Colonialism and Islamic Book Culture in Northern Nigeria

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RIMA International Journal of Historical Studies (RIJHIS) Vol. 1 No. 1 January 2018

Colonialism and Islamic Book Culture in Northern Nigeria

Nura Aliyu

Abstract

The tradition of Islamic scholarship was started in Kanem Borno around the eleventh century

and later extended to Hausaland in the fifteenth century. This ancient tradition had

undergone different forms of transformations overtime. In fact, most of its components

experienced far-reaching structural changes in the period. The most notable of these changes

is in the area of shifting practices which is the dominant feature of the ancient Islamic book

culture. The main focus of this article is on the culture of book production signifying Islamic

literature, which has been a feature of Islamic intellectual tradition of the area now northern

Nigeria. Emphasis is laid on the changing nature of this component of Islamic scholarship

during the colonial period.

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Introduction

This article attempts a survey of the changing nature of the Islamic literary production

since the beginning of the twentieth century. It also mapped out some of the changes in

Islamic scholarship in northern Nigeria. In the light of this, this article contributed to the

development of the Islamic historiography of contemporary northern Nigeria.1 In the context

of this study, Islamic literature refers to the sum total output of writings and compositions on

Islam and its related sciences produce by Muslim scholars.2 There is no doubt that, any

sound scholarly tradition is tied to a flourishing literature produce by the intellectuals. This is

in consideration of the eminent role which literature or reading materials play in sustaining

and accentuating the character of learning tradition, shaping the nature of knowledge, the

expertise of scholars and as well, the platform through which the peoples’ worldviews are

expressed. It is equally another means through which scholars demonstrate their

socio¬religious relevance, establish their authority, preserve their claims, arguments and

display the integrity of their knowledge and also preserving knowledge for posterity.3 Ibn

Khaldun, the great Muslim philosopher theorizes the importance of literature to knowledge

and scholarship where he says:

The art of writing and book production, which depends on it,

preserves the things that are of concern to man and keep them

from being forgotten. It enables the innermost thoughts of the

soul to reach those who are far and absent. It perpetuates in

books the results of thinking and scholarship.4

In the history of Islam, several Muslim scholars were known for their enormous

contributions to Islamic civilization through book production. For instance, Sheikh

Abdurrahman as-Suyuti, the famous Egyptian scholar (d.1505 C.E), was known to have

authored more than 500 works on diverse aspects of Islamic knowledge.5In pre-colonial

Hausaland, there were equally numerous scholars-authors who produced many books,

reviewed and made commentaries on works they had made or written by others. Some were

known to have produced compendiums of certain texts, or worked out materials from several

texts into new versions, versified some, and also made their own verse treatment of certain

subjects. Sheikh Abdul Kareem al- Maghili was one of the precursors of Islamic reading

materials in Hausaland. He wrote a political treatise in which the basis of Islamic government

and Islamic statecraft were outlined.6 Other scholars of note were Aida Ahmad al- Tazakhti



and Makhluf al-Bilbali who was said to have left behind a body of writings in Katsina.

Equally, indigenous scholars had contributed in the rising culture of book production.7

Notables among them are Muhammad al-Sabbag and Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Fulani

(d.1742 C.E) who spent years in Mecca and died in Egypt as a guest of Sheikh Abdurrahman

al-Jabarti.8

The most historic moment of book production in Hausaland was between the late

eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when Shehu Usman Danfodiyo and his lieutenants

produced numerous reading materials. Hunwick describes the period as a real revolution in

Arabic-Islamic writing across most of the Islamic disciplines. The three triumvirates of the

Sokoto caliphate alone were said to have written down more than 628 literary works in

various branches of knowledge.9The two generations that followed the era of the jihadists

witnessed prolific writing epitomized by Abd al-Qadir Dantafa (d. 1864)10 and Ishaq al-

Athur (d.1884/85). These literary contributions had the relevance of preserving Islamic

knowledge and ideas as well as keeping the Muslims in tune with the right pattern of

scholarly culture handed down from one generation to another over the centuries.

Modern Challenges in the Culture of Book Production

It needs to be noted that, the northern Nigerian society had witnessed massive

transformations which began in the twentieth century. One of the notable changes was the

decline of Islamic intellectual tradition as the result of the coming of colonial rule. The

deterioration in Islamic book production was indeed a sign of the intellectual

underdevelopment which befell the Muslim society. There were very few scholar-authors as

many had abandoned the book writing habit on Islamic sciences during the first and second

decades of the century. One of the major reasons was the emergence of the mentality of taqlid

among local scholars. This taqlid temperament was centered on a negative notion of

contentedness with the existing literature produced by the Sokoto jihadists. Local scholars

became reluctant to writing with the inclination that everything had already been written

down by Shehu and his deputies.11 The major reason why this inclination grew was because

Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo who authored numerous books was very popular and accepted all

over sub-Saharan Africa. If any scholar would go against any of his writings or share

conflicting ideas with him, he will never be accepted in the society.

Besides, the devastating British war of conquest seemed to be another factor in the

decline of literary production in northern Nigeria at the beginning of the century. A great



number of erudite scholars with intellectual ability of writing were involved in the mass

exodus that followed the upheaval. Already, the last decade of the nineteenth century was not

conducive to have allowed writings. Apart from those killed in the battle of conquest, many

scholars had continued the flight to the east to avoid the leadership of the Christians.12 These

were those who settled at Maiwurno in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Saudi Arabia. Without

any doubt, the battle of colonial conquest had significantly set in motion the collapse of

Islamic institutions.

This decline in Islamic institutions brought about the rise of some negative traditions

such as the gardanci system which is characterized by lack of proper understanding of Islamic

knowledge in northern Nigeria. This system signifies a trend of imitating learning. It is

synthetic process of crude recitation and memorization of the Qur’an without necessarily

knowing the meaning of what is recited or memorized.13 This type of learning tradition grew

rapidly in northern Nigeria as the result of the collapse of Muslim institutions following

colonial conquest up to 1975, a situation that led to the decline of the status of the ulama and

the gradual loss of their identity and influence in the society. Thus, it was a form of religious

teaching characterized by overemphasis on rote learning of Qur’anic recitation and a lack of

proper understanding of the basic principles of Islam, over-zealousness, intolerance as well as

ignorance of the Arabic language.14

In addition to that, during the three decades of colonial rule, all forms of resistance to

colonialism were dealt with by the British. Consequently, as Dahiru Yahya relates, all overt

hostile intellectual activities were subdued. This made some scholars to have given up

intellectual activism and resorted to private religious lifestyle where mysticism provided the

convenient climate.15 Therefore, the rise of gardanci was a colonial legacy among northern

Nigerian Muslims. Professor J.F. Ade Ajayi equally observes that, the colonial powers

unwilling to antagonize the Muslims on religious grounds supported elementary education in

Qur’anic schools while discouraging higher education and the international outlook of Islam,

thus, further reinforcing the spread of maraboutism.16

Along this strategy, the British conserved Muslims’ hostility to colonialism and

averted the dangers of fanatical outbreaks in the colonial. They likewise supported the new

resurgence of Sufism in the colony from the second decade of their rule. After dealing with

various forms of resistance during battles of conquest as well as the Satiru and other Mahdist

threats in northern Nigeria, the British realized that, the use of military and economic might



could not consolidate the process of empire building in the colony, but using the local factors

in sustaining colonial administration such as indirect rule. Therefore, the attitude of

establishing working relations with some Muslims such as the conservative ulama and

important Muslim groups mainly the Sufi orders.17 Thus, indigenous religious leaders

represented a valuable source of collaboration for the colonial powers and provided a potent

means of securing control over the large section of the Muslim population.

Equally, the religious leaders were used to ensure Muslims’ obedience based on

Islamic tradition of respect for any constituted authority. Therefore, the Sufi groups were

allowed to move from one place to another to conduct their activities so long as they cause no

trouble to the colonial administration. Consequently, the spread and a new resurgence of

Sufism in northern Nigeria were rapidly ensured in order to maintain political and social

stability and to avoid any emotional engagement with Islam. The British viewed the Sufi

movements as peaceful and Sufism or maraboutism always provide atmosphere of

exclusiveness and emphasizes on mainly spiritual growth. The most glaring impact of this

was the diversion of a great deal of scholarly efforts toward Tasawwuf. According to Sheik

Abubakar Gumi, tasawwuf which is the practice of Sufism teaches withdrawal from worldly

affairs and prevents one to even teach others his knowledge and participate in social

matters.18Auwal Anwar pointed that as the result this wave of Sufi resurgence in the 1930s,

religious teaching, preaching the doctrine of Islam, scholarship, learning and literary activity

were not the main focus of the Sufi Sheikhs.19

The most widespread form ofliterary productionin the first two decades of colonial

rule was poetry which was another form of reaction to colonialism.20 The new resurgence of

the Tijjaniyya and Qadiriyya brotherhoods which began since the 1920shad provided an

impetus to much diversion of scholarly activities towards tasawwuf (Sufism) as pointed

above. This had the impact of the rise of numerous Sufi writings, largely polemical than on

purely Islamic sciences.

One major development in the culture of book production in northern Nigeria was the

change from the manuscript tradition to the printed culture. The society was indeed in

transition due to the changes that were taking place which was reflected in its literary culture,

moving from manuscript era into the print age where reading materials were rendered into

properly bounded books. This is believed to have become widespread from 1920s when the

Kano Native Authority Press was first established followed by others such as Gaskiya



Publishing Company Zaria. Besides, development in transportation from the 1950s had

driven the merging Nigerian authors or their manuscripts to as far as Cairo in Egypt and

Beirut in Lebanon when a new impetus was injected into the literary culture.21

Despite the development of the printing culture, there was still the continuation of the

tradition of market publishing, a kind of local lithography or style of book binding usually

found in Kano and Sokoto markets. It was a half-way clipping and trimming of manuscripts

in Maghrebian scripts. This in itself represented a transition between the old manuscript

tradition toward printing proper consisting of little and small medium books. The need for

circulating the jihadist literature and the emergence of new doctrines in the Sufi climate were

crucial in nourishing this local publishing style.22Not only that, when modern printing

machines were introduced, the people had already became accustomed to the Maghrebian

scripts. Thus printed books were not recognized so much until gradually. As such, this local

market publishing continued to satisfy their demands. In this case, Sheikh Sherif Bala Gabari

in Kano became famous calligrapher who was usually paid to render manuscripts into

popular Magrebian style after which, the produced books were distributed in the markets. In

Sokoto, the most popular was Dan Ige who engaged in reproducing the literature of the

Sokoto Jihad. The trend of local market publishing stood in sharp contrast to the older

tradition of hand copying and recopying.

Continuity and Change in Islamic Literary Tradition and Book Production

The new intellectual transformations which the society was experiencing had

motivated the revival of book writing especially from the 1950s. By this time, there were new

innovations which indeed reflected the changing nature of the society. From the middle of the

twentieth century, the usage of Arabic as a literary language had become improved as well as

English literacy. This is because modern institutions of learning mainly the Kano School of

Arabic Studies was offering rigorous study of Arabic language. Correspondingly, its

graduates had started to make great impacts on the society. Not only that, local languages had

acquired writing scripts and some scholars had already improved their teaching techniques.24

Besides, some scholars had realized that, dissemination of knowledge through writing is

another means of gaining influence, exerting social relevance and reaching out to ordinary

Muslims. Consequently, the culture of book production got a new impetus. In what follows,

new developments in this culture are examined. The terms which Hunwick used to describe

northern Nigerian literature is maintain in the discussion.



Polemical Writings

The new resurgence of Sufism during the first-half of the twentieth century had the

attendant impact on the growth of local Sufi literature in northern Nigeria. Besides, the most

widespread style has been the virulent polemical writings produced by Sufi sheikhs in praise

or defense of the respective orders and their spiritual heads. In addition to that, the inter-order

rivalry between the two dominant brotherhoods, the Tijjaniyya and Qadiriyya, which created

the zealous need of promoting, popularization of the corresponding orders and spreading the

blessings of leading sheikhs, as well as the internal squabbles within each were responsible in

the initial rise of this writing style. This does not mean there were no polemical writings prior

to this time. Already, scholars had in the past centuries engaged in this habit as a mode of

contestation of authority. It was said that, Shehu Usman Danfodiyo had written more than

fifty books while arguing with his contemporaries.25

The disputations between the Sufi orders and the anti-Sufi movements led to the

composition of hundreds of polemical writings in northern Nigeria. Sheikh Nasiru Kabara

alone was said to have written more than one hundred and fifty treatises of this genre.26

These contemporary writings had contributed to development of the scholarly tradition which

spanned hundreds of years in northern Nigeria. The conflict among the Tijjaniyya followers

notably between Salgawa and Madabawa in Kano city which began in the 1920s and became

intensified in the 1930s onwards was the pacesetter in the rise of polemical writings in

modern northern Nigerian society. In the first instance, the dispute concerning death rites

between the opposing groups in the Tijjaniyya was the initial stimulant. Abbas has given a

glimpse of how disagreements around this sparked up this trend of writing. Muhammad

Salga, the leader of the Salgawa scholars who criticized fidda’u (giving out of alms for

intercession of a deceased person, also known as sadakarmutuwa),usually after three days,

then seven days, forty days and after a year which was practiced by the Madabawa wrote a

treatise titled, “Risalat al-Su’al” (the Book of Question). In response to that, Mallam Umaru,

known as the Babban Malami of Madabo wrote a rejoinder titled “Hujaj al-Ulama al-

Madabiyyin” (the Arguments of the Madabo Scholars).27This was how the hot intellectual

discourse started and continued through to the 1960s.

Attempts at popularizing the Tijjaniyya and the rise of new doctrines within the order

during the 1930s brought about its division into networks and had led Muhammadu Salga to

write, “Kitab al-Su’al wa al-Jawab” and “Shurut Wird Shaikhina abil Abbas”. Sheikh



Abubakar Atiq authored “Ifadat al-Murid bi Shurut Shara ’it Wird Shaykhina al-TijjanF^The

attendant impact of the internal rivalry within the Tijjaniya was the break of the order into

two groups; the Umariyya and Ibrahimiyya in the 1930s.29Hence, several writings were

made for and against surrounding burning issues between the two opposing groups in the

Tijjaniyya order.

Besides, conflict between the Tijjaniyya and Qadiriyya had similarly contributed in

the spread of more polemical writings. Sheikh Nasiru Kabara wrote “al-Nafahat al-Nasiriyya

fi al-Tariqah al-Qadiriyya” (The Nasirine Fragrances within the Qadiriyya Sufi Order)

published in Zaria in 1957 to express his displeasure over the attitude of some Tijjaniyya

Muqaddams. Sheikh Abubakar Atiq in a rejoinder wrote a book titled “al-Risalah Fi Tahdhir

al-Isabah” (Treatise of Caution in Respect of Factionalism). He wrote another treatise titled

“al-Sarim al-MashrafT to challenge the use of bandir (bass drum) for the supply of music in

the mosque which Sheikh Nasiru Kabara had introduced. In order to justify and protect the

religiosity of this action, Sheikh Kabara wrote a number of booklets. One of them is “Kitab

Nusrat al-Qadir Fi Tabaqiq al-Bandir” 3

In the same vein, dispute concerning the clasping of hands in prayer (Qabd and sadl)

had generated serious tension between the followers of the two brotherhoods in northern

Nigeria and sparked up more polemical writings.31 The issue was severally tabled at the

headquarters of the Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI) at Kaduna for settlement but to no avail.

The period between late 1960s and mid-1980s witnessed decisive change of focus in

the polemic writings. The expansion of anti-Sufism and the rise of the Izala movement were

very responsible in this regard. This development had the impact of making the Sufi sheikhs

to abandon their rivalries for a new and dangerous opponent. Ever since the circulation of

Sheikh Abubakar Gumi’s booklet titled “al-Aqidah al-Saheha bi Muwafaqat al-Shari’a” in

1972, which generated hot uproars in the society, polemical writings became intensified and

took a new dimension. Initially, Gumi was asked to summarize his main proofs against

Sufism by one Mallam Isma’ila. According to Gumi, the small write-up was only meant for

this man. However, luck had it that, the small treatise will turn into a popular book not only

in Nigeria, but around the Muslim World and the most important intellectual guide to most of

the anti-Sufis in the 1970s. The Sufi Sheikhs in defense of Sufism started releasing rejoinders

to the book (Aqidah). Sheikh Nasiru Kabara authored a book titled “al-Nashua al-Sariha fi al-

Radd ala Aqidah al- Sahiha” (a Frank Advice in Response to al-Aqidah al-Sahiha). Sheikh



Sani Kafanga from the Tijjaniyya part wrote booklets like “al-Minah al-Hamidah fi al-Radd

ala Fasad al-Aqidah”, “Hadhihi Risalat Tahsil al-Amani fi Bayan Qaul al-Sheikh wa man

Ahabbani wa man Ra’ani”, “Hadha al-Kitab al- Musamma bi al-Sarim al-Mushrafy al-Maslul

ala al-Munkir al-Ghabiyya”, and “Hadhihi Risalat Tanbih al-Ikhwan bi Takdhib Sahib al-

Khibal al-Ta’in li Jawharat al-Kamal fi al-Sakat ala Sayyid al-RijaR. All these books were

written to clarify the goodness in the brotherhoods and its Sheikhs which the anti-Sufis

criticized and the utmost condemnation of anti-Sufi.

In 1978, Abd al-Samad al-Kashini published “Risalat al-Da’i ila al- Sunna wa al-Zajir

an al-Bidi’ah” (An Epistle Calling to the Sunnah and Warning against Innovation). In the

same year, Isma’il Idris published a booklet entitled “A Gane Bambancin Gaskiya da Karya”

(Understanding the Difference between Truth and Falsehood). Muhammad Ashir wrote “al-

Khayr al-Kamil ma Qabalahu al-Sharr al-Shamik” Ibrahim Ba’iyya wrote “ Turuq al-

Manfa’a bi Ajwibat as-ilat Ahli al-Izalati al-Mansubi ila al-Wahabiyyin”. Other Sufi Sheikhs

Alhaji Mahmud Ibrahim and Ali Jabatu authored “Raf’u al-Shubuhat amma fi al-Qadiriyya

wa al-Tijjaniyya min al-Shatahat’ in 1978.32

In 1981, Dahiru Maigari published a research work on Sheikh Ibrahim Niass

captioned, “al-Sheikh Ibrahim Niass al-Singhali” Hayatuhu wa A’ra’uhu wa Ta’alimuh”

(Sheikh Ibrahim Niass the Senegalese: His Life, His Views and His Teachings). The book

exposes the Tijjaniyya under the leadership of Niass. He also published the second with title,

“al-Tuhfah al- Saniyya bi Tauhid al-Tariqah al-Tijjaniyya” (A Valuable Present to Explain

the Tijjaniyya Brotherhood). It contained a devastating critique against the order.33

The most significance thing about these writings is that, shifting practices and

demands of the time necessitated the rise of this style of writing, resulting into the emergence

of Islamic literature in the intellectual landscape of northern Nigeria. One of the responses to

the demands of the time was the spread of translated works.

Translated Works

The linguistic and literary currents which had grown in the society during the 1950s

and 1960s had stimulated another significant change in the Islamic literary production. In this

case, translation of Islamic books from Arabic into



Romanized Hausa script became popularized. Original Arabic books produced either

locally or from abroad were translated into local vernacular with the view of sharing the ideas

therein to ordinary Muslims. It is significant to note that, use of Hausa language to write

religious books did not start in the twentieth century. Rather, the new thing was the use of

roman scripts which many traditional scholars challenged. Western education had already

opened opportunities to scholars whose intellectual horizon had become widened to utilize

new methods in disseminating Islamic knowledge and ideas. This was in addition to the

decline of Arabic literacy among lay Muslims that began with the advent of colonial rule.

This decline in Arabic literacy had hindered majority of the people from having the reach of

ideas and knowledge inside original Arabic texts. Equally, the intellectual resurgence of the

modern age had inclined modern scholars to utilize all avenues to disseminate Islamic

knowledge in order to ensure the revival of the religion. Besides, the need to put some

important local books such as those made by the Sokoto jihad leaders into contemporary

context was another reason in the development of this writing style.

The issues regarding the decline of Arabic and the rise of Hausa literacy during

colonial rule need a separate consideration in northern Nigeria. One of the tactics of the

British in consolidation of colonial rule in the colony was facilitating the decline of religious

identity and creation of linguistic influence. In this case, it was not only concerned with

establishing a new identity towards linguistic heritage of the colonial power, under which

elitism was defined based on the mastery of the imperial language. This type of language

identity was centered on promoting the uniqueness of the native language as identity and a

significant feature of the society. In this, a notion of superiority of the native language over

religion was indirectly encouraged among the populace through educational systems.

It is significant to note that, the dimensions of colonial language policy were many.

The strategy used to ensure this was contained in the British colonial language policy which

came up from the middle of the third decade of colonial rule. Initially, the British had

discouraged the use of Arabic language and ajami from all colonial transactions in any

capacity. These were substituted by the introduction of the Roman scripts.34 This was

primarily intended to avert fanatical outbreaks as Lugard himself pointed out:

If a real understanding can be promoted, the danger of fanatical

outbreaks will cease, and the Muhammadan educated classes



will become supporters of British rule like they have always

been in India.35

The Romanization of the Hausa language was a colonial conspiracy as well as a

deliberate tactic of destroying Arabic and its heritage and to ultimately undermine Islam and

Islamic civilization.36To ensure that, the British discouraged the use of religious identity in

addressing the territory, instead of that, the uniqueness of Hausa language was promoted in

northern Nigeria. The colonial period was on the part of the Muslims a Christian era, thus,

regarded the British as „Nasara’ (the Christians) rather than Europeans. But the British

preferred language identity and insisted on being called turawa (Europeans) than Christians

despite claiming to be representatives of the most Christian nation in the world.37 Between

1927 and 1950, a number of measures were taken to create a language shift through putting

its primacy in human experience in the colony. In this case, Hausa was inscribed as the most

prestigious language and even promoted as lingua franca of the northern region at the

expense of other local languages. As Leglise and Bettina generally observed;

In British colonial Africa, between 1927 and 1950, various

official linguistic committees were set up in each territory that

were charged with identifying suitable dominant vernaculars,

standardizing them following the recommendations for an

international African Alphabet put forward by the International

African Institute in 1927, and revised in 1930 and with

promoting the production of texts in these language.38

There was equally campaign in which Hausa was propagated as a rich and beautiful

language which everyone should learn even among the colonial officials. Not only that, a

special allowance was given to those who learnt Hausa among the colonial administrators.39

Up till today, the best Hausa- English dictionary is the Burgery, produced by the colonial

official and Reverend Father George Percy Burgery published in 1934. This dictionary was

the first to provide tonal analysis of the Hausa language, because the author was able to

distinguish between the different dialects of Hausa spoken words, such as that of Kano from

the Hausa of Katsina, Sokoto and Zaria,

The British gradually discouraged the use of Arabic and promoted the use of Hausa.

They were the first to introduce translation of books from Arabic into Hausa language in



northern Nigeria. This was one of the tasks of the Bureau of Translation established in 1929.

The agency was aimed at translating literary materials from Arabic into Hausa to promote

reading culture in the native vernacular. In 1933, the Bureau organized a competition among

scholars and elites to write Hausa books and translate some popular Arabic books into Hausa

on prose for a prize. It was during this time that

Abubakar Imam translated the Arabian Nights into “Magana JariCe”. They equally

introduced Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo in 1939, the first Hausa newspaper to propagate British

success during World War II.41

All these were colonial tactics of discouraging religious identity and Arabic literacy in

the society at the expense of roman script, language identity through Hausa and the western

culture. The discouragement of Arabic language had the great impact of separating the

religion of Islam from its original language (Arabic). It was never in history were Muslims

observed Islam without Arabic. That was why most of the famous scholars of Arabic were

not Arabs such as Sibawaih, Zamakshari, etc. The message of Islam cannot be properly

understood except through the medium of Arabic. Besides, separating the Muslims from

Arabic is simply separating them from the Qur’an, the traditions of the Prophet (SAW) and

the wealth of knowledge bequeathed by the Muslim predecessors. Therefore, a stable and

deep understanding of Islam is entirely tied to understanding of Arabic language. One

important indicator of the strong linkage between Islam and Arabic is that, the fundamental

acts in Islam are only accepted if performed in Arabic such as salat.

There is no doubt that, one of the reasons why previous religions before Islam became

corrupted was because they were separated from their original languages. The generation that

came after the earlier ones could not read the original scriptures of their religion such as

Bible. Besides, the Bible was not put down on paper until when people began to forget it. It

was tremendously altered by those who wrote it and even those who came to translate it.

Likewise, in the process of its translation it was diverted from its original meaning.42 Unlike

the Qur’an, its going with Arabic has been one of the ways through which it will remain

preserved to eternity. Also, it will protect it from any addition or subtraction which may take

place without notice. For instance, if one claims that, there is something in Islam or in the

Qur’an, the scholars of Qur’an will judge that. Therefore, Islam and specifically the Qur’an

are protected through Arabic language.43



Despite what has been said above, Sheikh Abubakar Gumi was among the

intellectuals who utilized the linguistic and literary currents in the society to embark on

translation of Arabic materials into Romanized Hausa. He translated Nurul Albab and Ihya

as-Sunnah both authored by Shehu Usman Danfodiyo around 1957. He did that in order to

enlighten the people on the ideas contained in the books. The era had witnessed the

widespread innovation in Islam. Abubakar Gumi realized that, majority in the traditional

ulama had forgotten their role. He therefore translated these books to re-educate the people

concerning religious innovation and the role of the ulama, claiming that Shehu Usman

Danfodiyo had already dealt with a similar case when he engaged with the scholars of his

time on various issues. He also translated Arba’un Hadith of al-Nawawi in 1959, Tuhfah al-

Hukkam of Ibn Qasim and as well the book of al-Qadiyaniyya in 1973, which contained ideas

of Ahmadiyya Qadiyaniyya. In due course, Sardauna sponsored the translation of several

books of the Sokoto scholars in order to demonstrate their contemporary relevance. He

financed the translation of series of Diya’ata uthored by Abdullahi Danfodiyo in the

nineteenth century. He equally sponsored the translation of “Wa Lamma Balaghtu” and “Usul

al-Wilaya” by Shehu Usman Danfodiyo. His main translators were Waziri Junaidu and

Abubakar Gumi.44 Abubakar Imam was another personality involved in the translation of

Arabic works into Hausa. By 1966, he translated the Diya’ al Hukkam of Sheikh Abdullahi

bin Fodiyo into Hasken Masu Hukunci.45

Another important aspect of this innovation was the translation of the Qur’an into

Hausa. The first attempt at this was made by Sa’adu Zungur who as a mode of intellectual

discourse thought it imperative that, Muslims should know the meaning of the Holy Qur’an

so as to avoid acts of superstition, ignorance about Islam, and being misled by corrupt

ulama.46However, he could not do much when he was overwhelmed by ill-health as the

result of which he died. Paden pointed that, the idea of translating the Qur’an into Hausa

language became accepted among religious groups in Kano only in 1968.47 A committee of

seven was selected to undertake the task which they commenced in December 1969. By

1970, the first six chapters were completed without difference of opinions.48 It seemed

perhaps, the work was abandoned later due to doctrinal differences which developed

alongside between members of the community. The later translation of Sheikh Nasiru Kabara

tells this because he was involved in this committee.



The pioneer, most popular and completed work of Qur’anic translation was done by

Sheikh Abubakar Gumi. He started the translation of the Qur’an with juz’ai tabara and amma

(the twenty eighth and thirtieth sections of the Qur’an) titled “Tarjamar Ma’anonin al-

Qur’ani”. These volumes, he believed, were the usual places people recite in their daily

prayers, and so if translated, would make them to have the idea of what they read in prayers

and the essence of the praying with humility (khushu ’) would be attained. When he started

the project, it became the major topic of discussion among both scholars and their followers.

The society heavily criticized and even castigated him and the whole effort. They considered

the task as heathen act to be totally condemned. They said the translated book contained

nothing but evils (sabo) and was sponsored by the Wahabbis to mislead the Muslims.

Therefore, people were urged to have nothing to do with it.

Sheikh Gumi did not bother about all the criticisms and castigations. He released the

completed translation of the Qur’an in 1979. The idea of translating the Qur’an was to bring

to the people the idea of what they were reading in their own mother tongue. Sheikh Nasiru

Kabara later on came to translate the Qur’an probably in competition with Abubakar Gumi.

The translated Qur’an of Sheikh Kabara was entitled Kyautar Ubangiji Mai Kyautayi a Cikin

Bayanan Boyayyun Ma’anonin al-Qur’ani in four volumes.49The Kabara’s work was equally

meant to protect people from the Wahabi ideas he alleged to be contained in Gumi’s

translation. The most significant thing is that, the tradition of mystifying the Qur’an was

broken.

Later on, scholars embarked on more translation of Islamic books. Alhaji Usman

Muhammad Daura was known to have translated books on jurisprudence into Hausa

language. His major translated works were Jagorar Masu Hukunci and Iziyya Tare da Fassara

Cikin Hausa. There was also Mallam Muntaka Muhammad Usman Bilbis who translated the

famous book Mukhtasar into Hausa. All these works were widely circulated in northern

Nigerian society. Besides, the invention of translation was a direct impact of transformation

of Islamic scholarship in the region. Scholars who were more exposed to western education

combined their knowledge in Arabic and in the Latin script to express their ideas and engage

in religious discourses in their mother tongues. This way offered the scholars opportunity to

reassert their relevance and authority in the society. Therefore, the linguistic and literary

currents of the era had the significance of stimulating change in the Islamic literary culture of

northern Nigeria.



Research Writings

Research writings are research-based works produced on Islamic sciences for

advanced study of the religion purely in Arabic language. It is in this type of literature that

scholars display their expertise, preserve their authority and promote Islamic ideas ever since

the rise of the tradition of Islamic scholarship. There were very few writings of this genre

until when students returned from foreign universities unlike the polemical works examined

above. Sheikh Abubakar Gumi equally had a very important contribution in this aspect. He

produced a complete Qur’anic tafsir in Arabic language titled “Radal-Azhaan ilaMa’an al-

Qur’an” first published in Beirut, Lebanon in 1979. In this part of northern Nigeria, Sheikh

Gumi was the second to have ever produced such a work after Sheikh Abdullahi Danfodiyo

who in the nineteenth century authored a complete exegesis of the Qur’an “Diya al-Ta’wil”.

Later on some scholars came out to write books of tafsir such as Sheikh Nasiru Kabara.

Sheikh Kabara usually engaged in competition with Sheikh Gumi. Whatever the former did,

the later would do it. This can be interpreted as intellectual competition or subversion of

one’s effort between the two scholars.

Much later, some scholars who were graduates of foreign universities especially, from

Saudi Arabia emerged with laudable contributions in research-based works. Sheikh Dr.

Muhammad Sani Umar Rijiyar Lemo for instance, had made a very big influence in this

regard. He had authored Dhawabit al-Jahr wa at-a’dil inda al-Hafiz az-Zahabi, Tahqiq wa

Tahqiq al- Ighrab li an-Nasa’i, etc. There was equally Sheikh Dr. Muhammad Mansur Sokoto

who worked out some valuable works made by Sokoto jihadists which were unknown to

many people. For instance, he reviewed and standardized “Misbahar-Rawi” written by

Sheikh Abdullahi Fodiyo on the science of hadith (Mustalah al-Hadith). Dr Mansur had in

2017 released a massive work titled Fath Rabil Bariyyati Li Adillatil Iziyya, one of its kinds

in West African sub¬region.

Hausa Islamic Books

Writing Islamic books in Romanized Hausa script by some scholar- authors was

another development in the changing nature of literary production in northern Nigerian

intellectual tradition. It should not be confused with the earlier mentioned works of

translation which signifies rendering of Arabic writings into local dialects. In this case,

scholars author books in Hausa at first-hand. The pioneer work in this regard was made by

Sheikh Halliru Binji in 1950. It happened that, when Abubakar Imam established a modern



Islamic School in Zaria which combined both Islamic and western education, he approached

Sheikh Binji to prepare book on Islamic jurisprudence for the school pupils in Romanized

Hausa script.50In response to this request, the sheikh authored Ibada da Hukunci (Islamic

Worship and Rules) in two volumes. It was not only to satisfy the demand of those who

requested the book, but to contribute in creating proper understanding of Islamic religion

among lay Muslims. The book was the first of its kinds in that aspect of Islamic jurisprudence

prepared in Hausa. Beside this book, he authored Littafin Addini (Islamic Book) in two

volumes as well as Mu Koyi Larabci (Let’s Learn Arabic).51

Abubakar Imam himself had in the same way authored Tarihin Annabi (History of the

Prophet) in three volumes and completed a fourth volume on the Four Rightly Guided

Caliphs, he captioned Tarihin Islam (History of Islam) for the school. In 1955, he wrote

Sayyidina Abubakar (Caliph Abubakar), Hajji Mabudin Ilimi (Hajj; an Adventure) in 1959

and Tambaya Goma Amsa Goma (Ten Questions and Their Answers) for general

readers.52Another scholar who made a contribution to the Zaria Islamic school was Mallam

Na’ibi Sulaiman Wali who wrote Mu Koyi Ajami(Let’s Learn Ajami) and Tauhidi a Saukake

(Tauhid Made Simple). There was also Mallam Shu’aibu, the School Headmaster, who wrote

Addini a Saukake(Islam Made

Simple) and Mu Kara Kyautata Addininmu (Let’s Improve Our Religion). There was

also Alhaji Baba Ahmed who wrote Almajiri da Malami(A Pupil and His Teacher), Masu

Hikima Sun Ce (Wise Men Said), and Matambayi Ba Ya Bata53 Sheikh Tayyib Idris

authored Jagorar Mai Salla (A Guide to Prayers), in 1978.54 Sheikh Gumi authored Matakin

Musulunci, Aikin Hajji da Umra a Saukake and Fassarar Hadisai Arba’in 55

The above mentioned books were the pioneer ones. Later on, scholars continued to

author books along this style in order to convey the message of Islam. This was mostly done

by modern scholars who had undergone western education. The JNI had significantly

encouraged this writing method in its da’wa activities where several books were written

down under its sponsorship.56

There were equally textbooks written in English language produced by modern

scholars for special readers especially students in secondary schools and higher institutions of

learning. It was discovered by some scholars that, students of Islamic Studies in conventional

institutions of learning lacked access to Arabic materials because the language of instruction



was English. Equally, some orientalists had made publications on Islam in which the image

of the religion was not properly presented. The Muslim Students Society of Nigeria had

played role in insinuating scholars to author textbooks for students of conventional

institutions.57 Therefore, people like Abdurrahman Doi, Sheikh Ahmad Lemo and his wife

Hajia A’isha Lemo authored books which became widely used in Nigeria. For instance,

Sheikh Ahmad Lemo had published Islam for Africa, A Book of Fasting, and Religion and

Morality in Islam. The Islamic Educational Trust (IET) founded by Sheikh Ahmad Lemo

provided valuable support in the proliferation of Islamic textbooks in contemporary Nigeria.

This method of writing had contributed immensely in the dissemination of basic religious

knowledge to ordinary Muslims and shaped the nature of Islamic literary culture.

Scientific Writings

Another development with regard to growth of Islamic literature in contemporary

northern Nigerian society was the emergence of scientific researches in Islamic Studies as a

result of increase in modern system of education. This was done by students and scholars in

postgraduate sections of the departments and centers for Arabic and Islamic Studies

established in higher institutions of learning in Nigeria. Such studies were carried out mostly

in English language and were, sometimes, rendered into books. This type of writings has one

peculiar limitation. They were beyond the reach of ordinary members of the society as they

are mostly kept in university libraries. Similarly, language barrier may deny most of lay

Muslims from having the reach of the ideas therein. Some of them were commentaries on

previous books, especially those made by the Sokoto Jihadists.58There are equally academic

journals supported by these modern educational institutions with the main aim of promoting

research in Islam.

Conclusion

From the foregoing discussion, it has become obvious how colonialism through

various tactics and policies retarded Islamic institutions in northern Nigeria, which in turn

necessitated change in the culture of book production in the region. Not only that, there was

the role of the shifting practices in bringing about the change. The shifting practices included

the changing of religious identity under which Arabic literacy declined and gave way to the

rise of Hausa Language as an identity trait promoted by the British. It is the position of this

paper that, the transformed Arabic literature in the twentieth century had contributed in the



development of Islam and Islamic ideas, the actual function which the religious literature

renders since the development of Islamic scholarship.



Reference

1 See M.S. Umar, “Education and Islamic Trends in Northern Nigeria; 1970s- 1990s”

Africa Today, Vol. 48, Summer 2001. J.E. Philips, “Hausa in the 20th Century” in

Sudanese Africa, Vol. 15, 2004. J.E. Philips, “Islamic Publications in Nigeria” The

Annual Review of Islam in Africa, Issue 12/1, 2013-2014.

2 J.M. Kaura, “Sokoto Caliphate Literature in the Context of the 19th century Jihad in

Hausaland: A Reflection on the Contemporary Relevance and Challenges”, The

Ninth Inaugural Lecture Series, Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto, June 2009,

p. 9.

3 J.O. Hunwick, “The Arabic Literary Tradition of Nigeria (Arabic Writing in West

Africa)” Research in African Literatures, Vol. 28, No. 3, Fall 1997, pp. 210-214.

4 Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, translated and

introduced by Franz Rosenthal, 3 Volumes, abridged and edited by N.J. Dawood,

with a new introduction by B.B, Lawrence, Princeton, Princeton University Press,

2005, p. 319.

5 A.A.S. Sokoto, “Al-Ulama: Towards a Conceptual Definition” in A. Mustapha and

A. Garba, Proceedings of the Conference on the Impacts of theUlama in the Central

al-Sudan, organized by the Centre for Trans-Saharan Studies, Maiduguri, Gaza

Printing Press, 1991, p. 3.

6 J.W. Chamberlin, “The Development of Islamic Education in Kano City, Nigeria

with Emphasis on Legal Education in the 19th and 20th Centuries” PhD History

Thesis, Columbia University, 1975. p. 57.

7 It was the demographic movements that followed the outbreak of the Sokoto Jihad in

1804 that contributed into the disappearance of the pre-1804 reading materials of

Hausaland.

8 A.M. Kani, “The Place of Katsina in the Intellectual History of Bilad al- Sudan up to

1800” I.A. Tsiga and A.U. Adamu, (eds) Islam and the History of Learning in

Katsina, Ibadan, Spectrum Books Limited, 1997, p. 28.

9 Hunwick, “The Arabic Literary Tradition of Nigeria... ” op. cit.

10 A.M. Kani, “The Life and Works of Abd al-Kadir b. al-Mustafa: a Critical Edition of

His Works and Historiographical Approach” PhD History Thesis, Ahmadu Bello

University Zaria, 1988, pp. 200-215.

11 A discussion with Professor Hamza Muhammad Maishanu at his residence, Runjin

Sambo, Sokoto, 6/9/2014.

12 R. A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804-1906: The Sokoto

Caliphate and Its Enemies. London, Longman, 1971, p. 213.

13 A.I. Yandaki, “The Izala Movement and Islamic Intellectual Discourse in Northern

Nigeria: A Case Study of Katsina” in A.I. Tsiga and A.U. Adamu, eds, op. cit. pp.

42-46.



14 A. Anwar, “From Maitatsine Revolts to Boko Haram: Examining the

Socio¬Economic Circumstances of Religious Crisis in Northern Nigeria” a paper

presented at a One-Day Workshop organized for Media Practitioners in the Country

by Office of the National Security Adviser to the President, on Effective

Understanding and Reporting of Terrorism by Mass Media: A Constructive

Approach, on May 9, 2013 at Sharon Ultimate Hotel, Abuja.

15 D. Yahya, “Kano Intellectual History: Mapping the Intellectual Landscape” in B.M.

Barkindo, (ed) Kano and Some of Its Neighbors, Zaria, ABUP, 1989,

p. 22.

16 J.F. Ade Ajayi, “The Educational Process and Historiography in Africa” UNESCO

Final Report and Papers of the Symposium, organized by UNESCO in Dakar

(Senegal) from 25th to 29th January 1982, pp. 36-37.

17 M. Hiskett, The Development of Islam in West Africa, London, Longman, 1984, p.

276.

18 S.A. Gumi with I.A. Tsiga, Where I Stand, Ibadan, Spectrum Books Limited, 1992,

p.135.

19 A. Anwar, “Struggle for Influence and Identity: The Ulama in Kano, 1937-

1987”M.A. History Dissertation, University of Maiduguri, 1989, pp. 25-28.

20 Muhammad Sani Umar has made a fine study of this in his PhD Thesis “Muslims’

Intellectual Responses to British Colonialism in Northern Nigeria, 1903-1945”PhD

Thesis in History and Literature of Religion, Evanston, Illinois, 1997.

21 J.E. Philips, “Islamic Publication in Nigeria” The Annual Review of Islam in Africa,

Issue No. 12/1, 2013/2014, p. 94.

22 Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano, California, Berkeley, University of

California Press, 1973,p. 141.

23 Hunwick, “The Arabic Literary Tradition of Nigeria....” op. cit.

24 J.O. Hunwick, The Arabic Literature of Africa: The Writings of Central Sudanic

Africa, Vol. II, Leiden, Brill, 1995, p. 1.

25 See the Kitab al-Farq and Nurul al-Bab by Sheikh Usman Danfodiyo.

26 M.S. Umar, “Sufism and Anti-Sufism in Nigeria” M.A. Islamic Studies Dissertation,

Bayero University, Kano, 1988, p. 177.

27 U.S. Abbas, “Trends of Tafsir among Ulama in Northern Nigeria” PhD Islamic

Studies, Bayero University, Kano, 2005, p. 108.

28 Umar, “Sufism and Anti-Sufism in Nigeria....” p. 171.

29 Anwar, “Struggle of Influence and Identity....” pp. 26-27.



30 Ibid.

31 Gumi, with Tsiga, p. 135.

32 Umar, “Sufism and Anti-Sufism in Nigeria ”

33 Ibid.

34 S. Abubakar, “Northern Nigeria under Colonial Rule” in O. Ikime, ed, groundwork

of Nigerian History, Ibadan, Heinemann Educational Books, 1980,p. 474.

35 Colonial Annual Report, Northern Nigeria, 1903, p. 78.

36 J.E. Philips, “Hausa in the 20th Century” in Sudanese Africa, Vol. 15, 2004, p. 55.

37 Paden, Religion and Political Culture....p. 53.

38 I. Leglise and M. Bettina, Language and Colonialism: Applied Linguistics in the

Context of Creole Communities, Berlin, Mouton de Grayter, 2007, pp. 297-338.

39 A. Bako and A. Sule-Kano, “The Impact of Early Colonial Policies on Islamic

Scholarship in Nigeria” a paper presented at a National Seminar on Islamic

Scholarship in Nigeria, organized by Centre for Islamic Studies, UDUS, 11th-13th

July, 1994, pp. 4-5.

40 A.M. Bunza, and S.Y. Birnin Tudu, “Linguistic Imperialism in Colonial Hausa: (A

Post-colonial Balanced Sheet” a paper presented at the International Conference on

Language and Identity organized by Department of Languages, Institute of African

Research and Studies, Cairo University, Egypt, 5th-6th April, 2015, pp. 15-16.

41 A.M. Ashafa, “The Media and Imperialist War in Colonial Northern Nigeria: The

Role of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo in World War II, 1939-1945” in Kaduna Journal of

Historical Studies, Maiden Edition, Sept. 2009, pp. 72-88.

42 See “The Preface” The Holy Bible, King James Version, 1950.

43 I am indebted to Sheikh Dr. Muhammad Sani Umar Musa Rijiyar Lemo, Department

of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Bayero University, Kano for

most of this idea.

44 These were book series or manuals of government authored by Sheikh Abdullahi bin

Fodiyo, such as Diya al-Hukkan and Diya al-Siyasat. Umar, “Sufism and Anti-

Sufism....” p. 185.

45 I. Malumfashi, Adabin Abubakar Imam, Kaduna, IBM Printers, 2009, p. 21.

46 Umar, “Sufism and Anti-Sufism..” p. 173.

47 Before this time, traditional circle of the ulama were strongly opposed to translation

of the Qur’an as was already pointed out in chapter two.

48 Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano, pp. 205-206.



49 J.E. Philips, “Islamic Publications in Nigeria” in The Annual Review of Islam in

Africa, Issue No. 12/1, 2013/2014, p. 95.

50 A.H. Binji, Ibada da Hukunci, Vol. 1, Zaria, NNPC, new impression, 2009, p. i. A.

Mora, (ed) Abubakar Imam Memoirs, Zaria, NNPC, 1989, p. 190.

51 A. Mora, (ed) Abubakar Imam Memoirs. op. cit.

52 I. Malumfashi, Adabin Abubakar Imam .p. 20.

53 Mora, p. 190.

54 Philips, “Islamic Publications in Nigeria”.. ..op. cit.

55 Yandaki, “A History of the Izala Movement. pp. 118-119.

56 J.N. Paden, Ahmadu Bello Sardauna: Values and Leadership in Northern Nigeria,

Zaria, Hudahuda Publishing Company, 1986, p. 563.

57 Haske: Magazine of Jama ’atu Nasril Islam, No. 2, October, 1968, p. 4.

58 For instance, Omar Bello carried out his research on “the Political Writings of Muhammad

Bello (1781-1837) as Revealed in His Writings more especially His al-Ghaith al-

Wabl Fi Sirat al-Imam al-AdF PhD Islamic Studies, University of London, 1983.

Colonialism and Islamic Book Culture in Northern Nigeria

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