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Apocalypse and Atonement in thePolitics of Æthelredian EnglandLevi RoachPublished online: 16 Sep 2014.

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Apocalypse and Atonement in thePolitics of Æthelredian EnglandLevi Roach

This paper discusses contemporary responses to the events of the reign of King Æthelred II(“the Unready”) of England (978–1016). It focuses on two particularly well-evidencedinterpretations of the tribulations of the age: the penitential view of these as divinepunishment, which might be lifted by an appropriate form of atonement; and theapocalyptic view of them as signs of the approaching Last Judgement and end of time.These have traditionally been treated as distinct and mutually exclusive lines ofinterpretation; however, it is argued here that they were, in fact, intimately related. Onthis basis, it is suggested that a closer connection existed between penitential andeschatological thought in the early and central Middle Ages than has hitherto beenappreciated.

It has long been acknowledged that the reign of King Æthelred II (better known to pos-terity as “the Unready”) witnessed a unique strain on the English realm. After almost acentury of expansion and consolidation, the kingdom came up against an implacablefoe in the form of the Scandinavian raiders of Britain’s “Second Viking Age”.1 How theking and his entourage responded to this has long been a matter of interest. Tradition-ally Æthelred and his advisors were excoriated for their apparent inability to deal withthis challenge. The great nineteenth-century historian Edward Augustus Freemanfamously wrote that “under Æthelred, nothing was done; or, more truly, throughouthis whole reign he left undone those things which he ought to have done, and hedid those things which he ought not to have done”.2 By the mid-twentieth centurysuch criticism had become more measured, but was not abandoned. Thus Sir FrankMerry Stenton asserted that “the historians who regard Æthelred’s reign as a time ofnational degeneracy have good contemporary opinion behind them”.3 More recentlyopinions have begun to change. Simon Keynes and Pauline Stafford, in particular,

Levi Roach is Lecturer in Medieval History, Department of History, University of Exeter, UK.Email: L.Roach@exeter.ac.uk1On the so-called “Two Viking Ages,” see Sawyer.2Freeman, 297. See further Freeman, 258–60.

English Studies, 2014Vol. 95, No. 7, 733–757, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838X.2014.942997

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have sought to rehabilitate Æthelred’s reign, pointing out that it was not the unmiti-gated failure so often presented.4 Their work has laid the foundations for subsequentassessments, which have shied away from sweeping judgements about the king’s suit-ability as monarch in favour of considering how Æthelred and his senior advisorsunderstood and responded to the events of their day.5

The present paper seeks to develop these lines of inquiry further. It focuses on theresponses of Æthelred and his closest advisors to the tribulations of the age, examiningtwo of the best attested frameworks used to interpret these: the penitential (or “OldTestament”) perspective, according to which they were seen as evidence of divinewrath; and the apocalyptic (or “New Testament”) view, according to which theywere treated as signs of the rapidly approaching end of time. Traditionally thesehave been seen as distinct and mutually exclusive lines of thought, and it is not difficultto see why: according to the first, the belief would seem to be that present ills can bealleviated by an appropriate form of atonement, whereas according to the second theconviction is apparently that they are signs of the inexorable march of time towards itsend. The present article seeks to challenge this dichotomy, arguing that these interpret-ations were, in fact, closely associated. In order to demonstrate this, evidence for bothviews is examined, privileging sources which shed light onto court circles, particularlyroyal diplomas and law-codes. Further consideration is then given to the homileticworks of Archbishop Wulfstan of York in order to contextualise this material.Finally, broader implications are considered. The focus throughout is on the kingand his advisors (of whom Wulfstan was amongst the most prominent); nevertheless,some thought is also given to how such ideas may have resonated more widely amongstlay and clerical society.

Royal Charters: Righting Wrongs in Æthelredian England

Our starting point is, as mentioned, the most direct evidence for the thoughts ofÆthelred and his advisors: the charters and law-codes in their names. As the nearestthing to “official” statements of the regime, the value of these sources hardly needsemphasising. Nevertheless, their study raises important source-critical issues. Thesemostly concern the nature of their production and preservation, whether or notthey can, in fact, be taken to represent something approximating official statementsof royal policy in the modern sense. In the case of diplomas the main bone of conten-tion is whether they were produced by a royal writing office of some description.6

3Stenton, 394. See also Stenton (374) noting Æthelred’s “ineffectiveness in war” and “acts of spasmodic violence,”though also tempering such remarks with the observation that they are “signs of a trouble which lies deeper than amere incapacity for government.”4Keynes, Diplomas, 163–231; Keynes, “Tale of Two Kings”; Stafford, “Reign of Æthelred II.”5See, e.g., Stafford, “Political Ideas”; Keynes, “Re-Reading”; Cubitt, “Politics of Remorse”; Roach, “PenitentialDiscourse.”6From various standpoints, see Keynes, Diplomas, 14–153; Keynes, “Regenbald”; Chaplais, “Royal Anglo-Saxon‘Chancery’”; Insley; Kelly, ed., Abingdon, lxxix–lxxxiv.

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While opinions remain divided, the proposition that these were indeed bona fide pro-ducts of the court (or at least its environs) has much to commend it and, as we shallsee, there are reasons to believe that there was often a high degree of royal input intothese documents (even when, as may sometimes have been the case, their productiontook place outside court).7 Likewise, whilst the dividing line between “official” and“unofficial” recordings of the law is often blurred, it remains possible to distinguishbroadly between more and less formal recordings of royal decrees in these years.8

Indeed, even in the case of Wulfstan of York, who was entrusted with all law-making duties in Æthelred’s later years, we should do well to presume that the textshe produced conformed at least roughly to the king’s desires.9

With these preliminary observations in mind, we can now turn to the evidence,starting with royal diplomas. In these documents indications of both penitential andapocalyptic readings of contemporary events are well attested. It is the former withwhich we shall begin, since it has been the subject of much recent study.10 As notedwithin that context, many charters suggest that the tribulations of the period wereinterpreted as signs of divine punishment. The key evidence comes in the form of aseries of remarkable restitutions issued by the king in the 990s. As Keynes first demon-strated, up until 984 a de facto regency ruled on behalf of Æthelred (who was no morethan twelve, and perhaps only nine or ten at the time of his accession), led by hismother Ælfthryth and Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester; in 984, however, the youngking struck out on his own, distancing himself from the policies of his erstwhileregents. The event which triggered this change of tack was apparently the death ofÆthelwold on 1 August 984; Æthelred was later to recall this event as a decisiveturning point and around this time his mother disappears from the witness-lists ofhis charters (and presumably also from court), suggesting a sudden fall fromgrace.11 Her place was taken by a new set of favourites, under whose influence theking went on to despoil a number of religious houses, including many centres associ-ated with Æthelwold and the monastic reform, a movement which the venerableprelate and Ælfthryth had prominently supported.12 It was, however, also at this junc-ture that the viking attacks which were to characterise Æthelred’s reign began inearnest. To make matters worse, the kingdom was hit by plague in 986. Given thisstriking turn of events, it would have been natural to associate such developments

7Keynes, “Church Councils”; Roach, Kingship and Consent, 78–89. Cf. Koziol.8Keynes, “Royal Government,” 231–44; Roach, “Law Codes and Legal Norms.”9Cf. the judicious remarks of Keynes and Naismith, 185. On Wulfstan’s legislation, see Wormald, “Æthelred”;Wormald, English Law, 320–35 and 449–65; and on his career, see Whitelock, “Archbishop Wulfstan”;Wormald, “Wulfstan (d. 1023)”; Wormald, “State-Builder”; Keynes, “An Abbot,” 170–89 and 203–13.10Keynes, “Re-Reading,” 91–3; Cubitt, “Politics of Remorse”; Roach, “Public Rites,” 193–9; Roach, “PenitentialDiscourse.” See also now Keynes, “Church Councils,” 106–20.11Keynes, Atlas, table LIX. For this and what follows, Keynes, Diplomas, 163–86, remains the most detailedaccount. See also Lavelle, 44–6; and Williams, 23–9.12On the association between these attacks and the legacy of Æthelwold, see the preliminary remarks in Roach,“Penitential Discourse,” 260 and 266–8.

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with the king’s recent actions.13 The teachings of the monastic reformers, againstwhom Æthelred directed his frustration in these years, would only have served toencourage such thoughts. Thus Æthelwold’s tract on “King Edgar’s Establishment ofMonasteries” (c. 966 × 970) explicitly associates the latter’s political success with hissupport for reform; the difference between his actions and those of his son couldhardly have been clearer.14 Further impetus for such a line of thought may havecome from the Hiberno-Latin tract known as De duodecim abusivis saeculi (“TheTwelve Abuses of the Age”), which teaches that national well-being and just rulershipgo hand in hand. This work was well known in Anglo-Saxon England and wasespecially popular within reforming circles—Æthelwold donated a copy to Peterbor-ough and both Ælfric of Eynsham (himself a sometime student of Æthelwold) andWulfstan of York were acquainted with the text, the former deeming it sufficientlyimportant to warrant a vernacular translation.15 In this respect, recent events mightwell have reminded contemporaries of this work’s teachings about the “unjust king”(rex iniquus), whose reign was said to bring disaster on his nation in the form offoreign invasion, the death of loved ones and children, storms, infertile soil anddestruction by wild beasts.16

Events seem to have come to a head in 991 with the defeat of a major English force atMaldon and no royal diplomas survive from this and the following year. When thestream of charters resumes, it is in dramatic fashion: at Pentecost 993 Æthelred heldan assembly at Winchester, at which he publicly admitted to wronging and promisedto make amends, starting with the restoration of liberty to Abingdon. The documentrecording this act is clearly programmatic: issued at Æthelwold’s old see and in favourof his former abbey, it signals the return to royal favour of Æthelwoldian reformedcircles.17 This is also the first document to be attested by Ælfthryth since Æthelwold’sdeath—further evidence, were it needed, that it represents a return to the morereform-minded policies of Æthelred’s regency. The text of the diploma itself is unu-sually long (it is the second longest authentic document in the king’s name) and thedetails it provides are in a number of respects illuminating. It opens with a lengthyproem mediating upon the Fall of Man and origin of sin, particularly poignantthemes in the light of Æthelred’s own recent actions. This is followed by a narrativesection or narratio explaining how the king and nation had suffered various afflictions

13Cf. Blatmann; Meens; Foot, esp. 32–41.14Whitelock, Brett, and Brooke, eds., no. 33, 143–54. On this text, see Gretsch, Intellectual Foundations, 233–60;and Pratt.15Clayton, “De Duodecim”; Clayton, ed., Two Ælfric Texts, 1–108. See also Lawson, 566–7 and 571–2; Keynes,“Declining Reputation,” 157–8; Clayton, “De Auguriis,” 381–4; Roach, “Penitential Discourse,” 269–71.16Pseudo-Cyprian, abusio 9, 51–3. Interestingly, this work quotes Ecclesiastes X.16, “Woe to thee, oh land, whenthy king is a child” (Vae enim terrae, cuius rex est puer), within this context, a line which would have carried clearpolitical undertones during the reign of a boy king. (This line is notably kept in Ælfric of Eynsham’s abbreviatedOld English rendering: Clayton, ed., Two Ælfric Texts, 112–37, at 128–30.)17S 876 (Abing 124). On which, see Keynes, “Re-Reading,” 90–2; Cubitt, “Politics of Remorse”; Keynes, “ChurchCouncils,” 107–16; Roach, “Penitential Discourse,” 260–1.

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(angustiae) ever since Æthelwold’s death. These, so the charter continues, had inspiredthe king to reflect upon his actions and he came to the conclusion that recent misfor-tunes (infortunia) had come to pass partly a result of his own youth and partly as aresult of the detestable avarice (philargiria) of others (viz., his counsellors), whoought to have advised him better. Such sentiments suggest that Æthelred was motiv-ated by penitential thoughts: he (or, perhaps more accurately: his draftsman, actingin his name) presents recent misfortunes as a consequence of youthful indiscretionand expresses the hope that by making amends he will now be able to restore orderto the realm. The language employed confirms the repentant nature of this act. TheFall, with which the charter opens, is a penitential commonplace, often alluded to incontinental rites for public penance.18 The manner in which the king’s reflectionsare described is even more suggestive, since his conscience is said to be “pricked bycontrition” (compuctus), a term carrying distinctly penitential implications (compunc-tio, not contritio, was generally used to designate penitential contrition in this period).19

It should, therefore, be clear that the Winchester council of 993 was designed as apublic demonstration of contrition and repentance. As noted, it was programmaticin this regard, introducing a series of further restitutions. Although most of these donot go into as much detail as the first, they all frame themselves as part of the sameprocess of correcting previous misdeeds. Thus the next charter, issued in favour ofSt Andrew’s, Rochester, in 995, presents Æthelred’s actions as a product of theneglect of youth and of ignorance, which he has been able to rectify since achievingmaturity.20 Two years later, at Easter 997, the king restored lands to the OldMinster, Winchester, in a charter which likewise expresses regret and explains howthe admonition of his advisors (presumably those prominent at court since 993)along with the fear of apostolic wrath had inspired this change of heart.21 At Easter998 the series comes to another high point with a second restitution in favour ofRochester. This charter goes into greater detail than any save the first and the languageused is explicitly penitential: Æthelred declares “I repent” (peneteo) and asks to begranted “the tears of my repentance from ‘Him, Who does not desire the death of asinner, but rather that he convert and live’ [Ezekiel XXXI.11]” (lacrimas penitentiaemeae ab eo qui non uult mortem peccatorum sed conuertatur et uiuat).22 These senti-ments are unambiguously penitential: tears were a classic sign of true repentanceand the final biblical quotation is drawn from contemporary rites for the reconciliationof penitents.23 As such, this charter echoes the very liturgy of penance which many ofthose present would have witnessed only three days earlier on Maundy Thursday.

18Hamilton, Practice of Penance, 18, 34, 36 and 114; Mansfield, 173. Although the surviving Anglo-Saxon rites donot mention the Fall, Wulfstan does in his Maundy Thursday sermon: Wulfstan, Homilies, 236–8, at 236.19Poschmann, 87–8; Foxhall Forbes, 103–7.20S 885 (Roch 31).21S 891 (KCD 698).22S 893 (Roch 32).23On the “tears of repentance,” see Foxhall Forbes, 103–7; Waldhoff, 32–4; and on the biblical quotation, seeRoach, “Penitential Discourse,” 262–3 (with further literature).

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Finally, the last grant in the series, issued c. 999 in favour of the Old Minster, Winche-ster, conforms to the established format, framing the king’s earlier actions as youthfulfolly, now corrected by the wisdom of age.24

As a group, these restitutions clearly stand out from the other charters of the era, givingsome of the best indications of the thoughts and concerns of the king and his advisors.25 Bethat as it may, many other documents provide more indirect insights into such matters.From the Council of Winchester (Pentecost 993) right through to the end of Æthelred’sreign penitential ideas can be detected behind many of his acts, as Simon Keynes andCatherine Cubitt note.26 The large number of documents issued in favour of religioushouses (and in particular reformed monastic centres) in these years should be seen inthis light: like the restitutions discussed above, they were designed to court divinefavour. Though they rarely state such aims explicitly, there are many hints to this effect.Thus in 994, only a year after the Council of Winchester, Æthelred granted liberty to thebishopric of Crediton in a document which opens with a dramatic proem meditatingupon the Fall of Man and closes with a sanction threatening eternal damnation on anywho, seduced by love of money (philargiria), infringes upon its terms.27 It is hard not tosee these statements as echoes of the Abingdon charter of the previous year, which as wehave seen opens with a lengthy lapsarian proem and places particular blame on the philar-giria displayed byÆthelred’s advisors in the 980s. Yet the connections between these docu-ments are not only thematic: the Crediton charter also draws elements of its formulationfrom the Abingdon privilege.28 The issuing of this charter thus constituted part of thesame programme of courting divine favour begun a year earlier. Such an associationmay be further suggested by the use of gold script to adorn this document—the onlyother diploma of the period to be decorated in this fashion is the famous New Minster

24S 937 (Abing 129).25Roach, “Penitential Discourse.” See also Stafford, “Political Ideas”; Cubitt, “Politics of Remorse.”26Keynes, “Re-Reading,” 91–3; Keynes, “Æthelred’s Charter,” 469–71; Cubitt, “Collective Sinning,” 66–70.27S 880 (KCD 686). See Keynes, Diplomas, 100 and 124; Chaplais, “Diplomas of Exeter,” 19–21; Insley, 188–9, onthis document.28S 880 (KCD 686):

Mundi autem fabricam inerrabili disponens ordine ut genesis testitur et hominem .vi. die formauit ad simi-litudinem suam Adam uidelicet quadriformi plasmatum materia. unde nunc constat genus humanumque in terris moratur et ima tetra lauarica latibula ubi et lucifer cum decimo ordine per superbiam decelo ruit.

S 876 (Abing 129):

Alti[thro]ni [moderatoris imperio triuiatim instruimur ut illi] opp[ido subiecti subp]editantes famulemurqui totius mun[di fa]bricam miro ineffabilique serie dis[ponens] microcosmum Adam uidelicet tandemquadriformi plasmatum materia. almo ad sui similitudinem instinctum spiramine. uniuersis quae ininfimis formauerat uno probandi causa excepto uetitoque praeficiens paradisiace amoenitatis iocunditateconlaterana [Aeua scilic]et comite decentissime collocauit.

This phrase was first employed by the draftsman-scribe known as “Edgar A” in 961 (S 690 [Abing 87]); neverthe-less, it stands to reason that the draftsman of the Crediton charter took it directly from S 876.

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Refoundation charter of 966, itself a programmatic statement of reform, issued by KingEdgar and drafted by Æthelwold himself.29

The wording of other charters may also suggest a connection with this programmeof repentance and reform. For example, a charter issued in favour of Wilton in 994draws the reader’s attention specifically to the strict Benedictine observance of themonks, suggesting a distinctly reformist interest; meanwhile, a grant in favour ofMuchelney a year later likewise notes the monks’ rigorous observance of the Rule,again hinting at a reforming agenda.30 That such grants were indeed made with aneye to assuaging divine wrath is suggested by a charter issued in favour of St Albansin 996, in which the king requests that the monks celebrate masses and sing psalmsin order to assist him and the nation “against visible and invisible enemies” (contrauisibiles et inuisibiles hostes).31 Even more revealing is a charter of 998 grantingBishop Wulfsige permission to reform the cathedral chapter at Sherborne. The textof this document underlines the importance of monastic life and presents reform asnecessary because the ends of the ages are come and avarice (philargiria) is on therise; again we see possible echoes of thoughts and concerns expressed in the Abingdoncharter of 993.32

As the viking attacks intensified around the turn of the millennium, this programmeof seeking redemption through repentance and reform seems to have reached newheights. A charter issued in favour of the female monastic house at Shaftesbury in1001 is particularly revealing in this respect. The document, which records the grantof a minster (cenobium) at Bradford-on-Avon, opens with a proem alluding to thedire straits of the realm and goes on to note the presence of the remains of Æthelred’shalf-brother, Edward the Martyr, at the centre. It states that it has been issued inresponse to the destruction wrought by “barbarians” (a major Scandinavian forcehad been active in the region), suggesting that Bradford was to offer a safe haven tothe nuns (and presumably also to the remains of Edward).33 This grant is of interestfor a number of reasons. For a start, it suggests that one of the king’s priorities inthese years was to protect religious houses in order to ensure their continued prayerfor the realm. More intriguing, however, is the evidence it provides for the burgeoningcult of King Edward. It is clear that within certain circles the viking raids had come tobe seen as divine punishment for the killing of Edward and there are indications fromthe 990s onwards of efforts to promote his cult, the aim of which was clearly to atonefor this. The cultivation of Edward’s cult thus complemented the king’s own actions inthese years: whilst Æthelred issued restitutions to amend his personal misdeeds, he alsofostered the cult of his murdered half-brother to alleviate sins of a more national

29S 745 (WinchNM 23). On Æthelwold’s authorship of this document, see Lapidge, “Æthelwold,” 189–91.30S 881 (KCD 687); S 884 (Bates, ed., no. 4).31S 888 (StAlb 9). This charter may be interpolated, but the section in question is likely to be authentic: Crick, ed.,St Albans, 171–3.32S 895 (Sherb 11). See further O’Donnovan, ed., xvii–xx and 41–4; Keynes, “Wulfsige,” 69–72.33S 899 (Shaft 29). See Keynes, “Alfred the Great,” 52–3; and cf. Wormald, English Law, 343–4, n. 373.

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nature.34 The earliest moves to promote the cult are difficult to reconstruct, but a keymoment came with the foundation of Cholsey (993 × 997), the first religious centrededicated to the martyred king.35 Cholsey’s first abbot, Germanus, was one of theleading reformers of the day, who had been educated at Winchester and Fleury andpreviously served as abbot of Ramsey; his appointment reflects the high regard inwhich the centre was held.36 Further evidence for the cult of Edward comes fromthe code known as V Æthelred (which, as we shall see, was itself issued as part of anattempt to satisfy divine anger in 1008), which includes his feast amongst thosewhose celebration is to be observed throughout the nation.37

Further evidence of increasing anxiety can be found in these years. Particularlytelling is a renewal issued in favour of St Frideswide’s, Oxford, in 1004, whichboasts an extraordinary narratio recounting the St Brice’s Day Massacre of two yearsearlier. This explains how, after the king had ordered that the Danes who hadsprung up throughout the realm “like the cockle amongst the wheat” (uelut loliuminter triticum) should be executed, the local Danes in Oxford had been chased intothe church of St Frideswide, which was put to the torch when the townsmen failedto drive them out of asylum there (it is this fire which, in turn, explains the needfor the renewal).38 There is much of interest here. For a start, it is significant thatthe charter concerns a foundation in Oxford, since Oxford does not lie within theDanelaw—this suggests that the massacre was restricted to recent Scandinavian settlers(probably traders and mercenaries) rather than being directed at the entire populationof the north-east.39 Of greater interest from our present standpoint, however, is the usemade by the charter’s draftsman of the parable of the cockles and the wheat (Matt.XIII. 24–30) to describe this settlement. Since Late Antiquity this parable had beeninterpreted in terms of the danger posed by impurity and malign influence tosociety, particularly that of false belief and heresy (it is in this vein that Ælfric ofEynsham was to refer to it in his Catholic Homilies).40 Such language suggests aview of the Danes as not so much a political and military threat as a moral one—they are the polluting cockles amongst the pure (English) wheat. As such, this docu-ment (and potentially the entire St Brice’s Day Massacre, for that matter) conformsto the programme of repentance and reform sketched out above: the king’s actionsare framed as an effort to purge society of its sinful elements (here: the Danes).

34Keynes, “Alfred the Great,” 48–55; Keynes, “Cult”; Ridyard, 154–68. As these authors note, no contemporarysource suggests that Æthelred or his mother were implicated in Edward’s death. Cf. Rollason, 17–18.35Keynes, “Cult,” esp. 118–19. The window for Cholsey’s foundation is provided by Germanus’ last attestation asabbot of Ramsey (993) and first attestation as abbot of Cholsey (997): Keynes, Atlas, table LXI. If Goscelin ofCantebury’s testimony can be trusted, these dates can be narrowed further, since he reports that ArchbishopSigeric (d. 994) was alive at the time of the foundation: Vita S. Yvonis, ch. 3 (cols. 87–8). (This is evidently thesource for John of Wallingford, 59.)36Lapidge, “Abbot Germanus,” 405–14, esp. 409–10; Lapidge, “Germanus.”37V Atr 16.38S 909 (Wigram, ed., 2–7).39Keynes, “Vikings in England,” 77–8; Keynes, “Massacre,” 39–41; Lavelle, 99–102.40Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: The First Series, 476–85 at 480. See further Keynes, “Massacre,” 33–6.

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Similar motives may lie behind the Eynsham foundation charter of a year later. This isthe longest authentic document in Æthelred’s name and as originally issued must beenmost impressive; produced at a critical moment during the king’s reign, shortly beforehe undertook a major purge of his senior advisors, this charter frames Æthelred’sactions in penitential terms. Its proem meditates upon the ills which the Englishhave endured and the decisions taken by the king and his counsellors to avert them,explaining that Æthelred has decreed that God’s wrath, which has come upon thenation “more than is usual” (plus solito) in recent times, should now be assuaged“by the continuous display of good works” (continua bonorum operum exhibitione).41

Once again we see the ruler urging his nation to return to piety. Moreover, as with theother charters surveyed, this diploma itself participates in the programme of reform:the king’s support for a new monastic house constitutes just such a “good work”designed to placate God.It should by now be abundantly clear that many charters issued during the later years

of Æthelred’s reign were intended to contribute to a broadly conceived programme ofrepentance and reform. The underlying hope (at times expressed explicitly) was that bysupporting the church and amending past wrongs the English might regain divinefavour and avert further attacks and disasters. All of this accords well with whatMalcolm Godden terms an Old Testament reading of the viking invasions as evidenceof divine wrath, which might be lifted by appropriate acts of repentance.42 Neverthe-less, alongside this Old Testament perspective there are also indications of a moreapocalyptic (or New Testament) view of events.43 The charters in question comefrom the same period and in many cases overlap with those espousing an Old Testa-ment line of interpretation. The first clear case comes from the charter granting Wulf-sige permission to reform Sherborne along Benedictine lines in 998, as discussedabove. We have seen how this document participates in Æthelred’s programme ofreform; what we did not note within that context, however, is that there is a strongeschatological tone to the document. Thus the reform of the cathedral chapter is pre-sented as being necessary because the ends of the ages are come and avarice (philar-giria) is on the rise. Here the draftsman, citing I Corinthians X.11 (“we are those,on whom the ends of the ages are come”)—a common apocalyptic trope, alsoquoted by Ælfric—and alluding to the increase in greed which according to IITimothy III.2 will precede the Last Times, clearly implies that recent events are evi-dence that the end is at hand.44 That Wulfsige’s reforming efforts were inspired bysuch thoughts finds confirmation in a letter written to him by an archbishop of Canter-bury (either Sigeric [990–94] or Ælfric [995–1005]), which exhorts the prelate to

41S 911 (KCD 714). For detailed discussion and contextualisation, see Keynes, “Æthelred’s Charter.”42Godden, “Apocalypse and Invasion,” 152–62; Godden, “Millennium,” 172–5.43For broad overviews, see Bethurum, ed., 280–1;Wulfstan, Sermo Lupi, 47–8, n. 7; Keynes, “Apocalypse Then,”264–8; and cf. Bremmer, whose treatment of the charter material is deeply problematic.44S 895 (Sherb 11). Cf. Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: Second Series, 213–20, at 214; Ælfric, Supplementary Homilies,641–60, at 658–9.

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ensure the correct observance of Christian custom in the diocese because “dangeroustimes” are come—an allusion to the tempora periculosa which according to II TimothyIII.1 will precede Endtime.45 It would, therefore, seem that the draftsman of thischarter—and presumably also Wulfsige himself—saw recent events in apocalyptic aswell as penitential terms, as part of a cosmic drama building up to the Last Judgementand end of time.This diploma is not alone in this regard. The proem of another charter of 998, issued

in favour of Westminster, mentions how “we know that in the final times dissentiongrows, discord bubbles up, greed burns, friendship falters, the love of many growscold, and unheard of evils transpire” (scimus namque ultimis temporibus simultates creb-rescere, discordias ebullire, rapacitates inardescere, amicitiam titubare, caritatem refriges-cere multorum, et inaudita mala evenire), a litany of apocalyptic signs with clearcontemporary resonances.46 Further charters expressing apocalyptic sentiments areto be found in the following years. The Shaftesbury charter in which the cult ofEdward the Martyr is mentioned (1001) also betrays a degree of eschatologicalconcern, since its proem quotes Luke XXI.31 to the effect that “when you have seenthis come to pass, know that the kingdom of God is at hand” (cum uideritis hec fieri,scitote quia prope est regnum Dei), another apocalyptic commonplace.47 A charter ofthe following year for Wherwell likewise contains a proem meditating upon the Fallof Man, which closes with a quotation from Matthew III.2 to the effect thatmankind must “do penance, for the kingdom of heaven draws nigh” (poenitentiamagite, appropinquabit enim regnum coelorum), a line which was employed two yearslater by the draftsman of a diploma in favour of Burton.48 Finally, perhaps the mostcharged apocalyptic utterance of these years is to be found in the Eynsham foundationcharter of 1005, whose lengthy proem alludes to the “dangerous times” (termpora peri-culosa) in which it is issued and cites the same passage from I Corinthians X.11 (“we arethose, upon whom the ends of the ages are come”) quoted in the Sherborne charterwith which we began, emphasising that good works are especially necessary nowbecause of the proximity of the end.49 It is therefore clear that the draftsman of thisdocument, which was produced in the aftermath of a series of particularly violentraids and at the time of a Europe-wide famine, saw these as signs of the Last Times.50

45Whitelock, Brett, and Brooke, ed., no. 41, 227–9; with Keynes, “Wulfsige,” 62–3. It may be significant that muchof the content of this letter is lifted from Alcuin, Epistola 124 (166–70); Alcuin himself was very concerned witheschatology and frequently alluded to the “dangerous times” in which he lived: Brandes, 66–71; Garrison.46S 894 (Thorpe, ed., 296–8). Although as it stands this document is suspect and may have been forged on the basisof S 895, the phrase in question was not lifted from its putative exemplar and as such probably still represents anauthentic voice of the later 990s. See O’Donovan, xix, 42; Keynes, “Wulfsige,” 57–8.47S 899 (Shaft 29).48S 904 (KCD 707); S 906 (Burt 28). This quotation is also found in Bede, ch. 8 (309); and, perhaps more tellingly,Wulfstan, Homilies, 206. (As Joyce Tally Lionarons [Homiletic Writings, 101] notes, Wulfstan himself inserted anexhortation to receive absolution from a bishop at this point in MS I.)49S 911 (KCD 714).50On the context, see Keynes, “Æthelred’s Charter,” 468–9; and cf. Leyser, 2–3; and Bonnassie, 289–93, on theEuropean dimensions of the famine.

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Cumulatively these charters suggest that many at and around the court in these yearsreckoned with the possibility that present ills were of cosmic significance, signalling theend of time or the immediate approach thereto.51 Alongside such explicit statementsthere are also further hints of eschatological concerns in these years. As Keynesnotes, some of Æthelred’s draftsmen seem to have actively avoided mentioning theyear 1000 in the dating clauses of their charters, perhaps suggesting a degree ofanxiety about the passing of this year.52 The reference to the Arian and Sabellian here-sies—which by this point were no more than a distant memory, kept alive by learnedchurchmen—in the proem of Æthelred’s first charter of restitution in 993 may alsosuggest a degree of latent apocalypticism, since it was expected that heresy wouldspread in the immediate approach to the end of time.53 Other elements of this charter’swording may also point in this direction. Thus the diploma restores liberty to Abing-don, which it explains had been infringed upon earlier by an act of simony; simonyitself was deemed a heresy (the “simoniacal heresy”) and Simon Magus, who gavehis name to this act, was often associated with Antichrist.54 Hence, though we haveno more than hints to work with, it is possible that apocalyptic thoughts already laybehind Æthelred’s first act of repentance at Pentecost 993. Moreover, his latercharter for St Frideswide’s, Oxford (1004), is capable of sustaining a similar line ofinterpretation. As we have seen, the draftsman of this document invoked the parableof the cockles and the wheat to describe the Scandinavian settlement in England.This too is redolent of eschatological concern since, as noted, the parable was inter-preted as an allegory of the effects of heresy on society and as such was often citedin discussions of the Last Times (including in the writings of Bede and Ælfric).55

Practising What You Preach: Wulfstan’s Law-Codes and Homilies

Law-codes provide both more and less information than charters. On the one hand,they provide fewer clear-cut indications of how the events of the period were inter-preted; on the other, they give us more direct information regarding how the kingand his leading advisors responded to them, from which we can infer more generalmotives. In this respect, the earliest codes in Æthelred’s name have relatively little totell: they stand very much in the tradition of earlier legislation, dealing with sureties,ordeals and measures against theft.56 Whilst it is possible to read such ordinances as

51See Wormald, English Law, 451–5; Keynes, “Apocalypse Then,” 264–8.52S 1164 (not edited), S 912 (StAlb 11), S 917 (Burt 30); with Keynes, Diplomas, 125–6. As Keynes notes, thesedocuments all employ the rare euphemism Heberus for Hell in their sanctions, perhaps further suggesting aconcern about themes of death and judgement.53S 876 (Abing 124). Cf. Fried, Aufstieg, 75–82.54Emmerson, Antichrist, 27–8; McGinn, 71, 74, 141–2, 171 and 270.55Bede, ch. 4, 269–71; Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: First Series, 480; with Godden,Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, 289–98,esp. 293.56I and III Atr. See Wormald, English Law, 320–30 and 443–4. Note that II Atr is a treaty with the Scandinavianforces led by Olaf Tryggvason, Josteinn and Guthmund.

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evidence of growing lawlessness, to do so would be disingenuous, since similar con-cerns are expressed within royal legislation throughout the tenth century.57 Thetone of royal decrees first changes in the later years of Æthelred’s reign, duringwhich Wulfstan of York began to compose laws in the king’s name.58 Wulfstan hadbeen a prominent figure at court since his appointment to the see of London in 996and seems to have made a name for himself as a preacher of the apocalypse in thelater 990s. As such, it should come as little surprise that his law-making is moremoral-didactic than that of his predecessors. The first legal work he composed wasapparently the so-called “Laws of Edward and Guthrum”, an unusual tract whichclaims to represent the terms on which the Danes and English first established peaceand friendship in the ninth and tenth centuries. Although there is little reason tobelieve that this was an “official” code in the full sense of the term—rather it representsWulfstan’s own efforts to comprehend the longer history of Anglo-Danish relations—it reveals an early interest in a number of the prelate’s characteristic legislative con-cerns: the importance of faith, the payment of church dues, and the relative roles ofsecular and ecclesiastical authority in overseeing justice.59

If the “Laws of Edward and Guthrum” were a first effort to consider the ills of hisage, Wulfstan would not have to wait long to put theory into practice: from 1008until the end of Æthelred’s reign he was entrusted with all law-making duties, produ-cing at least three distinct codes in the king’s name. At the heart of this legislation liesthe need to observe religious life correctly and restore order to society. The openingclause of the first of these codes (V Æthelred) is paradigmatic in this respect: “Thefirst thing is that we all love and honour one God and zealously maintain the Christianfaith and renounce all forms of heathenism” (Þis þonne ærst, þæt we ealle ænne Godlufian 7 wurðian 7 ænne Cristendom georne healdan 7 ælcne hæðendom mid ealleawurpan).60 This code, one of the various redactions of the Enham decrees (whichinclude V and VI Æthelred, as well as the Latin version of the latter), is couched infairly general terms: it is a broad statement of the ruler’s aim to restore order.61 In con-trast, the Bath ordinances (VII Æthelred) of a year later are more urgent in tone: theyare a desperate call to penance and prayer in the face of escalating viking attacks. Theseordinances are responses to the ravages of the “great fleet” of 1006–07 and Thorkell theTall’s “immense raiding army” of 1009–12 respectively and it is telling that the latterends by expressing the hope that pious acts might yet inspire God to allow theEnglish “to overcome our foe” (ure fynd ofercuman).62 The third and final of these

57Keynes, “Crime and Punishment.”58See Wormald, English Law, 416–65, on these developments.59EwGu. See further Whitelock, “Edward and Guthrum”; Wormald, English Law, 389–91; Keynes, “An Abbot,”177.60V Atr 1.1. This is an elaboration of EwGu prol. 1, and is found repeated more or less verbatim in VI Atr prol. 1,and VIII Atr 44.61V and VI Atr; with Wormald, English Law, 332–5; Keynes, “An Abbot,” 177–9. See also Sisam; Wormald,“Æthelred,” 49–58, on textual issues.62VII Atr 8; with Wormald, English Law, 330–2; Keynes, “An Abbot,” 179–89.

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codes, issued in 1014 at another moment of tension, represents an expansion of theprogramme first enacted at Enham: here the dues owed to God are spelled out indetail, and greater precision is given regarding the penalties which should apply forthose who do not obey the ordinances.63

The message of all these decrees is that something is very rotten in the state ofEngland. Beyond that, however, it is difficult to pin Wulfstan down on the details.His desire to correct societal ills and ensure religious purity is certainly consonantwith a penitential reading of events and as such this legislation can be seen aspart of Æthelred’s broader efforts to avert disaster by means of reform. Wulfstansuggests this at a few points. In the Enham code he expresses the hope that if theEnglish cherish God’s law they may yet be shown mercy, whilst the Bath decreesframe themselves in explicitly penitential terms, as part of ongoing efforts toobtain divine favour through prayer and atonement.64 More indirect evidence forsuch thoughts comes from the mention of Edward the Martyr’s feast-day in theEnham code—as we have seen, Edward’s cult was promoted in part as an act of sat-isfaction for the sins of the nation.65 Nevertheless, for all that penitential aims can bedetected behind these codes, many of their ordinances can be read just as well withinan apocalyptic light, as efforts to prepare the nation in the face of the Last Judge-ment. That Wulfstan also saw his legislative work in this light is suggested by oneof his last homiletic writings, Napier Homily L (c. 1020), in which he calls for hisaudience to amend their ways because the world is approaching its end, quotinginjunctions from his legal works in the process.66 This text makes explicit whatwe might otherwise have inferred: that Wulfstan saw his law-making in part as prep-aration for Endtime.67

To round out our picture we must now turn briefly to the avowedly homiletic worksin Wulfstan’s name. Though these were not written—as were his law-codes—underroyal fiat, it would be dangerous to draw too firm a distinction: Wulfstan’s laws arevery homiletic in tone, often borrowing ideas and materials from his sermons; mean-while, his later homiletic works are often very legalistic, recycling material from hislegislation.68 Moreover, despite its more “informal” nature, Wulfstan’s homileticoeuvre provides precious insights into how one of the leading figures at Æthelred’scourt sought to understand the events of his day. Wulfstan’s earliest works were aseries of eschatological homilies, probably written during his episcopate in London

63VIII Atr; with Wormald, English Law, 336 and 457; Keynes, Diplomas, 226–7; Stafford, “Laws of Cnut,” 181.64V Atr 26; VII Atr 2.1, 7.1.65V Atr 16. See Keynes, “An Abbot,” 178–9; Keynes, “Cult,” 122–3; and cf. Hayward, 87–8; Wormald, English Law,335 and 343–4; and Williams, 14, who believe this reference to be an interpolation.66Napier, ed., 266–74. See Lionarons, “Napier Homily L”; as well as Jost, 249–61, whose source-critical detailremains unsurpassed, though his conviction that this text constitutes the work of a later “Wulfstan imitator”(ein Wulfstannachahmer, 259) cannot be maintained.67See similarly Wormald, English Law, 451–5.68Lawson; Wormald, English Law, 330–66 and 449–65; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 164–75.

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(996–1002).69 These are suffused with a strong sense of apocalyptic immanence. Thatthe viking attacks and other travails of the 980s and 990s influenced his opinions in thisregard is beyond doubt—they were one of the many signs which he believed presagedthe end. Nonetheless, unlike thirteenth-century writers in the face of the Mongolonslaught, Wulfstan does not ascribe the vikings a clear role in the events of theLast Times; he does not equate them with Gog and Magog and indeed rarely discussestheir ravages in detail.70 The reason for this would seem to be that Wulfstan viewed thevikings less as one of the apocalyptic “peoples of the Endtime”, than as symptoms of illsinternal to English society—they were only portentous insofar as they bore witness tothe growth of iniquity.71 It was this which Wulfstan saw as the real threat: since infi-delity and false belief would spread in the approach to the end, contemporary sinful-ness possessed a deeply apocalyptic quality. In this manner Wulfstan creativelycombines a linear (or New Testament) conception of time as rapidly approachingits end with a more moral or “internal” conception of Antichrist as a figure borneof false belief.72

Although Wulfstan is perhaps most famous for his eschatological writings, he alsohad reforming interests. Elements of these can already be detected in his earliestsermons, but they first come fully to light in his later works on pastoral themessuch as the correct conduct of religious life, provision of sacraments and paymentof church dues.73 It was within this context that Wulfstan came to write aboutpenance, another subject dear to his heart. His most famous works on the themeare his Ash Wednesday and Maundy Thursday homilies; however, he also possessedmodel letters for penitential exile and manuscripts associated with his circlescontain Abbo of St-Germain’s sermon on Maundy Thursday along with a vernaculartranslation thereof (which was to become the basis of Wulfstan’s own sermon on thetheme).74 Wulfstan also took active steps to put theory into practice, writing a verna-cular guide for confessors.75 In this light, it should hardly come as a surprise that Wulf-stan applied such ideas about sin and repentance to the ills of his day. The clearestevidence in this respect comes from the Bath ordinances of 1009, as discussed

69Bethurum, ed., 101–4; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 49–50. In this respect Wulfstan may partly have givenvoice to more widespread anxieties; nevertheless, like all good prophets of the apocalypse, his chief concernwas that the people of his day were insufficiently prepared for (and aware of) what was to come. Cf. Prideaux-Collins; and Landes, for a somewhat different perspective.70For one of the few clear, unambiguous references, see Wulfstan, Homilies, 124. Cf. Lerner, 9–61; Fried, “Auf derSuche”; Jackson, on responses to the Mongols.71Wulfstan’s silence on the subject of Gog and Magog may also stem from his apparent ignorance of Pseudo-Methodius: Palmer, “Apocalyptic Outsiders.” Cf. Möhring, 332–43.72See McGinn, 4–5, on the distinction between “internal” and “external” conceptions of Antichrist. As he notes, aninternal conception is more often combined with a cyclical or Old Testament conception of time.73Hill; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 75–146.74Wulfstan, Homilies, 233–9 and 366–73; Whitelock, Brett, and Brooke, ed., no. 43 (231–7). See also Bedingfield,esp. 223–4 and 233–5; Hamilton, “Rites,” esp. 71–3, 78–9 and 83–4; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 141–2; Tinti,278–9; and cf. Abbo of St-Germain.75Fowler, 6–12; Cubitt, “Bishops, Priests and Penance,” 53–4; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 133–5.

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above, sections of which Wulfstan recycled in more homiletic guises in his Be mistlicangelimpan and Institutes of Polity.76 However, this is not the only evidence that Wulfstanascribed to a penitential view of events. His most famous work, the Sermo Lupi adAnglos, probably first preached in 1009 in response to Thorkell’s ravages,77 opens ona deeply apocalyptic note, stating that recent events show the world to be approachingits end, then tempers this by offering the hope that by rectifying their ways the Englishmight obtain divine mercy and survive largely unscathed. Godden sees herein evidencethat Wulfstan started to abandon his early apocalypticism in his later years, settling ona more cyclical, Old Testament conception of time and a penitential reading of theviking attacks.78 However, Godden’s arguments seem to oversimplify the relationshipbetween apocalyptic and penitential thought in Wulfstan’s writings. Thus hints of anOld Testament perspective can already be detected in Wulfstan’s earliest sermons,which suggest that those who heed his message might yet escape the worst (whetherin this world or the next is left unclear).79 Moreover, the archbishop did not simplyabandon apocalypticism in his later years; as we have seen, in one of his latestworks, Napier Homily L, he continues to express the belief that the end is nigh.80

Indeed, had Wulfstan already begun to abandon his early eschatology by the time becomposed the Sermo Lupi, then it is hard to understand why he chose to open thiswork on such an unmistakably apocalyptic note.81

Penance and Eschatology in Æthelredian England and Beyond

There is, therefore, evidence that both penitential and apocalyptic interpretive frame-works were employed at and around court at the same time, sometimes findingexpression within the same works. The question remains, however, as to how thesewere reconciled. One possibility is that the theological distinction between the twowas simply unclear or even unimportant to those concerned.82 In this respect Wulfstanhimself was every bit as much “statesman” as “homilist” (in the words of DorothyWhitelock) and, in contrast to his contemporary Ælfric of Eynsham, the archbishop’swritings reveal surprisingly little concern for the finer points of theological interpret-ation.83 If this was true of the metropolitan of York, then we can hardly expect muchmore of other members of court, particularly amongst the laity. Indeed, there may have

76Napier, ed., 169–72, esp. 170–2; Wulfstan, Institutes of Polity, 40, 152, 154. For discussion, see Jost, 211–16; Lio-narons, Homiletic Writings, 144–5.77Keynes, “An Abbot,” 203–13. See also Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 149–56, who largely endorses Keynes’redating of the Sermo.78Godden, “Apocalypse and Invasion,” 152–62; Godden, “Millennium,” 172–5. This is not the place to explore theimportant differences between the three versions of this work (on which, see most recently Lionarons, HomileticWorks, 150–6).79E.g. Wulfstan, Homilies, 121–2 and 126–7. These sections come from what are believed to have been Wulfstan’searliest two sermons, his Secundum Mattheum and Secundum Lucam.80Napier, ed., 266–74; with Lionarons, “Napier Homily L.”81See similarly Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 147–63.82This seems to be what Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, 70, suggests. See also ibid., 156–9.

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been a degree of pragmatism at work here, since regardless of which of these interpret-ations proved to be correct in the long run, the solution remained much the same: toreform church and society before it was too late.84 It was widely acknowledged thatsigns and portents could only be understood fully in retrospect and it was thusnatural to weigh up various different interpretations of the future in this fashion.85

However, whilst a disinterest in the finer points of theology may go some waytowards explaining the unusual combination of Old and New Testament thoughtattested in these years, it does not alone suffice. For a start, we should not underesti-mate the theological sophistication of which Æthelred’s court was capable. Prominentroyal advisors included individuals such as Æthelweard and Æthelmær, who werepatrons of Ælfric of Eynsham and apparently capable of understanding and composingcomplex “hermeneutic” Latin prose.86 Moreover, Æthelred himself had been raised byÆlfthryth and Æthelwold, two of the leading reformers of the era, so we should notoverlook the possibility that he was capable of a degree of theological and intellectualsophistication.87 It therefore stands to reason that these views could be reconciledmore directly. In this respect, it may be that Godden is too categorical in his distinctionbetween Old and New Testament models of time. According to medieval exegesis thetrials and tribulations of the Israelites in the Old Testament were typological equiva-lents to (and antecedents of) the final apocalypse and Last Judgement preached byChrist in the New Testament; Old and New Testament time were therefore never com-pletely at odds. How those at and around court may have made these connections isperhaps indicated by the writings of Wulfstan. As we have seen, the archbishopaccorded the people of his day a central role in salvation history, suggesting that thepresent growth of iniquity was a sign of the proximity of the Last Times. Wulfstanmakes little distinction here between the English nation, which he addresses directly,and mankind in general, and it is by eliding this distinction that he is able to interpretrecent developments in such cosmic terms—by presuming that the growth of sinful-ness is not limited to the English he is able to endow it with truly apocalyptic signifi-cance.88 Augustine of Hippo’s oft-cited assertion to the effect that that all those whooppose the teaching of Christ are antichrists would have served to strengthen such

83On Wulfstan’s theology, see Gatch, 18–22 and 105–28; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings. On his deference towardsÆlfric on such matters, see Godden, “Relations.”84Cf. Roach, “Emperor Otto III,” 96–7.85Cf. Fried, Aufstieg, 58–68.86Campbell, ed., Chronicle of Æthelweard, xii–xvi and xlv–lx; Ashley; Cubitt, “Lay Patrons.” Although MalcolmGodden (“Did King Alfred Write Anything?” 5–6) has raised doubts about Æthelweard’s authorship of the Chron-icon, these are responded to byMechthild Gretsch (“Historiography,” esp. 239–48). See also Cubitt, “Lay Patrons,”182–3; Roach, “Penitential Discourse,” 269, n. 40, for earlier doubts regarding this aspect of the “Godden thesis.”87Cf. Roach, “Penitential Discourse,” 269–71.88Whilst Godden sees herein a contradiction, since the Last Judgement is a universal event, whereas English sin-fulness was no more than a localised phenomenon, this does not seem to have troubledWulfstan. It may be that hebelieved similar ills to be prevalent elsewhere (if he was aware of the Peace of God movement, this would havestrengthened such a conviction); equally, he may have thought that the English themselves had a special roleto play in salvation history (cf. Howe, 8–22).

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an interpretation, especially when quoted out of context as it is by Wulfstan—it lent allfalse belief cosmic implications.89 A similar line of thought presumably lies behind thestatements found in contemporary charters, which as we have seen express the beliefthat the world is tottering on the brink of collapse, but also imply that it might yet besaved by pious acts. Thus Wulfstan and many others seem to have thought thatmankind was hastening on its own demise; an apocalypse was imminent, but one ofhumanity’s own making. There may be an Edgarian precedent for such thoughts (asis often the case in Æthelred’s reign): in 962–63 a series of charters bearing apocalypticproems and a penitential code (IV Edgar) were issued in the wake of the “great mor-tality” mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle—presumably here too penitential andapocalyptic responses were either side of the same coin.90

Whilst such an interpretation gives more room for human agency than the strictestapplicationofAugustinianorthodoxywouldallow, it is neitherunprecedentednorunpar-alleled.91 As Hans-Werner Goetz notes, apocalyptic writers of the early twelfth centurylikewise believed that the events leading up to the apocalypse were in motion, but heldout the hope that reforming action might delay or even prevent these from coming topass.92 Exemplary in this regard is Otto of Freising, who famously opined that it wasonly the efforts of the reformed monks which prevented the age from coming to itsend.93Ottowas not alone in his concerns: Norbert of Xanten, the founder of the Premon-stratensian order and another prominent reformer, went so far as to state that Antichristwould come “in this generation,which is now” (a belief which, however, Bernard of Clair-vaux was swift to dismiss).94 It is this belief in the ability of mankind to influence cosmicevents which underpins the close nexus between apocalypticism and reform traceablethroughout the Middle Ages (and, indeed, beyond).95 There is, therefore, reason tobelieve that penitential and apocalyptic thought often cross-fertilised. Though at timesthey may have constituted alternative models, whose value lay in allowing for a variety

89Wulfstan, Homilies, 113–15 at 113 (cf. also 116–18 at 116). Note that Wulfstan’s direct source is Isidore ofSeville.90Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 962; IV Eg; S 700 (Abing 92), S 706 (BCS 1083), S 710 (Shaft 24), S 711 (Bath 16),S 713 (Abing 97), S 714 (Abing 98), S 716 (York 5). This proem first appears in S 681 (Pet 14) in 959, and wasrecycled again in S 767 (BCS 1216) in 968, but all other usages cluster around 962–63. See Liebermann, ed.,II:138; Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, 434; Bremmer, 507–11; Keynes, “Edgar,” 11–12; and cf.Wormald, English Law, 441–2. That these texts did indeed set the tone for Æthelred’s reign is suggested by thefact that Wulfstan made heavy use of IV Edgar as a source for his legislation, while this distinctive proem wasto be recycled in a charter of 987: S 864 (Roch 30).91Markus, Saeculum, remains the most comprehensive and subtle guide to Augustine’s eschatology. See alsoMcGinn, 4–5, 74–7, 88, 102, 136–7; Flori, 93–107, on its reception.92Goetz. See also Classen; Reuter.93Otto of Freising, VII.34, 368–9. Cf. Markus, Saeculum, 162–5, noting how Otto breaks from Augustine’s teach-ing in this regard.94Bernard of Clairvaux, Epistola 56, 148. On which, see Reuter, 31–2; and Constable, 162.95McGinn, 80–2, 87, 125–8, 149–52 and 200–30, provides the best overview. See also Fried, “Endzeiterwartung,”439–70; Constable, 162–7; Markus, Gregory the Great, 51–82; Iogna-Prat, 104–8; Roubach; Fried, “Das 11. Jahr-hundert”; MacLean; Palmer, Apocalypse, ch. 5, for detailed case studies.

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of possible future scenarios, there was often a closer connection and in ÆthelredianEngland, in particular, the two were often employed in tandem.Though we have focused on evidence from court circles, similar ideas were doubtless

coursing elsewhere and we have a few tantalising clues in this regard. Thus KathrynPowell argues that the marginal annotations on Cambridge, Corpus Christi CollegeMS 162 represent a reaction to the viking raids, and it is probably no accident thatthe annotator chose Ælfric’s homily on Ash Wednesday for these purposes—thisday marks the beginning of the Lenten period of fasting and penance.96 Powellmakes a similar case for treating the annotations on London, British Library, JuniusE.vii as a response to the events of Æthelred’s later years; here it was themes ofpenance, divine judgement and treachery which attracted the annotator’s interest.97

In both of these cases we can detect elements of an Old Testament reading ofevents, as suggested by the interest shown in the wages of sin. Yet if these manuscriptspoint more towards a penitential reading of events, others bear witness to distinctlyapocalyptic concerns. The best evidence here comes from the Old English tract onthe ages of the world, three of whose manuscripts place the end of the sixth andfinal age in 999 or 1000; it would seem that those who copied and read these manu-scripts were quite literally counting down to the end of time.98 Likewise, the vernaculartranslation of Adso’s Epistola de ortu et tempore Antichristi undertaken in these years—perhaps by and probably at the behest of ArchbishopWulfstan—suggests an interest inand demand for information about the Last Times.99

Conclusions

I hope, therefore, to have demonstrated that apocalypse and atonement were centralconcerns amongst the ruling elite of England during Æthelred’s reign. It may seemas if I have painted a rather homogenous picture of political thought; nevertheless,as I hope to have shown, there is an unmistakable unity to the sentiments expressedin contemporary charters, law-codes and homilies. They suggest that the king andhis leading advisors saw the viking attacks above all in spiritual terms, as signs of ini-quity within English society. It is here that the penitential and apocalyptic coalesced:the greater iniquity grew, the nearer the Last Judgement loomed. The message ofÆthelred and his advisors was therefore that penance was necessary in order toprevent events of apocalyptical dimensions. Such thoughts and concerns were doubt-less inspired by the extraordinary events of Æthelred’s youth: the murder of his half-brother in 978 had left a cloud over the nation, which was only darkened by the king’sown youthful indiscretions during the 980s. The result was a political climate

96Powell.97I am grateful to Dr Powell for sharing this work with me in advance of publication.98Keynes, ed., Liber Vitae, 99; Günzel, ed., 72–4 and 143–4; Dumville, 44; Fried, Aufstieg, 64–6.99Emmerson, “From epistola to sermo.” On Adso’s work, which is probably not to be ascribed to the like-namedabbot of Montier-en-Der, see MacLean.

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comparable in many respects to the “penitential state” witnessed under Louis the Piouson the continent just over a century and a half earlier: reverses and catastrophes wereinterpreted primarily as signs of sin within society.100 This approach to the “vikingproblem” may have hindered the defence of the realm in practical terms, insofar as itdiverted time and attention away from military matters. Nevertheless, we shouldthink twice before condemning the king as previous generations of scholars were sokeen to do; Æthelred’s responses were neither as ill-considered nor as unreasonable ashas sometimes been suggested and it is but a cruel twist of fate that he was later toearn the epithet unræd.101 To the king and his advisors, educated in the ideals ofreformedmonasticism, victorywithout pietywasnot only impossible, but inconceivable.Æthelred was trapped in a deeply moral struggle with cosmic significance; each reverseand failure became evidence that previous efforts had stopped too short and it is hardlysurprising that his final years upon the throne were marked by escalating violence.

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