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Breaking the chains: Examining the endorsement of modern Jezebel images

and racial-ethnic esteem among African American women

Danice L. Browna*

, Rhonda L. White-Johnsonb & Felicia D. Griffin-Fennell

c

a * Department of Psychology, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, USA,

b , Department of Psychology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, USA,

c Department of Psychology, Post University, Waterbury, USA

* Email: danicbr@siue.edu

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Abstract

The historical image of the Black Jezebel—a hypersexual, seductive, and manipulative slave

woman—has been one of the most pervasive and evolving images influencing the sexual

socialization and perceptions of African American women today. This preliminary study

examined generational differences in the endorsement of modern depictions of the Jezebel, as

well as the relationship between racial-ethnic esteem and endorsement of this sexualised image.

Two hundred and forty nine African American women completed an online, self-report

questionnaire assessing study variables. Results suggested that younger women (18-34) may

exhibit higher endorsement of the modern Jezebel depictions. Additionally, aspects of racial-

ethnic esteem may be linked to lower endorsement of modern Jezebel depictions among younger

and older (55 years and older) African American women. Implications for future research and

clinical practice are discussed.

Keywords: African American women, Jezebel, sexual stereotyping, culture, USA

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African American women, as well as other women of colour, have been subjected to a form of

oppression that researchers have termed “gendered racism” in which they experience negative,

sexualised stereotypes (e.g., Jezebel and Sapphire), or sexual scripts, that attack both their gender

and racial identities (Brown, Griffin-Fennell, and White-Johnson 2011; Chisholm and Greene

2008; Stephens and Phillips 2003). The racist and sexist beliefs of the slavery era systematically

assaulted African American women’s self-image, and often resulted in them being subjected to

sexual exploitation and victimisation as a means of dehumanising and justifying their

enslavement. The treatment experienced by African American women during this historical time

has had a powerful influence on both their self-perceptions and societal views that continues

even today (Collins 2000; Jewell 1993; Thomas Witherspoon, and Speight 2004; Townsend et al.

2010; West 1995).

African American women have historically been portrayed by stereotypical images that

depict them as oversexed, promiscuous, angry, and loud (Jones and Shorter-Gooden 2003;

Thomas and King 2007; Thomas, Witherspoon, and Speight 2004; West 1995). These

stereotypical images are perpetrated in the media and circulate through communities. Such

representations may impact their experiences, behaviour, and self-identity (Stephens and Few

2007; West 1995; Wyatt 1997). Studies have linked these negative depictions to concerns about

physical features, expressions of anger, disordered eating, and victimisation among African

American women (Talleyrand 2006; West 1995). Additionally, such stereotypical depictions

may result in African American girls and women internalising these stereotypes, believing they

provide a standard for conceptualising African American women and their sexuality (Jordan

1997; Ross and Coleman 2011; Wyatt 1997).

Comment [A1]: AU@ check the year please

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The Jezebel is one of the most pervasive negative stereotypical images perpetuating the

perception of African American women as promiscuous and sexually permissive (Jewell 1993;

Stephens and Phillips 2003 2005; Townsend et al, 2010). While this stereotype has been

projected onto all women perceived to be sexually permissive, regardless of cultural background,

when race is accounted for, it is most often associated with African American women (Donovan

and Williams 2002). This image arose during the slavery era as an explanation for slave owners’

sexual attraction to and sexual abuse of African American women (Jewell 1993;Thomas,

Witherspoon, and Speight 2004). The Jezebel was portrayed as a fair-skinned, African American

woman with a shapely body who was seductive, alluring, oversexed, and manipulative (Bell

2004; Collins 2000; Jewell 1993). She was described as using her sexual attraction and

promiscuity to receive attention and material goods (Collins 2000; West 1995). While the

Jezebel was painted as a woman focused on pleasing men, especially slave masters, the reality

was that many African female slaves were sexually abused, raped and exploited by these men,

many who faced no legal ramifications for their abuse (Buchanan, Settles, and Woods 2008;

Collins 2000; Donovan and Williams 2002; Stephens and Phillips 2003).

Though African American women have largely protested this stereotype overtime, the

Jezebel image persists as a representation of African American women in mainstream venues

(e.g., television, film, advertisements) through numerous permutations (Thomas, Witherspoon,

and Speight 2004; Thomas, Hacker, and Hoxha 2011; Townsend et al. 2010; Stephens and

Phillips 2003; West 1995). Some of these modern permutations of the Jezebel also reflect

aspects of the historical Sapphire image, an African American women depicted as “harsh, loud,

and uncouth” (Jones and Shorter-Gooden 2003, 3). The evolution of this historical image of the

Jezebel may be reflective of the political, economic, and social changes that have taken place in

Comment [A2]: AU: missing in references

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the United States (Stephens and Phillips 2003). Many of these current depictions have been

embedded in mainstream Hip Hop culture, particularly rap music, which has become an

increasingly salient component of African American culture and mainstream media over several

decades (Ross and Coleman 2011; Stephens and Phillips 2003; Stokes 2007). Though Hip Hop

began with a focus on the empowerment and strength of African American women, overtime

some artists within this subculture have moved to more sexualised, objectified portrayals of

African American women (Ross and Coleman 2011). Additionally, with the advances in

technology and increased access to numerous forms of media (e.g., YouTube, Facebook, and

Twitter), young African American women may be especially bombarded with these images at an

accelerated rate (Gordon 2008), and possibly at younger ages than previous generations of

African American women.

The Jezebel stereotype is especially evident in the current sexual images displayed in

music videos, television shows, and movies (Brooks and Hébert 2006; Gordon 2008). Ross and

Coleman (2011) described the video girl, a woman who uses her sexuality to obtain successes in

the entertainment industry. The gold digger is a woman willing to exchange sex for material and

economic reward (Stephens and Phillips 2003). Stephens and Phillips (2003) also discussed the

influence of the diva, a woman who may use her sexuality to increase her social status, in spite of

obtaining a high social status independently. Though the names of these modern media images

are different, the communicated messages of African American women as materialistic,

hypersexual, and sexually deviant are remarkably similar (Donovan and Williams 2002).

In turn, these images may inform interpersonal interactions within groupsof African

American women, between them and African American men, their communities, and larger

society,resulting in the perpetration and acceptance of sexual aggression towards African

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American women (Bell 2004; Buchanan, Settles, and Woods2008; Collins 2000; Donovan &

Williams 2002; Gillum 2007; Stephens & Philips 2003). A study conducted by Buchanan and

colleagues (2008) found that in comparing the sexual harrassment experiences of African

American and European American women in the military, African American women reported

signifcantly more instances of sexual coercion than their European American counterparts.

Experiences of harrassment may be further compounded by the reluctance of some African

American women to label sexual harrassment out of concern that it will lead others to focus on

this image of them as sexually promiscuous and draw undue attention (Kalof, Eby, Matheson,

and Kroska 2001).

These fears may also be present for African American women who are victims of sexual

assault. The depiction of African American women as sexually promiscuous reinforces rape

myths, promoting the idea that an African American woman may have behaved in a way that

facilitated her victimisation. While female sexual assault victims of all ethnic backgrounds may

be subject to victim blame, African American women are also plagued by the the general

perception that all African American women are promiscuous (Donovan andWilliams 2002).

The detrimental impact of the current sexualised images is also increased by the possible

internalisation of these stereotypes by African American girls and women. For some, the

bombardment of sexualised images from the media, their communities, and their peers may

influence their sexual socialisation, leading them to believe that sexuality is their only asset or

source of esteem (Thomas, Witherspoon, and Speight 2004; Townsend et al. 2010; West 1995).

Additionally, modern depictions of the Jezebel image not only portray African American

women as hypersexual, they are also shown as being in complete control of their sexuality.

Though it is questionable how much control these women truly have over their sexuality

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(Townsend et al. 2010), some women may find this perception of sexual power enticing, given

the devalued status they may experience as a result of racism, sexism, and/or classism. To be

sure, such depictions can be viewed as a projected sense of empowerment and independence,

particularly when such acts and images result in the acquisition of material goods (Stephens and

Phillips 2003). Consequently, they may fall victim to self-fulfilling prophecy, behaving in a

manner that further supports these negative, race-based, sexual depictions (Wyatt 1997). Thus, it

is essential to examine the acceptance of these modern Jezebel depictions among African

American women and explore factors that may serve to decrease their relative influence. One

such factor may be racial-ethnic esteem.

Racial-ethnic esteem

In spite of the struggles of coping with multiple oppressions (i.e., racism, sexism, and

classism) and the accompanying daily stressors, many African American women have been

found to exhibit high levels of self-esteem (Boyd 1993; Gray-Little and Hafdahl 2000; Hatcher

2007; Twenge and Crocker 2002), prompting scholars to further examine the development of

self-esteem among African American women. Many have turned to understanding the self-

esteem of African American women from a Black feminist perspective (e.g., DeFrancisco and

Chatham-Carpenter 2000; Patterson 2004). Black feminist literature asserts that, while the

oppression African American women experience deserves acknowledgment, attention should

also be given to the socio-cultural aspects and strategies that enable them to maintain a healthy

sense of self, despite their marginalised status (Collins 2000).

One such strategy African American women may utilise in attempts to cope with

oppression and negative societal views of African Americans is to focus on their own racial

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group, as opposed to the general society, when making self-evaluations and appraisals (Settles et

al. 2010; Utsey and Constantine 2006). Collective experiences and the racial-ethnic community

have a large influence on the self-esteem of African American women (Patterson 2004).“African

American women’s primary sources of self-esteem are family, friends, church, and community,

all of which are composed mostly of other Blacks” (Patterson 2004, 310). Given the salience of

race in the lives of many African American women and the connection that many have to their

racial communities, the conceptualisation of self-esteem for this population may differ from the

mainstream definition, which may not incorporate racial and gender identities, elements critical

in understanding the lives of African American women (Brody and Flor 1997; DeFrancisco and

Chatham-Carpenter 2000; Hatcher 2007). For African American women, it may be more

beneficial to examine the influence of racial-ethnic esteem, which is an evaluation based on

African Americans as a group, accounting for the interdependence that is found in the racial-

ethnic community (Hatcher 2007). In contrast to the focus on personal evaluation found with

individual self-esteem, racial-ethnic esteem incorporates the influence of the racial-ethnic

culture. Though racial-ethnic esteem and individual self-esteem may be connected for African

American women, they also represent conceptually and empirically different concepts. A review

of studies using common measures of self-esteem (e.g., Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale;

Rosenberg 1965) indicated that, in samples of African American women, these instruments were

found to have adequate internal consistency, yet lacked support for validity (Hatcher 2007).

However, there have been measures developed to account for racial/ethnic group identity

and more collectivistic forms of esteem. Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) developed such an

instrument to assess an individual’s collective sense of self, specifically, attitudes and feelings

about the socio-cultural groups with which one identified (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender, etc.).

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Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) stated that an individual’s collective sense of esteem could be

viewed in four components: how worthy one felt as a member of the group (i.e. membership),

how others evaluate the group (i.e., public), how one felt about the group (i.e., private), and the

importance of one’s group to one’s self concept (i.e., identity).

Studies that have examined a collective sense of esteem among African Americans have

linked it to psychological well-being in this population (e.g., Constantine et al.2002; Crocker et

al. 1994). In particular, Crocker et al. (1994) found that among African American college

students, high private esteem was related to well-being. Additionally, Crocker et al. (1994)

found that African American women exhibited higher levels of private esteem than African

American men. More recent research with African American samples also indicated that

positive feelings about their racial group (i.e., private) may be related to less depression and

stress. In a study examining racial identity factors associated with depression among African

American women, Settles et al. (2010) found that women in the sample who had positive

feelings about their racial group reported less depressive symptoms. The authors also found that

African American women reported fewer depressive symptoms when they believed their racial

group was viewed more positively by others (i.e., public). Thus, previous research suggests that

collectivism found among African American women may enhance their ability to focus on the

strengths of their socio-cultural group, resulting in positive self-worth and well-being (Settles et

al. 2010).

Yet, more research is needed to understand the components of collective esteem among

African American women of varying age groups. A collectivistic sense of esteem based on race

may be related to the importance individuals place on their racial identity and the salience of

racial group identity may differ between African American women of various generational

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cohorts. Research indicates that the social and political changes in race relations in the USA

may result in generational differences with regards to the emphasis placed on socialisation

around issues of racial identity and pride (Brown and Lesane-Brown 2006). However, no

published studies have explored generational differences in levels of racial-ethnic pride or

esteem. Still, a collective sense of racial-ethnic esteem, rather than individual self-esteem, may

better serve to protect African American women from the impact of oppressive, race-based,

sexualised stereotypes.

Present Study

While it is clear in the literature that the Jezebel stereotype continues to impact the

perception of African American women and their self-concept (Stephens and Phillips 2003), the

extent of the current influence warrants further understanding. Most of the published studies

have focused on adolescent samples. However, considering the pervasiveness of this image, it is

also essential to examine the occurrence of this negative stereotype among adult samples.

Exploring the impact of this sexualised stereotype across the developmental lifespan may

enhance our understanding of its permanence in modern society. More importantly, while the

historical Jezebel image has existed for centuries, these modern, sexualised stereotypes have

largely been prevalent for slightly more than 30 years (Ross and Coleman 2011). This suggests

there may be generational differences in the perception and acceptance of these current

depictions. Therefore, it may prove useful to examine whether differences exist between

younger and older women.

Additionally, it is essential that the literature expands and evolves to account for the

unique way in which African American women conceptualise their life experiences, thus,

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examining the relative influence of racial-ethnic esteem may be an important step. However, in

samples of adult African American women, there have been no published studies that have

examined the relationship between current expressions of the Jezebel stereotype and racial-ethnic

esteem. The present study sought to add to the literature by providing a preliminary examination

of the relationships among these variables with a sample of women. First, we sought to compare

the endorsement of the modern Jezebel stereotypes and levels of racial-ethnic esteem between

younger women (ages 18 to 34), middle-aged women (35 to 54), and older women (ages 55 to

78), using a multivariate analysis of variance. Next, we examined the relative influence of

racial-ethnic esteem on modern Jezebel stereotype endorsement for each group of women. Three

hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine whether racial-ethnic

esteem accounted for a significant amount of variance in participants’ level of endorsement of

the modern Jezebel stereotype for each age group. Education level was included in the first step

of each regression to control for the possible influence of this variable. Research indicates that

individuals with more education may be less likely to endorse racial stereotypes (Gillum 2002;

Plous and Williams 1995). Moreover, it is possible that women exposed to higher education

institutions will have more opportunities to learn about the origins of this historical stereotype

and its presumed influence on African American women. Given the lack of research in this area

with women of differing age groups, various exploratory analyses were conducted. While no a

priori hypotheses were generated previous research suggest that for all age groups, higher levels

of racial-ethnic esteem maybe related to less endorsement of the modern Jezebel image.

Methods

Participants and Procedure

Comment [A3]: AU: missing in references

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Following approval from the Institutional Review Board, all measures were placed online

in an Internet questionnaire, hosted by SurveyMonkey, an Internet survey software company.

There are strengths to collecting data via the Internet. The method can test large numbers of

participants very quickly; recruit large heterogeneous samples; and is more cost-effective in

time, space, and labour in comparison with laboratory research (Birnbaum 2004).

Targeting the Midwest region of the USA, participants were solicited via a

neighbourhood arts and community listserv catering to the African American community and to

an African American student organisation on a mid-sized college campus. Participants were

given the option of including their e-mail addresses if they wanted to be entered into a lottery

drawing to win an Apple iPad 2 tablet. In order to ensure anonymity, email addresses were

collected and stored separately from participants’ responses.

Surveys were screened for duplicate copies by examining the origin of submission (i.e.,

IP addresses). No duplicates were found. Participants who did not include their age (N = 13),

did not identify as Black/African American (N = 4), or a woman (N = 2) were not included in the

data set. The final sample consisted of 249 women, ranging in age from 18 to 78 (M = 38.98, SD

= 13.64). The majority identified solely as Black/African American (97.6%). A small minority of

participants (2.4%) identified as Biracial (i.e., African American and another ethnicity such as

White, American Indian and Caribbean/West Indian). The majority of participants identified as

heterosexual (92.0%). Other participants also identified as bisexual (5.2%), lesbian (2.0%), and

questioning (.4%). When asked about relationship status, participants reported that they were

single (33.6%), married (27.0%), in a committed, non-marital relationship (16.6%), divorced

(12%), separated (1.2%), widowed (.8%), or did not give a relationship status (8.7%).Participants

reported that they had completed a Master’s degree (21.7%), Bachelor’s degree (21.3%), high

Comment [A4]: Of which institution? Please specify

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school diploma/GED (17.8%), Associate degree (13.3%), Doctoral-level degree (6.8%), post-

Baccalaureate certificate (2.0%), or did not provide this information (17.7%). The median

family income level for this sample ranged from US$50,000 to $74, 999.

Measures

Demographic Questionnaire. A brief questionnaire was included requesting participants’

age, ethnic identification, and sex. Additionally, the survey asked participants to indicate their

relationship status, highest level of education completed, and total family income.

Modern Jezebel stereotype. Endorsement of the modern Jezebel stereotype was assessed

using the 7-item Modern Jezebel Scale (MJS; Townsend et al. 2010). This scale was designed to

measure a more current image of the Jezebel with an adolescent sample. The MJS was developed

based on an exploratory factor analysis of 20 items taken from the Stereotypic Roles of Black

Women Scale (SRBW; Thomas, Witherspoon, and Speight 2004) with a sample of young

African American women. Townsend et al. (2010) found a one-factor solution that consisted of

seven items, which loaded strongly on to the factor (i.e., factor loadings above .55). The factor

consisted of items from the Jezebel and Sapphire subscales of the SRBW. As a result, Townsend

et al. (2010) labeled this new factor the Modern Jezebel Scale. The authors noted that the 7-item

MJS exhibited excellent internal consistency reliability with an alpha of .82 for the total scale.

Additionally, the scale had a moderate test-retest correlation (r = .45, p<. 001) at six months.

Examples of items from the MJS included “Black girls always want to have sex” and “Boys can

be controlled with sex”. The items were modified for use with an adult sample (e.g., Black

women always want to have sex; Men can be controlled with sex). Items were listed on 5-point

Likert scale ranging from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (5). Items were averaged to

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obtain scale scores. Higher scores were indicative of more endorsement of the modern Jezebel

stereotype. In the current study, the scale demonstrated internal reliability with a Cronbach’s

alpha of .85 with an adult sample.

Racial-ethnic esteem. Racial-ethnic esteem was measured using the 16-item Collective

Self-Esteem Scale (CSES) with a focus on their racial-ethnic group membership (Luhtanen and

Crocker 1992). The scale includes four 4-item subscales. The Membership esteem subscale

assessed individuals’ judgments regarding their worthiness as a member of their racial group

(e.g., I am a worthy member of the racial group I belong to). The Private esteem subscale

assessed participants’ personal judgments of how good they felt African Americans were as a

group (e.g., I feel good about the racial group I belong to). Public esteem focused on their

judgments of how others positively evaluated African Americans (e.g., In general, others respect

the racial group that I am a member of). Lastly, the Identity esteem subscale assessed the

importance of their racial-ethnic group to their self-concept (e.g., Overall, my group

memberships have very little to do with how I feel about myself). All items were listed on a 7-

point Likert scale ranging from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (7). Averaging the

items within the subscale scored each subscale. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses

using data from a sample of European American (40.3%), African American (38.2%) and Asian

American(14.7%) college students have provided evidence of construct validity for the four-

factor scale (Luhtanen and Crocker 1992). Additionally, the authors reported adequate internal

consistency reliabilities with alphas ranging from .71 to .88 for the CSES subscales. In the

current study, the internal reliability estimates for the subscales were α = .60 (Membership), α =

.73 (Private), α = .76 (Public), and α = .68 (Identity). As a result of the low internal reliability of

the Membership subscale with this sample, it was removed from all following data analyses.

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Results

Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) for Major Study Variables

A MANOVA was conducted to assess differences between younger (18 to 34), middle-

age (34 to 54), and older (55 and over) women on the Jezebel stereotype, private esteem, public

esteem and identity esteem. Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and results of the

analysis by age group for all measures. Results indicated that there was a significant difference

between younger women and older women for endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype.

Specifically, younger women indicated greater support for the Jezebel stereotype compared to

women in the older age group. Analyses also indicated that older participants had significantly

higher scores on Private Esteem than younger and middle-age women, F(2) = 6.85, p< .01.

Essentially, older participants exhibited higher personal judgments of how good they felt African

Americans were as a group. There were no significant differences between the age groups for

public esteem and identity esteem.

Regression Analyses

Three hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine the

relationship between domains of racial-ethnic self-esteem and the modern Jezebel stereotype for

each age group. Results of a preliminary correlation analysis indicated that education level was

significantly related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype (r = -.27, p< .001), thus, level of

education was entered into the first block of each model. The three domains of racial-ethnic self-

esteem (private, public and identity) were added into the second block of each model.

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See Table 2.

The first hierarchical regression examined endorsement of the modern Jezebel stereotype

among younger women. The first block of the model was significant and explained 28% of the

variance, F(1, 64) = 24.58, p< .01. Results indicated that higher levels of education (β = -.53, p<

.01) were negatively related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype. Specifically, individuals

who reported higher levels of education showed less support for the modern Jezebel stereotype.

The second block of the model examining racial-ethnic esteem factors (i.e., private,

public, and identity) as predictors of endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype was significant, F(4,

61) = 10.21, p< .001. Forty percent of the variance was explained in this model. Tests for

multicollinearity indicated that a low level of multicollinearity was present among the racial

esteem factors (VIF = 1.44 for private, 1.16 for public and 1.27 for identity). Results indicated

that private esteem was associated with support for the Jezebel stereotype (β = -.26, p< .05).

Younger women who reported lower levels of private esteem reported higher levels of

endorsement for the Jezebel stereotype. However, public esteem and identity esteem were not

related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype.

The second hierarchical regression analyses examined endorsement of the Jezebel

stereotype among middle-age women. The first block of this model was not significant, F(1, 98)

= .11, p> .05, and explained less than one percent of the variance in the dependent variable.

Level of education was not related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype for this age group.

The addition of racial esteem variables to the second block of the model resulted in a significant

model, F (4, 95) = 1.39, p< .05, and 6% of the variance in endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype

was explained. Analyses revealed that private esteem, public esteem and identity esteem were

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not significantly related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype. An examination of

multicollinearity tests suggests a low level of multicollinearity was present among the racial

esteem factors (VIF = 1.11 for private, 1.18 for public, and 1.10 for identity).

A third hierarchical regression analysis was run to assess the relationship between

endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype and dimensions of racial esteem among older women. The

first block of the model explained 1% of the variance in the Jezebel stereotype. However, the

overall model was not significant, F(1, 37) = .30, p> .05. The first block of the model also

indicated that highest level of education was not related to support for the Jezebel stereotype (β =

-.09, p> .05). The second block of the model was significant, F(4, 34) = 2.94, p< .05, and

explained 26% of the variance for endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype. Similar to the first

block of the model, highest level of education was not related to the dependent variable.

However, there was a significant negative relationship between private esteem and the Jezebel

stereotype (β = -.43, p< .01). Specifically, participants who reported lower levels of private

esteem indicated greater support for the Jezebel stereotype. Public esteem and identity esteem

were not significantly related to endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype. Multicollinearity was not

a factor in this model, as VIF values for study variables did not exceed 1.05.

Discussion

Findings from the analysis of variance test indicated that younger African American

women exhibited significantly greater endorsement of the modern Jezebel depictions than older

women (55 and older). However, it should be noted that the average scores for all groups were

moderately low. Thus, while younger women exhibited a slightly higher acceptance, they may

also be likely to reject this sexualised stereotype of African American women. For younger and

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older African American women, the rejection of this stereotype may be attributed to their level of

private esteem. Results of the regression analyses with younger and older women indicated that

the private esteem aspect of racial-ethnic esteem served as a significant predictor of modern

Jezebel endorsement. Specifically, participants who felt good about being African American

(i.e., private esteem) were less likely to endorse the Jezebel image.

The regression results for younger and older African American women are congruent

with research which suggests racial-ethnic esteem has a positive influence on African American

women (e.g., Patterson 2004), and to research that links racial-ethnic esteem to positive mental

health outcomes among African Americans (e.g., Constantine et al. 2002; Mandara et al. 2009).

These results also provide additional support for research emphasising the importance of private

esteem in helping African American women cope with discrimination and negative societal

views of them as a group (e.g., Settles et al. 2010). The null findings for public esteem across age

groups, as well as the relatively low levels of public esteem among women in this sample, may

further support the argument that societal views of African American women may not have as

much influence on their self-evaluations as private regard (Patterson 2004).

The results for younger and older African American women are especially interesting,

considering that they are in contrast with a previous study that concluded there was no

relationship between endorsement of the Jezebel image and individual self-esteem (Thomas,

Witherspoon, and Speight 2004). The difference may lie in how esteem was examined in the

present study. By focusing on the collective experiences of racial-ethnic esteem, as opposed to

individual esteem, we may have been able to further expand the understanding of self-esteem

among younger and older African American women.

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Interestingly, none of the aspects of racial-ethnic esteem served as significant predictors

of Jezebel endorsement for middle-aged African American women. This result is surprising,

given that middle-aged women exhibited high levels of private esteem. It is possible that, while

racial-ethnic identity is an important aspect of self for middle-aged African American women,

other aspects, such as a positive gender identity or the intersection of social identities, may serve

to protect against acceptance of gendered racial stereotypes. As noted earlier, these stereotypes

address African American women’s race and gender, thus, an examination of protective factors

for middle-aged African American women may require an intersectional approach assessing their

collective sense of esteem as it relates to being both African Americans and women. Literature

has discussed the significance of exploring the intersected identities (i.e., African American-

woman) of this population and the benefits of this approach for developing more complex

understandings of African American women’s experiences (Cole 2009; Settles 2006).

Regression results also indicated that education level may serve as a significant predictor

of scores on the modern Jezebel measure for younger African American women. Younger

women with more education may be more equipped to understand the oppressive nature of this

gendered racial stereotype, and thus are able to resist the belief that this image is an accurate

depiction of African American women. Education and understanding of the origin and impact of

this stereotypical image might also help African American women to debunk this racially

motivated myth. It is also possible that women who seek more education may be those who are

less likely to view sexuality as a woman’s sole asset, making them less inclined to endorse the

Jezebel image. Other studies speculate that exposure to successful, intellectual, African

American women on college campuses also serves to debunk this stereotype (e.g., Gillum 2007).

20

We should also consider that women who reject the Jezebel stereotype may do so as a

result of other positive contributions to the development of their racial identity (e.g., race-related

socialisation), which may also be linked to racial esteem or racial pride. Still, for the younger and

older African American women in this sample, it appears that feeling good about being African

American may lead them to reject the negative portrayals of their race and gender, which could

position them to experience more positive outcomes in other life domains.

Study Limitations

While there are numerous strengths associated with this study, there are several ways in

which it can be improved. First, the sample size for older women was small and the overall

sample lacked diversity with regards to socioeconomic status; a large portion of the sample

identified as middle-class and had completed post-baccalaureate degrees. Consequently, readers

are cautioned about making generalisations to African American women as a whole. However, it

is also important to recognise the socioeconomic and education levels of the participants as a

strength. Specifically, most studies of African American women focus on samples with low

levels of education and income. While many African American women may experience high

levels of poverty, there is also a burgeoning middle-class that also deserves attention. Future

efforts must focus on including African American women from all levels of education and

socioeconomic status.

In addition, all measures were self-report, which may have resulted in socially desirable

responding. Though confidentiality was emphasised at the start of the survey and it was

administered online versus in person with a researcher, response bias may have still occurred. It

is also important to consider that by examining racial-ethnic esteem, we may not have accounted

21

for the influence of sexism within the African American community, which may impact a

woman’s connection to her racial-ethnic community. Additionally, the results of this study are

correlational; thus, the causal direction of the relationships cannot be confirmed and the lack of

significant findings for various predictors may have been the result of a third unidentified

variable. In addition, the Modern Jezebel Scale may have presented some measurement

concerns. This measure was originally adapted for a sample of adolescent girls. However, it is

noteworthy to acknowledge that the Modern Jezebel Scale was adapted from a measure

originally developed for adult women (see the Stereotypic Roles of Black Women Scale;

Thomas, Witherspoon, and Speight 2004). The adaptation of the Modern Jezebel Scale from the

Stereotypic Roles of Black Women Scale only included adjustments in the comprehension of

specific items; the meaning of the items remained the same. Hence, the Modern Jezebel Scale

may be more valid with adult women than initially thought. Still, future studies should consider

incorporating both scales to assess the salience of the modern Jezebel image versus traditional

depictions among African American women.

Study Implications and Conclusions

Despite the limitations, the findings of this preliminary study highlight important issues

in understanding the experiences of African American women. Of most importance is the role

private esteem has in helping African American women cope with negative stereotypes from

society and popular culture that can attack their self-worth. These pervasive stereotypes have

been difficult to combat, forcing African American women to confront the daily challenge of

refuting these oppressive perceptions of their identity (Jones & Shorter-Gooden 2003). Given

that their self-esteem may be based on feeling good about their racial-ethnic group, it is plausible

22

that accepting and internalising negative messages about their group may have detrimental

consequences for their self-concept and well-being. Support groups and programmes providing

African American women with education about the influence of these stereotypes and spaces to

discuss their experiences and challenges may be crucial in the fight to overcome the influence of

these images (Thomas, Hacker, and Hoxha 2011).

Mental health clinicians should become more familiar with the unique experiences of

African American women and the impact that gendered racism may have on their self-

perceptions and behaviour (West 1995). Intervention and prevention programmes for African

American women must address the complex, intersecting, gendered, racial, and cultural issues

that impact their daily lived experience and sense of self (Townsend et al. 2010).

This study also addresses the importance of race and ethnicity in the measurement of self-

esteem among African American women. As previous research asserts (e.g., Hatcher 2007;

Patterson 2004), examining racial-ethnic esteem, as opposed to individual self-esteem, or

possibly in conjunction with individual self-esteem, may be an important step in the study of

mental health and well-being among African American women. While this study was a

preliminary examination of the relative influence of racial-ethnic esteem, as researchers move

forward in their study of this population, it will be necessary to ensure that our research methods

complement the norms and values of the cultural groups we are searching to understand

(DeFransisco and Chatham-Carpenter 2000). Still, it is important to note that while African

American women share various common experiences (i.e., racism, sexism, and classism), it is

critical that the heterogeneity that exists among them is not ignored. This preliminary study is an

effort to examine the nuanced relationships that exist within a diverse, complex group of women

who face common challenges related to their gender, race, and sexuality.

23

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Table 1. Descriptive Statistics and Post-hoc Analyses for Major Study Variables by Age Group.

Young

(18-34)

(N = 97)

Middle-Age

(35-54)

(N = 112)

Old

(55 and

over)

(N = 40)

M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) Mean Difference

Jezebel Stereotype 2.28(.08) 2.01(.08) 1.88(.13) a > c*

Esteem – Private 6.15(.09) 6.27(.08) 6.73(.13) c > a*; c > b**

Esteem – Public 3.62(.12) 3.67(.12) 3.98(.19) ns

Esteem – Identity 4.96(.14) 4.76(.13) 4.76(.21) ns

NOTE: * p < .05, ** p < .01; a: denotes younger women, b: denotes middle-age women, c:

denotes older women.

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Table 2. Multiple Regression Analyses for Variables Predicting Endorsement of the Jezebel

Stereotype

NOTE: *p < .05;

**p < .01

Young

(18-34)

Middle-Age

(35-54)

Old

(55 and over)

Block 1 Block 2 Block 1 Block 2 Block 1 Block 2

β (SE) β (SE) β (SE) β (SE) β (SE) β (SE)

Education -.53(.05)**

-.46(.05)**

-.03(.05) -.01(.05) -.09(.09) -.11(.08)

Esteem – Private -.26(.11)* -.19(.09) -.43(.29)

**

Esteem – Public -.17(.08) -.01(.06) -.18(.11)

Esteem – Identity .19(.08) -.10(.06) -.11(.11)

R2 .28 .40 .001 .06 .01 .26

ΔR2 -- .09 -- .01 -- .15

F 24.58**

10.21**

.11 1.39* .30 2.94

*

31