministry—John Paul II's contribution). In contemporary

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indigenous communities, the Catholic feast of the Holy Cross (May 3) is often connected to

the Mesoamerican ritual of praying for rain in a local cave (“house of rain”). The beginning of

May is the announcement of the rainy season and therefore of the planting of corn – corn

being considered a manifestation of Christ in many Mesoamerican communities (Graham

2011; Stresser Péan 2009). In this way, osmosis occurs between the Christian symbolism

(redemption: Christ) and the Mesoamerican symbolism (sustenance: corn and rain), which do

not contradict but reinforce each other.

6.5 Protection of Heritage: From Tangible to Intangible

People generally agree that, as important parts of human cultural heritage and national

identities, the architectural heritage of China and Mesoamerica should be vigorously protected.

Indeed, heritage protection is a popular topic, with many stakeholders, different (sometimes

conflicting) opinions and interests, often leading to social and political debates. International

organizations, such as UNESCO, have been founded with the objective of protecting heritage,

but, to a certain extent, politicians and the designs of states "have increasingly hi­jacked that

mission so that the overreach of governments is now prevalent in the implementation of all

conventions concerned with protecting cultural heritage" (Vrdoljak & Meskell 2020).

Insufficient understanding of the cultural-historical meanings combined with the lack of

means (protection technology), may further cause concrete challenges for architectural

heritage protection.

In general, the lack of cultural-historical information leads to an incomplete

understanding. It is undeniable that in present-day China and Mesoamerica, for a variety of

reasons, the original meanings or cultural background of ancient architectural heritage are no

longer known by us, and people's understanding of them is generally very limited.

The protection of architectural heritage should involve both the tangible and intangible

aspects. It is easy for people to see the architectural ruin, the physical part that remains there

as an entity, and some may feel a desire to maintain and protect it to avoid complete

disappearance. For others, however, the ruin may be just a useless pile of stones that is an

obstacle to modern construction activity, especially if the intangible aspect of heritage, as part

of cultural memory and as a cultural value, is totally ignored due to a lack of corresponding

knowledge. Especially important, the spiritual connection of people with those sites and relics

is often ignored by archaeologists (mostly non-indigenous), to the detriment of both scholarly

understanding and public engagement.

The examples of sacred architecture from ancient China and Mesoamerica, discussed in

this thesis, demonstrate the strong link between the tangible and intangible, the material, and

the immaterial aspect of heritage. For analytical purposes, we may distinguish two main

attitudes of people towards the monuments in their territory. One is that of continuity and

identification, in which people recognize the archaeological remains and inherited buildings

as ancient testimonies of their own culture and worldview, which may have been modified

over time but is still relevant to them. In that case, the original meaning of these remains still

speaks to the people and inspires some form of continuation of associated expressions, e.g.

ritual practices. The other attitude is one of disjunction, in which people see the remains as

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belonging to a different culture, a closed chapter of the past, which may be interesting for

sightseeing, but which does not provoke religious feeling. The meaning of the heritage then is

basically a matter of curiosity.

These attitudes correspond to the distinction made by Rappaport (1999) between

participants in a ritual and tourists. We should keep in mind however that these attitudes are

not necessarily mutually exclusive: they can also mix. People may not be believers in the

ancient worldview anymore, but still can respect it and still can value the ancient meanings.

The disjunctions then are considered part of a continuous, ongoing process, a cultural memory,

which creates an effect and a sense of belonging. This attitude can be inclusive and expand

beyond the limits of a specific people or country, to embrace a world heritage, which

transcends national and nationalist boundaries. In any case, the meaning of heritage – both the

original meaning when the monument was made and the meaning for people nowadays – is an

important element in the protection of heritage. If heritage is not understood, not meaningful

to them, people are less likely to care about it and to protect it. The heritage then becomes a

dead body without a soul. The meaning, obviously, is also a crucial consideration in

determining the most adequate way of conserving and exhibiting heritage. Thus, the

interpretive study should be a crucial part of heritage policies and its results should be widely

shared through scientific and popular publications, as well as through educative programs and

related activities.

Heritage knowledge should be accessible and heritage protection should be a transparent

public process, informing the people of the country through multiple channels, and raising

public awareness. Professional academic studies, archeological reports, etc., although of high

scientific value, are in themselves not enough to engage and meet the needs of the public. The

public is more likely to understand the stories behind the cultural relics through literature or

video and film. The country's mainstream cultural information through schools, television,

museums, etc. may improve people's awareness of the meaning of heritage and the need to

protect it. UNESCO and other international organizations have formulated standards and

regulations for heritage protection and recommended public outreach policies, but it is

important that these are also grounded on the culture, the religious convictions and the social

values of the peoples and countries involved; otherwise understanding will remain lacking

and the implementation of international norms will remain limited.

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Summary

The civilizations of ancient China and Mesoamerica, although not historically related in

and obviously different in many specific aspects (such as language and writing), show many

interesting commonalities and similar tendencies in their cultural manifestations. The aim of

this thesis is to examine the validity of contemporary cosmological interpretations of

architecture and related visual art in both regions. Comparative research, identifying general

similarities and differences, may contribute to a theoretical reflection on symbolic structures

and help to create a plausible interpretive framework for the study of art and architecture. This

exercise is particularly useful as the situation of the sources on this matter in both cultures is

so different. In the case of China, there are a huge number of ancient historical documents that

allow for detailed interpretations of symbolic meanings, but in Mesoamerica most of such

original texts have been lost. On the other hand, in both regions there is some level of cultural

continuity in local (oral) traditions, which have been profoundly affected by different

social-historical processes. The thesis reflects on the consequences of these processes for the

ways in which ancient architecture and its symbolism are perceived in the present.

The thesis compares and contextualizes the main cosmological ideas and related

religious characteristics of the two cultures as expressed in architecture and visual art, in order

to find answers to questions concerning the meaning of architecture.

The first chapter introduces the topic and the theoretical-methodological framework,

derived from the insights of scholars such as Lindsay Jones, Amos Rapoport, and others,

considering the underlying ideas about a universal Order and cosmic structure in the

architecture of both civilizations.

Chapter 2 analyses the layout, spatial dimensions, forms, and principles of architecture,

paying attention to the use of specific numbers and symbols as ways to express concepts

about cosmic order and structure.

Chapter 3 analyzes how architecture may associate human beings with gods and how

architecture may provide a liminal space, place, or notion through its form or function as a

sacred space in which humans and gods meet. It examines how architecture may reflect ideas

about the bodies, locations and accommodations of deities and how this association leads to

the expression of religious meanings.

Chapter 4 analyses the (on-going) importance of ancestor worship in both civilizations,

and its relationship with general conceptualizations of death. By analyzing tombs and their

funeral goods, this chapter reveals interesting similarities and differences in the ways that the

279

two civilizations expressed their views on the afterlife, the existence of souls, and

concomitantly carried out their funeral rituals.

Chapter 5 deals with the relationship of architecture with calendars and the structuring of

time. Notions about the laws and sacrality of the universe, inevitably, were expressed in

rituals and narratives that had their impact on the planning and use of architecture. In this

regard, the thesis compares the basic elements and structures of the calendars in both regions,

paying special attention to their connections with astronomical observations and how these

contributed to the ways in which people would experience architecture as sacred.

Chapter 6 offers conclusions and reflections on the general problems of interpretation of

and care for the architectural heritage, paying attention to the different situations of cultural

continuity as well as to historical disjunctions and socio-political changes in the two regions

and their consequences.

In general, the observations about the characteristics of Chinese and Mesoamerican

architecture, taking into account the relevant iconographical, historical, and ethnographic data,

turn out to be mutually reinforcing and allow for interpretations in terms of cosmic order,

sacred space, ancestral culture, and sacred time in both cases.

In comparing the cosmological characteristics and the performance in the architecture of

ancient China and Mesoamerica this thesis has a multidisciplinary focus (considering

architecture, archeology, astronomy, history and anthropology). Through comparison, it is

found that the two have many similarities in their cosmological theory: they have similar

azimuth characteristics (associated with colors, directional gods, seasons, life and death, etc.),

their buildings are rich in space orientation; they both have Three Realms (Heaven, Earth,

Underworld) and a similar life and death concept, especially they all worship their ancestors;

furthermore, they use a similar Calendar Round in their respective calendars. In the

performance of architecture, they use their own methods to integrate the concept of

cosmology into architectural creation, which makes their architecture to establish connections

among the cosmos, gods, and time.

Through this detailed comparison of various key aspects of the culture and architecture of

ancient China and Mesoamerica from the perspective of cosmology, this dissertation aims to

show how comparative research – based on and complementary to specialist research into

architecture, archaeology, history and related disciplines in each of the two areas separately –

can deepen and theoretically substantiate the interpretations of cultural heritage.

280

中文摘要

古代中国和中美洲文明在各自历史的发展上似乎并无关联，它们在许多特定

方面（例如语言和文字）表现明显不同。然而，不可否定的是，虽然不能确定是

否具有相同的历史起源，二者在其文化的表现上却呈现出许多有趣的共性和相似

的倾向。鉴于以上原因，对该方面展开的比较研究以确定二者总体上的相似和不

同之处，其成果将有助于对不同文化领域的符号结构进行理论上的思考，并有助

于为艺术和建筑学的研究创造一个合理的解释框架。

本文的研究目的是检验当代建筑学和相关视觉艺术在这两个地区的宇宙学

解释的有效性。由于二者在文化来源上本质不同，该研究成果将有助于进一步理

解相异文化。就中国而言，大量的历史文献可以用来详细解释和说明古代符号的

象征意义；然而在中美洲，大部分原始文本已经丢失，历史文化也曾发生断裂，

古代文化的解释工作出现难题。另一方面，在两个地区，虽然地方（口头）传统

都有一定程度的文化传承，但这些文化的连续性受到不同阶段的历史变革的影响

也发生了一定改变。为此，本文也反思了这些历史过程可能对当代人理解古代建

筑遗迹及其象征含义时的影响。

本文主要探讨建筑学和视觉艺术所表达的两种文化的宇宙学思想和相关的

宗教特征，以便找到有关建筑涵义的主要问题的答案，内容如下：

第 1 章介绍了论文的研究主题和理论框架，它们是基于对 Lindsay Jones，

Amos Rapoport 等学者观点的理解并建立的，并论述了两种文明的建筑中存在的

普遍秩序和宇宙结构的基本特征。

第 2 章分析了两种文明中建筑的时空特征（方位、色彩、宇宙学等），并借

助典型案例讨论了二者建筑的布局，空间尺寸，形式和一般原理，以及使用了特

定的数字和文化符号作为将有关宇宙秩序和结构概念外化的方式。

第 3 章分析了建筑如何将人与神联系起来，以及建筑如何通过其形式，路径

或功能作为人类和神之间沟通的桥梁来提供一个神化的限定空间、位置或节点；

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研究了建筑如何与神的身体，位置及其住所相关联，以及这种联系如何上升到宗

教层面的表达。

第 4 章分析了在两个文明中祖先崇拜的（持续的）重要性及其与死亡的一般

概念的关系。通过分析坟墓及其丧葬物品，揭示了两种文明在表达对来世、灵魂

存在以及随之而来的丧葬仪式的看法方面的异同。

第 5 章讨论了建筑与日历和时间结构的关系。仪式和叙事不可避免地表达了

宇宙定律和神圣性的观念，而其对双方的建筑规划和使用均产生了一定影响。在

这方面，本章节比较了这两个地区的日历的基本元素和结构，并特别注意了它们

与天文观测的联系，以及讨论了它们如何促进人们去体验建筑的神圣性。

第 6 章对建筑遗产的解释和维护的一般性问题进行了总结和思考，关注了两

个地区的文化连续性，历史脱节和社会政治变化的不同情况及其后果。

通常情况下，考虑到相关的图像，历史和人种学数据，中国和中美洲建筑的

宇宙学特征相互补充，并可以从各自的宇宙秩序，神圣空间，祖先文化和神圣时

间等方面进行深入地解释。

本研究通过多学科（建筑学、考古学、天文学、人类学等）的研究方法，借

鉴琼斯的神圣建筑和 Rapoport 的非语言的手法，比较了古代中国和中美洲宇宙

学的相关特征及其在建筑上的表现。通过比较发现，两者在宇宙学理论上具有很

多的相似性：它们的方位特性相似（联系色彩、方位神、季节、生死等），建筑

富含方位特性；它们有着相近的三界（天、地、冥界）观念和生死观念，都崇拜

它们的祖先；甚至，在他们各自创造的历法中，使用了十分相似的大螺旋。在建

筑的表现上，它们用各自的方法将宇宙学概念融入到建筑创作中，使建筑成为联

系宇宙、神和时间的一种媒介。

该论文首次从宇宙学的角度对中国和中美洲的文化、建筑做了详细对比，该

成果对建筑学、考古学、史学及相关学科的研究成果作以补充。

282

Nederlandse Samenvatting Kosmologische Interpretatie van Architectuur. Voorbeelden uit het oude China en

Meso-Amerika

De beschavingen van het oude China en Meso-Amerika vertonen, hoewel ze niet

historisch verwant zijn en duidelijk verschillend in veel specifieke aspecten (zoals taal

en schrift), veel interessante overeenkomsten en soortgelijke tendensen in hun culturele

manifestaties. Het doel van dit proefschrift is om de validiteit van hedendaagse

kosmologische interpretaties van architectuur en aanverwante beeldende kunst in beide

regio's te onderzoeken. Vergelijkend onderzoek, dat algemene overeenkomsten en

verschillen identificeert, kan bijdragen aan een theoretische reflectie op symbolische

structuren en helpen bij het creëren van een plausibel interpretatiekader voor de studie

van kunst en architectuur. Deze oefening is vooral nuttig omdat de situatie van de

bronnen over deze kwestie in beide culturen zo verschillend is. In het geval van China

zijn er een groot aantal oude historische documenten die gedetailleerde interpretaties

van symbolische betekenissen mogelijk maken, maar in Meso-Amerika zijn de meeste

van dergelijke originele teksten verloren gegaan. Aan de andere kant is er in beide

regio's een zekere mate van culturele continuïteit in lokale (mondelinge) tradities, die

echter diep zijn beïnvloed door verschillende historische en sociale processen. Het

proefschrift reflecteert op de gevolgen van deze processen voor de manier waarop oude

architectuur en haar symboliek in het heden worden waargenomen.

Het proefschrift vergelijkt en contextualiseert de belangrijkste kosmologische

ideeën en gerelateerde religieuze kenmerken van de twee culturen zoals uitgedrukt in

architectuur en beeldende kunst, om antwoorden te vinden op vragen over de betekenis

van architectuur.

Het eerste hoofdstuk introduceert het onderwerp en het

theoretisch-methodologische kader, afgeleid van de inzichten van onderzoekers zoals

Lindsay Jones, Amos Rapoport en anderen, en focust daarbij op de onderliggende

ideeën over een universele Orde en kosmische structuur in de architectuur van beide

beschavingen.

Hoofdstuk 2 analyseert de lay-out, ruimtelijke dimensies, vormen en principes van

architectuur, met aandacht voor het gebruik van specifieke getallen en symbolen als

manieren om concepten over kosmische orde en structuur uit te drukken.

Hoofdstuk 3 analyseert hoe architectuur mensen met goden kan associëren en hoe

architectuur een liminale ruimte, plaats of notie kan bieden door een vorm of functie als

een heilige ruimte waarin mensen en goden elkaar ontmoeten. Het onderzoekt hoe

architectuur ideeën over de lichamen, locaties en accommodaties van goden kan

weerspiegelen en hoe deze associatie leidt tot de uitdrukking van religieuze

betekenissen.

Hoofdstuk 4 analyseert het (continuë) belang van voorouderverering in beide

beschavingen, en de relatie met algemene opvattingen over de dood. Door graven en

283

hun begrafenisgoederen te analyseren, bespreekt dit hoofdstuk interessante

overeenkomsten en verschillen in de manier waarop in de twee beschavingen gedacht

werd over het hiernamaals en het bestaan van zielen, en tegelijkertijd hoe

begrafenisrituelen werden uitgevoerd.

Hoofdstuk 5 behandelt de relatie van architectuur met kalenders en de

structurering van tijd. Noties over de wetten en sacraliteit van het universum werden

onvermijdelijk uitgedrukt in rituelen en verhalen die hun impact hadden op de planning

en het gebruik van architectuur. In dit opzicht vergelijkt het proefschrift de

basiselementen en structuren van de kalenders in beide regio's, met speciale aandacht

voor hun verband met astronomische waarnemingen en hoe deze bijdroegen aan de

manier waarop mensen architectuur als heilig konden ervaren. Hoofdstuk 6 biedt

conclusies en reflecties over de algemene problemen van interpretatie van en zorg voor

het architectonisch erfgoed, met aandacht voor de verschillende situaties van culturele

continuïteit en voor de historische disjuncties en sociaal-politieke veranderingen en hun

gevolgen in de twee regio's. Over het algemeen blijken de observaties over de

kenmerken van Chinese en Meso-Amerikaanse architectuur, rekening houdend met de

relevante iconografische, historische en etnografische gegevens, elkaar te versterken en

laten ze interpretaties toe in termen van kosmische orde, heilige ruimte,

vooroudercultus en sacrale tijd in beide gevallen. Bij het vergelijken van de

kosmologische kenmerken en de prestaties in de architectuur van het oude China en

Meso-Amerika heeft dit proefschrift een multidisciplinaire focus (waarbij architectuur,

archeologie, astronomie, geschiedenis en antropologie in ogenschouw worden

genomen). Door vergelijking is gebleken dat de twee veel overeenkomsten hebben in

hun kosmologische theorie: ze hebben vergelijkbare azimutkenmerken (geassocieerd

met kleuren, richtinggevende goden, seizoenen, leven en dood, enz.), Hun gebouwen

hebben vaak een betekenisvolle ruimtelijke oriëntatie; ze hebben allebei een idee

omtrent Drie Sferen (Hemel, Aarde, Onderwereld) en soortgelijke concepten met

betrekking tot leven en dood. Met name vooroudercultus is een belangrijk element in

beide culturen; bovendien gebruiken ze een vergelijkbare Kalender Cyclus in hun

respectievelijke tijdrekening. Bij de constructie van bouwwerken en steden gebruiken

ze hun eigen methoden om het concept van kosmologie te integreren in architecturale

creatie, waardoor hun architectuur verbindingen tot stand brengt tussen de kosmos,

goden en tijd.

Aan de hand van deze gedetailleerde vergelijking van diverse centrale aspecten

van de cultuur en architectuur van het oude China en Meso-Amerika vanuit het

perspectief van de kosmologie, beoogt dit proefschrift aan te geven hoezeer

comparatief onderzoek – gebaseerd op en complementair aan specialistisch onderzoek

naar architectuur, archeologie, geschiedenis en aanverwante disciplines in elk van

beide gebieden afzonderlijk – de interpretaties van cultureel erfgoed kan verdiepen en

theoretisch onderbouwen.

284

Curriculum Vitae

While studying a bachelor in Architecture, Chunhong Chen became more and more

interested in the historical and cultural dimensions of heritage. Subsequently she

obtained her Master’s degree in architectural history studies at Tianjin University of

China (2006). From 2006, she worked as a lecturer at Tianjin University and

continued in her interests. From 2007, she became acquainted with archaeoastronomy

and started to study the astronomical dimensions of, archaeology and architecture,.

After five years of studies on Architecture and Astronomy, she then received a Ph.D.

degree in 2012 at Tianjin University. In the period of 2014-2015, she was a research

fellow in the IIAS (International Institute of Asian Studies) of Leiden University. In

2015, she became a doctoral candidate in the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden

University for further study of the relationships between archaeology, architecture,

iconography and cosmology in Ancient China and Mesoamerica. This PhD thesis is a

result of that investigation.

In the period of 2012-2014, she got funding for her research project “the

Astronomical Character Research of Chinese Ancient Architecture ”(No: 51308378,

RMB 250,000) from NSFC (National Natural Science Foundation of China).

At present she is in charge of a research project with the name “Astronomical

Thoughts Studies on Chinese Ancient Capitals” (No: 51978444, RMB 630,000),

supported by NSFC.

COSMOLOGICAL

INTERPRETATION

OF ARCHITECTURE