Bilingualism and Cognition: Holistic and Fractional approaches - Chapter 1: Definitions of...

Chapter 1: Definitions of bilingualism, nuances and potential mitigation of findings

The first requirement for professionals in the field of bilingualism is to understand

the subtleties and variations among its speakers. The following are some of the essential

questions that need to be asked:

1.0 What are bilingual speakers?

What are bilinguals? The question appears to offer a rather simplistic answer: any

person who speaks two languages is bilingual. An explanation that is reminiscent of one

proposed by Uriel Weinreich (1968), who was among the first bilingual researchers and a

bilingual himself. However the issue is more complex, as there are many different types of

bilingualism.

1.1 What are the particular forms of bilingualism?

1.1.1 Balanced and dominant bilingualism:

If we were to understand bilingualism as a matter of language competence, we

would see that most bilingual speakers are fluent or comfortable in only one of their

languages (Baker, 2000). It is also worth mentioning that the 'dominant' language is not

always the first to be developed. Very few people are equally skilled in both of their

languages, though the opposite is often expected. Those who show a linguistic proficiency

suitable to their age in speaking, reading and writing are called 'balanced' bilinguals. The

balanced speakers are often referred to as the idyllic bilingual by the wider population as

well as by professionals such as academic researchers or immersion school teachers.

However we find that the majority of bilingual speakers around the world have one

language that is more developed than the other. The majority of the world population is

bilingual or lives in a multilingual environment (Hoffmann, 1991) however socio-economic

and political factors (e.g. turmoil or conflict, lack of financial investment in education) have

been shown to interfere with their language learning and therefore language ability

(Oskaar, 1983:20). At the present time, the balanced bilingual is a distinct minority of the

global population. Therefore their study could reflect an unrealistic image of what

bilingualism is. Only a very select group of people have the opportunity to produce equal

levels of proficiency in two or more languages. Researchers in the field of linguistics

consider both ability and fluency to be of significant importance and relevance when

defining the balanced bilingual. A bilingual speaker who has an equal proficiency in both

languages but at a level that is too low to be called balanced, is sometimes referred to as

'semilingual'.

1.1.2 Semilingualism:

'Semilingualism' is a term that has been proposed as a distinction to the balanced

and dominant forms of bilingualism. This term, first coined by Bloomfield (1927), and later

defined by Hansegård (1972) and Skutnabb-Kangas (1981), suggests a semilingual to

possess a small vocabulary, incorrect grammar, neologisations (invention of new words),

automatisms, problems with both language function mastery as well as meaning and

imagery. Semilingualism, in a derogatory stance, speaks of an insufficient competence in

language. The proposal of linguistic insufficiency was met with much criticism from the likes

of Jim Cummins (2000) who lists many problems with the concept of semilingualism.

Firstly the term carries a lot of negative connotations, such as the notion of failure.

Semilingualism is often used to refer to the language of immigrant groups who are labelled

as underachievers. Some contemporary linguists such as Colin Baker (2000) argue

communicative ability to be of great relevance, especially when evaluating someone's

language competence. Consequently, the topic as a whole appears to be focussed on

political issues rather than being a matter of linguistic debate. A point that is also argued by

Skutnabb-Kangas (1981). As it has been mentioned before, lack of fluency in a language

may be due to political stress or socio-economic turmoil. For instance, McLoyd (1998)

conducted a study which proposes socio-economic disadvantages (which include health

complications such as overexposure to lead) contribute to diminished cognitive functioning

in impoverished children (McLoyd, 1998:187). A language may have only one particular

purpose for its speaker as it may be used for a specific event or context. For instance,

speakers may only use their language while they are within certain groups. As such, the

fluency of the speakers will vary according to the language's environment. Also, language

tests have been known to show discrepancies in their effectiveness to justly reflect

linguistic ability or communicative competence (Baker, 2000). A proficiency test can be

insensitive to the particular use that a person may have for their language. Semilingualism

could cause tests to fail to evaluate or appreciate a speaker's ability to successfully

communicate.

The lack of empirical evidence also demonstrates semilingualism to be a theory

that is heavily value-laden. The supposed failure to use a language with sufficient

competence may be reflective of an unfair comparison to a monolingual's linguistic ability.

This also refers to the holistic versus fractional debate which will be further defined and

discussed in the following chapter of this dissertation.

1.1.3 Simultaneous and sequential acquisition:

In principle, linguists classify a bilingual's language development into two branches

that represent the methods of acquisition which are sequential (sometimes called

consecutive or successive) and simultaneous. A child who successfully develops two

languages, after having been exposed to both of them from birth or before the age of three,

will be considered to have achieved simultaneous bilingualism (Houston, 1972; Adler,

1977). Three years of age is considered to be the margin between both types of language

acquisition, though each case can be different. A child will be exposed to different amounts

of the languages it hears. Simultaneous acquisition might occur in a number of ways. For

instance, a child may hear one language at home and the other at school. Another way to

acquire two languages at the same time would be for the parents to speak to their child in

their respective languages. Simultaneous language acquisition has been the focus of many

linguistic studies on child language development. It is argued that bilingual language

acquisition holds similarities with that of a child's monolingual development (De Houwer,

1995).

If a child were to learn one language first and acquire his or her second at a later

stage in life, or after the age of three, this is considered to be a sequential or consecutive

acquisition of language (Adler, 1977). While the path to simultaneous bilingualism is

restrictive and simple, there are many ways to acquire a second language sequentially.

This acquisition may be specific to a minority's cultural heritage or be for the purpose of

obtaining better employability. It may also be due to emigration or the result of conflict. To

the contrary of simultaneous bilingualism, there is no critical age of acquisition. That being

said it is often believed that the earlier the speaker is exposed to a second language the

better it will be in terms of fluency and linguistic ability. This belief is in accordance with the

critical period hypothesis which was first proposed by Penfield and Roberts (1959) then

further supported by Lenneberg (1967).

Older studies have failed to find the positive links between particular forms of

bilingualism and cognition. For example, simultaneous acquisition was found to provide the

bilingual with no definitive cognitive edge over monolinguals according to Arnberg

(1987:31). Nevertheless recent academic research studies have suggested balanced

bilingualism to promote cognitive advantages over monolingualism (e.g. Cushen & Wiley,

2011; Lee & Kim, 2011). As such, regardless of its rarity, there may be some value in

heralding the concept of balanced bilingualism and the pursuit of its study. Balanced

bilingualism is sometimes studied in conjunction with creativity, problem solving and other

aspects of neuroscience. While it is a rare form of bilingualism, psycholinguists may yield

interesting insights concerning language and its relation to the brain. Before further delving

into these concepts, there are several key issues that surround the notion of balanced

bilingualism that need to be considered (Baker, 2000).

1.1.4 What issues surround balanced bilingualism?

First of all, bilinguals most often use their languages in different circumstances and

for different purposes. Language dominance may therefore vary according to context. For

most bilinguals around the world, one language dominates the other. However such

dominance may change in accordance with enthusiasm for the language, educational

background, contrasting social or working environments and age. Should an approximate

balance ever exist between the two languages, it will most likely be temporary. Though the

concept of a balanced bilingual is nothing new, little remains clear of the required skill level:

must the bilinguals be biliterate or are only speech and listening the vital skills?

Untitled piece by Harriet Russell from

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/18/opinion/sunday/the-benefits-of-bilingualism.html

There is also the danger of being too limiting in our classification. Would it be

perhaps too elitist to expect bilinguals to be as fluent as monolinguals in each language?

As a result, the meaning of such a term may refer only to the very privileged members of

societies that have been provided with the opportunity to master both languages from birth.

Furthermore we may ask ethical questions of ourselves as researchers: Does elitism pose

a problem, whether practical or moral, to psycholinguistic research on bilingualism? As the

dissertation will try to answer these questions, other researchers also question the benefits

and drawbacks of being bilingual.

2.0 What are the supposedly positive or negative consequences to being bilingual?

Contemporary research suggests there are many interrelated benefits to being

bilingual (inspired by Baker & Prys Jones, 1998:6-8; Wei, 2000:22-25). These benefits

cover all communicative, cultural and cognitive aspects of speaking two languages and are

not specific to any kind of bilingualism. As the dissertation belongs to the topic of

psycholinguistics, we will later be focussing on the cognitive effects of bilingualism.

2.1 Communicative advantages:

In some families, the parents speak two languages to their children. It is believed

that the child's ability to speak to each of its parents in their preferred language, could open

the door to a greater quality of relationship (Wei, 2000:22). Should the parents speak the

same language but a different one from the society that surrounds them, it is believed that

a similar relationship may also develop between the child and its nuclear family. In other

words, the child's ability to communicate in a way that is specific to the family but different

to the language used in the outside world or with other people, could be the cause of a

different and perhaps more refined or explicit quality of relationship. However, these

suggestions have subjective values that are of no quantifiable value for academic

research.

Bilingualism may also bridge cultural gaps with the extended family. It is argued that

having a language in common with other generations could provide a sense of belonging to

the individual. Furthermore bilingualism can affect community relationships. The sheer fact

that the bilingual knows two languages instead of one, means that he or she will be able to

communicate with a greater diversity of people and therefore feel part of a wider

community. The language barrier between two nations or cultures can also be breached.

As such a bilingual may act as a bridge between the cultural gaps of two societies.

The final argument in favour of the communicative advantages of bilingualism

concerns language sensitivity. Bilinguals have the capacity to move from one language to

another which may make them more sensitive to the subtler changes and variations in

speech. They may be more attuned to speech patterns, dialects and accents of others and

as such, in order to further their communicative capabilities, they will be able to adapt to

any situation accordingly.

2.2 Cultural advantages:

As some bilinguals speak the languages of two separate cultures, they may be able

to have full access to two cultural worlds. They can experience those cultures to the fullest

as they are competent in speaking the languages of said cultures. Furthermore, the ability

to speak the language of two or more countries will provide the bilingual with the

opportunity to work internationally. As the world becomes increasingly multicultural, the job

market will be more open to bilinguals as companies are requiring them in increasing

numbers. Therefore there is also a potential economic advantage to being bilingual.

2.3 Cognitive advantages:

Recent studies have focused on the increasing links between cognition and

bilingualism. These advantages are providing an increasingly positive outlook on

bilingualism.

2.3.1 Enhanced creativity:

Bialystok (2001) suggests specific bilinguals to speak languages that relate to

separate cultures. Bilingualism can therefore be understood to have a certain multicultural

aspect. Other than an actual mental process, the concept of creativity has often been

suggested to be culturally related. As such, what can be upheld as creative is specific to

cultural ideology (Csikszentmihalyi, 1999; Torrance & Sisk, 1997) and might therefore be

conceptualised differently from one culture to the next. Consequently through this

approach, cultural patterns of creative difference have been noticed (Niu & Sternberg,

2001; Simonton, 1997). Research suggests multicultural experience to relate to the

enhancement of the speaker’s creativity (Leung et al., 2008). Such multicultural

experiences related to an extensive interaction between two or more cultures. In this case

we might argue this interaction to be bilingualism. A study by Maddux, Adam, and Galinsky

(2010) found that people who had been living in foreign countries were superior at solving

creative tasks than those that had not. Both studies by Leung et al. (2008) and Maddux et

al. (2010) found the one significant factor in enhancing creativity to be the successful

adaptation of two or more cultures, which entails the ability to speak the languages that

relate to the aforementioned. A study by Lasagabaster (2000) found bilinguals to be

superior to monolinguals in creative thinking. While this study found no differences

between the different types of bilingualism (e.g. dominant and balanced), Lee & Kim (2011)

found the degree of bilingualism and creativity to be positively related. Interestingly, both

studies used the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking or TTCT (Torrance, 1998). The

Torrance tests of Creative Thinking involve the concept and use of divergent thinking,

which is measured on four scales (Fluency, Flexibility, Originality and Elaboration). As the

Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking have often been found to be a reliable assessment of a

person’s creativity (Torrance, 1998; Torrance & Wu, 1981), such inconsistencies, Simonton

believes, are due to the sheer complexity of the issue, such as defining bilingualism and

creativity, coupled with the varying levels of linguistic proficiency as well as possible other

effects that have yet to be considered, such as demographics (Simonton, 2008).

Nevertheless, the majority of the studies so far believe bilingualism to be more positively

correlated with creativity than monolingualism (Lee & Kim, 2011:1187).

The study by Lee & Kim also finds highly balanced bilinguals to be more creative

(Lee & Kim, 2011:1189) which supports previous suggestions made by Maddux & Galinsky

(2009) that intensive multicultural experiences are positively related to creativity. We are

however warned of the limitations of the aforementioned studies as the different

socioeconomic statuses of the subjects are rarely elucidated. A study by Anatoliy V.

Kharkhurin (2010) found bilingualism and sociocultural contexts to have an interactive

influence on creativity. This further suggests that bilingualism’s responsibility for the

development of creative potential will vary considerably from one culture to another.

Furthermore, each study relates to a very specific demographic. As such, it is too early for

this dissertation to suggest that these results can be generalised to the global bilingual

population.

2.3.2 Superior problem solving skills:

Recent research by Cushen and Wiley (2011) suggests that having experienced

and used multiple languages from an early age may be one of the contributing factors to

being able to solve creatively problems. The study consisted of using insight and non-

insight problems to investigate a possible correlation between multiple-language

experience and creative problem solving performance. Insight problems (see example

below) were specifically designed to cause the individuals to struggle at first, as they

reached a primary impasse. It is argued by the likes of Ash, Cushen and Wiley (2009), also

Ash and Wiley (2006, 2008) that the individuals must undertake a representational change

of the problem in order to find the solution.

Cushen and Wiley (2011) further argue that a solution to an insight problem occurs

in a moment that is similar to an epiphany. It is believed that such moments are brought

upon by cognitive processes that are similar to those used in real-world breakthroughs or

'Eureka! moments' (Cushen & Wiley, 2011:458). The successful insight problem solver is

believed to benefit from considering diverse possibilities (Ansburg & Hill, 2003) and being

able to find a solution despite reaching an initial impasse. Recent research has focussed

on trying to associate a specific cognitive process with creative problem solving. The study

poses two hypotheses: the first theorises of different success rates on insight and non-

insight problem solving task between monolinguals and bilinguals. The second hypothesis

questions whether these supposed differences are specific to early bilinguals. There is

therefore a suggestion that early bilinguals show an increased likelihood in solving insight

problems (Cushen & Wiley, 2011:459). Below are examples of both insight and non-insight

problems.

Example of an insight problem taken from Cushen & Wiley (2011:459)

Example of a non-insight problem, from Cushen & Wiley (2011:459)

The study found unprecedented results of bilinguals and monolinguals

demonstrating increasingly diverging performances on insight and non-insight problems.

While at a glance, the global solution rates for both types of problems appeared to be

similar, when inspecting group differences, an unexpected and unprecedented interaction

between the person's ability to solve both sets of problems and their bilingual experience

was indentified (Cushen & Wiley, 2011:461). The results suggest that monolinguals may

find difficulty in situations where there is need for greater cognitive flexibility. As such,

monolinguals were found to perform better on non-insight problems than on their insight

laden counterparts. Their non-insight results were similar to those of the early bilinguals,

who appeared to have a greater flexibility and prospered from the onset and throughout the

testing in both sets of problems. Finally, the study found late bilinguals to demonstrate

equal ability in both sets of problems, meaning that they are not advantaged or

disadvantaged when solving insight and non-insight problems. However the authors of the

study refused to suggest bilingualism as the singular positive aspect behind creative

thinking. Instead, creativity and insightful problem solving are seen as multi-faceted issues

that require a lot more than mere multilingual experience.

That being said, bilinguals (both early and late) possess inter-lexical associations

(Cushen & Wiley, 2011:461). These associations are believed to facilitate divergent

thinking, which appears to correlate with superior insight problem solving. After all, though

late bilinguals do not show a particular advantage in either type of problem, contrary to the

monolinguals, they are not worse at solving one kind than the other. As early bilinguals

performed better than all other groups, the study concludes by offering the first evidence of

a bilingual advantage relative to insightful problem solving.

2.3.3 Better conflict resolution:

A study by Poarch and van Hell (2012) examined inhibitory control and executive

functioning in two groups of bilinguals, one group of trilinguals and one group of

monolinguals. The concept of inhibitory control stems from recent research which suggests

the languages of bilinguals and second language learners to be active and in competition

for selection, even when the speakers use only one of their languages (Costa et al., 1999;

Kroll et al., 2006; Hermans et al., 2011). As both languages are active, this suggests

bilinguals and speakers of multiple languages to possess a certain control mechanism that

effectively finds the correct language in order to communicate the intended utterance

without intereference from the other language. This mechanism of inhibitory control to

lexical access was proposed by Green (1998). Further to this assumption, Bialystok et al.

(2004) argue that the continuous use of such a mechanism provides the bilingual with an

enhanced cognitive control relative to monolinguals.

Interestingly, Poarch and van Hell (2012) focus their research on a sort of 'language

speakers continuum'. The continuum not only includes bilinguals and monolinguals but

also child second language learners, whose proficiency is significantly lower than native

speakers, and trilingual children, whose third language is inferior to their native two

(Poarch & van Hell, 2012:536). By focussing on inhibitory control and executive

functioning, Poarch and van Hell (2012) seek to determine whether these distinct groups

demonstrate the same cognitive enhancements that native bilinguals were previously

shown to possess.

The tests that are used in the Poarch and van Hell (2012) study are the Simon

task (Simon & Rudell, 1967) and Attentional Networks Task (Rueda et al., 2004) which is

also refered to as ANT. They are both conflict processing tasks which are used to assess

executive control. The attentional component of executive control being the focus of the

study, the tests involve the assessment of two processes: conflict monitoring and conflict

resolution. Conflict monitoring includes the detection of a conflict and the anticipation of a

subsequent reaction, whereas conflict resolution involves inhibitory control, preparation

and rule holding (Posner & Fan, 2004).

The Simon task results showed bilinguals and trilinguals to display less interference

than monolinguals during the Simon task, indicating that their continuous language control

has a global effect on their attention control mechanism (Poarch & van Hell, 2012:548).

The results also suggested that the second language learners' attentional control was

enhanced, but had yet to reach the levels shown by the bilinguals and trilinguals. This

decrease attentional control may be due to the fact that second language learners received

less experience in controlling their languages. Bilinguals and trilinguals also displayed

conflict resolution skills that were superior to all other groups in the Attentional Networks

Task. However, the performances between trilinguals and bilinguals did not significantly

differ, indicating that the daily use of a third language is not sufficient for attentional control

enhancement. In conclusion, the Poarch and van Hell (2012) study contributes to a

growing body of evidence which suggests bilingualism, trilingualism and indirectly any form

of second language learning, to promote greater efficiency in components of executive

control, more specifically in conflict resolution. Furthermore, in comparison to the

bilinguals, the results interestingly suggest that trilinguals, who supposedly have to cope

with increased interference, do not show greater cognitive control.

2.3.4 Greater metalinguistic awareness:

Bilinguals are said to be superior to monolinguals in two cognitive domains. These

domains are executive control or more precisely conflict resolution (Green, 1998; Costa et

al., 1999; Kroll et al., 2006; Hermans et al., 2011; Poarch & van Hell, 2012) and

metalinguistic awareness (Ben-Zeev, 1977; Cummins,1978; Bialystok & Hakuta, 1994).

The metalinguistic awareness or metalinguistic ability of a speaker relates to the their

knowledge of language as a process as well as a concept. According to Cummins (1978),

metalinguistic ability provides the speaker with a specific awareness of language. The

awareness is that meaning goes beyond the writing of simple symbols. Moreover,

Cummins suggests that the bilingual is aware of words being separate from their referents.

The speakers should also acquire an awareness of language as a specific, malleable

structure (see Cummins, 1978).

2.3.5 Cognitive reserve:

When diagnosing patients with Alzheimer's disease or other neurological

degenerative diseases, professionals encounter patients with rather high levels of brain

atrophy, yet their cognitive function is left relatively unscathed. According to a review by

Valenzuela and Sachdev (2006), around 30% of patients who show pathological criteria for

Alzheimer's disease showed no sign of cognitive deficiency. The disparity between level of

cognitive function and degree of atrophy has been credited to the notion of cognitive

reserve (CR). Recent studies suggest a correlation between bilingualism and cognitive

reserve. It appears that the acquisition and subsequent long-term use of multiple

languages may grant their users with added protection against Alzheimer's disease.

Mårtensson et al. (2012) consider their specific findings in second language acquisition,

related to the hippocampus, to provide the speaker with neural changes that may

constitute a part of a mechanism behind the delay of Alzheimer's symptoms. This was also

suggested in the Craik et al. study (Craik et al., 2010:1728).

Previous work in the area of cognitive reserve has found that the onset of

Alzheimer's Disease can delayed by up to 5 five years, if the patient is bilingual (Bialystok

et al., 2007). In order to show a delay of symptom onset, a study by Schweizer et al. (2012)

performed computed tomography (CT) scans of monolingual and bilingual brains. The aim

was to conduct an analysis on a number of linear measurements of brain atrophy in

patients who were diagnosed with probable Alzheimer's disease (see Fig.1 below from

Schweizer, 20012:994). The test subjects were matched in terms of years of education and

cognitive performance (see Table 1 below, from Schweizer, 2012:993). The study found

bilingual patients to hold significantly greater amounts of atrophy in regions associated with

Alzheimer's Disease than their monolingual counterparts. While both groups were matched

in terms of education and cognitive performance (including memory), the bilingual clearly

had more cerebral atrophy, especially in areas that are traditionally related or linked with

Alzheimer's Disease (Schweizer, 2012:994). Interestingly, the level of did not vary in areas

that are unrelated with Alzheimer's Disease. In other words, the groups showed no

difference in levels of central and frontal atrophy. According to Schweizer, the study offers

the first objective account of anatomical differences between equally matched groups with

Alzheimer's Disease. The bilinguals and monolinguals performed at similar cognitive levels,

despite the former having significantly greater amounts of atrophy than their counterparts.

The bilinguals' ability to perform at a similar level to monolinguals despite their atrophy

shows greater cognitive reserve. Cognitive reserve has been attributed as one of the

principle factors behind delaying the onset of Alzheimer's disease, as it requires more

advanced neuroanatomical changes to the brain before the disease may manifest itself

(Schweizer, 2012:995).

Bilinguals are also believed to have greater linguistic flexibility and elaborative

thinking (Wei, 2000:24). While the cultural and communicative advantages to bilingualism

are understandable, the cognitive aspects remain at the heart of psycholinguistic debate.

The many contrasting opinions and their weight are what will form the cornerstone of this

dissertation.

Figure 1 from Schweizer (2012:994)

Table 1 from Schweizer (2012:993)

Table 2 from Schweizer (2012:994)

2.4 Other cognitive effects:

Further research has also suggested bilingualism to produce certain 'alternative'

cognitive effects. There is still debate as to whether these effects are advantageous to the

speaker, as they are believed to affect functional aspects of cognition. Both positive and

negative outcomes of these particular effects could be argued. These alternative cognitive

consequences correspond specifically with foreign language acquisition. That is to say that

simultaneous bilinguals could only possibly be concerned by these effects should they

learn a third language in a sequential manner.

Recent research has suggested that speaking in a foreign language could help to

reduce decision biases. Multiple studies have found dominant bilinguals to experience a

decrease in emotion when using their least known language (Altarriba & Santiago-Rivera,

1994; Bond & Lai, 1986; Schrauf, 2000). The hypothesis proposes that speakers may be

led away from intuitive thinking and towards greater systemacity when using a foreign

language as it is believed to be less grounded in the emotional aspects of communication

than the mother tongue (Pavlenko, 2005). As decision making and risk consideration are

heavily influenced by emotion (Quartz, 2009), the sequential speaker's reasoning is

brought upon by two mental processes: one is analytical, the other intuitive (Kahneman,

2003). Keysar, Hayakawa and An (2012) have argued that a decrease in decision biases

may be brought upon by a number of factors that are responsible for increasing

psychological distance and promoting deliberation. The sequential speaker is therefore

believed to have a greater cognitive and emotional distance whilst using foreign languages.

To demonstrate the theory, personal ratings and electrodermal responses, obtained

through skin conductance tests, were used to study the reactions to expressions of love,

taboo words and advertisement slogans. While fully understanding the meaning of such

notions, the subjects reacted to the words and concepts less emotionally when using a

foreign language (Keysar, Hayakawa & An, 2012; Puntoni, de Langhe, & van Osselaer,

2009). It is believed that this decrease in emotion may have been brought upon by the

speaker being less influenced in the analytical and syntactic processing, which would

enable an easier and faster decision making process. The concept of easier decision

making may also be due to the fact that a foreign language is less automatically processed

(Favreau & Segalowitz, 1983) and therefore naturally more analytical and systematic.

The framing effect, a gain versus loss experiment that is employed to reveal

cognitive bias, is often used in these types of studies. Some research suggests the framing

effect to be associated with an increased use of the amygdala nuclei region of the brain

(De Martino, Kumaran, Seymour, & Dolan, 2006), supposedly resulting from a powerful

attraction to the idea of a sure gain and the strong rejection of a sure loss (Kahneman &

Frederick, 2006). Emotional reactions are understood to be heavily tied to the amygdala

region. While the native tongue is more likely to be induced into emotional reactions, this

could also be the reason why foreign language users produce more systematic decision

making processes. They were not so heavily steeped in emotion and as a consequence,

were less biased. Simply put, the use of a foreign language appears to abate emotional

reactions, making the decisions process more about gain and loss, than anything else. The

implications of such findings are hard to predict, but as an example and on a practical and

positive level there are many factors of business or society which may call for a less

emotive, more clinical worker.

Another aspect of second language acquisition which is also concerned with the

effects of emotions is the ability to lie. Though lying is a particular type of emotive

language, the literature on the topic and its affiliation to bilingualism remains scarce. As

Caldwell-Harris & Ayçiçeği-Dinn (2009) noticed, in the last eighteen years, more than a half

a dozen books have been published on polygraph testing. None of those books mention

bilingualism or any related language skill. The orbitofrontal cortex and the amygdala are

the specific brain regions which are crucial for many different types of emotional behaviour,

including deception (Abe et al., 2007; Mohamed et al., 2006). Furthermore, it appears that

lying requires more brain capacity than telling the truth (Kozel et al., 2004; Mohamed et al.,

2006). Caldwell-Harris & Ayçiçeği-Dinn suggest that the study of bilingualism in relation to

deception needs to be taken a lot more seriously as this could have profound effects on

forensic investigations. For instance, suspects may be able to develop apathy or produce

false confessions (Caldwell-Harris & Ayçiçeği-Dinn, 2009:168). As a result of the relatively

unique Caldwell-Harris & Ayçiçeği-Dinn (2009) article, more attention is to be drawn to

bilingualism and its relation to lying. Current research appears to suggest that skin

conductance (which can be associated with lying) may be relative to the language that is

spoken.

While the some aforementioned findings could be described as positive, other

researchers allude to such aspects of bilingualism as having negative consequences for

the speaker and potentially society at large.

2.5 Bilingualism and the supposedly negative aspects:

2.5.1 Bilingualism and neuropsychiatric disorders:

Other research studies have sometimes found a link between bilingualism and the

personality disorders of its speakers (Wei, 2000:24). For instance, Michel Paradis draws

parallels between symptoms of bilingual aphasia (an impairment of both languages caused

by the dysfunction of one or more specific brain regions) with those of psychosis (Paradis,

2004:205). This is in keeping with the neurolinguistic theory of bilingualism, which

describes language as the all important tool for psychotherapy and psychiatric practices

(Paradis, 2004). Paradis (2008) suggests bilingualism to impact heavily on diagnoses and

treatment as psychoses are believed to be emotionally linked with the patient, and as

previously mentioned, emotion has been argued to have a profound impact on language.

While they are an important tool for psychotherapy, a bilingual's languages may also

provide extra obstacles to therapists in their analysis and treatment of psychotic episodes

(see de Zulueta, 1995:180-183). Furthermore, the psychiatrists sometimes have to conduct

their diagnoses and treatments in a bilingual setting - which can prove to be difficult.

2.5.2 Bilingualism, personality and identity:

Ramírez-Esparza et al. (2006) conducted empirical research on bilinguals in order

to investigate whether the subjects showed any signs of diverging personalities between

their two languages. Essentially, the study was conducted in order to examine possible

cross-cultural differences of the speaker's personality, in keeping with the cultures of their

two languages. The theory suggested bilingual speakers to demonstrate specifically

different personality traits when expressing themselves in one of their languages. The

experiment was theoretically based on previous research which had elaborated on a

phenomena entitled 'Cultural Frame Switching' or C.F.S. (Hong, Chiu & Kung, 1997; Hong,

Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martínez, 2000).

Cultural Frame Switching is understood as a shift in personal values when exposed

to certain cultural stimuli (Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2006:100). An experiment involving

C.F.S. would not only incorporate a study of the way a bilingual can be primed via specific

cultural cues but also include a study of biculturalism. LaFromboise et al. (1993) argue that

most bilinguals are bicultural. As such, learning two languages could result in the

integration of two (or more) cultures. A Cultural Frame Switch would therefore be a logical

explanation as to why one might change personality traits when switching language, as

language and culture are inherently tied. This relationship between language and culture

can be tested with questionnaires (where the answers are in different languages, where

diverging cultural values and norms are reflected). The results of the Ramírez-Esparza et

al. (2006) investigation confirmed the Cultural Frame Switching phenomena described by

Hong et al. (1997) therefore suggesting that bicultural individuals such as bilinguals

experience shifts between their two internal cultures, when cued. The experiment

concludes with suggestions that a Cultural Frame Switch could not only affect a speaker's

individual values but their personality too (Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2006:118).

Bilingualism has not only been argued to affect the speaker's personality traits, but

to also make them experience other language difficulties. For instance, some dominant

bilingual children may struggle to lean their second language, one that is often specific to

the dominant culture. Being less fluent than the norm within the school curriculum of a

culture that is predominantly monolingual may often be negatively reflected on marks and

assessments. Immigrant groups can find themselves caught between the combined

cultural pressures of their people and the dominant society in which they live. On the one

hand as a community they would like to preserve their roots while on the other, social

stratification may cause them to renounce the culture of their native country. There are

many varying interrelated factors that interact with the concepts of bilingualism and

national identity, such as culture, politics, psychology and history. Fortunately, some of the

problems that are endured during second language acquisition can be temporary, such as

producing overgeneralisations or simplifications, which are common mistakes among all

learners (McLaughlin, 2006:23; Wei, 2000:24).

2.5.3 Order and age of acquisition: consequences of language shifting:

Many linguists have taken it upon themselves to attempt to classify each and every

type of bilingualism. This is done in order to elucidate the nuances in their research as well

as to further understand the development processes of language acquisition and loss. A

rather negative form of bilingualism was first described by Lambert (1974) as the

consequence of social pressures on the minority groups of a population. Lambert provided

a qualitative and quantitative judgement of a speaker's ability, describing the progressive

loss of the mother tongue while acquiring a second language. This is called subtractive

bilingualism (Lambert, 1974). While moving away from the language which is particular to

the speaker's ethnic group or culture, in favour of the new, dominant and popular language

of the majority population, the mother tongue is sacrificed. In sum, while developing

bilingualism, it is clear that not all methods will result in the durable acquisition of two

languages. Although time as a constraint on language has already been stressed in this

dissertation, it is not often assumed that a particular kind of bilingualism will result in

language loss. As such, the subtractive form is perhaps the most temporary of all

bilingualisms. It results in the loss of one language in favour of another. Rather than being

a matter of choice, this relatively undesirable trend appears to be the result of social and

economic constraints that are put upon a minority group by the dominant culture.

Though there may arguably be many negative aspects to bilingualism, whether

social, cultural or cognitive, the positive effects remain significant. Through the individual's

enhancement of cognition, culture and identity, as well as the social and financial

opportunities that may present themselves to speakers of multiple languages, teachers and

researchers alike, believe the positive effects of bilingualism to considerably outweigh the

negatives. While we may consider speaking two languages to be an individual attribute, it

is also a characteristic of a community and as such, two academic fields are separated by

the concepts of individual and societal bilingualism.

3.0 What are the differences between individual and societal bilingualism?

There are no languages without communities (Baker, 2000). Though they may co-

exist with other languages they also tend to evolve rapidly, either through the process of

multiculturalism or through conflict. Among others, the language shifts of linguistic

minorities are an important factor that needs to be taken into account when assessing the

quantitative and qualitative aspects of bilingualism. The differences between individual and

societal bilingualism represent the distinctions between psycholinguistics and

sociolinguistics. Teachers, speech therapists and psycholinguists will pay more attention to

the individual aspects of bilingualism whereas sociolinguists, social psychologists or

geographers would find more relevant data by studying speech communities. Another

distinction between the disciplines lies in the terminology: those that study the individual

aspect of bilingualism refer to it as such whereas those that study speech communities

refer to two languages in one society as diglossia (Baker, 2000:3).

Furthermore, important distinctions between societal and individual bilingualism

need to be made with regards to the statistics: a general statement such as 'over half of the

world's population is bilingual' can be misleading. Such statements do not distinguish

individuals from their societies (Hoffmann, 1991). Countries may have the official status of

being multilingual but that does not necessarily make it so on an individual level. As

bilingual fluency and ability levels vary according to the region, country or culture of its

speakers, such statistics do not always reflect the national language policies that are put in

place. Some linguists such as Mackey (1970) go so far as to suggest that there are fewer

bilinguals in multilingual countries than there are in the supposed monolingual ones. The

reason for this phenomenon, should it be factually accurate, may be due to the fact that

bilingual countries prefer to concentrate on retaining their multilingual status in an official

capacity instead of focusing their efforts on promoting bilingualism within their educational

systems and societies (Hoffmann, 1991).

The dissertation will favour a focus on the individual aspect of bilingualism as it is

more in line with the discipline of psycholinguistics. Nevertheless, its key issue concerns

the way bilingualism is being defined and framed through research which would mean the

social circumstances that surround a language community need to also be taken into

account. The work will therefore attempt to be as inclusive as possible, bearing in mind that

other aspects of bilingualism, such as those that surround societal issues, may bring an

unwanted breadth to the research. This chapter has the objective of clarifying and eliciting

all aspects of bilingualism that are relevant to this dissertation. As such, another focal point

should be the methods and theories used by researchers to carry out their assessments of

bilingual speakers.

4.0 What criteria should we use to assess bilingualism?

Should linguistic ability be the only criteria for bilingual assessment? Why not

consider the frequency of use? Within particular societies, some people are bilingual but

use only one of their languages daily in order to function within society. Others may be

required to speak both of their languages every day. It is also important to note that ability

and fluency vary across these groups. Differentiating linguistic competence, proficiency

and regular use of such language is occasionally referred to as the distinction between

degree and function (Baker, 2000). Aside from this, we might also consider the specific

skills that constitute 'knowing' a language. These skills are speaking, listening and literacy

which includes both reading and writing. Some linguists (Bloomfield, 1933; Christopherson,

1948; Oestreicher, 1974) share the perfectionist or maximalist view that bilingualism is to

be flawless. Also called 'ambilingualism', it includes the mastery of all the aforementioned

skills. However, the skill set of linguistic proficiency varies greatly from one bilingual to

another, across the world. One person may be able to speak both languages fluently but

be unable to read or write. Others are perfectly able to understand and read a language

but unable to write or speak it. The latter is often referred to as passive or receptive

competence (Baker, 2000). Linguists who observe the minimalist view of bilingualism deem

only the mastery of one or two of the skill set as necessary to be considered bilingual

(Macnamara, 1969:82).

Furthermore, after discussing how one should categorise bilingualism, we may ask

who should be categorising them? Should this be done via self-assessment? There are

many reasons as to why a person may feel ashamed or embarrassed to speak or

understand a particular language (e.g. societal pressures). As such, they may refuse to

class themselves as bilinguals, which could prove problematic. Some could also declare

themselves as bilinguals but not show any of the characteristics (e.g. a second language).

On the other hand, some of the attributes that have been elaborated in this chapter were

developed by language professionals and members of academia. While the expertise and

experience of the professionals is to be respected, it is also arguable that depending on

particular ideologies, the criteria that is used to define and assess bilingualism, may vary

from study to study. In other words, the assessment of a bilingual's ability depends on the

researcher's school of thought and their sensitivity to the different types of bilingualism. It

may also depend on the societal perceptions that are in keeping with the institution they

work for or their local culture. It is therefore possible to suggest that while diverging

definitions of bilingualism can be used, researchers will continue to find a variety of data

that will in turn yield a diversity of contrasting results. However, regardless of agenda or

ideology, it is an unfeasible task to produce a clear, succinct and all inclusive definition of

bilingualism.

5.0 How is bilingualism to be defined?

As mentioned before in this chapter, an important factor in research is to first

understand the numerous dimensions, subtleties and peculiarities that are particular to

bilingualism. Professionals and researchers alike need a sophisticated understanding of

what is to be incorporated within the umbrella term that is 'bilingualism'. Bilingual speakers

are subject to the changes in their environment. Factors such as time and social tensions

can cause languages to be subject to change. Constraints such as these are sometimes to

be blamed for when a bilingual loses a language just as much as they can be responsible

for when a monolingual acquires a new one. Bilingualism is a state which will change

according to the time and place of its speaker. Its definition may vary in focus or framing in

relation to a study's location, date and researcher but an all-inclusive meaning of

bilingualism can only be summarised in an umbrella term that is too broad to be used for

academic research.

Within the field of Linguistics, descriptivism and prescriptivism are sometimes seen

as complementary, though the former is often heralded over the latter (McArthur,

1992:286). Linguistic prescription can be described as the act of supporting one linguistic

variation or method of speaking over another. It can sometimes entail the purist view that

other forms of speech are less correct or aesthetically pleasing (Edwards, 2009:259).

Descriptivism offers the opposing view of describing language objectively, without bias or

preconceptions (McArthur, 1992:286). This dissertation will consider a wide array of

studies, theories and ideologies and observe a descriptive approach to the research. The

main body of work will consist of providing a commentary first, then proposing a critique of

the approaches described in the latter stages. This thesis will offer an account of the 'sides'

in psycholinguistic research: whether they be in research methodologies, theories or

realities that are particular to bilingualism.

The aim of this dissertation is to ascertain the disparities between certain studies on

bilingualism - not to propose an inherently superior definition. This will require the work to

be as fair and impartial as possible. As differences may be exposed and compared, it is the

aim of this work to determine their reason and origin. Furthermore, should proof of such

discrepancies be found, it will also be the duty of this dissertation to ask the following

questions: Will variations in the way bilingualism is defined cause a divergence in the

findings? Would the supposed contrast in findings be evocative of divergent ideologies on

bilingualism? If so, what are the consequences of this? As bilingualism remains a transient

issue, are researchers moving away from these divergences or are the discrepancies a

symbol of further things to come?

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