ASSESSING THE CHRONOLOGY AND REWRAPPING OF FUNERARY BUNDLES AT THE PREHISPANIC RELIGIOUS CENTER OF...

ASSESSING THE CHRONOLOGY AND REWRAPPING OF FUNERARYBUNDLES AT THE PREHISPANIC RELIGIOUS CENTER OF

PACHACAMAC, PERU

Mai K. Takigami, Izumi Shimada, Rafael Segura, Sarah Muno, Hiroyuki Matsuzaki, FuyukiTokanai, Kazuhiro Kato, Hitoshi Mukai, Omori Takayuki, and Minoru Yoneda

Over 30 funerary bundles were excavated in 2005 from a large chamber tomb at the prehispanic religious center of Pacha-camac on the central coast of Peru. The largest and most elaborate bundle was found in the innermost part of the tomb,tightly surrounded by other bundles. We hypothesized that this bundle contained the deceased leader of a social group whosemembers collectively cared for their ancestor’s bundle (for example, by rewrapping it) and continued to use the tomb tointer deceased individuals from subsequent generations. We tested this hypothesis by dating samples from different layersof the wrapping materials and soft tissue from the bodies and conducting a Bayesian analysis of the resultant dates. Wedetermined carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios in the diet of the interred individuals to correct for marine reservoir effects.Our findings suggest that (1) rewrapping did not occur; (2) the tomb was used for over 500 years starting at cal A.D. 1000;and (3) existing bundles were reshuffled each time new bundles were introduced. Overall, diverse lines of evidence indicatethat the tomb had a complex use history and contained individuals with diverse geographical and social origins. This chal-lenges conventional thinking about the social and chronological significance of coexisting bundles in large tombs.

Pachacamac fue un afamado centro religioso prehispánico localizado en la costa central del Perú. En el año 2005, más de 30fardos funerarios fueron excavados en una tumba de cámara delante del Templo de Pachacamac (también conocido comoTemplo Pintado), donde se encontró el fardo más grande y elaborado en la parte más interior de la tumba, rodeado y apiñadopor otros fardos. Planteamos como hipótesis que dicho fardo contuvo al líder y ancestro del grupo social que colectivamenteestuvo a cargo de su cuidado (por ejemplo, re-enfardelándolo) y que prosiguió usando la tumba para enterrar a los miembrosfallecidos de las generaciones posteriores. Sometimos a prueba esta hipótesis mediante la datación por carbono 14 de muestrasde tejido blando y de diferentes capas de telas y otros materiales utilizados en los envoltorios de los fardos, así como a travésde un análisis estadístico Bayesiano de las fechas resultantes. Asimismo, a fin de corregir el efecto reservorio marino, deter-minamos las proporciones de isótopos de carbono y nitrógeno para estimar la importancia relativa de los recursos marinosen la dieta de los individuos enterrados. Nuestro estudio sugiere que no se practicó ninguna renovación de los fardos enterrados,que la tumba fue utilizada por más de 500 años desde 1000 cal d.C. y que los fardos fueron reacomodados espacialmente cadavez que se introdujeron nuevos fardos en la tumba. En conjunto, estas diversas líneas de evidencia indican que la tumba tuvouna historia de uso bastante larga y compleja, y que albergó fardos de individuos provenientes de diversos lugares y orígenessociales, lo que pone en duda las ideas convencionales sobre el significado social y cronológico de fardos coexistentes engrandes tumbas.

Mai K. Takigami � Faculty of Literature and Social Sciences, Yamagata University, Kojirakawa 1-4-12, Yamagata City,Yamagata, 990-0021, JAPAN ([email protected])Izumi Shimada, Rafael Segura, and Sarah Muno � Department of Anthropology, 3525 Faner Building, 1000 FanerDrive, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901-4502 , USA ([email protected], [email protected],[email protected])Hiroyuki Matsuzaki � Department of Nuclear Engineering and Management, School of Engineering, University ofTokyo, 2-11-16 Yayoi, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 113-0032, JAPAN ([email protected])Fuyuki Tokanai and Kazuhiro Kato � Department of Physics, Faculty of Science, Yamagata University, 19-5 Yujiri,Kanakame, Kaminoyama city, Yamagata 990-8560, JAPAN ([email protected], [email protected])Hitoshi Mukai � Center for Global Environmental Research, National Institute for Environmental Studies, Onogawa 16-2,Tsukuba city, Ibaraki 305-8506, JAPANOmori Takayuki and Minoru Yoneda � Laboratory of Radiocarbon Dating, The University Museum, University ofTokyo, Hongo 7-3-1, Bunkyo, Tokyo 113-0033, JAPAN ([email protected])

Latin American Antiquity 25(3), 2014, pp. 322–343Copyright © 2014 by the Society for American Archaeology

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Takigami et al.] ASSESSING THE CHRONOLOGY AND REWRAPPING OF FUNERARY BUNDLES 323

Throughout the prehispanic Central Andes,roughly corresponding to the extent ofmodern Peru, religious centers played a

critical social integrative role from at least 3000B.C. until the Spanish conquest in A.D. 1532–1535 (Bonnier 1997; Pozorski and Pozorski 2008;Shady 2008). The Spaniards documented thatPachacamac was one of the most revered religiouscenters in all of Peru (Cieza de León 1932 [1554];Estete 1985 [1534]; Garcilaso de la Vega 2006[1609]). Spanish eyewitnesses and other Colonialwriters left accounts of the fame and power ofthe oracle who resided at the Temple of Pachaca-mac (known today as the Painted Temple), whichwas dedicated to the dualistic, tellurian pre-Incapatron deity (Calancha 1976 [1638]; Cieza deLeón 1932 [1554]; Cobo 1964 [1653]; Dulanto2001; Duviols 1967, 1983; Estete 1985 [1534];Gisbert 1990; Rostworowski 1973, 1992). Uponconquering the coast around A.D. 1460, the Incaconstructed their Sun Temple adjacent to thePainted Temple, attempting to co-opt the oraclefor their own ideological and political ends (Pat-terson 1985). The fame of both the oracle andthe deity attracted many pilgrims from near anddistant regions, and the privileged few who wereallowed access to the inner sanctuary of thePainted Temple had first to endure a year-longfast in the adjacent forecourt, according to Pizarro(1959 [1553]).

Not surprisingly, since the pioneering work ofMax Uhle (1903) toward the end of the nineteenthcentury, the site has been investigated by variousPeruvian and foreign projects (see Daggett 1988;Eeckhout 1999; Shimada 1991 for summary dis-cussions of earlier fieldwork at the site). However,most archaeological work conducted at the sitehas been poorly published, limited in scope, scale,and duration, and overly concerned with highlyvisible late prehispanic monumental, elite, andreligious constructions (Kaulicke 2000; Shimada1991; Shimada et al. 2010). Additionally, heavyreliance on stylistic dating of excavated materialsand features— primarily ceramics and funerary customs— has resulted in an inadequate occupa-tional chronology of the site, particularly for theEarly Intermediate period and the Middle Horizon(Segura and Shimada 2010).

Since 2003, the Pachacamac ArchaeologicalProject (www.pachacamac.net), codirected by

Shimada, Segura, and María Rostworowski, hasconducted fieldwork at the site with the primaryaim of elucidating the social foundations of Pachacamac— i.e., the social identity, composi-tion, roles, and organization of the individualsresponsible for the daily operations, longevity,and power of Pachacamac (Shimada et al. 2005).To achieve this aim, the project excavated pre-sumed residential areas and searched for intactburials (Shimada et al. 2010).

A ground-penetrating radar survey revealed arelatively undisturbed area located within theUhle Cemetery, directly in front of the Temple ofPachacamac. Excavations in this area, designatedTrench 7-’05 and measuring 7 m by 6 m, revealeda nearly intact keyhole-shaped chamber tomb(Tomb 1-2) that contained at least 34 completefunerary bundles. Each bundle contained the com-plete or partial remains of a tightly flexed indi-vidual. This group grave was similar in form andcontents to large tombs found in the ParacasNecropolis of Wari Kayan (Dwyer and Dwyer1975; Tello and Mejía 1979). There, tombs con-tained relatively small funerary bundles arrangedaround one or a few centrally placed large bun-dles. Based on this historical antecedent, we hy-pothesized that Tomb 1-2 was built by a commu-nity or lineage that shared a single ancestor andwhose descendants used the tomb repeatedly butintermittently. Although it is uncommon for somany funerary bundles to be methodically placedin a single tomb at Pachacamac, our excavationof Trench 7-’05 also documented two similarlylarge chamber tombs in the adjacent area just tothe north of Tomb 1-2. Subsequent to our exca-vation, Peter Eeckhout and his team recoverednumerous dispersed human burials that were in apoorer overall state of preservation in three suc-cessive layers below the walls built just north ofthe Uhle Cemetery (Eeckhout 2010; Eeckhoutand Owens 2008). Their contexts and treatmentssuggest individuals of lower social positions thanthose described here.

The excavated funerary bundles and associatedhuman remains and offerings were subjected toa variety of archaeometric analyses to define theirchemical and mineral composition, radiocarbondate, geographical provenience, and biologicalfeatures (e.g., age, sex, mtDNA, and develop-mental health), as well as their social position

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and ethnic identity (Shimada et al. 2010). A keycomponent of our interdisciplinary study was thesystematic radiocarbon dating by accelerator massspectrometry (AMS) of the funerary bundles andtheir human remains, together with complemen-tary carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis.We have already reported on the exploratory 14Cdates from the clothes in the bundles (Shimadaet al. 2010).

However, samples of the cloth and other or-ganic materials that wrapped or otherwise encasedthe corpse do not always provide an accurate datefor the death of the individual or for the originalpreparation of a bundle. Ethnohistorical docu-ments record widespread ancestor worship amongmany societies in the Inca Empire; in the high-lands, mummified corpses were carefully pre-served in caves and other protective shelters andcared for by the living (Betanzos 1987 [1551];Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980 [1615]; Isbell 1997;Kaulicke 2000; MacCormack 1991; Salomon1995). Ancestors periodically received food,drink, and new clothing or wrappings. In the caseof the Paracas Necropolis, elaborate bundles usedstylistically different textiles for the inner andouter layers (Dwyer and Dwyer 1975). Addition-ally, there is now ample archaeological documen-tation of the widespread pre-Inca practices, preva-lent along much of the Peruvian coast, of delayedinterment, tomb visitation, and alteration of hu-man and other tomb contents long after originalinterment (Arriaza 1995; Hecker and Hecker1992; Millaire 2002; Nelson 1998; Shimada etal. 2004, 2012).

A further complicating factor is that direct 14Cdating of human tissue does not always providean accurate date for the death of the individual.The heavy consumption of marine protein by theprehispanic inhabitants of coastal Peru can leadto a significant disparity between the 14C age andthe true age of the remains due to the marine reser-voir effect (Stuiver et al. 1986; Stuiver and Braz-iunas 1993). This reservoir effect, which resultsin anomalously old radiocarbon ages, is causedin part by the upwelling of very old oceanic watersin the Humboldt Current. This effectively distortsthe 14C content of the surface water, and hence ofthe organisms that live and feed in it. The marinereservoir effect in fauna from the Peruvian coastcan be as large as 550–650 radiocarbon years and

may affect the measured age of human remainsdue to their high consumption of seafood (Joneset al. 2007; Owen 2002).

It is apparent that the active and lasting rela-tionship between the living and the dead, the at-tendant manipulation of the funerary process orof the bundles themselves, and the marine reser-voir effect could all pose a significant barrier toour attempts to accurately determine the chronol-ogy of funerary bundles and activities associatedwith the tomb.

In this paper we determine the “biography” oruse history of the tomb by (1) establishing thetiming of the death of each one of the individualsencased in the funerary bundles and (2) evaluatingthe possibility that rewrapping occurred. We dothis by comparing the 14C dates obtained from thetissues of the mummies with samples obtainedfrom their clothes and by refining the dates of thebundles through the use of Bayesian statistics.

The Site of PachacamacThe site of Pachacamac is located on the centralcoast of Peru, .5 km northeast of the Pacific and25 km southeast of Lima (Figure 1). Standing ar-chitecture and other cultural remains occupy anarea of about 5 km2 on a sand-covered pedimentoverlooking the Pacific, the mouth of the LurínRiver, and the Urpi Kocha lagoon (Shimada etal. 2012; Winsborough et al. 2012). Based pri-marily on pottery and architectural styles, the cul-tural chronology of the site has been divided intofour periods: Lima (ca. A.D. 350–650), Pachaca-mac (ca. A.D. 650–1000), Ychsma (ca. A.D.1000–1470), and Inca (ca. A.D. 1470–1533) (Shi-mada 1991; Shimada et al. 2010).

Reflecting the emphasis of nearly all prior pro-jects, most of the reported 14C dates for the site ofPachacamac are from monumental architecturalcontexts (Paredes and Franco 1985, 1987; Ravinesand Alvarez 1967). Additionally, the small numberof samples and their dispersed contexts do not al-low statistical analysis of their reliability. Accord-ing to Paredes and Franco (1985, 1987), Pyramidwith Ramps II, constructed during the Ychsmaperiod, dates to between 654 ± 80 B.P. and 600 ±70 B.P. based on samples from a wooden linteland a wooden post, respectively. The Painted Tem-ple, built in the Pachacamac phase, was dated to

324 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 3, 2014

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1180 ± 70 B.P. based on a sample from a lúcuma(Pouteria obovata) post inside the circular pedestalbase on top of the temple.

As an extension of their detailed investigationof the Ychsma-period occupational history atPachacamac, Eeckhout and his colleagues, espe-cially Adam Michczynski, dated many samplesfrom different pyramids with ramps. Michczynskiet al. (2003) report on dates obtained from sam-ples (wood, charcoal, grains, and other macrob-otanical remains) derived from excavations atPyramid with Ramps III, located in the north-eastern sector of the site. Their dates, calculatedwith Bayesian methods, show that Pyramid withRamps III was built around the same time asPyramid with Ramps II and saw subsequent useand rebuilding until the end of the Ychsma periodor the beginning of the Inca period.

More recently, Michczynski et al. (2007) datedsamples derived from the Temple of the Monkey,which was built before Pyramid with Ramps IIIand was used for 150 years until Spanish conquestin A.D. 1535. Based on the intensity and extentof construction and occupation at Pachacamac,the modification of the series of monumentalpyramids with ramps, and the greater size andquality of these pyramids relative to others of thesame type found elsewhere, Eeckhout (1999,

2003) argues that the site served as the capital ofa multi-valley Ychsma ethnic polity and that theperiod of its regional political dominance repre-sented the pinnacle of the long site history ofPachacamac.

The site of Pachacamac was divided into foursectors (see Figure 1). The two southernmost sec-tors (I and II) housed all of the site’s major adobemounds and temples. The well-known Inca SunTemple, the Painted Temple, and the earlier LimaTemple were found in the most sacred area, SectorI. According to written records from the SpanishColonial period (Cieza de León 1932 [1554]; Es-tete 1985 [1534]; Garcilaso de la Vega 2006[1609]), many pilgrims came from all over Peru,and some waited for up to a year in the outerareas of the site to be close to the deity that theyvenerated. However, only members of the elitecould enter Sector I and have the privilege of be-ing buried close to the Painted Temple.

However, our excavations in 2003 and 2005of the pre-Inca levels (predominantly from theYchsma period) of the Pilgrims’ Plaza yieldedample and diverse lines of evidence of early springritual activities and offerings, suggesting thatmembers of diverse ethnic and social groups hadaccess to the sacred ground immediately in frontof the Painted Temple (Shimada et al. 2010). The


Figure 1. Map of the site of Pachacamac and its location in Peru (inset) (illustration by G. Matsumoto based on site GIS).

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mummies analyzed in the present study were ex-cavated from the very sacred ground immediatelyin front of the Painted Temple (see Figure 1).

Tomb 1-2 and Its Funerary BundlesGiven the sacred nature of the area close to thePainted Temple, it was not surprising that ourexcavation of Trench 7-’05 revealed that it hadbeen intensely used as a burial ground for cen-turies and that there had been competition forthe privilege of being buried there. In additionto Tomb 1-2, our excavation exposed various fu-nerary bundles adjacent to the south side of thetomb (Shimada et al. 2010). Some of these wereintact, while others had been disturbed in bothprehispanic and modern times. The burial cham-ber measured 2.25 m wide, at least 3.27 m long,and 1.53 m deep. It was defined by walls madeof small adobe bricks and rectangular stoneblocks and was covered by a roof of superim-posed layers of cattail (Typha sp.) leaves sup-ported by 12 lúcuma beams and posts. Therooftop was only 15–20 cm below the originalsurface of the cemetery.

Tomb 1-2 was apparently built during the earlyYchsma period, based on the style of associatedceramics and the fact that it intruded upon anddisturbed a late provincial Wari (stylistically Mid-dle Horizon Phase III) burial, as well as two ear-lier Lima-period burials. The tomb contained atleast 34 relatively well-preserved funerary bun-dles divided into lower and upper levels by alayer of interlaced junco (rush; Juncus sp.) mat-ting (Figures 2 and 3). The eastern end of thetomb remains unexcavated and may contain afew additional funerary bundles. The lower andupper levels contained 27 and 7 tightly packedbundles, respectively.

Although a detailed description of the materialsand construction of the bundles is beyond the scopeof this paper, they can be briefly summarized here.Bundle size (excluding artificial [“false”] heads)varied considerably: the largest measured roughly80 cm in both diameter and height, while the small-est measured 25 cm in diameter and 45 cm inheight. Analysis of the skeletal remains found in-side the bundles that we unwrapped or that wereexposed in decomposed bundles suggests that 19large bundles contained adults, while the remaining

17 smaller ones encased the corpses of fetuses,newborns, or juveniles.

The adult bundles were prepared in a nestedmanner starting with a tightly flexed mummy orarticulated skeleton, often with some preservedsoft tissue, most commonly wrapped in a cottonshroud. In the case of Fardo B, the largest andmost elaborate funerary bundle, the mummy wasdressed in a fine-quality decorated tunic ofcamelid fiber (Figures 4 and 5). Particular carehad been taken to protect the heads by wrappingthem with one or more pieces of cloth, often dec-orated. The cloth-wrapped mummy was then en-cased in a coarse sack or net woven from thickropes of junco or reeds (Scirpus sp.) that wereknotted together to create a spherical form. Bun-dled junco or reed, unprocessed cotton bolls, andother plant materials were stuffed inside and out-side the sack or net. The resulting bundle wascovered by a cotton bag (usually plain-weave) orwrapped in a large cloth that was formed bysewing together smaller pieces of cloth (Figure6). The preceding steps were repeated with somedegree of variation until the desired form andsize were achieved.

After three or four layers were formed, one ortwo wood or cane poles, roughly 60 to 70 cm inlength, were placed vertically for support alongeach side of the encased corpse (see Díaz andVallejo 2005:297–300). The use of these lateralsupports seems to have been restricted to theYchsma funerary bundles and provided stabilityto the body, assuring that it stayed upright, andhelped with transport of the bundle before andafter the primary interment (Shimada et al.2010:134). Additionally, a large, shallow gourdplate ringed with bundled junco or reed wasplaced at the bottom of the flexed mummy forgreater stability.

The final steps of bundle preparation includedencasing the whole bundle in a large cloth bagthat seems to have symbolized a tunic, as well asplacing one or more small cloth bags on the ex-terior. Some bundles (e.g., Fardos B and U) alsohad a “false head” formed with bundled junco orreed ropes and other plant materials placed insidea cloth bag and sewn onto the top of the bundle.

Fardo B was exceptional not only for beingthe largest in size, but also for having the mostelaborate construction. It had a pair of decorative


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Figure 2. Upper level of Tomb 1-2.

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Figure 3. Lower level of Tomb 1-2.

Figure 4. Complete Fardo B, as found in Tomb 1-2 (photograph by I. Shimada).

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Figure 5. The mummy covered with a tunic inside Fardo B (photograph by I. Shimada).

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cloth strips sewn onto its exterior “tunic,” acinnabar-painted wooden mask, and a headdress(see Figure 4; Segura et al. 2006; Shimada et al.2010). The feathers used in the headdress appearto be from the guacamayo (blue-yellow macaw;Ara ararauna) (George Olah, personal commu-nication 2011), which is widely distributed in theAmazon. The presence of a mask, a feather head-dress, and cinnabar paint was indicative of highstatus on the pre-Inca north and central coasts(Shimada et al. 2004; Degano and Colombini2009). Cinnabar paint prepared from finelyground reddish mercuric sulfide (HgS) waswidely used for centuries in the funerary prepa-ration of deceased elites among prehispaniccoastal cultures and may have come from thewell-known mercury mine of Huancavelica inthe south-central highlands of Peru (Cooke et al.

2009, 2013; also Brooke et al. 2013). The con-temporary Sicán culture (A.D. 900–1375) of thenorth coast reserved cinnabar for elite burials,while reddish hematite (a form of iron oxide,Fe2O3) was used for commoners (Shimada 1995).

Osteological analysis of human remains waspossible for 10 of the funerary bundles and forthe burial (Entierro AH) adjacent to Tomb 1-2,also included in this sample. Human remainswere unwrapped from all bundles that remainedonly partially intact at the time of excavation,and in two cases (Fardos B and W) completelyintact bundles were unwrapped in the laboratoryat the Pachacamac Site Museum. Preservationwas excellent, with most bundles containing com-plete or nearly complete individuals that retainedsome hair, skin, and muscle tissue. Even the smallbones of the hands and feet were present, sug-


Figure 6. Photograph of Fardo U showing the netting and the overlying cloth, as well as the cane supports flanking themummified remains inside (photograph by I. Shimada).

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gesting that most individuals were tightly flexedand then bundled as fully articulated corpses soonafter death. In the sandy matrix immediately southof Tomb 1-2, we documented a series of roughlycircular bundle bases that had decomposed, eachwith a partially preserved gourd vessel and du-plicate hand and foot bones, providing furthersupport for the hypothesis that Tomb 1-2 hadbeen subject to occasional episodes of rearrange-ment and alteration throughout its use history. Ascorpses decomposed and bundles were relocated,the small bones of the hands and feet would bethe most likely to scatter and become incorporatedinto the surrounding matrix.

The age and sex of each individual analyzedare reported in Table 1. Infection, osteoarthritis,and dental problems including carious lesions,extreme dental wear, and antemortem tooth losswere the most common pathologies observed inthis sample. Surprisingly, the presumed elite in-dividual in Fardo B did not seem to experienceany discernible advantages in terms of healthcompared with the rest of the sample and wassimilarly affected by dental wear and decay, in-fection, and osteoarthritis. Several crania pre-sented flattening of the occipital region that wasoften asymmetrical (more pronounced on the rightside) and varied significantly between individualsin terms of severity and extent. The observedmorphologies are more consistent with uninten-tional cranial changes that result from cradlingor swaddling during infancy than with changescaused by intentional shape-altering practices,and, therefore, in this sample, cranial shape isnot useful as a marker of ethnic identity or as-cribed social status.

There is good evidence that the funerary pro-cessing of at least some individuals included in-tentional commingling and disarticulation. Bun-dles O and W contained nearly completeindividuals as well as duplicate elements of thespine and pelvis, respectively. In the case of bun-dle W, it is interesting to note that the duplicatebone was placed in the innermost layer of thebundle, directly on top of the primary individual,and in correct anatomical position. Bundles Q,R, and W were missing crania, but otherwise con-tained complete or nearly complete post-cranialskeletons. It remains unclear whether these craniawere removed via decapitation prior to the

bundling of the corpses or at some point afterinitial funerary preparation, although the latteroption seems more consistent with the data. Whilethe crania were not present for observation, otherskeletal elements likely to be affected by decap-itation, such as the cervical vertebrae, were freeof cut marks. In one case (Bundle Q), it was ap-parent that the cloth wrappings were cut at theupper frontal region of the bundle, perhaps to re-move the head cleanly after the bundle had beencompleted (Shimada et al. 2010). This is a raredocumented instance of intentional cutting of pre-hispanic Andean cloth (Mary Frame, personalcommunication 2006). There was no evidence ofthe cut having been sewn back together.

The removal or exclusion of certain skeletalelements and the inclusion of remains from mul-tiple individuals in a single bundle could certainlyhave taken place during rewrapping events, andyet there is little additional osteological evidenceto suggest that such rewrapping occurred. In fact,the largely intact skeletons found within nearlyall bundles are in direct contrast to what wouldbe expected if individuals were wrapped and/ordressed multiple times over an extended periodof time. Rewrapping seems unlikely from the os-teological data; if it did in fact occur, it wouldhave taken place before significant decompositionof the soft tissues of the corpses.

Samples and MethodsForty-seven samples of wrapping materials (cot-ton cloths, plant fiber ropes, and bundle stuffing),and 35 samples of muscle tissue were collectedfrom the funerary bundles excavated from Tomb1-2 and adjacent areas within Trench 7-’05. Ofthese, 22 cloth samples and 5 soft tissue samplesunderwent radiocarbon dating at the Universityof Tokyo, 2 cloth samples were dated at Beta An-alytic, Inc., and 6 muscle samples were dated atYamagata University. Values of �13C and �15Nwere also obtained from six samples at the Na-tional Institute for Environmental Studies, Japan.Plant PretreatmentPretreatment methods for cloth, rope, and netsamples followed those outlined by Brock et al.(2010). Between 100 and 200 mg of the organicsample material were subjected to ultrasonic


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cleaning to remove surface dirt and then soakedin methanol and chloroform (2:1 v/v) for two tothree hours to remove lipids. Samples were thenrinsed with ultra-pure water (Milli-Q). Followingthat, they were soaked in 1.2 M HCl at 80 °C forup to 12 hours to remove inorganic carbonate.The cloths were then either steeped in .2 M NaOHat 80 °C for 3 to 5 hours or in hot .5 M NaOH for1 hour to remove any fulvic and humic acids (de-rived from soil organic matter) adhering to thesamples. Finally, the samples were soaked in 1.2M HCl at 80 °C to remove CO2 that was blendedinto the NaOH solution.Pretreatment of Human Soft TissueThe methods described by Brock et al. (2010)were also used to pretreat the preserved humansoft tissue (i.e., muscle and hair) samples. Aftersoaking in methanol and chloroform (2:1 v/v),tissue samples were soaked in .5 M HCl andheated to 20 °C for 12 hours, then soaked in .2 MNaOH for 4 to 5 hours or .5 M NaOH for 1 hour.Finally, samples were soaked in .5 M HCl at 25°C for 3 to 4 hours.Graphitization and Radiocarbon MeasurementAll samples, containing 1 mg of carbon, wereburned in air-evacuated tubes at 850 °C using thedual quartz tube method (Minagawa et al. 1984).The gas generated was cryogenically purified toCO2 gas in a vacuum line. The CO2 was convertedto graphite by heating to 650 °C in the presence ofH2 and 1 mg of iron powder (Kitagawa et al. 1993).

Samples were measured for radiocarbon con-tent using a series of standards of known age atthe University of Tokyo Micro Analysis Labora-tory Tandem Accelerator (MALT), the YamagataUniversity Kaminoyama Research Institute AMSCenter (YU-AMS), and Beta Analytic, Inc. (Mat-suzaki et al. 2007; Tokanai et al. 2011). We usedthe weighted average efficiency for cases in whichtwo 14C dates were proven indistinguishable ac-cording to the �2 test; otherwise, we calculatedthe arithmetic mean value. To calibrate conven-tional radiocarbon ages, we used the OxCal 4.1calibration program and the IntCal09 dataset(Bronk Ramsey 2009a; Reimer et al. 2009). Al-though SHCal is the calibration curve most com-monly used for the Southern Hemisphere (Mc-Cormac et al. 2004), we consider the Northern

Hemisphere IntCal09 curve to be more appropri-ate because the site of Pachacamac is locatedclose to the Intertropical Convergence Zone (lat-itude 12°S), while SHCal was created using databased on a latitude of 55–30°S (Michczynski etal. 2007). To correct for the marine reservoir ef-fect in human tissues, a local correction value(�R) from the nearby Callao Bay (183 ± 18 and194 ± 23 14C years) was partially applied (Joneset al. 2007). In this case, an arithmetic mean value(187 ± 29 14C years) was added to the Marine04data, and a mixed calibration curve was generatedby OxCal that incorporated an estimate of theproportion of seafood in the diet derived fromthe �13C and �15N analysis.Measurement of Stable Isotope RatiosCarbon and nitrogen isotope ratios preserved inhuman soft tissue were measured using a Carlo-Elba EA1500 (combustion system), FinniganConflo II (interface), and Finnigan MAT252 (Iso-tope Ratio Mass Spectrometer) at the NationalInstitute for Environmental Studies, Tsukuba,Japan. The samples, weighing .2–.3 mg, werepacked into tin cups and loaded by an auto sam-pler. The standard deviations estimated from run-ning standards are .2‰ and .4‰ for �13C and�15N, respectively.

ResultsWe first compared the apparent 14C ages of softtissue and cloth samples from the mummies todetermine the timing of their deaths and the extentof any rewrapping (Table 2). The 14C dates ob-tained from muscle tissue samples from five fu-nerary bundles— Fardos Q, R, U, W, and an in-trusive bundle (Tomb 1-2 Fardo E, labeledI.T.E.)—and a hair sample from the largest bundle(Fardo B) were older than those obtained fromthe wrapping materials of the same bundles.Based on the local marine reservoir age (ca. 550–650 14C years), the age gap between body andwrapping (14C age gap: 183–392 14C years) couldhave been caused by the marine radiocarbonreservoir effect through seafood consumption.

We also quantitatively assessed the probabilityof rewrapping by estimating calibrated and cor-rected 14C ages of the human remains. In general,the apparent 14C age of marine organisms can be


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Takigami et al.] ASSESSING THE CHRONOLOGY AND REWRAPPING OF FUNERARY BUNDLES 333Ta

ble 1.

Summ

ary of

Age

, Sex

, and

14C

Dates

of ea

ch In

dividu

al.

Fune

ral

Ag

e

C

alibr

ated A

ge

Calib

rated

Age

Conte

xt

Fard

o

C

atego

ry

Lev

el

Sexa

14

C Ag

e (B.

P.)

L

ab N

o.

(ca

l A.D

.) 1σ

(

cal A

.D.)

2σ

δ

13C

(‰)

Tomb

1-2

A

Adu

lt

Upp

er

―

509 ±

38

MTC

-1100

4

140

0–14

40 (6

8.2%)

1

320–

1350

(13.1

%)

-2

3.5

1390

–145

0 (82

.3%)

To

mb 1-

2

B

main

40–4

9 yea

rs

L

ower

M

69

8 ± 19

b

―

1

275–

1295

(68.2

%)

127

0–13

00 (8

9.1%)

-24.5

1

370–

1380

(6.3%

)

To

mb 1-

2

D

A

dult

L

ower

―

45

9 ± 49

M

TC-12

547

1

410–

1450

(68.2

%)

132

5–13

45 (4

.4%)

-24.6

13

90–1

475 (

91.0%

)

Tomb

1-2

E

Adu

lt

Low

er

―

651 ±

43

MTC

-1254

5

128

5–13

15 (3

1.6%)

1

280–

1400

(95.4

%)

-2

3.5

135

5–13

90 (3

6.6%)

To

mb 1-

2

F

Adult

Lowe

r

―

471 ±

49

MTC

-1254

8

141

0–14

50 (6

8.2%)

1

320–

1350

(7.4%

)

-2

5.6

1390

-1470

(88.0

%)

To

mb 1-

2

J

Infan

t

Upp

er

―

634 ±

83

MTC

-1317

7

128

5–14

00 (6

8.2%)

1

245–

1435

(95.4

%)

―

Tomb

1-2

K

Infa

nt

Upp

er

―

627 ±

37

MTC

-1100

5

129

5–13

20 (2

5.7%)

1

290–

1400

(95.4

%)

-2

3.9

135

0–13

90 (4

2.5%)

To

mb 1-

2

L

A

dult

U

pper

―

76

7 ± 42

M

TC-12

549

1

225–

1275

(68.2

%)

118

5–12

90 (9

5.4%)

-27.8

To

mb 1-

2

O

39–

44 ye

ars

L

ower

M

66

5 ± 37

M

TC-11

006

1

280–

1310

(35.9

%)

127

0–13

30 (4

9.5%)

-24.2

1

360–

1390

(32.3

%)

134

0–13

95 (4

5.9%)

Tomb

1-2

P

Adu

lt

Low

er

―

584 ±

49

MTC

-1255

0

131

0–13

60 (4

7.3%)

1

290–

1425

(95.4

%)

-2

7.0

138

5–14

10 (2

0.9%)

To

mb 1-

2

Q

35–

44 ye

ars

L

ower

F

10

66 ±

41

MTC

-1178

7

970

–102

0 (68

.2%)

9

00–1

030 (

95.4%

)

-2

3.4

Tomb

1-2

R

4

5–59

years

Low

er

F

765 ±

38

MTC

-1100

7

123

0–12

80 (6

8.2%)

1

190–

1195

(0.5%

)

-2

5.0

1210

–129

0 (94

.9%)

To

mb 1-

2

T

A

dult

L

ower

―

81

9 ± 49

M

TC-12

551

1

180–

1265

(68.2

%)

105

0–10

85 (5

.7%)

-25.6

1

125–

1140

(1.5%

)

11

50–1

280 (

88.2%

)

Tomb

1-2

U

2

2–30

years

Low

er

M

638 ±

37

MTC

-1100

8

129

0–13

20 (2

7.7%)

1

285–

1400

(95.4

%)

-2

4.6

135

0–13

90 (4

0.5%)

To

mb 1-

2

V

34–

49 ye

ars

L

ower

M

60

1 ± 38

M

TC-11

009

1

305–

1365

(53.9

%)

129

5–14

10 (9

5.4%)

-24.0

1

385–

1400

(14.3

%)

Tomb

1-2

W

50

–61 y

ears

Low

er

F

1185

± 51

M

TC-11

788

930–

990 (

68.2%

)

870

–102

0 (95

.4%)

-23.8

To

mb 1-

2

X

30–

39 ye

ars

L

ower

F

57

6 ± 41

M

TC-12

552

1

315–

1355

(44.5

%)

130

0–14

25 (9

5.4%)

-26.7

1

390–

1410

(23.7

%)

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334 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 3, 2014Ta

ble 1

(conti

nued

). Su

mmary

of A

ge, S

ex, a

nd14

C Da

tes of

each

Indiv

idual.

Fune

ral

Ag

e

C

alibr

ated A

ge

Calib

rated

Age

Conte

xt

Fard

o

C

atego

ry

Lev

el

Sexa

14

C Ag

e (B.

P.)

L

ab N

o.

(ca

l A.D

.) 1σ

(

cal A

.D.)

2σ

δ

13C

(‰)

Tomb

1-2

Y

Adu

lt

Low

er

―

845 ±

37

MTC

-1101

0

116

0–12

40 (6

8.2%)

1

050–

1085

(7.7%

)

-2

4.2

112

5–11

40 (2

.1%)

1150

–127

0 (85

.6%)

To

mb 1-

2

Z

45–

49 ye

ars

L

ower

M

65

9 ± 38

M

TC-11

011

1

285–

1310

(34.1

%)

127

5–13

30 (4

7.3%)

-24.7

1

360–

1390

(34.1

%)

134

0–13

95 (4

8.1%)

Tomb

1-2

A

A

In

fant

L

ower

―

61

9 ± 42

M

TC-12

553

1

300–

1325

(24.7

%)

129

0–14

05 (9

5.4%)

-25.9

1

345–

1395

(43.5

%)

I.T.E

.c

―

35

–55 y

ears

―

M

753 ±

36

MTC

-1178

9

123

0–12

35 (4

.3%)

12

15–1

290 (

95.4%

)

-25

.5

1

240–

1285

(63.9

%)

Entie

rro A

H

A In

d. 1

Inf

ant

L

ower

―

100

2 ± 41

M

TC-11

790

9

90–1

045 (

52.1%

)

975

–106

0 (61

.4%)

-27.1

1

095–

1120

(13.6

%)

107

0–11

55 (3

4.0%)

11

40–1

150 (

2.5%)

a M

= M

ale an

d F =

Fema

le.

b Ave

rage v

alue o

f fou

r mea

surem

ents,

descr

ibed i

n deta

il in t

he te

xt.

c I.T.E

. is an

abbre

viatio

n for

Intrus

ion to

Tomb

1-2 F

ardo E

.

Table

2. Su

mmary

of C

onve

ntion

al, C

alibra

ted, a

nd C

orrec

ted 14

C Ag

es an

d the

Diff

erenc

e betw

een D

ates O

btaine

d from

Mus

cle an

d Wrap

ping C

loths

in th

e Bun

dles f

rom To

mb 1-

2

Ca

librat

ed A

ge w

ith

C

alibr

ated A

ge w

ith

Hu

man T

issue

Cloth

IntC

al09 (

cal A

.D.)

Mix_

Curve

(cal

A.D.

)

14

C ag

e gap

Fa

rdo

14

C Ag

e (B.

P.)

L

ab no

.

14C-

age (

B.P.)

La

b no.

Ht-C

l (ye

ar)a

Cl

oth (1

σ)

Clot

h (2σ

)

M

uscle

(1σ)

Mus

cle (2

σ)Q

1

145 ±

20

MTC

-1179

1 YU-

293

896

± 53

M

TC-11

787

249

± 57

105

0–12

10

1020

–123

0

1

230–

1270

121

0–12

80R

1

071 ±

21

M

TC-11

792,

YU-29

4

7

25 ±

29

MTC

-1100

7

3

46 ±

36

1

265–

1290

12

25–1

380

128

0–13

05

1

265–

1325

U

962

± 10

8b

M

TC-11

793,

YU-29

5

5

70 ±

28

MTC

-1100

8

3

92 ±

112

1

320–

1410

13

05–1

420

132

0–14

85

1

270–

1630

W

109

8 ± 19

MTC

-1179

4, YU

-296

915

± 55

M

TC-11

788

183

± 58

104

0–11

70

1020

–122

0

1

180–

1230

117

0–12

50I.T

.E

950 ±

18

MTC

-1179

5, YU

-297

744

± 53

M

TC-11

789

206

± 56

123

0–12

90

1170

–139

0

1

280–

1300

127

0–13

00B

916 ±

22

YU-

292

698

± 19

c

―

218

± 29

1280

–129

0

1

275–

1290

125

0–12

80

1

225–

1280

a Diff

erenc

e betw

een 14

C ag

es of

huma

n tiss

ue an

d clot

h.

b A

rithm

etic m

ean v

alue,

beca

use n

ot co

nside

red eq

uivale

nt ba

sed on

chi-s

quare

test.

c Ave

rage v

alue o

f fou

r mea

surem

ents,

descr

ibed i

n deta

il in t

he te

xt.

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calibrated using the global reservoir value re-flected in the Marine04 dataset (McCormac etal. 2004), together with a local marine reservoircorrection (�R: 187 ± 29 14C years in the case ofcoastal Peru). For human tissues containing bothmarine and terrestrial proteins, we applied amixed calibration curve that combines terrestrialand marine datasets based on the percentage ofmarine protein in the diet. As marine protein alsocontributes significantly to the enrichment of 15N,and because �13C can be affected by maize con-sumption, we estimated seafood consumption us-ing values of � 15N and �13C in the Isoconc dietmixing model (Phillips and Koch 2002; Table 3;Figure 7). We assumed three end-members: C3plants (�13C: –24.5‰, �15N: 2.4‰, %C: 40.2, %N:2.6; average value estimates based on potato andbeans), maize (�13C: -10.4‰, �15N: 6.9‰, %C:40.4, %N: 1.2), and fish (� 13C: –14.7‰, �15N:18.8‰, %C: 40.7, %N: 10.6) and correlated iso-topic fractionation between human tissues (mus-cle and hair) and consumed foods (Arneson et al.2006; DeNiro and Hastorf 1985; Hückstädt et al.2007; Szpak et al. 2013; White et al. 2009). Thecalibrated and corrected 14C ages for the humanremains and calibrated data for the wrapping ma-terials are shown in Table 2.

We compared the calibrated ages of the wrap-ping cloth with the marine-reservoir correctedand calibrated ages for each individual and foundlittle difference. The dates agree within a rangeof 2� for the cloth and corrected soft tissue sam-

ples (Table 2). The calibrated ages from Fardo Rand I.T.E. agreed within 1�, while samples fromFardos Q, W, and B agreed at the 2� level. De-spite large errors associated with the 14C ages ofmuscle samples from Fardo U, the calibrated agesof the cloth and muscle corrected for the marinereservoir effect generally agreed with each other.Consequently, we believe that rewrapping eitherdid not occur or was completed within a shortperiod after death.

The largest and most elaborate funerary bundle(Fardo B) was hypothesized as the principal (“an-cestor”) bundle and the first to be placed in Tomb1-2, with the other funerary bundles subsequentlyplaced around it. We carefully examined the pos-sibility that Fardo B was rewrapped by measuringdistinct samples from three layers of wrapping.We measured the exterior layer twice and alsotook samples from the second and fifth layers.The fifth layer was not the innermost one, butrather a plant fiber net very close to the body thatprevented the mummy bundle from collapsing.A �2 test, carried out with the Combine functionwithin the Oxcal program, on the dates obtainedfrom the three layers of cloth— exterior layer:667 ± 28 B.P. (MTC-12440); exterior layer: 705± 43 B.P. (MTC-12546); second layer: 760 ± 40B.P. (Beta-244629); and fifth layer: 690 ± 40 B.P.(Beta-244628)—confirmed that these four datescan be regarded as contemporaneous (T = 3.7; df= 3; 7.8; p < .05) (Ward and Wilson 1978).

In addition, we conducted an outlier test using


Figure 7. Concentration-dependent mixing triangle based on the Isoconc diet-mixing model (Phillips and Koch 2002).

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Figure 8. Calibrated ages of cloths from the mummies in Tomb 1-2.

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the Outlier Model function within Oxcal (BronkRamsey 2009b). We used the s-type outlier modelwith a probability of .05 for each outlier, withthe exception of one of the cloths, which wassuspected of being wrapped in a later period. Theresults of the test indicated that there were nooutliers present within the dates obtained fromthe wrapping materials of Fardo B (agreementindex: 90.9 in this model). Therefore, both theinner and outer materials wrapping the mummycan be interpreted to be of the same age, sug-gesting that Fardo B had not been rewrappedsince original interment.

Based on this evidence, we can assume that 14Cdates obtained from cloth wrapping at this siteserve as good estimates of the timing of mummi-fication. The absence of pupae and maggots ofsarcosaprophagous flies inside the bundles (seeFaulkner 1986) suggests that the corpses were ei-ther bundled soon after death, before the onset ofputrefaction, or after natural mummification wascompleted. On this basis, we propose a chrono-logical framework for the intact burials in Tomb1-2 based on the dates obtained from the cloths ofeach mummy. We calibrated the 14C ages to calen-dar ages and simulated the start and end boundariesusing a Bayesian analysis with a group model,employing the Oxcal software program (Figure 8;Bronk Ramsey 1995, 2009a). The oldest funerarybundle, Fardo W, was dated to 1185 ± 51 B.P. (calA.D. 930–990 at 1s) and was found close to therooftop entrance to Tomb 1-2. In contrast, the mostrecent funerary bundle in Tomb 1-2 was Fardo D,dated to 459 ± 49 B.P. (cal A.D. 1410–1450 at1�). Therefore, the series of mummies placed inTomb 1-2 represent a wide time period of 470–580 years (1�), or 435–670 years (2�), suggestinga long and complex history of tomb usage.

Our findings do not support the hypothesisthat Fardo B was buried first as the primary an-cestor and was followed by the addition of otherfunerary bundles. Instead, they suggest that the11 individuals, including Fardo B, were bundledaround the same time. To test this proposition,we attempted to determine whether the dates ob-tained from the wrapping materials of the mum-mies were synchronous using the Outlier Modelwithin Oxcal (Bronk Ramsey 2009b). The resultsconfirm the hypothesis that the preparation andinferred entombment of 11 bundles from FardoB to Fardo X were almost contemporaneous(Agreement Index: 73.8).

We divided the calibrated ages into three pos-sible groups based on notable cultural transitions.Group I, with three individuals (Fardos Q and Wand Entierro AH), corresponds to a transitionalperiod between the earlier Pachacamac (MiddleHorizon) and the initial Ychsma periods. GroupII, composed of 16 individuals, is consistent withthe Yschma-period culture. Group III (Fardos D,F, and A) is assigned to the late Ychsma andinitial Inca periods. To determine the inferred or-der in which the mummies were placed in Tomb1-2, we plotted the positions of the individualswithin these three groups (Figures 9, 10). Twomummies in Group I were found near the en-trance, while Fardos D, F, and A of the youngerGroup III were placed around Fardo B, in the in-nermost area of tomb. This pattern does not agreewith the supposition that the chronology of Tomb1-2 started with the ancestral burial of Fardo B.

Discussion

Rewrapping of MummiesAs noted above, prehispanic Andean funerarypractices were quite diverse and complex, ofteninvolving delayed interment, curation, and rebur-ial (see Millaire 2002; Rakita et al. 2005; Shimadaand Fitzsimmons 2012). Prolonged interactionbetween the dead and the living thus raises thepossibility that funerary bundles could berewrapped.

At Pachacamac, Michczynski et al. (2007:568)used Bayesian methods to test this possibility forthe reburied bundle of an adult woman recoveredat the Temple of the Monkey (Eeckhout 2002).


Table 3. Estimation of the Relative Significance of MarineResource in Diet using Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope

Ratios. δ13C (‰) �15N (‰) Marine (%)-12.8 ± .7 20.3 ± .4 65 -10.8 ± .6 20.9 ± .4 66 -12.2 ± .6 20.9 ± .4 76 -11.3 ± .6 19.7 ± .4 47 -11.2 ± .6 19.4 ± .4 43 -11.8 ± .7 17.6 ± .6 28

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Using the Span function within the Oxcal pro-gram, they estimated a rewrapping time span offewer than 50 years with a probability of 68.2percent. They did not, however, carry out a testwith the Combine function to see whether radio-carbon dates all related to the same event— inother words, to test whether all of the organicsamples were formed with the same radiocarbonreservoir at the same time. A �2 test on the tworadiocarbon dates reported in Michczynski et al.

(2007)—430 ± 45 B.P. for the first burial and400 ± 40 B.P. for the second burial— confirmedthat these two dates can be regarded as contem-poraneous (T = .2; df = 1, 3.8; p <.05). Therefore,as with our study of Fardo B, it cannot be saidwith confidence that this bundle from the Templeof the Monkey was rewrapped.

In the case of Fardo B in Tomb 1-2 we esti-mated the time span between layers by carryingout a Span function on our radiocarbon dates


Figure 9. Funerary bundles in the upper layer of Tomb 1-2 showing the three groups described in the text (illustrationprepared by M. Takigami based on drawings by I. Shimada and C. Samillán).

Figure 10. Funerary bundles in the lower layer of Tomb 1-2 showing the three groups described in the text (illustrationprepared by M. Takigami based on drawings by I. Shimada and C. Samillán).

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from the exterior layer (678 ± 24 B.P., whichcombined dates of 667 ± 28 B.P. and 705 ± 43B.P.) and from the fifth layer (690 ± 40 B.P.).The timespan between wrapping periods had avalue of less than 25 years, with a probability of68.2 percent. If the bundle was rewrapped, thishad to have happened within a very short span oftime. Thus, it is unlikely that the Fardo B wastaken care of for generations as an ancestor’sbundle. On the contrary, it appears that manyother bundles were placed in the tomb aroundthe same time as Fardo B.“Biography” of Tomb 1-2While the oldest funerary bundle (Fardo W) datesto cal A.D. 870–1020 (2�), and corresponds to astill poorly understood period of occupation atthe site (see Segura and Shimada 2010), almostall the rest of the funerary bundles date fromaround the middle to the late Ychsma period. Itis thought that Pachacamac had its most intensiveand extensive occupation during the Ychsma pe-riod (cal. A.D. 1000–1470) when Pyramids II andIII were in use (e.g., Eeckhout 2003; Michczynskiet al. 2003; Michczynski et al. 2007; Paredes andFranco 1987). The latest individuals, included inGroup III, span the late Ychsma to early Inca oc-cupation. It is difficult to determine whether theyrelate to former occupation or to the latter, whenthe site was significantly altered and partiallyabandoned, because the degree of uncertainty as-sociated with our calibration curve is larger thanthe short span of Inca-period occupation (fewerthan 100 years).

Based on the documented locations of the bun-dles and on their dates, it appears that the bundlesin Group I were the first to be placed in this tomb,followed by those in Group II, including FardoB. The innermost placement of Fardo B, however,suggests that Group I bundles were temporarilyremoved and then re-deposited in a different con-figuration. Subsequently, Group III bundles weredeposited around Fardo B in the lower layer, sug-gesting that existing bundles (excluding FardoB) were once again rearranged. The thin roof ofthe burial chamber, about 15–20 cm thick andjust below modern ground surface— and thusnearly at ground level in the Ychsma period— would have provided relatively easy access tothe interior of the tomb (Shimada et al. 2010).

The presence of the abandoned nest and excre-ment of a burrowing owl inside the tomb supportsthis inference. Clearly, the final configuration offunerary bundles that we documented in our ex-cavation resulted from a series of rearrangementscarried out at different times during the long usehistory of the tomb.

However, the interment sequence outlinedabove should be regarded as tentative largely dueto the fact that delayed interment was commonlypracticed in coastal Peru (Millaire 2002:172; Shi-mada et al. 2004:384; Shimada et al. 2012). Thedeath of an individual, the preparation of the fu-nerary bundle, and its interment may each havebeen separated by considerable spans of time(Hertz 1960; Buikstra and Nystrom 2014). Bun-dles may not have been interred immediately aftercompletion but placed on display (i.e., curated),for example, until a specific set of post-mortemrituals had been performed. If some bundles werebrought to Pachacamac from distant locations,as discussed earlier, this would have added anadditional element of temporal disjuncture.

Throughout the prehispanic Central Andes,elites were often accompanied in death by sacri-ficed individuals (Benson and Cook 2001; Donnanand Cock 1997; Shimada et al. 2004). In this re-gard, some of the bundles in Group II may repre-sent persons sacrificed to accompany the elite in-dividual in Fardo B. However, we found noosteological evidence of violent or unnaturaldeath. The analysis of C and N isotope ratios,mtDNA, and Sr isotopes shows that the peopleburied in Tomb 1-2 had varied diets, belonged todistinct haplogroups, and appear to have grownup in distinct areas (perhaps three) of the coastand highlands of central Peru. These findings aresupported by unpublished ceramic analyses withMössbauer spectroscopy, XRD, and INAAA(Knudson et al. 2008; Shimada et al. 2010;Takigami unpublished data). Thus, it appears thatthese individuals were brought in at different timesfrom far-flung areas of the Ychsma territory, per-haps to accompany the elite Ychsma leader inFardo B. The individual in Fardo B does not con-form to the traditional model of prolonged ances-tor worship. He did not seem to have had accessto a better diet than other individuals in the tomb;rather, we suggest that he was a powerful indi-vidual whose influence extended to later periods.


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Conclusions

In this paper, we used systematic 14C dating of agroup of intact funerary bundles at Pachacamacto define their age and depositional sequence, aswell as to determine whether the bundles hadbeen rewrapped as a sign of prolonged ancestorworship and care. The sequence in which thebundles were deposited, although tentative andapproximate, does not support the hypothesis thatthe most elaborate and largest funerary bundleplaced in the innermost area of the chamber,Fardo B, was the first to be deposited. The factthat the privileged location of Fardo B did notchange even at the time that the latest group ofbundles (Group III) was introduced to the tomb,however, suggests the respected status affordedto this individual and his continuing importance.

Dates obtained from wrapping materials andsoft tissue samples, corrected for the marine reser-voir effect using �13C and �15N values, generallyagree well, indicating that no rewrapping of thebundles occurred. Radiocarbon dating of thewrapping materials shows that the funerary bun-dles spanned the initial Ychsma to early Inca oc-cupations (A.D. 1000 to the fifteenth century),with the majority of Ychsma-period bundles dat-ing to the fourteenth century. Fardo B dates tothe fourteenth century, as do many of the smallerbundles. The large size, mask painted withcinnabar, feather headdress, and high quality ofwrappings and offerings placed inside all suggestthat Fardo B contained a high-status individual,possibly a chief in this region; however, it seemsthat he was not the first to be placed in this tomband, by extension, does not represent an “ancestorbundle.” These dates also reveal that there was aconsiderable degree of mixing of bundles datingfrom different phases of the tomb chronology. Itseems likely that bundles that were already inthe tomb were moved around whenever a newbundle or a group of bundles was deposited. How-ever, it is important to remember that bundlepreparation and its interment may have been sep-arated by a considerable span of time.

Overall, our study has demonstrated the im-portance of systematic dating of varied, well-con-textualized samples in attempting to define thefunerary customs, history, and social identities

of individuals interred at the prominent prehis-panic religious center of Pachacamac.

Acknowledgments. The authors wish to thank K. Shinoda ofthe National Museum of Nature and Science, Tokyo, for pro-viding useful suggestions and discussion. We are grateful tostaff at MALT, especially Y. Miyairi, for help with radiocarbondating. Patricia Landa and Christine Bare provided valuableinformation on the preparation of funerary bundles and asso-ciated textiles in Tomb 1-2 based on their study conducted in2006 and 2007. Lauren Kohut assisted Landa and Bare intheir 2007 study of bundles. G. Matsumoto of Southern IllinoisUniversity provided the map of Pachacamac reproduced inFigure 1. George Olah of the Australian National Universitykindly inspected and provided an expert opinion on the iden-tification of bird feathers. We are also grateful to H. Uno(National Institute for Agro-Environmental Science), M. C.Diab (University of Tokyo), and Melody Shimada (SouthernIllinois University) for editorial assistance. Research by M.Takigami for this study was partially supported by a researchfellowship from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Sci-ence for Young Scientists (no. 21-7140, 24-6868). The 2005season of the Pachacamac Archaeological Project was sup-ported by grants from the National Science Foundation (BCS-0411625) and the National Geographic Society (#7724-04)awarded to I. Shimada.

Data Availability Statement. The archaeological data and re-mains (excavated funerary bundles) on which this researchwas based are primarily in possession of Izumi Shimada andRafael Segura and stored at the Pachacamac Site Museumunder the custody of the Ministry of Culture of Peru. Accessmay be gained by submitting a formal authorization requestto the director of the Site Museum. Much of the pertinentdata has been published elsewhere (Shimada et al. 2005,2010, 2012; Winsborough et al. 2012). Inquiries regardingspecific aspects of the data presented in this article may besent to Izumi Shimada ([email protected]) or Rafael Segura([email protected]). A complete digital copy of the chemicaldata presented in this article (raw and calibrated 14C datesand isotopic data) is available upon request to the first author([email protected]).

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