Island Dialogues

Cyprus in the Mediterranean Network

Edited by Andrew P. McCarthy

With a Foreword by Prof. Emeritus Edgar Peltenburg

University of Edinburgh Archaeology Occasional Paper No. 21

Contents Cover Page

i-ii iii iv

Contributors AcknowledgementsForeword 1 Introduction 1

Andrew McCarthy

42 Underwater archaeological feasibility report for the pre-Neolithic Aspros site, Western CyprusJonathan Benjamin

153 Archaeological applications for remote sensing in the coastal waters

of Cyprus: the experience of recent fieldwork and methodology for the futureJustin Leidwanger and Duncan Howitt-Mashall

344 Preliminary botanical results from Kritou Marottou-’Ais Yiorkis

Leilani Espinda Lucas

385 Do pillars travel along with the obsidian? … or is it vice-versa?Vasiliki Koutrafouri

6 Looking for immigrants at Kissonerga-Mosphilia in the Late Chalcolithic: A

Dental non-metric perspective of Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age 63

Southwest CyprusZissis Parras

757 The Multifarious Past: Illustrating and Understanding Prehistoric

Architecture in Crete And Cyprus Giorgos Vavouranakis

1008 Manufacturing identity: an isochrestic approach to the ceramics

from Kissonerga-AmmoudhiaLisa Graham

1199 Investigating the faunal record from Bronze Age Cyprus:

diversification and intensificationMatthew Spigelman

13010 There is something Cypriot in the air. Some thoughts on the

problem of the Base Ring pottery and other Cyprus-related items from (local) Middle Bronze Age contexts in SicilyGianmarco Alberti

11 The Cypriot connection: aspects of Cretan contacts with Cyprus 154

during the MB-LBI periodsAnnette Højen Sørensen

12 What can pottery tell us about a Late Bronze community? 184

An examination of the pottery from the LC IIC - LC IIIA settlement at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris. Ariane Jacobs

19513 Island alliances: the workshops of Ugarit and the Cypriot

‘Common-style’ sealsAndrew McCarthy

21014 Aphrodite, Hephaistos and Ares: some thoughts on the origins

of the mythical connection of the three gods in the metallurgy of Late Bronze Age CyprusAnna Kieburg

15 The dead lover. Adonis in cult and architecture. 232

From the Levant to Cyprus and RomeWiebke Friese

11 The Cypriot connection: aspects of Cretan contacts with Cyprus during the MB-LBI periods Annette Højen Sørensen Abstract

Bronze daggers, seals, vases of precious metal, and fine ware pottery are some of the objects that have been reported of Minoan (MM-LMI) origin in Cyprus. However, until now the interaction between Crete and Cyprus has not been verified by extensive reports of large numbers of Minoan imports in Cyprus and vice versa. In contrast, the presence of Mycenaean objects in Cyprus is much more evident and thus by far exceeds that of Minoan imports both in terms of published finds and research in the field.

This paper aims to dig deeper into the nature and extent of the early relations between these two island cultures, and furthermore seeks to elucidate the role of Crete in the overseas trade and ties between Crete and Cyprus. This is attempted primarily through research on the published Minoan exports from the period in question and a discussion of their importance. Introduction The contacts between the Aegean and Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age (LBA) have been dealt with on several occasions, and the impressive presence of Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus has been the focal point of much research, as has the Cypro-Minoan script. It is indeed difficult to look beyond the massive impact of contacts of the LBA to the contacts of the preceding period, the Middle Bronze Age (MBA) and early LBA. This period was however dealt with by Catling and Karageorghis in 1960 in connection with their collection of the known Minoan objects in Cyprus, and again in 1979 by Åström, who treated selected Minoan finds from the island. In 1983, Catling and MacGillivray studied the earliest contacts and refreshed and updated Catling and Karageorghis’s list from 1960. Although Portugali and Knapp

1985 focussed mainly on the LBA period, they did include Crete in the period of interest here. In 1991, Lambrou-Phillipson published her research on the imports from Cyprus to Crete, among other areas, as did Cline in 1994, though his work focussed solely on the LBA. Recently, Graziadio 2005 made an important contribution to the understanding of the Creto-Cypriot contacts during the LMI/LCI period. Nevertheless, an updated study on the MB-LBI contacts from Crete to Cyprus is lacking. In the following I will try to add some new aspects to this research, focussing primarily on imports from Crete to Cyprus.

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Methods for collecting material The methods used to obtain the numbers of included catalogued objects are as follows. 1. The objects have been attributed to a Minoan origin by one or more scholars at some point in time. In the cases where this attribution has not been rejected due to simple print1 or classification errors, the objects have been included. I have refrained from determining whether the remaining attributions were correct; rather, I have merely accepted these attributions since the material has not been studied first hand. 2. The contexts and/or the stylistic dates should be placed within the period 2000-1500 BC. Objects which have been found in much later contexts than implied by the stylistic dates have been included since they might be “heirlooms” or late exports. 3. Items without dates have been given the benefit of the doubt and are thus included. Consequently, the numbers mentioned below are not definite and might include erroneous attributions. Traceable contacts in the published material This paper deals with the heyday of Minoan civilization: the Old and the New Palace Periods. Most would surely agree that Crete and Cyprus were in some kind of direct or indirect contact throughout the Middle and Late Bronze Age, contact that began already in the EB period. When the archaeological material is consulted to actually verify these contacts, the publications of excavations in Cyprus nevertheless do not reveal large amounts of Minoan objects. On the contrary, very few publications yield Minoan material. Its

scarcity is striking and must be kept in mind when discussing the patterns shown below. The earliest mention of Minoan imports in Cyprus was naturally made at the beginning of the twentieth century after Evans’s establishment of the Minoan period within the archaeological material2. Even though 100 years have passed since Evans’s discoveries in Crete, the many archaeological activities in Cyprus have only revealed 62 objects that have been published and then found to fulfil the criteria and consequently included in the present catalogue of Minoica in Cyprus. When Lambrou-Phillipson finished her catalogue on orientalia in Crete throughout the Bronze Age3, she counted only seven Cypriot imports of a stylistic and contextual date within the first 500 years of the second millennium BC. Objects of debatable origin Upon examining the present catalogue it becomes clear that the objects imported to Cyprus that have been found to originate from Crete are primarily pottery but also metal objects like daggers and vases. Furthermore, a few seal stones have been reported as Minoan, along with a lead weight, an ivory dagger and a razor. The actual origin of many of these objects is, however, unsettled, and some have been included in the catalogue on very vague grounds. Apart from the Minoan items, at least 17 of the catalogued items have been interpreted as having a possible alternative origin (see Table 1). If all 17 were proved to be of non-Minoan origin this might narrow down the number of actual MM-LMI imports considerably. In this sense the catalogue is very vulnerable, and it is of

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course problematic that I have not studied all the objects first hand. Context dates Turning to the reported context dates of the catalogued objects it can be observed in Table 2 that the majority of the objects were found in more or less uncertain strata. The objects in fairly closely dated contexts do reveal that 19 were found in secure LC strata and only 5 in EC – MCI strata. When this pattern is compared to the information we get from stylistic dates, it is evident that only 10 of the 49 objects given a fairly close stylistic date are from the Pre Palatial – Old Palace period (OPP). The remaining 39 objects have been stylistically dated to the Neo Palatial Period (NPP). The MCII-III periods cover roughly 200 years, but until now no secure contexts from this period have yielded Cretan finds, unless the deposits in Toumba tou Skourou Tomb 1 date from this period. The tomb was in operation from late MB until LCI (around 1500 BC)4. Most objects have been found in contexts dated around the same time as their stylistic date of production. But a few objects have, however, been recovered from strata much later than their stylistic dates indicate: three pieces of pottery – nos. 30-32 – and two seals (no. 50, 55). Number 29 was found at Enkomi in an LCII deposit. The stylistic date of the sherd is noted as MM-LMI, which is a very broad dating. At the latest it was produced at the end of LMIB, around 1450/1425 BC, depending on whether the Aegean chronology in use is high or low5. The LCII period begins around 1450 BC and ends around 1200 BC. This naturally means that if the piece was produced at the end of the LMI period

and deposited at Enkomi at the very beginning of LCII there would be no chronological gap. If, however, we consider another possibility at the other end of the scale – that the piece was produced at the beginning of the MMI (2050/2000 or 2160/1979 BC6) period and deposited at the end of the LCII – this would leave us with a gap of over 700 years. Consequently, the sherd in question is not the best piece for this study, since it has a very broad stylistic time frame. An LMI (?) rim sherd recovered from a tomb at Palaipaphos (no. 31) might be of more relevance to this study. The context of this sherd is noted as early LCIIIA (around 1200 BC), which gives a chronological gap of between 200 and 500 years. The last sherd worth mentioning in terms of possible Minoan “heirlooms” found in Cyprus is number 32, a fine ware rim sherd found in an LCIII stratum in a well at Palaipaphos. The stylistic time period given for the sherd is LMIA, which leaves us with a possible period of usage between 300 and 650 years, again depending on whether we use the high or low chronology for the Aegean and on the exact time of production and the precise date of its deposition in the well. No. 54, a stamp seal with no mention of its stylistic date was found in the same context. Number 30 stems from a coarse ware container which might not be considered an heirloom, but the vase might have served a practical function for quite some time before it broke. Numbers 31 and 32 are both fine ware cups and might have been heirlooms, very late imports or probably accidental finds in the strata where they were discovered and thus irrelevant for this study. A haematite cylinder seal of possible Minoan origin was found at

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Palaipaphos in the 498/7 BC destruction stratum. This gives a possible time range for its usage of more than a thousand years! The last item worth mentioning here is an MMII/IIIA prism seal (no. 50) found in an LCIA tomb at Ayia Paraskevi. This piece is interesting in more than one respect since it is the only Minoan import reported from an inland site and is dated to the OPP. LCI begins around 1600 BC and MMII-IIIA spans from the 19th century to 1640/30 in the low chronology, and in the high chronology from 1900/1875 to 1700/1680 BC according to Manning 1995. Stylistic dates The items stylistically dated to the OPP period count only two, maybe four, possible objects: an intact Kamares cup from Karmi found in the famous Tomb of the Seafarer (no. 2) and the above-mentioned prism seal from a LCIA tomb at Ayia Paraskevi (no. 50). To this may be added an uncertain sherd of Kamares ware in an undated tomb at Kourion (no. 3) and perhaps the neck of a large closed vessel from Enkomi in a late LCI deposit (no. 15, dated MM and thus possibly from the early NPP). These few published imports stand in contrast to the picture of the copper trade, which, according to Stos-Gale, is regarded as unbroken throughout the BA. In fact, the percentages of Cypriot copper used in Crete during the OPP and NPP are at the same level: 16%7. In future work I will study the patterns of trade between Crete, the Levant and Egypt, where more Middle Minoan material has been found. It will thus be easier to fully discuss Cretan trade patterns throughout the eastern Mediterranean and to try to elucidate the role of Crete in the international

exchange systems during the first half of the second millennium BC. Cyprus seems to be ideally located on the route to or from the Levant, but, as is shown, this is not reflected in the archaeological material known to date. I find the virtual absence of the Minoan OPP Kamares palatial ware striking; there is only one piece, possibly two. Furthermore, the items stylistically dated to this period are in fact superseded by the Pre Palatial Period (see Table 3). Kamares ware has certainly been found and published from many more sites in the Levant and Egypt than in Cyprus8. Contexts of Minoica in Cyprus By separating the imports according to their contexts (Table 4), it becomes obvious that the majority of the Minoan objects were found in tombs. Naturally, Toumba tou Skourou Tomb I counts for a large number of these items, but the preponderance of items found in tombs might also be explained by other factors. For example, more tomb material might have been kept due to its superior state of preservation compared with the settlement material, and the settlement material is of a different kind: fragments of coarser transport pottery easily discarded or not recognised. It might also indicate that the few Minoan imports had greater value and thus might have been buried with their owner. The massive presence of Minoan LMIA objects at Toumba tou Skourou is overwhelming in light of the scarcity of Minoan import material. This might be coincidental or might be explained by the Minoan pottery not having been recognized. It could also be an indication of closer relations between Crete and Toumba tou Skourou than

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between Crete and the rest of the island during the LMIA period. According to Hankey & Leonard, the Minoans founded Toumba tou Skourou and Ayia Irini in LCI.9 Upon closer examination, the material reveals that Tomb I alone held two jugs, one flowerpot, five cups, three tall footed cups or goblets, and a knife handle of ivory and gold. The two jugs are similar in shape and decoration, and three of the eight cups and goblets are decorated with double axes, four with running spirals and one with horizontal bands, leading me to wonder whether these cups and jugs are (part of) a regular drinking set used for feasting or the imports were collected separately and joined in the tomb. From the remaining part of the site of Toumba tou Skourou, two jars, three cups, one bowl and one razor were found to be of Minoan LMI origin. Also the site of Ayia Irini is rather well represented in the import material since Tomb 3 yielded three cups, another tomb two cups, and in Tomb 20 one cup was found. Naturally, Enkomi is also well represented. At the large settlement site the material was not very well preserved, as is often the case, but what has been reported in fragments are one large closed vessel, two (three?) cups, one alabastron, one collar neck jar and two storage jars. However, in Tomb 93 a lapis lazuli seal was found and fragments of one or two golden Vapheio cups. Moreover, a silver Vapheio cup was found in Tomb 92. Transport materials Further examination of the material shows that not only fine ware pottery, metal vases – probably of prestigious value – seal stones and daggers have been reported within the Cypriot corpus of Minoan imports, but also fragments

of a few semi coarse and coarse ware containers have been found. These are nos. 4, 5, 6, 15(?), 18, 23, 25(?), 26, 30, 41(?) and 42(?). The presence of these few sherds might indicate that the two islands exchanged more than just a few precious objects accidentally present on the island. Firmer arguments in this discussion might be the lead isotope analyses carried out on bronzes found in Crete and the formation of the Cypro-Minoan script (see below). If we take a look at the Minoan import material as a whole it becomes evident that the most exquisite Minoan objects were located in graves and the more useful artefacts were found in the settlements. In general it seems that the cup was the favoured shape for Minoan fine ware pottery; in fact, 25 of the 43 pottery pieces represent some type of cup. In addition to these are the three metal cups. Distribution pattern Taking a closer look at the pattern of distribution of the Minoan imports (Table 5), it can be observed that most of the finds were made at coastal sites near the north coast of the island. The north coast also accounts for the earliest finds, apart from the Kamares sherd at Kourion – if this is indeed Kamares ware (see comment on no. 3). The three sites of Toumba tou Skourou, Ayia Irini and Enkomi contained 37 of the 62 catalogued finds, and it seems obvious that these sites were heavily engaged in long-distance trade with Crete. These three sites all flourished during the LBA. Before this time the few non-perishable imports coming to Cyprus from Crete mainly arrived on the north coast, and the port of Lapithos seems to be one of the first ports involved in trade with Crete, since

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most early finds have been made at Lapithos, Karmi and Vounous. These observations correspond well with the north coast inhabitants’ early contacts with Anatolia. Later, when harbour sites on the south coast grew big they also imported Minoan objects, but the north coast still had its share. With this information we can begin to speculate on the routes by which the Minoan imports travelled from Crete to their final destination in Cyprus, as well as on the intensity of these imports and their organisation. Interpretation and Discussion

Trade or exchange is not always based on direct or regular contact, and therefore the presence of foreign objects in local contexts should not always be interpreted as resulting from this kind of contact. Imported objects were neither necessarily deposited at their final destination right after their arrival, nor produced and exported at almost the same point in time. The fact that most Minoan imports to Cyprus have been found at sites on the north coast must be linked to the settlement pattern of the island, but wind and prevailing currents might also have played a part in Bronze Age seafaring. Also the fact that only one item has been found on the central part of the island might give an idea of both production and trade patterns. Thus it seems the Minoans did not have the need to travel inland in order to obtain copper, and this might also be the reason why at least their imperishable goods did not either. The copper mining and transport to the sea therefore seem to have been locally organised. Furthermore, the fact that only one Minoan object from the period before the NPP has been recovered on the south coast of Cyprus – if this is indeed a Minoan piece (see

above and no. 3) – indicates that no or only a single port (known to date) on the south coast was in use by the Minoans or whoever transported their goods before the expansion of Creto-Cypriot contacts, which seems to have happened during the NPP. Even though a few Minoan transport jars have been located within the Cypriot material, the amount is not impressive; in fact, the absence of Minoan transport pots is more striking than their actual presence – represented by the few sherds already mentioned. If we accept the results of the lead isotope analyses by Stos-Gale mentioned above and that Cypro-Minoan was founded on Linear A, we must consider the exchange between Crete and Cyprus as regular, non-coincidental, and on a fairly high level throughout the period in question. This of course leaves us with the questions of what the Cretans traded in exchange for copper and how they traded. Returning to the few fragments of Minoan transport pottery in Cyprus, might these indicate that Minoan exports to Cyprus mainly consisted of perishable agricultural products? And might it be possible that baskets and animal hides were used in larger quantities for transporting these agricultural products? Here we must also consider the fact that much unpainted material was discarded in the early days of archaeology, which of course leaves us with incomplete archaeological records from this period. Could we imagine that the Cypriotes brought their own containers to Crete to transport the products back home and/or were the Minoan goods reloaded when they reached their destination in Cyprus? In the Mari archive10 and Egyptian tomb paintings

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it is indicated that Minoan textiles and other luxurious objects were traded to the mentioned regions - might this also be the case for Cyprus? And might it be possible that much Minoan material has not been identified properly yet? Or did the trade primarily involve metals, entailing that any other product was a secondary product that left few archaeological traces? Currently, it is difficult to dismiss any of these scenarios, and it is highly probable that several possibilities actually coexisted. For example, silver might have been traded along with finished agricultural products, textiles and other handicrafts, and the goods reloaded when they reached their port of call. At present, however, these remain moot questions. The present catalogue counts only 62 objects that might be of MM-LMI origin. These objects cover a period of around 500 years, and it might therefore be asked whether we are at all dealing with direct contacts on a regular basis throughout these 500 years. The low number of imported objects is striking compared to the recent lead isotope analysis results published by Stos-Gale 2001, valuing the amount of imported Cypriot copper in Crete at 16-29% throughout the Bronze Age. The results from lead isotope analyses are however not accepted by every scholar working with different metal analyses. Especially the issue of metal recycling has been used as an argument against the lead isotope analyses.11

According to Stos-Gale,12 the amount of copper imported from Laurion to Crete increases throughout the Bronze Age and takes the lead over the Cycladic mines from the NPP onwards. It is tempting to play with the thought that Crete exercised control over the Laurion mines from NPP and that they

shipped Laurion silver to Cyprus, which led to close contacts on an elite level, which in turn led to the invention of the Cypro-Minoan script. An interesting study would be to examine the use of the Linear B word for silver – a-ku-ro – its frequency and in which connections it was used. It has been proposed by Younger13 that the Linear A word ku-ro means total and thus might have something to do with weighing and paying. A study of possible words suggesting metals in the Aegean scripts and Cypro-Minoan and of their use would be of great value when dealing with trade and the theory of the leading role of metals. Silver was a very important metal in the Bronze Age. This can be observed in the fact that “to pay” was given the international designation of “weighed silver”. This is expressed in the Sumerian LAL and the Akkadian saqalum14. Silver was thus already used as payment early on but was at the same time used for goods of luxury, as can be read in the Mari archive or seen in the exquisite finds recovered in excavations. It has thus been proposed by Stos-Gale and Gale that the Aegeans used silver as payment for tin15. The need for silver as payment in Cyprus is discussed by Kassianidou16, who notes Laurion as the most obvious main supplier of this metal. Broodbank17 has also stressed the importance of access to silver from the Laurion mines for the Cretans’ trade with the Eastern Mediterranean, and he implied that the mines played an important role already during the OPP. Silver was also in high demand in Egypt, where gold was supplied from the south. Egypt had to import silver and did this from Laurion, among other places. Again, this can be observed through lead isotope analyses carried

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out on three lead objects from the 18th Dynasty and three silver items from the 10th, 11th and 12/13th Dynasty18. This trade might very well have passed through Crete, which in this way could have settled itself firmly as an important trading partner. This trade may have played an important role in the flourishing of Cretan culture. A few analyses have also been carried out on a few late LB silver objects from Cyprus, and these also show consistency with the Laurion ore19. More analyses of contemporary material are highly desirable to clarify more aspects of this trade. Another strong indication of regular contact between the islands is the theory that around the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, the Cypriotes invented a script modelled on the Cretan Linear A of the Neo Palatial Period, the earliest example of this script being the famous Enkomi piece. The script was named Cypro-Minoan by Evans and its formation was highly dependent on the Minoan Linear A, which seems to imply contact on a regular basis and at an elite level. The Cretan roots of Cypro-Minoan are supported by Olivier20 and Palaima,21 among other Aegeanists, who also regard Linear A as having developed from the Cretan hieroglyphs. The theory is, however, disputed by S. Sherratt, who suggests that Cypro-Minoan did not originate from Linear A; rather the two scripts might both originate from the same South Anatolian, North West Syrian or Levantine script22. If this theory holds true and the similarities between the two scripts are based on another common background, the idea of strong ties on an administrative level is indeed weakened. More analyses on Cypriot silver and on pottery are certainly needed to get

closer to answering a few of the questions posed above. But if metals and the trade in these (silver to Cyprus – copper to Crete) supply the clue to the Cypriot connection, then the low frequency of activities seen during the OPP might be explained through the Minoans lacking control or sufficient access to the Laurion mines. In other words, is a shift in the nature and intensity of trade patterns observable from the OPP to the NPP on the basis of the shift in the Minoan metal supply from the Cyclades to Laurion? The complexity of trade can also be observed in the metal analyses, since recent results from the group in Oxford show that Cyprus, the copper island, even imported copper from both Anatolia and the Cyclades during the EBA23. The practice of importing goods or products also native to a country is very apparent today and thus also occurred during the Bronze Age and involved not only metal products but also perishable goods like grain and oil; this can be read in, for instance, the Ugaritic texts PRU 16.238 and RS 20.16824. The literary sources involving Cretans and Cretan goods overseas will be discussed in detail in my future work25. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the organizers and editors of POCA 2006 for the opportunity to present and publish this material. Furthermore, I would like to thank Dr Lindy Crewe, Dr Alessandra Giumlia-Mair, Dr Giampaolo Graziadio, Professor Dr Erik Hallager, Dr Lise Hannestad, Professor Dr Franz Georg Maier, Professor Dr Jean–Pierre Olivier, Professor Dr Diamantis Panagiotopoulos, Dr Susan Sherratt, Dr Zofia Stos-Gale, Dr Peter Vejleskov, Dr Maria Vlasaki and Professor Dr Paul Åström for their very valuable assistance.

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1 Fragments from two vases found at Hala Sultan Tekke (BM A706, exc.no. 98 12-1 222 & BM C685, exc.no. 98 12-31 14) published by Gjerstad 1926: 209, 211 and listed as both MMII and LMII. Casson 1937: 39 followed Gjerstad’s MMII attribution, but Bailey 1976: 17, pl. XVIIa mentions that Gjerstad made an error placing the fragments (BM A706, exc.no. 98 12-1 222) under MMII & LMII. The same seems to hold true for BM C685, exc.no. 98 12-31 14. 2 The term Minoan was used by Evans for the first time in 1902, and the system – Early Minoan (EM), Middle Minoan (MM), and Late Minoan (LM) - was presented and published in 1906. The Minoan period had been described by Hoeck in 1823-1828, but only on the basis of the much later literary sources. 3 1991, Tables XIII and XIV (nos. 126, 127, 134, partly 135, 151, 193, 201). 4 Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299. Toumba tou Skourou was founded in the late MB and flourished during the LCIA. 5 Low chronology following Warren and Hankey 1989: 169, Table 3.1: LMI: 1600/1580 – 1425 BC; High Chronology following Manning et al. 2006: LMI: 1710 – 1450 BC. 6 Warren & Hankey 1989: 169, Table 3.1 7 Stos-Gale 2001: fig. 10.2 8 Sørensen, forthcoming; Merrillees 2003; Kemp & Merrillees 1980 9 1998: 32; According to the excavators, Toumba tou Skourou was founded in the late MC. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 298 10 Sørensen, forthcoming; Guichard 1999 11 See the discussion in JMA 8.1, 1995 12 2001: fig. 10.2 13 2000-2007 14 Buchholz 1999: 269. 15 1990: 88. 16 2006: 11 17 2002: 359 18 Gale & Stos-Gale 1981: 191. 19 Kassianidou 2006: 11. 20 Pers. comm. Feb. 2007. 21 1989: 121.

POCA 2006 lecture and pers. comm. Feb. 2007 22

23 Webb et al. 2006. 24 Heltzer 1988: 12; Calvet 2003 25 Sørensen, forthcoming.

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Figures Table 1 Objects of debatable Minoan origin Nos.: 3, 16 – 21, 33, 37 – 39, 53 – 54, 56 – 62

Table 2 Catalogue numbers with context dates EC: 1, 44, 59 MC: 2, 48 LC I: 15 – 26, 50, 56 LC II: 30 LCIII: 31 – 32, 54 Uncertain: 3 – 14, 27 – 29, 33 – 43, 45 – 47, 49, 51 – 53, 57 – 58, 60 – 62

Context Dates - Cyprus

05

101520253035404550

Pottery Daggers Seals Metal vases Misc.

EC MC LCI LCII LCIII Archaic Uncertain

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Table 3 Catalogue numbers with stylistic dates Pre Palatial: 1, 44 – 47, 49, 59 Old Palatial: 2, 3, 50 Neo Palatial: 4 – 14, 16 – 22, 24 – 27, 29, 31 – 41, 51 – 53, 61 – 62 Unknown: 15, 23, 28, 30, 42 - 43, 48, 54 – 58, 60

Stylistic Dates

05

101520253035404550

Pottery Metal vases Daggers Seals Misc.

Pre Palatial Old Palatial Neo Palatial Unknown

Table 4 Contexts of catalogued imports Grave/necropolis: 1 - 14, 16 – 18, 25, 27 – 29, 31, 33, 38 – 40, 44 – 48, 50, 52, 56– 61 Urban/settlement: 15, 19 – 24, 26, 30, 32, 35 – 36, 54 – 55 Unknown: 34, 37, 41 – 43, 49, 51, 53, 62

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Contexts - Cyprus

05

1015202530354045

Grave/necropolis Urban/settlement Unknown

Pottery Daggers Seals Metal Vases Misc.

Table 5 Concentration of objects: North coast: 34

• Toumba tou Skourou: 4 – 14, 25, 34 – 36, 42 – 43, 60 – 61 • Ayia Irini: 16 – 18, 28 – 29, 38 • Lapithos: 1, 44 – 45, 48, 59 • Karmi: 2 • Vounous: 46 - 47 • Phlamoudi: 62

South coast: 23 • Palaipaphos: 31 – 32, 40, 54 - 55 • Kourion: 3 • Limassol: 27 • Maroni: 26, 39 • Hala Sultan Tekke: 33, 41 • Enkomi: 15, 19 – 24, 30, 52, 56 – 58

Central island: 1 • Ayia Paraskevi: 50

Unknown: 4 37, 49, 51, 53

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Kanta, A. 1998. Introduction, in Stampolidis, N.C., Karetsou, A. and Kanta, A. (eds.), Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus-Dodecanese-Crete, 16th-6th cent. B.C. Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, March-August 1998. Heraklion, 29-66. Karageorghis, V. 1999. Ancient Cypriote Art in the Severis Collection. Athens. Karageorghis, V. & Michaelides, D. (eds.) 1996. The Development of the Cypriot Economy. From the Prehistoric Period to the Present Day, Nicosia. Karageorghis, V. 1991. Les anciens chypriotes. Entre Orient et Occident, Paris. Karageorghis, V. 1985. Archaeology in Cyprus 1960-1985, Nicosia. Karageorghis, V. 1979. Comment, in Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium “The Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca. 2000-500 B.C.” Nicosia, 306 Karageorghis, V. 1978. Chronique des fouilles á Chypre en 1977. BCH 102, 879-938 Karageorghis, V. 1972. Chronique des fouilles á Chypre en 1971. BCH 96, 1005-1088 Karageorghis, V. 1965. Corpus Vasorum Antiqvorum, Cyprus. Private Collections. Cyprus - Fascicule 2, Nicosia. Kassianidou, V. 2006. The Production, use and trade of metals in Cyprus and Sardinia: so similar and yet so different. Instrumentum 23, juin, 34-37. Kemp, B.J. and Merrillees, R.S. 1980. Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt, Mainz am Rhein. Kenna, V. 1967. Die Englische Museen II. CMS VII, Berlin. Keswani, P.F.S. 2005. Death, Prestige, and Copper in Bronze Age Cyprus, AJA 109, 341- 401 Keswani, P.F.S. 1989. Mortuary Ritual and Social Hierarchy in Bronze Age Cyprus. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan. Keswani, P.F.S. and Knapp, A.B. 2003. Bronze Age Boundaries and Social Exchange in North-West Cyprus, OJA 22.3, 213-223 Lambrou-Phillipson, C. 1990. Hellenorientalia, Göteborg Maier, F.G. and Karageorghis, V. 1985. Paphos: History and Archaeology, Athens. Maier, F.G. 1997. The Mycenaean Pottery of Palaipaphos reconsidered; Praktika tu Diethnus Arheoloyiku Sinedriu I Kipros ke to Egeo stin Arheotita apo tin Proïstoriki periodo os ton 7o eona m.C. Lefkosia 8-10 Dekemvriou 1995/Proceedings of the International Archaeological

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Catalogue of Minoica in Cyprus The catalogue is arranged in the following manner:

o Number o Inventory/excavation number o Measurements o Material o Description o Location, Context o Context date o Stylistic date o References o Comments

Abbreviations BM – British Museum CM – Cyprus Museum, Nicosia LM – Larnaca District Museum Pottery 1 CM Clay Bridge-spouted jar Lapithos, Vrysis tou Barba cemetary; Tomb 6a, also known as 806A ECIIIA-ECIIIB EMIII/MMIA Grace 1940, 10, fig. 1, 24-26 no. 16, pl. 1; Catling & Karageorghis 1960,109-110, no. 1, fig. 1; Åström 1979, 56-58; Karageorghis 1991, 68; Hutchinson 1954, 159; Karageorghis 1991, 68; Walberg 1992, 386-87, fig. 1; Kanta 1998, 34; Keswani 2005, 389; L.-Ph 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 3-5; Kantor 1947,18; Warren & Hankey 1989, 115. Åström, 56 mentioned that the more burials in the chamber and a flooding have disturbed the context, 58: one of the earliest objects in the tomb; Hutchinson: Knossian type. 2 CM H.: 9, W.: 11.1, Ø rim: 8.5, Ø base: 4.5 Clay Cup, deep, strap handle, Kamares ware, intact, Deco: int + ext. red + white + buff reserved part of clay Karmi; The Tomb of the Seafarer, Tomb 11B MCI, late MMIB/IIA

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Stewart 1962, 199, 202, fig. 2, 8, pl. VIIa-d; Åström 1979, 58-59; Karageorghis 1991, 68; Marinatos 1973, fig. 1; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1; Walberg 1992, 387-88, fig. 5; Kanta 1998, 34; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 4-5; Warren & Hankey 1989, 115. Stewart 204: MMII. 3 BM L.: 8.89 Clay Body sherd, Kamares ware. Deco: Patterned white dots Curium/Kourion/Episkopi; Site D, Tomb 101 MMII/Cypriot Walters 1900, 81 (Tomb 101 no. 2); Forsdyke 1911, 111, fig. 1; 1925, 94 A568, fig. 116; Graziadio 2005, 328 n. 44; Gjerstad 1926, 308; Casson 1937, 39; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Myres & Ohnefalch-Richter 1899, 19 n.3; Kantor 1947, 19, n. 21. Forsdyke 1911: The position of the sherd in grave 101 is accidental since none of the other objects are of roughly the same date; Kantor: Part of Base Ring I crater. 4 CM, P 375 H.: 21.5, Ø: 13 Clay Jug, coarse ware, Clay: pink w. black grits, mended from many sherds, round mouth + broad overhanging rim. Deco: Buff slip, black horisontal bands and "scallop pattern" on shoulder, bands on body Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.485, Chamber 1 Late MC-LCI/ Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA, early Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 219, 381, pl. 167; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 299-300, fig. 4 + 5, 307 n. 41; Vermeule 1974, fig. 20; Karageorghis 1991, 70, fig. 3; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71, no. 10; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Warren & Hankey 1989,. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 300, Imitation of metal or stone shape; L.-Ph: mentions 14 LMIA pots from TTS.. 5 P 386 Clay Jug, 3 (?) sherds, shoulder, jug similar to Tomb I.485, P 375, Clay: Buff, Deco: Black "scallop pattern" and bands Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.496, Chamber 1 Late MC-LCI/Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA, early Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 300 no. 2, fig. 28; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 11. Vermeule & Wolsky, 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 300: Two more pieces may belong to the same jug, 300: Imitation of metal or stone shape.

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6 P 268 3 largest sherds: (a) H.: 17.5, Ø/W.: 13.2; (b) H.: 6.8, W: 3.5; (c) H.: 4.5, Ø/W.: 3.6 Clay Min. 7-9 non-joining sherds from large cylinder shaped vase (flowerpot) of red-buff clay w. mica. 1 rim fragment w. preserved stringhole. Deco: Red lilies w stalk and leaves, 1 with orange paint and white dots. Probably lily motif on each side Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.340, Chambers 1+3 Late MC-LCI/Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 219, pl. 174; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 300-301, fig. 6 + 7, 307 n. 41; Vermeule 1974, fig. 23; Karageorghis 1972, 1054, fig. 67; Vermeule & Wolsky 1977, 82, 89; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 12. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 302: Pot painted to hold lilies; Portugali & Knapp 1985: Late Cycladic I?. 7 P 390 Frag. A: W.: 11.5, Frag. B: W.: 9.8, Frag. C: H: 5.2, W.: 5.5 Clay Tall footed cup, 3 sherds incl. rim and handle, Clay: Buff, Slip: Buff; Deco.: Dark brown + gold brown horizontal lines and frieze of double axes Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.499, Chamber 1 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 220, 387, pl. 172; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 303, 305, fig. 17, 307 n. 41; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 15. Dissapeared. Might be from the same vessel as P 388 and thus form a pedestalled goblet, Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 8 P 391 Largest sherd: H.: 4.1, L.: 6 Clay Small cup, 2 non-joining sherds, incl. rim, Clay: Buff-pink, Deco: Pale brown flower spray and 2 spirals Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.500 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA late Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 220, 387, pl. 169 + 173, Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 303, 306, fig. 21, 307 n. 41; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 19. Dissapeared. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration.. 9 P 38 A

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H.: 8, W.: 12.5 Clay "Tea cup", 3 sherds incl. rim and body, Clay: Buff, Slip: Worn, lustrous brown int+ext., Deco: Double axes, added white paint Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.34 A, Chambers 1 & 3 + central part LCI/Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 219, 382, pl. 170; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 303-304, fig. 14, 307 n. 41; Vermeule 1974, fig. 22; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 13. 1978: Very similar to P 30 B. This and P 38 B was first catalogued as one by the excavators - thus the subdivision in A & B. Excavators maintains the possibility that A & B might come from the same cup. 10 P 38 B H.: 5.3, W: 9.5 Clay "Tea cup", 4 sherds incl rim and body, Deco: Double axes, added white paint Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.34 B, chambers 1 & 3 + central part LCI/Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 219, 382, pl. 171; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 304, fig. 15, 307 n. 41; Vermeule 1974, fig. 22; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 14. 1978: Very similar to P 30 A. This and P 38 A was first catalogued as one by the excavators - thus the subdivision in A & B. Excavators maintains the possibility that A & B might come from the same cup. 11 P 388 Clay 1978: Tall jar (?), 1990: Cup/pedestaled goblet; 64 sherds, Clay: Buff, Slip: Buff; Deco.: Dark brown-black + gold brown horizontal bands Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.498, Chamber 1 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 220, 387, pl. 169; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 305, fig. 28 bottom, left, 307 n. 41; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 16. Might be from the same vessel as P 390 and thus form the foot of a pedestalled goblet, Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration..

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12 P 384 Clay Cup, 10 sherds incl. rim and body, Clay: Buff, Deco: Worn black + gold-brown running spirals, int.: Solid black Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.494, Chamber 1 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 220, 382, pl. 169; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 305, fig. 18, 307 n. 41; Vermeule 1974, fig. 21; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 8 + 72 no. 17. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration; Portugali & Knapp, no. 8 and 17 seems to identical besides the description of 10 frags w. spiral motif on no. 17. 13 P 385 Unmeasurable Clay Cup, 12 sherds incl. rim, foot and body, Clay + slip: buff-pink, Deco: Worn black running spirals Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.495, Chamber 3 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 239; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 305, fig. 13, upper left, 307 n. 41; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 18. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 1990, 239 Ref. To P795, House B Room 5. 14 P 387 Clay Tall cup, 13 sherds incl rim, base and body, Clay: Pink-buff, Deco: ext.:Frieze w. worn, matt pale red running spirals, Int.: Spiral band Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.497, Chamber 1 Tomb end use c. 1500 LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 220, 382, pl. 168; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 305, fig. 19, 307 n. 41; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 9. Vermeule & Wolsky 1978: 299: Reused tomb w. 3 chambers. Joining sherds in different chambers. Groundwater has further damaged the decoration. 15 LM 4282 Clay

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Neck from large closed vessel, fine hard greyish clay w. few brown, black and white inclusions, Deco.: white paint Enkomi; Area III, Room 116 Level IA end MM Crewe, Table of foreign pottery from Area III. 16 CM H.: 9, Ø: 13 Clay Semiglobular "tea cup", strap handle, Slip:Light cream, Deco: Dark brownish rows of horisontal dotted lines, int.: painted light brown, clay: Fine buff Ayia Irini; Tomb 3:29 LCIA:2-IB:2 (disturbed) LHI-II/LMI Pecorella & Rocchetti 1985, 193, Pl. XIV: 2; Pecorella 1973, 20, pl. V,1; Pecorella 1971, 57-58, 62, fig. 27; Catling 1986, 93; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 23; Nicolaou 1972, 317; Pecorella 1977, 26, 247-248, fig. 31. Acc. To Maria Vlasaki: Minoan? (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Interesting discussion on this and 2 other cups from Ayia Irini following Pecorella's paper 1971. Pros and cons of Minoan/Myc origin. 17 CM H.: 6.9, Ø: 10.6x10.3 Clay Cup, strap handle, Deco.: 4 double axes Ayia Irini; Tomb 3:16 LCIA:2-IB:2 (disturbed) LMI/LHI Karageorghis 1991, 70; Pecorella 1973, 20, pl. V, 2; Pecorella 1971, 57-58, 62, fig. 26; Kanta 1998, 38; Catling 1986, 93; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 24 (LMIB or (LHIIA)); Nicolaou 1972, 317, pl. 67.42; Pecorella 1977, 21-22, 247, fig. 30 a + b, 31. Acc. To Maria Vlasaki: Mycenaean (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Karageorghis: LM/LH; Pecorella: Very similar to the cup from the Kolokassides Collection;Interesting discussion on this and 2 other cups from Ayia Irini following Pecorella's paper 1971. 18 H: 8.6; Ø: 9 Clay Cup, coarse and unpainted Ayia Irini; Tomb 3:15 LCIA:2-IB:2 (disturbed) LMIA/LHI L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling 1986, 93; Pecorella 1977, 21, fig. 29, 116:15. The piece was not recognized as Minoan or Aegean by Pecorella. 19

179

CM 1793/2 Clay Cup w. flaring rim, Deco: ext. Band of red lustrous paint with white dots. Top of spiral preserved. Int.: Painted Enkomi; Area III, Room 115, layer between floors VI and V Level IB early LHI/LMIA Dikaios vol I: Frontispiece, 230, vol II: 445, 544 vol IIIa: pl. 58/26, 86/1; Crewe, Table of Aegean pottery from Area III; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 307; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 6; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1. Dikaios list this and 1805/1 + 4102/1 as Myc. (or LMIA) w. reference to the oppinions of Hood (n.186 - could also be LMIA) and Popham (n. 187 - Probably Cretan LMIA); Crewe: Ware: "LHI or LMIA", Notes: Myc IIIA; Portugali & Knapp: LMIA. 20 LM 1805/1 /CM? Clay Cup w. flaring rim, much like 1793/2, Deco: ext.: white band and probably spiral, int: Painted Enkomi; Area III, Room 118, in floor X Level IB early LHI/LMIA Dikaios vol I: Frontispiece, 230, vol II: 445, 544 vol IIIa: pl. 58/27 + 27a, 86/2; Crewe, Table of Aegean pottery from Area III;Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 307; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 7; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1. Dikaios list this and 1793/2 + 4102/1 as Myc. (or LMIA) w. reference to the oppinions of Hood (n.186 - could also be LMIA) and Popham (n. 187 - Probably Cretan LMIA);Portugali & Knapp: Sherd held in CM. 21 CM 4102/1 Clay Body (shoulder?), alabastron (squat?), Deco: "raquet pattern"? Enkomi; Area III, Room 114, floor VII Level IB advanced LHIA/LMIB Dikaios vol I: Frontispiece, 230, vol II: 544, 551 vol IIIa: pl. 58/28, 86/3; Crewe, Table of Aegean pottery from Area III; Åström 1972, 759; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 26; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1. Dikaios list this and 1793/2 + 1805/1 as Myc. w. reference to the oppinion of Popham (n. 187 - If Cretan: LMIB); Crewe lists this as Myc.; L.-Ph.: LMIB, mentions 2 pieces, but only one in the plates referred to.; Portugali & Knapp: LMIB. 22 2811/11 T rim: 4; T below rim: 5 Clay

180

Rim (incurving), collar neck jar, convex neck, ext.+ int. matt brown self slip, fine, very hard brown fabric with few inclusions; Deco: Ext.: Thin, matt, black + dark brown horisontal strokes, int: Thick slip Enkomi; Area III, Room 5 Level IB LMI Crewe 2004, 342, fig. A1.30.5, pl. A1.8.4. 23 LM 1804 Clay 5 thin body and (flat) base sherds from storage jar w. light grey core, many black inclusions Enkomi; Area III, Room 117 Level IB end Crewe, Table of foreign pottery from Area III. Crewe identifies the ware as "Minoan SJ?" (storage jar). Nothing more noted on stylistic date. 24 Clay Rim sherd, cup? Enkomi; Quartier 4E LCIB LMIB Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 28; Courtois 1979, 163 fig. 1. 25 P842 L./H.: 4.5 Clay Shoulder of jar, stirrup?, Clay: Buff, Deco: Two bands of thin brown paint Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb III.34, Niche I.4 LCIB LMIA Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 264, 267, 425; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 308 no. 15, fig. 28 bottom right; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 21. Lost; Portugali & Knapp: Tomb III.84. 26 P80 Clay Shoulder fragment, jar or jug, Deco: Orange concentric circles Maroni – Vournes; M11 12.8814 Vournes 1a LCI LMIA

181

Cadogan et al. 2001, 77, fig. 3 27 Limassol Museum H.: 7.5, Ø: 12 Clay Semiglobular "Tea Cup", mended, Slip: ext. Buff, int.: dark red. Deco: floral, lilies East of Limassol; Tomb LCI-II LMIB Karageorghis 1978, 888, 890, fig. 29; Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 383; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 27; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Karageorghis 1979, 306. Karageorghis 888: Furumark, motif 9. 28 CM Clay Cup, Vapheio type, Deco: running spirals Ayia Irini, Paleokastro; Tomb, beneath SE angel of fortification LCI/II LM Quilici 1985, 185, pl. XII 2; Karageorghis 1972, 1051; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 5(?). Acc. To Maria Vlasaki: Minoan (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 5. Only 1 catalogue number without description thus it cannot be desiphered whether this or the next number is no. 5.; Portugali & Knapp: LMIA. 29 CM Clay Semiglobular "tea cup", Deco: running spirals Ayia Irini, Paleokastro; Tomb, beneath SE angel of fortification LCI/II LMIA Quilici 1985, 185, pl. XII 3; Karageorghis 1972, 1051; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 5 (?); Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1. Acc. To Maria Vlasaki: Minoan (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 5. Only 1 catalogue number without description thus it cannot be desiphered whether this or the former number is no. 5.; Portugali & Knapp: LMIA. 30 LM 1983/1

182

Clay 1 body sherd from a storage jar, Deco.: 2 brown horisontal stripes Enkomi; Area I, Room 142 Level IIA late MM-LMI Crewe, Table of foreign pottery from Area I. 31 H.: 5.4 Clay Cup, rim sherd, deco: red spiral Palaepaphos, Teratsoudhia; Tomb 104, chamber O LCIIIA, early LMI(?) Karageorghis 1990, 37, 66, pl. IV (i). 32 TE 118 III Clay Cup, hemispherical, rim sherd Palaipaphos, Evreti; Well, TE VIII LCIII LMIA Maier 1983, 231, pl. 23d; Maier 1997, 93; Maier & Karageorghis 1984, 71; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1; Kanta 1998, 38; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 22; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Maier pers. comm. Feb. 2008. Maier & Karageorghis: Earliest Aegean import at Palaepaphos. Same context as no. 54. 33 BM A390; exc.no. 9812-1 312 Clay Body sherd from large vessel, Deco: Floral Hala Sultan Tekke; Tomb (IV?) LMIA/Cycladic? Åström 1980, 36; Bailey 1976, 13, pl. Xid; Forsdyke 1925, 69, A390; Gjerstad 1926, 210; Cadogan 1980, 380; L.-Ph. 1990, 87. Bailey & Åström: LMI; L.-Ph: LMIA; Forsdyke & Cadogan: Late Cycladic; Gjerstad: Late Cycladic I-II. 34 P 795 L.: 3.5 Clay "Tea cup", 1 small worn sherd, Clay: gray pink, Deco: Flaking brown spiral and leaf spray

183

Toumba tou Skourou; Square J 16, over hole down into Tomb 1, Chamber 1 LMIA late Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 114; Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 303, 306-307, n. 41, fig. 22; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 20. Dissapeared. Found outside the grave but might belong in it.. 35 P1168 Clay Cup, 1 sherd, Clay and slip: Buff, Deco.: Red-brown spirals Toumba tou Skourou; E 5, bottom of the wall N of house A LMIA? Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 97; Vermeule & Wolsky, 1978, fig. 45, 317. Lost. 36 P1151 Clay Cup sherd, Clay: pink, Slip: Whitish, Deco.: dark brovn band - part of a spiral Toumba tou Skourou; G 6, Geometric wall LMIA? Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 98. Lost. 37 P. Kolokassides Collection Clay Cup FS 213 type; Clay: Buff, Slip: lower part: pinkish, upper part: pale, int: Black, Deco: 4 double axes w. lilies Aegean/LHIIA/LMIB Graziadio 2005, 329; Karageorghis 1965, 19-20, fig. 2, pl. 29; Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 383; Pecorella 1973, 21; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no.29; Cadogan 1979, 63 n.1. Graziadio considers this of LHIIA date.; Acc. To Maria Vlasaki: Mycenaean (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Acc. To Pecorella: Very similar to a cup from Ayia Irini; Portugali & Knapp: LMIB; Cadogan: LMIB/LHIIA. 38 H.: 9.4, Ø: 14 Clay "Tea cup", semiglobular, mended, Clay: Buff, Slip: Buff, yellowish, int: brownish-reddish paint, Deco: dark brown double axes Ayia Irini, Paleokastro; Tomb 20.38+39 Disturbed LMI/LHI Pecorella 1973, 20, pl. V, 3; Pecorella 1976, 125-127, fig. 46; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 72 no. 25; Catling 1986, 93; Pecorella 1977, 112-113, fig. 243, 248, 269, 310: 38+39. Acc. To M. Vlasaki: Mycenaean (E. Hallager pers. Comm. Aug. 2006); Interesting discussion on this and 2 other cups from Ayia Irini following Pecorella's paper 1973;

184

Similar to the cup from the Kolokassides Collection; Portugali & Knapp: LMIB or (LHIIA?). 39 BM A635 Exc. No. 98.12-1.95 H: 9.4 Clay Bowl/vase, intact, Clay: Buff, Slip: Loustrous, Deco: Black stipple pattern Maroni; Tomb 1 LMI/LHIIB Forsdyke 1911, 112, fig. 2.1; Johnson 1980, 15 no. 11, pl. VIII.11, LXI.11; Forsdyke 1925, 103, pl. VIII. In Frosdyke 1911 described as A371; Forsdyke 1925: LMI; Johnson: LHIIB. 40 W: 4.9 Clay Cup, body sherd, pale slip, Deco: dark brown double axe, horisontal bands, and dots Palaepaphos, Teratsoudhia; Tomb 105, Pit C LMI(?) Karageorghis 1990, 50-51, 71, pl. IV (viii). Wrong numbering on pl. Iv. Viii instead of vii. 41 BM A705.1 + 2, exc. No. 9812-31 13 A705.1: L: 10.6, A705.2: L: 10.5 Clay Uncertain shape, 3 handled bowl?, flattened shoulder, 2 sherds, 1 strap handle, Clay: light reddish, Deco: Buff slip w. red-black floral design Hala Sultan Tekke; Surface (?) LMI/LMII Forsdyke 1911, 111-112, fig. 1.2-3; Bailey 1976, 28, pl XXXVI; Forsdyke 1925, 115; Gjerstad 1926, 210; L.-Ph. 1990, 87. Gjerstad, Bailey, L.Ph.: LMII; Forsdyke 1911: LMI, 1925: LMII;. 42 P844 L.: 6.5 Clay Jar (piriform?), Shoulder sherd, Clay: Pink gray buff, Slip: buff, Deco.: 3 brown bands and a spiral Toumba tou Skourou; A 16 east, surface, N of E end of East-West 4 LMI or III Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 150. Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, Refers to A. Furumark: The Mycenaean Pottery, 1941, motif: 46:53 (IIIB). 43 P933

185

Preserved dimensions: 4.7 x 3.6 Clay Bowl? Body sherd, Clay and slip: buff, Deco.: Dots and arcs Toumba tou Skourou; E 5, surface, close to the wall N of house A LMI/III? Vermeule & Wolsky, 1990, 96; Vermeule & Wolsky, 1978, 310, fig. 29; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 73 no 41. Portugali & Knapp: LMII. Daggers 44 CM L.: 18.3; Greatest w.: 3.9; T. of midrib: 0.4; L. of preserved rivet: 1.2 Bronze Dagger blade, fragmented butt and tip. Lapithos, Vrysis tou Barba cemetary; Tomb 322a : 54 ECIIIB EMIII Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 111, no. 6, pl. 25e left; Åström 1979, 60; Branigan 1968, 61; Keswani 2005, 389; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Acc. To Catling & Karageorghis resembles stylistically their no. 5; Branigan: Probably type IV. 45 CM L.: 20.7; Butt w.: 4.1; Greatest t.: 0.35; L. of rivets: 1 Bronze Dagger blade, possibly moulded in two-piece mould, Midrib: flattend elliptical section, Deco: uncertain Lapithos, Vrysis tou Barba cemetary; Tomb 313c-d, no. 31 ECIIIB/MCI EMIII-MMIA Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 111, no. 5, pl. 25d; Åström 1979, 60; Branigan 1968, 61, 74-75; Keswani 2005, 389; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Catling & Karageorghis: ECIII; Åström: MCI; Branigan: Type IV. 46 Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery 696 L.:17.8; W.: 3.7 Bronze Dagger blade, 2-4 rivets, Midrib: elliptical in section, Deco: relief lines and herring-bone pattern; 11% tin Bellapais, Vounous; Tomb 143: 32 ECIII/MCI EMIII-early MMIA

186

Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 110-111, no. 3, pl. 25b; Åström 1979, 60; Branigan 1968, 61; Keswani 2005, 389, fig. 11.d; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Acc. To Catling & Karageorghis the tomb is ECIII early and the dagger stylistically very close to their no. 2; Branigan: Type: X. 47 CM L:25.5; Greatest w.: 5; greatest t of midrib: 0.5 Bronze Dagger blade, moulded, well preserved, no of rivet holes: 6, Midrib: elliptical in section, Deco: relief lines; 10% tin Bellapais, Vounous; Tomb 19: 89 ECIIIB/MCI EMIII-MMIA Dikaios 1940, 46, 174, pl. XLII b, LX:14; Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 110, no. 2, pl. 25a; Åström 1979, 59-60; Branigan 1968, 61; Keswani 2005, 389; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Catling & Karageorghis : ECIII early; Åström 59: ECIIIB-MCI; Branigan: Type X. 48 CM L.: 23.5; Greatest w.: 4.5; T. of midrib: 0.4; L of preserved rivet: 1.3 Bronze Dagger blade with 1 surviving rivet, 4 rivets, possibly moulded in two-piece mould, Midrib: elliptical in section, Deco.: Impressed lines Lapithos, Vrysis tou Barba cemetary; Tomb 18b: 2 MCI Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 111, no. 4, pl. 25c; Åström 1979, 60; Branigan 1968, 61; L.-Ph. 1990, 87; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Acc. To Catling & Karageorghis stylistically very close to their no. 2; Branigan: Probably Syrian. 49 CM, Met. 768 Blade fragment, min. 2 rivets, Incised crosses on blade Cyprus; EMIII Branigan 1968, 61. Branigan: Type IX.. Seals 50 CM N119 Steatite Prism, Deco: diagonal crosses on all 3 sides Ayia Paraskevi; Tomb 14

187

LCIA MMII/IIIA Åström 1972a, 758, 768; Cadogan 1979, 62 n.1; Pini 1992, 207; Ohnefalch-Richter 1893 pl. CLXXI, 37,38 fig. 34; Åström 1972b, 53-54; Kanta 1998, 34; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 1; L.-Ph. 1990, 87. Åström 758 n.5: Uncertainty about the exact provenance; Åström 1972b: Problematic origin; Pini 207 n. 8: Uncertain if the piece is Aegean at all; Portugali & Knapp: MMIII. 51 BM (GR/R) 1900.5-21.5 Ø: 1.4, String hole Ø: 0.15 Mottled sard Lentoid, red-brown, Deco: amphora/cantharos Cyprus; MMIIIB/LMI Kenna 1967, no. 48; Pini 1992, 207 no. 1, 208; Onassoglou 1985, 207 no. 31, pl. II; Walters 1926, 4 no. 27, pl. I; Graziadio 2005, 326. Kenna: MMIIIB sard; Pini: LMI, Karneol; Carnelian and sard only differs in the shade of red; Walters: MM. 52 BM 97.4-1.620 0.7x0.6 Lapis Lazuli Prism bead, 3 sides, Deco: a) Bird, b) plant, c) empty Enkomi; Tomb 93 LMIB Onassoglou 1985, 223 no. 13, pl. XIV; 271 no. 33, pl. LI; Keswani 1989, 590; Pini 1992, 207 no. 2, 208, pl. XLI:1a-b; Graziadio 2005, 326. Uncertain context. The seal does not appear in the exc. report; Pini 208: Unique of its kind in lapis lazuli; From the same tomb as nos. 58-59. 53 Cabinet des Médailles. Depot de Louvre AM 1671 (=A1163) L.: 2.7; W.: 1.2 Sardonyx Prism, red, 3 sides, Deco: a) Dragonfly, zig-zag lines, papyrus?, b) 3 geese? c) griffin Cyprus; LMI/LH van Effenterre 1972, no. 162; Pini 1992, 207-208, no. 3; Graziadio 2005: 326. van Effenterre: mycenaean; Pini: LMI. 54 Kouklia Museum TE VII 39 H.: 2.2 Picrolite Stamp, light green, Deco: a) winged godess in long flounced skirt, b) godess in long skirt + 2 heraldic animals Palaipaphos/Kouklia-Evreti; Well, TE VIII Filled in late 13th th – early 12 century/LCIII

188

16. cent./LCI Aegean/Minoan Maier & 1969, 402, fig. 31; Maier & Karageorghis 1984, 67, fig. 47+48, 71; Maier 1997, 93; Maier pers. comm. Feb. 2008. Same context as no. 32

55 KA 1566A L.: 1.9 Black haematite Cylinder, Deco: dog and stag Palaipaphos; Site KA, North East City Gate Siege of 498/7 Minoan(?) Maier 1997, 93; Maier pers. comm. Feb. 2008. Excavated 17.06.1952. Now lost. Metal Vases 56 BM 1897.4-1.506 Ø rim: 10.8 x 10.5/ 10.9; H: 6.9 cm; Weight: 1520g Silver Vapheio cup Enkomi/ Ayios Iakovos; Tomb 92.506 LCIB? LM/LH Murray et al. 1900, 17, fig. 33; Marshall 1911, 63, pl. LXXIII.821; Merrillees 1982, 237, no. 4, pl. XXI,5; Graziadio 2005, 326-227; Portugali & Knapp 1985, 73 no. 44. Graziadio: might be from the from the first period of the tomb use: LCIB; Portugali & Knapp 1985: LHI-II. 57 BM H: a: 6.5; Weight: 649.12 g Gold Vapheio cup - fragments of 1 or 2 cups (see no. 56) Enkomi; Tomb 93 LM/LH Marshall 1911, 42, no. 641 a; Graziadio 2005, 326. Might be from the same cup as 56; Graziadio: From the same tomb as no. 51.1 or 2 gold Vapheio cups, maybe contemporary with the seal. 58 BM H: b: 8.5; Weight: 729g Gold Vapheio cup - fragments of 1 or 2 cups (see no. 55)

189

Enkomi; Tomb 93 LM/LH Marshall 1911, 42, no. 641; Graziadio 2005, 326; Murray et al. 1900: 36-43, pls iv-vii, 46-47. Might be from the same cup as 55; Graziadio: From the same tomb as no. 51.1 or 2 gold Vapheio cups, maybe contemporary with the seal.. Miscellanea 59 CM L.: 13; Greatest w.: 3.65; T. midblade: 0.2; T. edge: 0.05; Rivets: 1 Bronze Razor, 2 rivets. Lapithos, Vrysis tou Barba cemetary; Tomb 322a : 35 ECIIIB MB/EM-MMI Catling & Karageorghis 1960, 111, no. 7, fig. 3; Åström 1979, 60; Branigan 1968, 61, 96; Keswani 2005, 389; Catling & MacGillivray 1983, 5. Acc. To Catling & Karageorghis from same tomb but another burial group as their no. 6 - date ECIIIc - inconsistent with the dagger from the same tomb of ECIIIb date; Branigan: Type III. 60 AU 1 Largest frag.: C: 3.2 Ivory and gold Knife handle in 4 fragments w 2 gold rivets Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb I.356 (S3) Tomb end use c. 1500 LM/LH Vermeule & Wolsky 1978, 306, 607 n. 41; Vermeule & Wolsky 1977, 89-90, AU 1; Graziadio 2005, 327. 61 Metal Curved razor Toumba tou Skourou; Tomb 56 LMI Portugali & Knapp 1985, 71 no. 2; L.-Ph. 1990, 87. 62 Lead Disc weight, 250g Phlamoudi; LMI/LH/Aegean? Cadogan 1979, 62 n.1; Porada 1973, 366; Kanta 1998, 38; Portugali & Knapp 1985, no. 3.

190

Portugali & Knapp: LMI.