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A COMPREHENSIVE STUDY OF WORD FORMATION IN TAMIL

By

Dr. Rajendran, S.

Retired Professor, Tamil University, Thanjavur

Now at

Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham, Coimbatore

Thanjavur

2001

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CONTENTS

SrNo Title Page

ABBREVIATIONS OF GRAMMATICAL TERMS

USED

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION

Chapter 2 SOME THEORIES OF WORD FORMATION

Chapter 3 WORD CLASSES OR PARTS OF SPEECH

Chapter 4 TYPES OF WORD FORMATION

Chapter 5 FORMATION OF DERIVED NOUNS

Chapter 6 FORMATION OF COMPOUND NOUNS

Chapter 7 FORMATION OF COMPOUND VERBS

Chapter 8 FORMATION OF ADJECTIVES

Chapter 9 FORMATION OF ADVERBS

Chapter 10 CONCLUSION

APPENDICES

REFERENCES

ABBREVIATIONS FOR GRAMMATICAL TERMS USED

The following are abbreviations for grammatical terms used frequently in the glosses for

examples. Other abbreviations are explained as they are presented.

ACC/Acc/acc - Accusative

ADJ/Adj/adj - Adjective

ADV/Adv/adv - Adverb

AGR - Agrement

AUX/Aux - Auxiliary

C – Complement

CL - Clitics

COMP- Complementizer

CONJ/Conj/conj - Conjunction

COND - Conditonal

CP - Case phrase

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DAT/Dat/dat - Dative

DEF/Def/def- Definite

DEM/Dem/dem -Demonstrative

DET/Det/det - Determiner

DO - Direct object

DVN - Deverbal noun

EMPH/Emph/emph - Emphasis

ECCL/Excl/excl - Exclamation

FUT/Fut/fut - Future

GEN/Gen/gen - Genitive

IMP/Imp/imp – Imperative

INF/Inf/inf - Infinitive

IO - Indirect object

LOC/Loc/loc - Locative

N/n - Noun

NEG/Neg - Negative

NOM/Nom - Nominative

NP - Noun phrase

O/OBJ/obj - Object

P - Phrase

PaRP - Past relative participle

PART - Participle

PCL - Particle

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PERF - Perfective

PL - Plural

PNG - Person-number-gender

POSP - Postposition

PPART - Past participle

PREP - Preposition

PRES - Present

QUAN/Qutan/quan – Quantifier

RP- Relative participle

S - Sentence, Subject

SG/sg - Singular

SUBJ - Subject

T - Tense

V - Verb

VN - Verbal noun

VP - Verb phrase

VPART - Verbal participle

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CHAPTER 1

INTORUCTION

1.1 A brief sketch of morphology of Tamil

Tamil, morphologically speaking, is primarily agglutinating, and suffixal. In other words,

inflections are marked by suffixes attached to a lexical base, which may be augmented by

derivational suffixes. The traditional treaties on Tamil grammar define a distinction through free

forms (the major grammatical classes), and bound forms (items like particles, and clitics).

Tolkappiyam recognizes Tamil as constituting two major word classes: nouns, termed peyarccol

and verbs, termed vinaiccol. As per the classical grammatical treatises, and as recorded in Pope

(1985), each of these are characterized by a narrow set of features, all of which are necessarily

morphological.

The characterization of the major grammatical categories of Tamil by Pope (1985) is worth

mentioned here. According to Pope nouns are characterized by four features: class, division,

person and case. There are two kinds of classes, rational and irrational. There are five divisions,

masculine, feminine, rational-plural, irrational-singular, and irrational-plural; the three divisions,

masculine and feminine and irrational-singular are called singular number; the two other

divisions are called plural number. There are three persons: the first, second, and the third.

Cases are eight in number: nominative, accusative, sociative, dative, ablative, instrumental and

locative.

According to Pope the verb consists of the following things: root, personal terminations, three

persons, five divisions, tenses, imperative mood, optative mood, two particles, negative form,

and verbal noun. The root of a verb is the indivisible part which stands first. That part of a verb

which stands at the end and shows the class, division, and person of its subject is its personal

termination. There are three tenses: past, present, and future. These are generally indicated by a

medial particle between the root and the personal termination. The imperative is used only in the

second person, and in the singualr its form is that of the simple verbal root. By the addition of

um alone, or of um with kaL, the plural is formed. The optative is that form of the verb, which is

used with a subject of any of the two classes, five divisions, and three persons, to express a 'wish'

or 'polite command'. A participle is a defective (or dependent) verbal form. There are two kinds

of participles: adverbial participle and adjectival participles. A negative mood is recognized as

indicated by those forms of the verb which deny an action. Combining the personal ending and

the root without any medial particle forms the negative finite verb common to the three tenses.

A verbal noun is a noun formed by adding tal, al or kai to the root of a verb.

Adjectives and adverb in Tamil are syntactically recognized category. They are not decided by

the type of inflection they receive; rather they are identified by their function in the sentential

construction.

1.2 A brief note on word and its formation

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We are concerned here on the formation of words, and more particularly with notion of stems.

Traditionally, the lexicon is thought of as a (more or less structured) list of the form-meaning

correspondences (or signs) which speakers have made conventional. With only marginal

exceptions, these associations are arbitrary: even onomatopoeic words are arbitrary, at least in

part. The fact that kaatu 'ear' in Tamil means what it does and functions as a noun does not

follow from any general property of the language. Lexicon should not be looked at as a list of

words focusing on the unpredictability of the form-meaning associations. It should be able to

connect the net work of relations existing between words.

There would be little to study in the domain of word formation principles if all of the items in the

lexicon were arbitrary like kaatu 'ear' – arbitrary associations between a form and its meaning,

where neither has internal structure that is relevant to the existence of the association. Besides

such unanalyzable case, however, other items in the lexicon (perhaps mojority) can be seen as

'particularly motivated', in the sense that they involve (individually arbitrary) isolable parts

combined in principled ways. Consider for example, the word iiTTiya viTuppu 'earned leave. It

is not enough to list an association between the phonological sequence /iiTTiya viTuppu / and the

meaning 'earned leave'. We must relate the first part of the form to the independent word iiTTiya

( and thus eventually to the verb iiTTu 'to earn'. This is not simple because of the resemblance in

sound an meaning. Somewhere in the lexicon can be found the information yaroo viTuppai

iiTTinaan means 'someone earned leave'. What interests us is the sort of principle by which the

adjectival form iiTTiya 'earned' and the noun viTuppu 'leave' are combined to yield the

compound noun iiTTiya viTuppu 'earned leave'. A number of different processes can be seen at

work in this example. iiTTiya 'earned' is related to the verb iiTTu 'earn' by relativization or

adjectivalization by adding tense suffix and relative participle marker a. The individual

components of the formation can all be seen abundantly elsewhere in the language; but still the

existence of a form iiTTiya viTuppu is a partially arbitrary fact which must be listed in the

lexicon. This is because even though we can say a great deal about how it is formed, given its

components, we cannot predict with certainty that it will be formed. But we don't have a

compound kiTaitta paNam 'the money which is received'.

The existence of one but not the other is thus an idiosyncratic fact about the word stock of

Tamil, where the principle by which either is formed have a generality that goes beyond any

particular item in the lexicon. It is in this sense that we can speak of lexical items as 'partially

motivated', and about the structure in the lexicon. Distinction has to be drawn between

inflection and derivation, the former is intended to bring in syntactic relations between words in

a sentence and the later is intended to from new words. The present work aims to capture the

formation of words from the already existing ones.

Due to the application of computer in the field of linguistics a new field in applied linguistics is

fast developing which has been given the nomenclatures such as computational linguistics and

natural language processing (NLP). Computer helps in language parsing, text generation,

machine translation and other text-analysis applications. Computer can be used for the analysis

of sentences into clauses, clauses into phrases, phrases into words and words into morphemes by

parsing techniques and the synthesis in the reverse order is possible. Computational morphology

concentrates on the analysis of words into morphemes as well as the synthesis of morphemes

into words. Computational morphology can be used in developing teaching tools for studying

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morphology itself, both from the point of view of language learner and researcher involved in

morphological study. Our present venture falls in the second category.

Tamil makes use of mainly the processes of suffixation and compounding to build up its stock of

vocabulary. In its present day anxiety to adorn itself to suit the newly found areas of science

and technology, it exploits its productive mechanism of coining new words from the existing

morphemes and words to the fullest possible extent. Verb happens to become a resource from

which Tamil can pail out its nominal formations whenever its existing stock fails to lend a

helping hand. For centuries together this technique of formation of nouns from verbs is an

ongoing process. The interesting aspect of it is that, in spite of its limited number of verb stock

and countable number of suffixes, it still could not exploit fully this resource and the process of

nonce formation and lexicalization of verbal nouns is still going on. This is of great interest for

us and it is one of the areas which we are planning to explore further to understand how far the

processes of productive formation and lexicalization have been exploited so far and to see the

present trends in this operation. We are planning to work on the formation of other all the four

major categories or words, nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs, from one another. Computers

comes in handy to serve our purpose.

In order to achieve our goal a data bases have been created in foxpro by making use of kiriyaavin

taRkaalatamizh akaraati (KTTA). For example, a data base of verbs and deverbal nouns have

been built and the verb stem and suffixes have been listed as fields. (The structure of the data

base is given in the appendix no. ) There are 63 fields which consist of the verb stem which

occupies the top of the list christened as "root" followed by 62 suffixes. The suffixes are named

after the concerned suffixes with certain amount of abbreviations wherever necessary. (The

abbreviations are expanded at the foot of the appendix no.). The verbs are marked for the

conjugation class to which they belong. Accordingly 7 conjugation classes are identified by the

markings, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. The meanings of the verbs as well as the lexicalized nouns are

also given. The compound verbs are distinguished from the simplex verbs by the mark `#'. The

root field is provided with the above information in the order: 1) verb stem, 2) marking for

simplex/complex, 3) conjugation class and 4) the core meaning of the verb in English. The

lexicalized nouns are marked by `*' given in suffix fields. Programs are written in the foxpro for

the purpose of computing and retrieving the relevant statistical information discussed in the

chapter no . Similarly relevant data bases are created for other categories of words, with the aim

of finding out the word formation processes involved in their formations.

1.3 The scheme of the study

The first chapter entitled "Theory of word formation" deals about the theory of word formation

in general. The ideas such as productivity and lexicalization are also elaborately studied in the

chapter. The second chapter entitled "Word classes or Parts of speech" identifies the word

classes or parts of speech for Tamil. Here the word classes to be established for Tamil form the

light of analysis of the data of Modern Tamil has been discussed. The third chapter explains the

"Types of word formation" in Tamil. The fourth chapter entitled "Formation of nouns" explains

in details the formation of nouns from nouns, verbs, adjectives and other grammatical

categories. The fifth chapter on "Formation of compound nouns" explores the formation of

compound nouns taking into account the traditional and modern views on nominal

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composition.The sixth chapter entitled "Formation of compound verbs" elaborately studies the

formation of compound verbs in Tamil which is a very productive mechanism of forming new

verbs form old stock of nouns and verbs. The seventh chapter entitled "Formation of adjectives"

depicts the taxonomy of formation of adjectives in Tamil. The eighth chapter entitled

"Formation of adverbs" explains the typology of formation of adverbs in Tamil.

CHAPTER 2

SOME THEORIES OF WORD FORMATION

2. 1. Introduction

Our concern here is with the formation of words, and more particularly with the notion of stems.

Traditionally, lexicon is thought of as a (more structured or less structured) list of the form-

meaning correspondences (or signs) which speakers have made conventional. There would be

little to study in the domain of word formation principles if all of the items in the lexicon were

arbitrary associations between a form and its meaning, where neither has internal structure that is

relevant to the existence of the associations. Besides such unanalyzable cases, however, other

items in the lexicon (perhaps majority) can be seen as 'particularly motivated', in the sense that

they involve (individually arbitrary) isolable parts combined in principled ways. Our interest

here, however, is not in the productive and syntactically relevant categories of inflection, but

rather in the internal structure of the meaningful 'core' of the word. The study of stem formation

includes the traditional domain of derivational morphology, but it is not limited to this. The

formation of compounds is not always considered together with deviational morphology, but in

Tamil this is an important way of creating new lexical items.

Halle's programmatic remarks (1973) introduced the idea that a separate word formation

component should be incorporated into generative grammar. There is not much agreement

among the scholars about the theory of word formation and the data which is relevant to the

theory construction. There are a number of theories on word formation and it is difficult to deal

in details about all these theories as it will occupy a lot of space and not much will be achieved

by doing so. There are at least two kinds of views on word-formation which need to be discussed

here for the proper understanding of the subject, one is that of Aronoff (1976) who proposes to

add a word-formation component to the lexicon of generative grammar and attempts to

characterize the notion of word-formation rules (WFRs) and another is that of Bauer (1983) who

tries to equate word-formation process with syntactic process of sentence formation or

generation. In a number of places Bauer shares Aronoff's viewpoints. Our concern here is not to

find out the difference between these two viewpoints, but to integrate them so as to serve our

purpose.

The theory of word formation propounded by many including Aronof (1976) and Bauer (1983)

in general aims to cater to lexicon with word formation rules. As the dictionaries become

unending list of words, it became inevitable for us to capture this unending growth of

dictionaries by understating the productivity in the formation of lexical items in terms of nonce

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formation coupled with semantic extension by polysemy. Pustejovsky (1996) views the lexicon

as generative. He tries to capture polysemy by means of generative mechanism. We find many

lexical items listed in dictionaries as the lexicographers find them idiosyncratic in their formation

and/or meaning. But a semantic lexicon should explain these idiosyncrasies, and then only it can

severe as a useful tool complementing a grammar. The semantic lexicon, unlike a lexicographer's

lexicon should explain the creativity of formation of new words or new meaning from the

already existing stock. So it is proposed here to understand the formation of nouns form the

already existing lexical items without bothering about the productivity of the concerned word

formation rules. The formation of nouns in Tamil is explained keeping in mind the creative

aspect of lexical items.

2.2. Word-formation and its productivity through Arnoff's eyes

Aronoff's theory of word formation is one of the most extensively developed and which make

some of the most clearly testable claims about the structure of the lexical component. Under this

heading the theory of word formation will be explained through Arnoff's eyes giving as far as

possible examples from Tamil.

2.2.1 Word

Morphology is concerned with the internal structure of words. The students of morphology are

bothered about the notion of word. The definition for word is a longstanding problem in

linguistics. The difficulty in finding a definition is reflected in the morphological theory itself.

When it is said that morphology is concerned about the word structure, it does not mean that all

the things about the structure of word are encompassed in the domain of Morphology. There is a

branch of phonology, termed phonotactics or morpheme structure, which concerns itself with the

determination of possible sequence of sounds in a given language. In morphology, words are

treated as signs, that is, not just as forms, but also as meaningful forms. It is therefore concerned

with words which are not simple signs, but which are made up of more elementary ones. So

morphology encompasses two distinct but related matters: (i) the analysis of existing composite

words, and (ii) the formation of new composite words. A unified theory of morphology should

be capable of dealing with both these areas in a unified and coherent manner, though it may not

be possible or even desirable to treat them in exactly the same manner.

2.2.2 Derivation and Inflection

Derivation and inflection are the two types of phenomena recognized traditionally in

morphology. Though the distinction between these two phenomena is delicate, and sometimes

elusive, it is important. Generally inflection is viewed as encompassing the purely morphological

markers, those of tense, aspect, person, number, gender, case, etc. Derivational morphology is

restricted to the domain of lexical category. Aronoff assumes that theory of morphology must not

include the premise that morphemes are necessarily meaningful.

2.2.3 Possible and actual word

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As syntax, in its modest attempt, aims to enumerate the class of possible sentences of a language,

morphology, in its simplest attempt, aims to enumerate the class of possible words of a language.

Morphology differs from syntax in the sense that there is a distinction to be made between the

classes of possible words and actual words.

2.2.4 Word based morphology

The focus of Aronoff's work is on the process of new word formation. For him word formation

rules are used by native speakers create new words. Aronoff (1979:21) makes the following

hypothesis while dealing about word-formation: "All regular word-formation process are word-

based. A new word is formed by applying a regular rule to a single already existing word. Both

the new word and the existing one are members of major lexical categories." He claims that any

theory of which this hypothesis is a basic tenant will be called a theory of word-based

morphology.

2.2.5 Word formation rules

The regular rules referred to above will be termed Word Formation Rules (WFR). Such a rule

specifies a set of words on which it can operate. This set, or any member of this set will be

termed the base of the rule. Every WFR specifies a unique phonological operation which is

performed on the base. Every WFR specifies a syntactic label and subcategoriztion for the

resulting word, as well as a semantic reading for it, which is the function of the reading of the

base. It is a fact that all new words are produced by WFRs. WFRs do not operate on anything

less than a word, i.e. on morphemes. Aronoff argues that as not all morphemes are meaningful

(eg. cran of cranberry, -ceive of conceive, eceive, receive, etc.), morphemes cannot be

considered as bases for the operation of WFRs. According to him regular rules can derive

meaningful words from meaningful bases, i.e. words only. He further assumes that the speakers

of a language do not apply these rules every time they use the word. They are rules for making

up new words that may be added to the speaker's lexicon. They could be considered as once-only

rules. They are thus different from rules of the syntax and the phonology that must apply in the

derivation of every sentence.

2.2.6 Assumption about lexicon

The word-formation rules are rules for generating words and these words may be stored in the

dictionary of a language. The rules are a part of the grammar of a language. Aronoff assumes

that these rules are completely separate from the syntactic and phonological rules of the

grammar. When a WFR is specified for phonological operation, it is not that the phonological

operation is applied independent of WFR, but it is the part of the WFR itself. The same position

has to be taken with regard to syntactic and semantic phenomena. A consequence of these

assumptions is that each word may be entered in the dictionary as a fully specified separate item.

It is assumed by Aronoff that each word in the dictionary entries is not dependent on one

another, or on rules. Each one is a complete sign in itself.

2.2.7 Word structure

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Almost all words have morphological structure. This fact can be ascertained from the fact that

the phonology must have access to both bracketing and boundaries, both of which are

morphological matters. It is reasonable to separate the rules for making up new words from those

for analyzing existing words, because of the general fact that already existing words tend to be

peculiar, and resistant to any system which derives their properties by general rule. This accounts

for the similarities between word formation and word analysis. The two matters are same, and

yet different. The difference is that while the rules of word-formation are rules for generating

forms, the same rules of word analysis can be viewed as redundancy rules. They can be used to

segment a word into morphological constituents, though the word may not be strictly generable

from these constituents. The proposal that existing morphologically complex words should be

analyzed rather than synthesized is of little novelty. Jakendoff (1975) gives an extensive defense

of the use of redundancy rules in morphology. Halle (1973) can be best be interpreted as a

system of redundancy rules which extract generalization from a dictionary. But these and similar

systems put no external constraint on the notion redundancy. Two coinciding facts, however

incidentally, can be reduced to one within Jakendoff's system. In the system proposed by

Aronoff the redundancy rules are defined outside the realm, in which they operate: lexicon. In

this system only a WFR, which can form a new word, serves as a redundancy rule. This means

that the facts, which can account the redundancies or generalization in the analysis of existing

words can account the formation of the new ones also.

The analysis of a word begins at its first articulation. The theory can show the possible parts of

words as well as individual words. When the analysis does not give us a base of any lexical

category, then it receives no label. Take for example the following words:

talaivar (=talai (N) + ar) `head-person'

aaciriyar (= aaciri + ar) `teacher'

kaNavar (= kaNa + ar) 'husband'

The first word has a base which can be assigned to a lexical category (i.e. noun), whereas the

second and third do not have a base belonging to specified lexical category. When a word does

not have a base of assigned category, then there will be no semantics, whereas when a word does

have a base, it is legitimate to ask the relation between the base and the word. This relationship

will seldom be one of neat compositionality. Some sort of divergence will usually be seen. This

divergence is due to the difference between the actual meaning of the derivative and the expected

meaning and not due the difference between the derivative and the base. For example the

divergence of paTippu `education' consists in the fact that it does not mean `act of reading'. The

divergence is therefore not directly between paTippu `education' and paTi `read', but between the

two senses of paTippu `reading/education'. The expected sense of the deviate thus mediates

between its actual sense and the actual sense of the base. The intuitive notion of divergence can

be handled easily by the proposed theory. Since the analysis outlined so far concerns only to the

form of a word, we are not free to give this analyzed form a putative meaning by applying the

compositional semantic function of any affixes or may contain to the base. For example, consider

the word paTippu `studies/education'. This can be analyzed as [[paTi]V `study'+ ppu]]N and the

meaning can be interpreted approximately as `action of reading/studying' or `event or state of

being read'. When this meaning is compared with the meanings of paTippu which we determine

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from its actual use in the language, it can be found that the one of the approximation will be

closer to the actual meaning as it is exemplified in the following sentence.

raataa meel paTippukkaaka amerikkaa ce-nR-aaL

Radha higher study_DAT_ADV America go_PAST_she

`Radha went to America for higher studies'

If a fully developed theory on semantics is available, it is possible to quantify the amount of

possible divergence and predict the possible meaning.

2.2.8 Productivity

Productivity is the central mysteries of derivational morphology. It stands on the fact that certain

things are more possible than certain other things. Productivity has been widely studied in

derivational morphology. There is obviously some intuition about productivity. But most of the

discussions are vague. It is sometimes taken for granted that syntax is not concerned with

productivity. But it should be noted that certain rules in syntax are more productive than others

and that there are operations which are immune to questions of productivity. The obligatory rules

cannot be viewed in terms of productivity. On the other hand productivity play a role in the

understanding of word-formation rules as they are always optional.

At first productivity has been measured in sheer number. If one wants to compare the

productivity of two WFRs, it has been considered to be enough to list the words formed by the

respective process and add them up. Productivity has been associated with the length of the list,

the longer the list more productive the WFR. The immediate reaction to this method is that it

does not take into account the fact that there are morphological restrictions on the sorts of words

one may use as the base of certain WFR. Take for example the suffixes -vu and -ppu in Tamil

which form nouns from verbs, the former is added to the verbs of 2nd conjugation class and the

latter is added to the verbs of the 6th and 7th conjugation classes. The restriction on the deverbal

noun formation by these suffixes can be accounted by a simple way (see page no. for details).

The number of words which could be felt occurring as the output of a given WFR has to be

counted along with the number of actually occurring words formed by that rule; the ratio of the

two has to be computed; the comparison of the ratios obtained for the suffixes with the same

kind of ratio obtained for another WFR will give the range of productivity.

2.2.9 Word formation rules

It is neither interesting nor novel to say that words are derived from words. We have made

precise claims about the nature of the rules which generate words, their form, the conditions

under which they operate, and their relation to the rest of the grammar. Aronoff makes the basic

assumption that "WFRs are rules of the lexicon, and as such operate totally within the lexicon.

They are totally separate from the other rules of the grammar, though not from the other

components of the grammar. A WFR may make reference to syntactic, semantic and

phonological properties of words, but not to syntactic, semantic, or morphological rules. Nor

may a WFR refer to those properties of words which are directly associated with these rules, i.e.

such properties as syntactic or phonological rule features." WFR cannot introduce rule

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conditioned properties. WFR and its associated phonological operations are simultaneous, and

that as a consequence, words are entered in the lexicon in a fully concrete, specified form. WFRs

are different from other rules in the manner and occasion of their use. While syntactic and

phonological rules are necessary and essential to the generation of every sentence and it is

impossible to speak without using some analogue of the syntax and the phonology, this is not the

case with the rules of the morphology. It is the dictionary entries themselves which are the input

to the syntax and phonology, and the WFRs are merely rules for adding to and, derivatively

analyzing these entries. So we can talk about a sentence without taking into account WFRs. It

does not mean that WFRs are formally different from others; it does suggest that the two

categories are quite separate.

We must know two things for every WFR. The first is that we must know what sort of

information a WFR has access to, and how it has access to this information. Every WFR has

access to its base, i.e. the class of words on which it operates and to the information contained in

the base. The second sort of thing we must know about is the sort of operations a WFR performs,

the sorts of changes it can make, and the formal mechanism by which these changes can best be

stated in a general way. Perpendicular to this classification of phenomena are different kinds of

information in grammar such as syntactic, semantic, phonological, and morphological. Words

contain information of all these types that are most likely to be introduced by WFRs as rules for

making new words.

2.2.10 Syntactic and semantic restrictions

The base is always specified syntactically. For example, the rule which attaches the adjective

forming suffix -aana operates only on nouns.

azhaku 'beauty' + aana = azhakaana `beautiful'

inimai `sweetness' + aana = inimaiyaana `sweet'

Finer syntactic distinctness as well as sub categorization is also possible. Thus, the suffix -ndar

attaches only/preferably to transitive verbs.

ooTTu `drive'+ ndar = ooTTundar `driver'

iyakku `operate' + ndar = iyakkundar `director'

poo 'go' + ndar = *poondar

paci 'feel hungery' + ndar = *pacindar

WFRs may also be sensitive to the selectional restrictions of the base. So, the suffix -ndar is

further restricted to verbs which allow human subject. It appears to be a general fact that the

syntactic and semantic conditions on the base of a WFR are those of category, subcategory,

selection and lexically governed entailment and presupposition.

2.2.11 Output

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The most studied aspects of morphology, at least the aspects most studied within the framework

of generative grammar, are the relation between the syntax and semantics of the base and that of

the output of a WFR, the common properties which the two share, and the ways in which these

relations and commonalities can be accounted for. With reference to syntax, every new word

must be a member of some major lexical category, the exact category being determined by the

WFR which produces the word: -aana produces adjectives and -aaka produces adverbs in Tamil.

The output can assume the form of a labeled bracketing in which the syntactic category of both

the base and the output are specified and the base is represented by a variable. So, for example,

the WFR which attaches -ndar forms nouns from verbs. This can be represented as follows:

[+[X]V+ndar]N

With reference to semantics, the meaning of the output of a WFR will always be a function of

the meaning of the base. This function is the meaning of the WFR itself. The meaning of a WFR

is represented traditionally by a paraphrase containing a variable. The agentive occupational

suffix -ndar, for example, can be roughly paraphrased as below:

[V#ndar]N `one who Vs habitually, professionally...'

The words such as anuppundar `sender', peRundar `receiver' and ndaTattundar `conductor'

exemplifies this meaning. The paraphrases of this sort could not be taken theoretically

significant. A better representation than providing mere paraphrases can be given by a well

developed theory of semantics.

2.2.12 Morphological restrictions on the base

Restrictions, which have their basis on morphology can be seen to participate in the word-

formation process. The deverbal noun suffix -ppu, for example, is added to the verbal bases that

belong to the 6th and 7th conjugational classes.

Verbs Derived nouns

paTi `study' paTippu `education',

ndaTi `act' ndaTippu `acting',

ndaTa `occur' ndaTappu `current'.

Distinction between verbs of Sanskrit and native origin is helpful in finding out the unacceptable

-ppu suffixation with verbs of 6th conjugation class; verbs of Sanskrit origin belonging to the 6th

conjugation class do not receive -ppu suffix as they are derived from nouns of Sanskrit origin by

truncation followed by -i suffixation.

payaNam `travel (N)'> *payaN, payaN + i = payaNi `travel (V)'

virootam `enmity (N)' > *viroot, viroot + i = virooti `antagonize (V)'

2.2.13 Encoding morphological restrictions

15

By simply listing the conditions on the basis of WFRs given below, we can state morphological

restrictions as follows:

X]V-ppu]N

Condition: X belongs to verbs of 6th and 7th conjugation classes and is not equal to verbs of

Sanskrit origin.

The listing conditions under a base are not appreciable as many seemingly independent

conditions on WFRs can be attributed to other factors. Most negative conditions are the simple

result of blocking. Blocking prevents the listing of synonyms in a single stem. An affix, which is

productive with a given morphological class, will thus block the attachment of rival affixes to

that class.

2.3. Word-formation and its productivity through Bauer's eyes

Under this heading word-formation and its productivity will be viewed through Bauer's eyes and

will be explained giving as for as possible examples from Tamil as we are interested in Tamil

word-formation. Productivity is an important aspect in the theory of word-formation. We have

accepted that word-formation could be productive. Even then the productivity in word-formation

is still a matter of dispute. There are many articles and books written on this subject. The dispute

is not whether a specific formation is productive or not, but about how far word-formation in

general can be considered productive. Bauer (1983) holds the view that certain processes of

word-formation, at least, are productive. It is clear that certain word-formation processes are

productive. For example the bound forms -aana and -aaka can be suffixed with nouns to form

adjectives and adverbs respectively.

N + aana

azhaku `beauty'+ aana = azhakaana `beautiful',

cezhippu 'prosperity' + aana = cezhippaana `prosperous'

N + aaka

inimai `sweetness' + aaka = inimaiyaaka `sweetly',

teLivu `clearness' + aaka = teLivaaka `clearly'

It is the productivity of word formation that is responsible for the existence of huge vocabulary

of Tamil. Tamil newspapers and magazines are using new formations; we can see this tendency

in newspaper headings and in advertisements. So the theory, which deals with word-formation,

should explain about productivity in word-formation. As productivity of word-formation is the

major factor in providing the huge vocabulary of a language, the theory of word-formation has to

explain the productivity of word-formation. He distinguishes productivity from creativity.

2.3.1 Productivity and creativity

Productivity is one of the features that can be used to define the human language. This feature is

responsible for the production of infinite number of sentences by a speaker of a language. It is

16

expected that productivity should be accounted in the grammar by rules. Creativity is different

from productivity in the sense that it is the native speaker's ability to extend the language system

in a motivated but unpredictable (not rule governed) way. Take for example the compound

veTTukatti which denotes `an instrument meant for cutting'. But if it is used as a metaphor to

denote `a person indulging in fighting', then it is a matter of creativity. The word katti `knife'

does not carry the meaning `a person of fighting tendency' and it is not possible to predict that

veTTukatti can be used to denote a person of fighting tendency and that it would be extended to

mean so. But the innovations governed by rules are productive formations. Creativity cannot be

placed under any worthwhile generalization although it is possible to give taxonomy of types of

creativity.

2.3.2 Productivity with reference to synchrony and diachrony

While talking about productivity it is possible to confuse between synchronic and diachronic

aspects of it. The productivity in word-formation is considered to mean the invention of new

lexemes that form the part of a language. The information that a particular form is used by so and

so during so and so period is a matter of diachrony. There are many new forms that fail to get

established in a language. Even then they are formed by specific rules like those forms, which

later become established. A speaker can form new words in the same way they form new

sentences. In a synchronic grammar there must be rules in the language system that allow the

formation of nonce words. The future of these nonce words, which are formed by the rules to fill

up the need, is a matter of diachrony. These facts are relevant for the discussion on

backformation. The formation of new words from complex words by the deletion of a suffix or

suffix-like element is called backformation. The formation of the verb edit from editor is an

example for backformation. It seems that there is no typical instance of backformation in Tamil,

though there are formations which resemble backformation. For example, the formation of the

verb payaNi `travel' involves truncation of the noun payaNam `travel' by the deletion of -am

followed by the addition of verbalizer -i. Those who wants to explain the above mentioned

formation from the synchronic point of view forgetting about the diachronic facts can say that

payaNi is a verb from which the deverbal noun payaNam is derived by the deletion of -i

followed by the addition of -am.

2.3.3 Syntactic and morphological productivity

There are scholars who think that there is no fundamental difference between syntactic process

and derivative process. But there are scholars who think, on the other hand, that neologism are

not formed by separate rules independent of concrete construction. Taking these two conflicting

views into account, it is better to see how far morphological productivity is identical to or similar

to syntactic productivity. If they are identical, we have to consider word-formation as part of

syntax. If there is nothing common between them, we have to assume that word-formation is

nothing to do with syntax. There are at least three statements which are made in generative

syntax about the productivity in sentences (Bauer,1984:66).

1. The speakers of a language can produce and understand new sentences of that language.

2. There is no such thing as the longest sentence of a natural language.

17

3. The statistical probability that any given utterance has been heard/produced by the

speaker-listener is almost zero.

How far the above three statements are suitable to word-formation will be discussed below.

2.3.4 Formation of new forms

If we glance through any etymological dictionary one can clearly see the diachronic fact of

production of new forms. Newspapers, periodicals and science books in Tamil can give us good

source of contemporary material. It is claimed that when word-formation is said to be productive,

it is often understood that the native speaker can produce and understand new words. It is in this

sense that productivity in sentence formation and productivity in word-formation are identical.

2.3.5 Existence of a longest form in compounding

In Tamil, as it appears, there is nothing like biggest compound. Tamil allows the formation of

compounds by adding nouns one after another.

tamizhp palkalaikkazhaka aaTcikkuzhu kuuTTa varalaaRu

Tamil university syndicate meeting history

`the history of the syndicate meetings of Tamil university'

As there is limitation in the formation of long sentence due to memory limitation, there is also

limitation in the formation of long word, though theoretically there is no limitation.

viRu viRu ... ndaTai `fast walk'

2.3.6 Existence of longest form in the derivation

It is difficult to say whether there exists a longest derived form in a language. We cannot have a

derived word in Tamil in which affixes can be added one after another so as to form a derivative.

Though it appears that practically there is limitation in the length of the words formed by

derivation, theoretically there is no limitation in the length of the words formed by derivation as

there is no limitation in the length of the sentence.

2.3.7 Probability of occurrence

If we calculate the possibility of occurrence of an item we will understand the difference

between the productivity of sentence formation and the productivity of complex formation. The

probability of occurrence of a given sentence is zero. Many practical applications of linguists

assume that this is not true with lexemes. The frequency dictionaries assume that the lexemes

differ in their frequency of occurrence and their probabilility of occurrence is not zero. There is a

theory of sound change which predicts that the sound change occurs in the lexemes of greater

frequency with the assumption that there is difference in the probabilities of occurrence of

lexemes and the probabilities of occurrence that are not equal to zero. On the contrary there are

no frequency dictionaries of sentences or theory of sound change which rely on the frequency of

18

occurrence of sentences. Though dictionaries list the lexemes of a language, there is no attempt

to list the sentences of a language.

Theoretically it is problematic to differentiate between above mentioned two probabilities of

occurrence. In a language with 40 phonemes more than 40 types of arrangements can be made.

Similarly in a language with n lexemes there could be sentences of more than n types of

arrangements. So it is natural that sentence formation is more productive than word-formation.

This difference in the probability of occurrence of lexemes and sentences can be attributed to the

difference in the number of possible arrangements of the elements. Practically lexemes recur

giving the impression that it has countable probability of occurrence. On the other hand

sentences belong to a large set such that it is practically no use of talking about the probability of

occurrence, though it is possible to compute the probability of occurrence of sentences in a finite

corpus. The difference in the productivity of lexemes and sentences is a mater of item

familiarity; lexemes being recurring are considered as known ones than the sentences.

Attributing this difference to the difference in the productivity of lexemes and sentences is ill-

founded.

2.3.8 Productivity and nominalization

The discussion we are going to make is very relevant not only from the point of view of

theoretical formulation on productivity but also from the point of view the title of the topic of

present research. The discussion will be about Chomsky's article entitled `Remarks on

nominalization' which is a very crucial one. Chomsky calls his position as lexicalist position

contrasting it with the transformationalist position taken by others. He puts forward three main

arguments against transformationalist approach to nominalization:

1. Nominalization is not productive

2. Derived nominals have the internal structure of phrases, not of derived sentences

3. Derived nominals are idiosyncratically related interms of both morphology and

semantics to their corresponding verbs.

2.3.8.1 Productivity

According to Chomsky, nominalization is not productive as they cannot always replace the verb

or adjective to which it corresponds in the given sentences.

1. John is certain to win the prize.

2. John amused the children with his stories.

3. *John's certainty to win the prize.

4. *John's amusement of the children with his stories.

5. John is certain that Bill will win the prize.

6. John was amused at the children's antics.

7. John's certainty that Bill will win the prize

8. John's amusement at the children's antics.

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Chomsky argues that the deep-structure relationships between the arguments and the verbs in

sentences 1-4 are different from those in sentences 5-6 and so the derivation of the nominalized

forms such as certainty and amusement from sentential deep structures by transformations has to

be avoided. But it should be brought into our mind that certainty is a lexicalized loan from Old

French and not a case of productive word-formation. So lexicalization should be kept in mind

while talking about the productivity of lexemes.

2.3.8.2 Internal structure

Chomsky notes down another problem in deriving derived nominals from sentential deep

structures by transformational rules. For example beliefs cannot be derived from the sentence,

What John believes, because of the existence of sentences such as John's beliefs are not mutually

consistent; nor it cannot be derived from the sentences such as The things that John beliefs

because of the existence of sentences like I respect John's beliefs, John's beliefs are intense.

Chomsky has put forwarded this argument against the transformational hypothesis. This need not

be so if we accept the transformational cycle. The transformational cycle operating at the lowest

S level will give the derived noun before the matrix sentence is taken up, if a tree like structure

as given below is proposed (Adopted from Bauer, 1983:77).

The S which forms the derived nominal does not contain any more information than that it

contains the verb believe. This will solve the problems raised by Chomsky later in his article.

Chomsky (1970:193) claims first that among the following sentences the acceptability of the first

sentence against the non-acceptability of the second sentence is due to the presence of gerund in

the first one and the presence of the derived nominal in the second one, which goes in favour of

lexicalist hypothesis.

1. His criticizing the book before he read it.

2. *His criticism of the book before he read it.

He argues that this is because the gerund (i.e. criticizing) is derived from the underlying verb (i.e.

criticize) whereas the derived noun (i.e. criticism) is not derived in this fashion. He points out

that the sentence (1) underlies the sentence He criticized the book before he read it, and that

before he read it is a VP modifier and cannot modify an NP.

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Chomsky's second problem is concerned with the phrases such as sudden refusal, obvious

sincerity. Chomsky suggests that these phrases are to be derived from the underlying sentences

which contain the adverbials (i.e. refused suddenly, was obviously sincere) in a

transformationalist account. But this not necessarily true as these can be derived from the tree

like structure given above with an extra embedded S node as a sister of N and so need not be a

problem in the transformationalist perspective.

So the Chomsky's contention that derived nominals have the structure of NP cannot be taken as

an argument against the transformationalist position. Thus there are two types of sources to

account for the two types of nominals: the gerunds can be derived from the sentences as

suggested by Chomsky and the derived nominals can be derived from the tree like configuration

given above.

2.3.8.3 Idiosyncrasy

From the morphological and semantic points of view it can be stated that the relationship

between the verb and its derived nominal is idiosyncratic. It can be realized that Chomsky's

objections has its root in his treatment of taking all the derived suffixes together; he has

considered together the suffix -ter which is found in the only word, laughter, which contains it,

and the unproductive suffixes found in marriage and belief. The situation would have been

simplified if he takes into account only the productive suffixes, keeping aside the unproductive

suffixes.

The semantic idiosyncrasy can be partially explained in the same way. The example which

Chomsky points out in favour of lexicalist's position is trail, will not stand so as the established

meanings of the nominalization do not correspond to all established meanings of the verb and the

main meaning of the nominalization is specialized to one, not common, meaning of the verb. The

examples such as doubt and residence counter to transformationalist's position given by

Chomsky are French loans and do not subject to productive rules.

A further point to be taken into account here is that most of the derivatives listed in the lexicon

are ambiguous and may be ambiguous in several ways. Take for example the derived noun

qualification, whose ambiguity can be listed as follows:

1. A quality of suiting one for office

2. A required condition for holding office

3. The act of qualifying

4. The state of being qualified

5. Modification, limitation or restriction

6. An instance of (6)

There are two possibilities which have to be considered here; the first is that some of the

meanings are productive and that a derived nominal is lexicalized in other meanings but

productive in this limited number of meanings; the second possibility is that the relationship

between derived nominals and the corresponding verb is not specialized; only the grammatical

relationship of verb-nominalization is specified and the semantic relationship is determined

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pragmatically. Chomsky's objections to semantic irregularity can be considerably reduced by

taking into account either of the proposals.

2.3.8.4 Complements

Another problem which Chomsky raises against transformational treatment for nominalization is

with regard to the complements. Chomsky observes that refuse takes a noun phrase of a reduced

sentential complements as its complements, whereas destroy takes only a noun phrase

complement, either as a verb or as a noun; and this can be expressed by the feature neutral

(which means unspecified for noun or verb) in the lexical entry. Though this could be a possible

solution, this could be solved by a transformational approach too.

2.3.9 Semi-productivity

Semi-productivity as opposed to productivity is usually taken as being derivation as opposed to

inflection. Semiproductivity can be illustrated by the instances of formation of nominals from

verbs in Tamil. As we will see later while discussing about the deverbal nominalization, the

suffixes such as -tal ~ -ttal, -kai ~ -kkai and -al ~kal ~-kkal are productive as they can be

suffixed with any verbal bases. But the suffixes such as -ccal, -ai, etc cannot be suffixed with all

the verbal bases and so can be shown as instances of semi-productivity. As these nominalizers

cannot be suffixed with all the verbal bases, the nominalization can be considered semi-

productive.

It is argued by some scholars that derivation should not be considered as productive as sentence

formation. The opposing view is held by others who argues that if the rules of word-formation is

allowed to operate freely, there will be derivation which are non-occurring but grammatical. A

parallel situation is found in sentence formation also in which the sentences can be said to be

grammatical but non-occurring. A sentence may be non-occurring because of the fact that the

event is unlikely to take place. Such factors are not taken into account while discussing about the

productivity in sentence formation, but the parallel factors becomes relevant while discussing

about word-formation. This kind of different outlooks for sentence formation and word-

formation should be stopped and the semi-productivity in word-formation should be considered

at par with semi-productivity in sentence formation. But care should be taken to distinguish

grammatically and acceptability in discussion on word-formation. In the light of this we have

take into account some of the limitations on word-formation.

2.3.10 Some restrictions on productivity

2.3.10.1 Pragmatic restrictions

Generally a word will not be formed to denote an item or action or quality which does not exist.

Existence can be seen as fictional existence, mythological existence, and observable existence.

As we have seen earlier, the reason for the non-existence of the word tangkakaaRRu `gold-wind'

is that it does not exist in the real world. But it should be remembered that it is a fact about the

real world and not a fact about language. In a fairy tale tangkakaaRRu can be used as a word.

The readers may feel about its unacceptability in other situations. Requirements of existence are

22

important because sometimes the non-existence may be shown as an argument against

productivity in word-formation.

2.3.10.2 Nameability requirement

A lexeme should also denote something which is nameable apart from the fact that the speaker

feels it to be real. Thus, for example, we do not form a word which cannot name anything.

According to Rose (1973) the relationships which can be expressed by derivation are simple and

general and possibly universal. This is a very significant since different languages make use of

different aspects of reality in their structure which will be reflected in the derivational systems of

languages. For example, a process of reduplication is used in Tamil which can be expressed by

the adverb repeatedly in English.

avan pAaTTai keeT-Tu keeT-Tu makizh-ndt-aan.

He song_ACC hear_ADVP hear_ADVP enjoy_PAST_he

`He enjoyed hearing the song repeatedly'

New meanings are expressed in a language by new derivational markings when need arises. For

example, in modern Tamil the suffix -ndar is used to form deverbal nouns to denotepersons who

are professionally engaged to do the works denoted by the concerned verbs.

ooTTu `drive' + ndar = ooTTundar `driver'

iyakku `direct' + ndar= iyakkundar `director'

At the same time the following deverbal noun formations are not possible:

ndakku `lick' + ndar = *ndakkundar `one who is employed to lick'

uRangku `sleep' + ndar = *uRangkundar `one who is employed to sleep'

ndakkundar and uRangkundar are not in use at least now as there does not exist a person who is

professionally engaged/ employed to lick nor does exist a person professionally

engaged/employed to sleep, though ndakkundar and uRangkundar can be used respectively.

Thus nameability becomes a matter of pragmatics at least to this extent.

2.3.10.3 Blocking

Aronoff (1976:43) makes use of the word blocking to denote the phenomenon of non-occurrence

of a complex form due to the existence of another form. The blocking word could be a complex

or simplex form. For example, the deverbal noun kuTippu from the verb kuTi `drink' in the sense

of `drinking habit' is blocked due to the existence of zero suffixed deverbal noun kuTi `drinking

habit' from the same verb. Blocking can be taken as an extension of pragmatic factor discussed

above. The need for a new lexeme is also a factor to be considered apart from the existence of

something to be denoted before being accepted by the linguistic community. Blocking does not

prevent much the coining of nonce complex forms, but their institutionalization. In analogy with

the deverbal noun ooTTundar we can have tiruTundar from the verb tiruTu 'steel' but tiruTundar

23

is blocked by the existence of another deverbal noun tiruTundar 'thief'. But tiruTundar can be

institutionalized or accepted as an established form if there exist in the society the persons

engaged or employed for stealing.

2.3.10.4 Limitations on the bases

The make-up of some bases may cause restrictions on the operation of a given word-formation

rule. The different types of restriction on the bases could be phonological, morphological, lexical

and semantic in nature.

2.3.10.4.1 Phonological limitation

The phonological shape of the base can dictate whether it can be used as an input of a word-

formation rule. For example, in Tamil, the deverbal noun suffix -ccal is added (i.e. if at all

added) only to the verbs ending in i, ai or y.

eri `burn' + ccal = ericcal `irritative feeling'

alai `roam' + ccal = alaiccal `wandering'

paay `pounce' + ccal = paayccal `pouncing'

uyar `rise' + ccal = *uyarccal

pukazh `praise' + ccal = *pukazhccal

2.3.10.4.2 Morphological limitation

It is generally known that the borrowed words and formatives behave differently from native

words and formatives. For example only Sanskrit words borrowed to Tamil undergo

negativization by the prefixing -a/and, but the native Tamil words do not undergo nagativization

by prefixing -a/and.

a + ndiiti `justice' = andiiti `injustice'

and + arttam `meaning' = anarttam `wrong sense'

a/an + poruL `meaning' = * aporuL/* anporuL

A few verbs are derived from Sanskrit nouns by the deletion of the last syllable and addition of

the verbalizer -i.

taNTanai `punishment'- anai = taNT, taNT + i = taNTi `punish'

payaNam `travel'- am = payaN, payaN + i = payaNi `travel'

2.3.10.4.3 Lexical limitation

Some word-formation process could be triggered or limited by the individual roots. For example,

in Tamil, the nominalization by suffixing -maanam and -vaay which could be triggered by the

verbs varu `come' cannot be triggered by the verbs such as cel `go' and poo `go'.

24

varu + maanam = varumaanam `income'

varu + vaay = varuvaay `income'

cel + maanam = *celmaanam

cel + vaay = *celvaay

poo + maanam = *poomaanam

poo + vaay = *poovaay

As the derivation of the deverbal nouns like varumaanam 'income' and varuvaay 'income' are

unpredictable due to their idiosyncrasy in their formation, this kind of derived forms have to be

listed in lexicon. This amounts to saying that less productive pattern is only found in lexicalized

words.

2.3.10.4.4 Semantic limitation

Semantics also plays a part in limiting the base from undergoing derivation. A specific semantic

feature could be the pre-requisite to a process of word-formation. In Tamil, for example, the

instrumental bound morpheme –paan can combine with verbs underlying instrument in their

meaning.

aTai `close’ + paan = aTaippaan `stop-cock’

tuLai `make hole’ + paan = tuLaippaan `the instrument for making hole’

mati `respect’ + paan = * matippaan

tin ‘to eat’ + paan = * tinpaan

2.3.10.5 Collocatioal restrictions in the compound formation

In an endocentric compound the defining element always denotes the primary character of the

subgroup denoted by the compound as a whole. Take for example the following endocentric

compounds in Tamil:

kaaval `police' + ndaay `dog' = kaavalndaay `policedog'

caayvu `lean' + ndaaRkaali `chair' = caayvundaaRkaali`easy chair'

The defining characteristic of the subgroup of dogs is related to kaaval `police'. Similarly the

primary feature of caayvundaaRkaali is related to caayvu `slope' and not to the feature of being

upholstered. But, the species-genus compounds like the following are not possible where the

determining element is implicit in the head element it self.

vilangku `animal' + ndaay `dog' = * vilangku ndaay

iTam `place' + maitaanam `ground' = * iTam maitaanam

But this is not without exception as the redundant formations having non-redundant reading

could be acceptable.

25

keNTai `carp' + miin `fish' = keNTai miin `carp (fish)'

panai `palmyra' + maram `tree' = panaimaram `palmyra (tree)'

2.3.10.6 Semantic coherence

If a process of word-formation is productive, the resultant meaning of the derived forms can be

specified. Take for example the following deverbal nominal formations in Tamil.

aaTu `dance/play' + tal = aaTutal 'dancing/playing'

paaTu `sing'+ tal = paaTutal `singing'

caa `die' + vu =caavu `death'

varu `come' + vu = varavu `coming/advent/income'

cel `go' + vu = celavu `expense/the amount spent'

The deverbal nominal formation by suffixing -tal is productive and so the meanings of the

resultant nouns are easily predictable, whereas the deverbal nominal formation by suffixing -vu

is less productive and so the meanings of the resultant nouns are semantically complex and the

meanings cannot be easily predicted. Less productivity can be correlated with lexicalization and

institutionalization which presupposes that institutionalized or lexicalized lexemes are

semantically unpredictable. Productivity can be correlated with nonce formations which are

semantically predictable. Very productive suffixes must have predictable meaning as in the case

of -tal.

2.3.10.7 Analogy

Certain complex forms may be unique or extremely limited in productivity, that is limited to two

or three forms. This has to be tackled not in terms of rules of word-formation but in terms of

analogical formation which means formation of new lexemes on the model of already existing

lexeme. The present day trend of using reduced place names in Tamil can be shown as examples

of analogical creation.

Original form Reduced form

tanjcaavur tanjcai

kooyamputtuur koovai

putucceeri putuvai

ndaakappaTTinam ndaakai

The formations like the following verbs from nouns can also be shown as examples of analogical

creations:

marundtu `medicine' + akam `place' = marundtakam `medical shop'

uNavu `food' + akam = uNavakam `hotel'

26

The formations of the following verbs from nouns can also be shown as examples of analogical

creations:

payaNam `travel'- am = payaN, payaN + i =payaNi `travel'

anumaanam `inference' - am = anumaan, anumaan + i =anumaani `infer'

2.3.10.7 Other restrictions

A further restriction on productivity could be the lexicalization of a form with a meaning other

than that which could have been assigned to it productively. For example, kuTi which means

`habit of drinking alcohol' could be the cause for the non-availability of the ppu-suffixed

formation, kuTippu, which could have been used with the same meaning. There is another

instance in which the availability of a homophonous form with a unique meaning may be the

cause for the non-production of a form by the productive rule. For example, the availability of

pulavi meaning `sulkiness (of women)' could the reason for the non-production of the form

pulavi meaning `female poet' in line with the related forms, pulavar `poet' and pulavan `male

poet'.

Even non-linguistic reasons could be factors which restrict productivity. In Tamil certain newly

coined administrative terms have been replaced by nonce formations on aesthetic grounds, which

includes simplification. There are forms which have been replaced by other forms in the process

of nativization. Many Sanskrit based forms have been replaced by Tamil forms in the same

footing.

Earlier forms New forms

veppamaani veppa aLavi `thermometer'

kaaRRumaani kaaRRu aLavi `aerometer'

These idiosyncratic factors, though unsystematic in nature, have also to be taken into account in

a grammar of word-formation as they act as further filters in the productive process of word-

formation.

2.3.10.8 Productivity as a cline

It could have been inferred from the above discussions that productivity is not a either\or

phenomenon as cline. It is true to say that some processes are more productive than others even

if the limitations are taken into account. This is crucially associated with lexicalization. As it has

been noted already, lack of semantic coherence has to be listed in the lexicon. If a process of

word-formation is productively used for a longer period of time, it may give rise to

institutionalised lexemes by making uses of an appreciable number of bases leaving aside only a

fewer bases to be acted upon productively, thus rendering the process less productive. The

influence of productivity and lexicalization on each other is not unidirectional as the inter-

relation between them is very complex. It would seem sometimes that word-formation operates

on some kind of variable rule as it is seen in morphological process where one kind of

application has preference over another kind. Say, for example, though the bound form kaarar

can be added to a number of nouns to form nouns denoting persons concerned with the senses

meant by the nouns themselves as in the following examples,

27

camaiyal `cooking' + kaarar = camaiyalkaarar `cook'

kaTai `shop'+ kaarar = kaTaikkaarar `shop-keeper'

there are forms like the following in which the bound form aaLi is preferred to kaarar.

koTai `gift' + aaLi = koTaiyaaLi `philothrophist'

paTippu `education' + aaLi = paTippaaLi`educated person'

It is not our immediate concern that how a variable rule is expressed, but the fact of preferred

productivity types is very important while talking about productivity as it clearly shows that

productivity is not merely an either/or choice.

2.3.10.9 Restrictions acting in unison

The restrictions, which have been dealt so far, may not act singly, but in unison. Some of the

restrictions may be ignored while others may be crucial. Cumulative factors could block the

potential formation. Ideally, it might be possible to speak in terms of the weightings of different

restrictions, but in the present state of knowledge it may speculative.

2.4 Nonce formation and lexicalization

Lexicalization demands the history of words of a language. When a word is borrowed or a nonce

formation is used in the speech, the speaker is aware of the newness of the form used. The

exposure to mass media such as journalistic literature in the recent years makes it possible for the

speakers to understand the novelty of the form used or coined to serve certain purpose. The

acceptance of a new form in speech involves a number of reasons. The reason could be the status

the producer of the new form holds in the society or the status of the journal which used the word

at first and/or its wide distribution. Even then, that a new word is used or not used depends on

the attitude of the society. It is generally an accepted fact that a new thing or a new concept

requires new word. Sometimes new word need not be necessary, but just for the sake of prestige

a new word may be used. In some situations a new form may be used just to gain an effect or to

save space. It may be that a person may use a new word just because he has forgotten the usual

lexeme. Necessity is the main reason for all these instances. The speakers dissatisfaction with the

existing word may lead to new coinage. Even in situations where there is clear need for the new

word, the society will not accept it easily. The speakers may find fault with the word at the brink

of acceptance in terms of grammaticality, etymology, semantics and vulgarity. If a word is

accepted in the society it will be assimilated in the language and will be used like other words.

The speakers and the hearers will consider it as a symbol denoting the relevant concept correctly

forgetting about the reason for its present form. The new learners of the language will

satisfactorily use complex form without knowing why the complex form has that shape. How

many speakers of Tamil language know that it is the phrase paaRai + aam + kal which has been

assimilated into the word paaRaangkal! Many will not analyze iyakkundar as iyakku + ndar.

Sometimes a word which cannot be separated will be analyzed and will be given folk etymology.

If a complex form is started being treated as unanalyzed, it is likely to change phonologically and

semantically. The above mentioned diachronic facts are undisputable, but it may create problem

in the synchronic grammars.

28

2.4.1 Nonce formation

The speaker or writer at the spur of the moment to fulfill an immediate need coins the complex

form. Even if the word is formed regularly and accepted in the society, still we can call it as

nonce form. If a new word is considered by the speakers as one which they have heard already,

the word loses its status of being a nonce formation. There are nonce formations which are used

in certain occasions only; even if they are used in more than one occasion and are used by the

different speakers, they do not lose the status of being nonce formations. This is the case where

the immediate need gives rise to nonce formations which are unique or extremely rare.

taTakaLappoTTi `hurdle race' tokuppuutiyam `consolidated pay' ndampikkaiyillaattiirmaanam

`vote of no confidence'

We are not aware that how many of the complex forms we come across daily are nonce

formations. The characteristic feature of certain nonce formations is that they can cause

ambiguity. We can find more of them in compounds and in nouns derived from verbs. pizhai

aayvu can be interpreted as `the analysis which is wrong' or `the analysis which is full of

mistakes' or the technical terminological equivalent of English `error analysis'; irukkai can be

interpreted as `seat', or `act of sitting' or `living'; tiruccipas can be interpreted as `bus coming

from Trichy' or `bus going to Trichy'. Because of this reason we have to consider that the

compounds have a large number of contrasting verbs in the underlying structure which is

claimed to be neutralized on the surface. And to account for the different interpretations during

nominalization, it has to be taken for granted that the semantic markers like `ACT' and `FACT'

are there is the deep structure.

2.4.2 Institutionalization

The next step to be followed in the history of a lexeme is that the nonce formation becomes

known to the speakers. In this stage the word will be used with some of the possible meanings

setting aside the potential ambiguities. It is at this stage that the compound tuNaiveendtar, for

example, loses its ambiguous interpretations such as `the person assisting king', `deputy king',

etc., and started denoting `vice-chancellor of a university', that is the new word has under gone

change from being type familiar to being item familiar. Thus the term has become

institutionalized which is still transparent.

2.4.3 Lexicalization

The final stage of a lexeme is that due to the change in the structure of the language it gets the

form which could not be obtained by productive rules. At this stage it can be said that the lexeme

is lexicalized. The lexicalization takes place at every level of linguistic analysis. The lexicalized

forms will be semantically opaque , that is they cannot be analyzed into morphemes

synchronically. But opacity is not a necessary pre-requisite for lexicalization. Some items which

are lexicalized because of the change in the morphological system may remain transparent. For

example, the forms like putticaali `clever person' and palacaali `strong person' are formed by

suffixing -caali with the concerned nouns are lexicalized and at the same time appear to be

transparent.

29

The above discussions makes it clear that a word may appear as lexicalized or non-lexicalixed

form. Some researchers feel that it is better to look at lexicalization separately on the basis of the

three levels of analysis, phonology, morphology and semantics. Accordingly if the phonological

behaviour of a lexeme is predictable and its semantic behaviour is not predictable, then it can be

said that the lexeme is irregular with reference to semantics and its phonological behaviour need

not be taken into account. Lyons (1977:547) makes use of the terminology fossilization instead

of lexicalization. As the complex forms which are derived from simple forms by lexical rules are

not productive in the language in its present state of structure, he calls them as fossilized forms.

He gives pick-pocket, turn-coat as examples. He makes use of another term petrification whose

extreme case is fossilization.

2.4.3.1 Types of lexicalization

Lexicalization is a diachronic process. But the traces it leaves as lexicalized forms have to be

dealt within a synchronic grammar. If we take it for granted that a lexical item will be lexicalized

by various ways, there should be a slot for each possible type of lexicalization in the lexicon. We

have to take into account the idiosyncrasy that is irregularity and unpredictability, in the

lexicalization. A full theory of the lexicon has to take into account this kind of data.

2.4.3.1.1 Lexicalization in the phonological level

Prosodic features and segmental features can undergo lexicalization due to changes in the

respective features. As far as English is concerned the change in the stress pattern can cause

lexicalization. In Tamil it appears that stress does not play a role in the lexicalization of lexical

items. There are two factors which affect the segmental features; they are sound change and

prosodic feature. The first one is explicit. The sound change may occur if a morph comes in

isolation or in combination with other morph. For example, in Tamil, the forms ton `earlier' and

pattu `ten' combines to form tonpattu, but due to sound change tonpattu became onpatu which is

lexicalized. The question here is whether to list onpatu as a compound along with its

idiosyncratic features or to take it as a simple form. The linguistic features are in favour of taking

onpatu as simple word. There is no single once-and-for-all solution to this kind of problem.

Sometimes the society may undo the changes that occurred in the language. For example

arumaandta piLLai `good child' can be recast into arumarundtanna piLLai `the child which is like

a rare medicine'

2.4.3.1.2 Lexicalization in the morphological level

2.4.3.1.2.1 Lexicalization of linking elements

We can find in Tamil compounds formed from two nouns which have part-and-whole

relationship or material-thing relationship with an element aam in between them.

pullaangkuzhal (< pul 'grass' +aam+ kuzhal 'tube') `flute',

paRaangkal (< paaRai 'rock'+ aam + kal 'stone') `rock',

maNNaam kaTTi (< maN 'earth' +aam + kaTTi 'solid') 'clod of earth'

30

These compounds can be analyzed as pul aakum kuzhal `flute made up of grass', paaRai aakum

kal `stone from rock', and maN aakum kaTTi 'solid from earth'. Now this kind of transparency is

being lost and the formation with aam as medial element is no more in vogue and so the

formation is not productive. So these forms have to be considered as lexicalized simple forms.

2.4.3.1.2.2 Lexicalization of roots

The Tamil root il 'house' is lexicalized in formations such as illam 'house'

(viTTuveelai (< viiTu 'house' + veelai 'work') `household-work'

viiTukkaarar (< viiTu 'house' + kaarar 'person') 'husband; owner of the house'

2.4.3.1.2.3 Lexicalization of affixes

Like roots even affixes are lexicalized and become non-productive. In the following formations

the negative prefix a- ~ and- is lexicalized:

a+ ndiiti `justice' = andiiti `injustice'

a + ndaakariikam `culture' = andaakariikam `that which is uncultured'

and + avaciyam `that which is necessary' = andaavaciyam `that which is not necessary'

The negative prefix a- ~ and- (borrowed from Sanskrit) was used to form antonymous words

which are lexicalized and the prefix is no longer used as a productive prefix for the formation of

negative words from positive words.

2.4.3.1.3 Lexicalization at the semantic level

Semantic lexicalization is not a unified phenomenon and it is not clear how it is best classified.

Several classifications have been proposed, but none of these is entirely satisfactory (Bauer,

1983:55). For example Lipka, as quoted by Bauer (1983:55), provides a classification of

instances of semantic lexicalization in which the basic division is between lexicalization brought

about by change in the cultural background and that brought about by change in the language.

Lipka's classification leans on diachronic facts which are synchronically less explicit. The second

type of classification depends on the assumption that addition or deletion of semantic

information can cause lexicalization. This is a widely accepted classification. Take for example

the Tamil word eNNey 'oil'; it can be stated that it was formed by the compounding of the word

eL `sesame seed' with ndey `edible oil' which resulted in the formation of compound eLndey >

eNNey `sesame oil', but since the semantic information about eL is lost, eNNey is considered as a

simple word denoting oil in general. Similarly the compound taNNiir 'water' which was formed

by the combination of taN `cold' with ndiir `water' has become a simple word denoting `water' as

the semantic information about taN is being lost. Though this classification appears to be good it

can also create problems.

For example, the compound viLaiyaaTTuppiLLai (viLaiyaaTTu 'play' + piLLai 'child') 'playful

person' which appear in the sentence avar oru viLaiyaaTTuppiLLai 'He is a playful person' has

the addition of a few semantic information along with loss of certain semantic information. So

we have to consider this kind of lexicalization as belonging to a third category. Many words

31

cannot be grouped in this classification and some words cannot be subjected to this kind of

classification. If an element in the word is lost or has virtually disappeared from the common

usage, this classification will break down. Moreover, it is not clear what exactly is meant by

`more semantic information'. Take for example, the compound taTTaccuppoRi (taTTaccu 'type

print' + poRai 'machine') `typewriter'; we can infer from this compound that `it is a machine

which prints when tapped'; but we cannot infer from the word taTTaccuppoRi 'typewriter' that it

has key-board, shift-keys, platens, symbols for the numbers on the top line and so on. So it is

difficult to ascertain about the additional semantic information. Moreover, the exocentric

compounds like maramaNTai (maram `wood' + maNTai `head') `fool' and tuTiyiTai (tuTi `a kind

of drum' + iTai `waist') `woman with slim waist' have their respective semantic heads which are

not found in the constituent words. All the exocentric compounds are lexicalized ones and so

they have to be listed in the lexicon.

Though there are doubts regarding the lexicalization and its classification, the semantic

lexicalization is established. In the literature dealing about lexicalization, there used be

discussions regarding the lack of semantic compositionality, that is the impossibility of

predicting the full semantic information from the meanings of the parts of a lexical item. Though

it is possible to consider the instances where the full semantic information cannot be extracted

from the meanings of their constituent parts as lexicalized and the instances where the full

semantic information can be deduced from the meanings of the constituent parts as not

lexicalized, it is difficult to draw a clear cut demarcating line between lexicalized non-lexicalized

items. Even then we can definitely say that certain forms have been lexicalized semantically.

2.4.3.1.4 Lexicalization at the Syntactic level

It is one of the questions which is often asked in researches on word formation that what is the

position of word-formation in the grammar. Though derivation is frequently dealt under

phonology, as far as the compounds are concerned they are more frequently dealt under syntax.

The answer to the question that what counts as syntactic lexicalization largely depends on the

attitude taken to the role of syntax in word-formation. If word-formation is considered as a

syntactic process, it is possible to talk about syntactic lexicalization. This can be termed syntactic

lexicalization internal to complex form. Irrespective of our acceptance regarding the part played

by syntax in word-formation, the syntactic behaviour of a complex form may or may not be

predictable from general principles and/or the root(s) and affix(es) involved. If it is not

predictable from this information, then it is possible to talk about syntactic lexicalization external

to the complex form, that is lexicalization appears in the manner in which the complex form

interacts with other items in the sentence.

Lexicalization internal to the complex form generally depends upon the way in which the

grammar is formulated. But this does not seem to be a relevant consideration with reference to

certain cases. The exocentric compounds such as the following where the first element is a verb

and the second is a related word which could be the subject of the concerned verb can be quoted

as examples of syntactic lexicalization internal to the complex form.

tuungku `sleep' + muunjci `face'= tuungku muunjci `one who is slothful'

azhu `cry' + muunjci `face' = azhu muunjci `a sulky person'

32

As these forms are lexicalized the syntactic fact about the precise way in which these forms are

produced become irrelevant.

The syntactic lexicalization external to the complex form can be illustrated by the examples

where the syntactic behaviour of a verb being a main verb differs from the syntactic behaviour of

the some verb being a verbalizer. For example, the verb eTu `take' is capable of receiving an

object being a main verb, but when it is collocated with the noun paci `hungry' as a verbalizer to

a form a compound verb it does not take an object but a dative subject as shown in the following

sentences:

1. avan pazham eTuttaan `He took banana'

2. *avanukku eTukkiRatu

3. avanukku paciyeTukkiRatu `He feels hungry'

4. *avanukku pazham paciyeTukkiRatu

2.4.3.1.5 Mixed lexicalization

So far we have discussed about only single type of lexicalization. But it is possible to find out

instances in which more than one type prevail. Examples of forms which are lexicalized more

than one way are far from exceptional. It seems that once a form is lexicalized in one way, it is

easier for it to become lexicalized in others.

2. 5 Conclusion

Since Chomsky first put forth his so-called Lexical Hypothesis (1970), various attempts have

been made to propose a theory of lexicon that would capture both the systematic and the

idiosyncratic features of the lexical entries of the dictionary of a language. Aronoff was the first

to build substantially on Halle's proposal to add a word formation component to the lexicon of

generative grammar and to attempt to characterize the notion of WFR. The focus of Aronoff's

work is on the process of new word formation. For him, word formation WFRs are used by

native speakers to create new words. He characterizes WFRs as follows: Each rule 1) specifies a

set of words, that is, the bases upon which it can operate; specifies a unique phonological

operation which is performed on the base, which usually involves the addition of some affix; and

3) assigns a syntactic label and subcategorization for the resulting word, as well as a semantic

reading for it which is a function of that of the base. In his work, Aronoff adopts what he calls

the weak Lexicalist Hypothesis, which is interpreted to mean that only derivational morphology

is handled by WFRs; inflectional morphology is left to the syntax.

Bauer observes that Chomsky's "fairly substantial" evidence in favour of the lexicalist hypothesis

cases to be as substantial as it first appears, and that Chomsky's arguments do not rule out the

possibility a generative approach to word-formation. An affix can be said to be productive if it

can appear in new words. These words may not grow beyond being nonce formations, or they

may become established in the course of time. On the other hand a non-productive affix has to be

accounted in terms of a list of bases with which it occurs. It need not be true that only non-

productive affixes allow assimilation or cause change in stress pattern of the base. Some affixes

could be more productive than the others within a group of productive affixes. The strictness of

33

the limitations on the base and other factors which are less open to measurement can cause

variation in the degree of productivity. Analogy presents the lower level of productivity as it

creates only few forms. The upper limit is vague. It is unlikely that there is word-formation

process which has absolutely no limitations. An affix cannot be added to absolutely any base. An

affix can be said to be fully productive if it can be added with all bases definable by some

semantic, syntactic or phonological properties. It is doubtful to consider any process productive

as the prior existence of other lexemes can curb its application. It is doubtful to consider any

process productive as the prior existence of other lexemes can curb its application. Semi-

productivity may be either non-productive or productive with heavy restrictions on it. A

morphological process can be said to be more or less productive in accordance with the number

of new words it can form.

CHAPTER 3

WORD CLASSES OR PARTS OF SPEECH

3. 1. Introduction

There need to establish word classes or parts of speeches in Tamil before describing how to form

them. Words can be categorized from the point of view of morphology and syntax features.

Bases on how a particular word get inflected and how and where it occurs in sentences, they can

be assigned grammatical or word category. In English words are classified into eight parts of

speech. They are: noun, adjective, pronoun, verb, adverb, preposition, conjunction, and

interjection. Traditional grammarians, it appears recognizes only two classes, noun and verb as

major grammatical classes in Tamil. The Tamil grammars written by the influence of English

grammars assumes the same number of parts of speech for Tamil. It is proposed here to explore

the word classes in Tamil from the point of view of morphology and syntax.

3. 2. Traditional approach to word class

The traditional grammars in Tamil classifies words into peyar 'noun', vinai 'verb', iTaiccol

'particle', and uriccol. It is always assumed that nouns and verbs are the major word categories

and iTaiccol and uriccol are treated secondary to nouns and verbs. The words which does not

show tense but inflect form case are grouped as nouns and those which show tense, but do not

inflected for case are considered as verbs. The forms which does not occur independently and

depend on noun or verb by appearing before or after them which include morphs, suffixes, bound

forms of demonstratives and interrogatives, are considered as iTaiccol. The forms which are

neither nouns nor verbs but depends on nouns and verbs and which give the meaning mikuti

'more' (similar to intensifiers) are considered as uriccol.

If we analyze closely the word classes of traditional grammarians, it can be interpreted that they

recognize noun and verb as major word classes and consider iTaiccol and uriccol as a third class

which depend on noun and verb. Traditional grammars consider uriccol as modifier to nouns and

verbs. Thus traditional grammars identifies four classes of words: noun, verb, particles and

modifiers. If we analyze old Tamil text, we may conclude that it is enough to have the four type

of classes to explain the grammar of data of that period.

34

3. 3. Word classes for modern Tamil

As the modern Tamil has evolved new grammatical categories to express itself effectively, there

need to posit new grammatical categories. Modern Tamil grammarians like Asher (1982),

Kothandaraman (1986) and Lehman (1989) have posited new word classes for Tamil. Lehman

elaborately discusses the word classes in Tamil (Lehman, 1989, 9-11). Applying morphological

and syntactic criteria, he identifies eight parts of speech for Modern Tamil: 1. nouns, 2. verbs, 3.

postpositions, 4. adjectives, 5. adverbs, 6. quantifiers, 7. determiners, and 8. conjunctions.

According to him in modern Tamil all lexical or root morphemes can be classified into four

types: two major groups of nominal and verbal roots and two minor groups of adjectival roots

and adverbial roots. Based on the shape all the words can be considered as being inflected or

uninflected forms of the roots of noun, verb, adjective and adverb. Nouns contain noun roots and

verb contain verb roots. But postpositions, many adverbs, quantifiers and conjunctions can be

considered as inflected and uninflected forms of nominal or verbal roots. As number of word

classes proposed for Old Tamil are very few in number, a number of inflected and uninflected

forms are reanalyzed in Modern Tamil to closed classes of various parts of speech as

postpositions, adjectives, adverbs, quantifiers, etc. As we know only two word classes, nouns

and verbs will inflect. Noun inflects for case and number and verb will inflects for tense, person,

gender and number. Nouns exhibit word formation process. Nouns can be derived from verbs.

Kothandraman (1989) classifies the free words into ten: 1. noun, 2. verb, 3. adjective, 4. adverb,

5. intensifier, 6. conjunctions, 7. Asher (1982:101-102) under the heading 'Operational

definitions for word classes' classifies words into six classes: 1. noun, 2. pronoun, 3. verb, 4.

adjective, 5. postposition, 6. numeral/quantifier, 7. particles, exclamation, 8. words expressing

feeling, 9. addressing words, and 10. viLi eeRpuc col 'words accepting address '. He considers

certain bound forms such as suffixes as dependent class and classifies them based on their shape

and character into five types: 1. suffix, 2. postposition, 3. verbal participle, clitics, and fillers

(caariyai or ndirappi). All the three scholars have taken verb, noun, adjective as word classes.

Kothandaraman and Lehman have taken adverb and conjunction as word classes. Asher and

Lehman have taken postposition as a word class. But Kothandaraman has taken postposition as a

dependent class. Kiriyaavin taRkaalat tamizh akaraati identifies the following word classes to

categorize the words listed in the dictionary: iTaiccol 'paticles', iNaippu iTaiccol 'conjunctive

particle', etirmaRai vinaimuRRu 'negative finite verb', cuTTuppeyar 'pronoun', cuTTuppeyaraTai

'demonstrative adjective', tuNaivinai 'auxiliary verb', peyarccol 'noun', peyaraTai 'adjective',

vinaiccol 'noun', vinaiyaTai 'adverb', vinaimuRRu 'finite verb', viLippu iTaiccol 'address particle'.

Let us examine the word classes one by one.

3. 3. 1. Nouns

Asher, Lehman and Kothandaraman establishes nouns as a class based on their morphological

and syntactic characteristics. Nouns based on their morphological characteristics takes case and

plural suffix. Based on their syntactic characteristics they function as head of postpositional

phrase and also as subject or object of a sentence. The verb inflect in concordance with the

person-number-gender of the subject noun. According to Kothandaraman, nouns those which

take case suffixes and bound forms such as aana and aaka and function as subject and predicate.

Lehman (1989:11) defines nouns as "those words which can take case suffixes and the suffixes -

35

aaka/aay". There is no controversy between the three scholars in considering noun as a word

class. Lehman has sub classified pronoun, quantifier, numeral as subclasses of noun.

3. 3. 1. 1. Pronouns

Pronoun function as a substitute to a noun. It differs form noun by signification. Noun signify

one thing or one person, whereas pronoun signify different things or different persons depending

on the context. That is why the number of pronouns in a language are a few compared to

innumerable number of nouns. Asher takes pronoun as a separate word class. They form a closed

set of words which shares most of the features by which nouns are defined. They take the same

set of case suffixes which the nouns take and they can act as head of a postpositional phrase and

they can function as subject or object of a sentence and they determine the choices of

person/number/gender suffix of the verb in a sentence. Lehman does not describe pronouns

under morphology; he describes it under the heading 'syntactic categories'. So it appears that

Lehman takes pronoun as a syntactic category. He (1989: 92) considers pronouns as a subgroup

of nouns which do not take noun modifiers to form a noun phrase. He classifies the pronouns

into two sub types: simple (ndaan 'I', avan 'he') and derived pronouns (yaaroo 'someone', yaarum

'anyone'). Pronouns are of different types such as personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns,

interrogative pronouns and reflexive pronouns. Lehman sub classifies pronoun taking into

account the semantic concepts such as referentiality, definiteness and specificity (Lehman:93).

Pronominal

________________|_______________

| |

referential non-referential

_________|______________

| |

singular general (all-inclusive, open ended)

referential referential

_________|____________

| |

definite indefinite

__________|________

| |

specific non-specific

Personal pronouns are related to time and place. Speaker is identified as first person and listener

can be identified as second person and the person who is talked about is identified as identified

as third person. Third person differs from first person and second person having more number of

divisions. First person, second person and third person pronouns are distinguished by means of

number into singular and plural. The second person and third person pronouns are distinguished

by the feature 'high versus low status'. Only third person pronouns are differentiated by gender

into masculine, feminine and neuter and by spatial deixis into remote proximate and remote. In

addition to the three types of personal pronouns there is a fourth category of pronouns called

reflexive pronouns which are coreferential to the nouns which are subject of the same or higher

clause. The following table will establish the above discussed classification:

36

Place Singular Plural

First person ndaan 'I' ndaam 'we (inclustive)'

ndaangkaL 'we (exclusive)'

Second

person

ndii 'you'

ndiir 'you'

ndiingkaL 'you'

Third person avan 'he (remote)'

ivan 'he (proximate)'

avaL 'she (remote)'

ivaL 'she (proximate)'

atu 'it (remote)'

itu 'it (proximate)'

avar 'he/she (honorific)'

ivar 'he/she (honorific)'

avai(kaL) 'they (neuter, remote)'

ivai(kaL) 'they (neuter proximate)

avarkaL 'they'

ivarkaL 'they'

Fourth

person

taan 'he, she, it' taangkaL 'they'

Interrogative pronouns are indefinite referential pronouns. Interrogative pronouns can classified

into specific and non-specific referential pronouns. The non-specific interrogative pronouns

show the difference in terms of rationality and irrationality in their form (ex. yaar 'who', enna

'what'). Specific interrogative pronouns show the difference in terms of third person, number and

gender in their form (ex. evan 'who (male third person)', evaL 'who (female third person), evar

'who (male/female third person)', etu 'what' evai 'what (plural)'). The interrogative pronouns with

clitic um such as yaarum 'anyone' and etuvum 'anything' are examples of general referential

pronouns. Interrogative pronouns with cilitic oo such as yaaroo 'someone', eetoo 'something' and

ennavoo 'something' are examples of specific indefinite referential pronouns. Interrogative

pronouns with clitic aavatu such as yaraavatu 'someone', eetaavatu 'something' and ennavaavtu

'something' are examples of non-specific indefinite referential pronouns.

3.3.1.2. Quantifier nouns

cila 'some', pala 'many', ellaam 'all' , elloorum 'all persons' are classified unde quantifier nouns.

They functions as modifier to nouns (ex. cila manitarkaL 'some men'); they occurs after nouns

taking case suffixes (ex. peenaakkaL cilavaRRai vaangkineen 'I bought few pens'). cila and pala

can be taken as adjectives and cilavai and palavai can be considered as pronominalized forms

which become cilavaRRai and palavaRRai when inflected for accusative case.

37

cila + avai > cilavai 'some'

pala + avai > palavai 'many'

3.3. 1.3. Numeral nouns

Numeral nouns can be classified into two: cardinal number and ordinal number. Ordinal numbers

are formed from cardinal numbers by adding clitic aavatu or aam. The adjectival forms of

ordinal numerals can be converted into pronominalized cadinal numbers (ex. oru + an > oruvan

'one male person', oru + tti > orutti 'one female person', oru + ar > oruvar 'one male/female

person').

3. 3. 2. Verbs

There is no dispute between scholars in taking verbs as a word class. Verbs take tense and

person-number-gender suffixes. Like some nouns verbs also morphologically deficient i.e. some

verbs do not take all the suffixes meant for verbs. Verb is a obligatory part of a sentence except

copula sentences (ex. avan maaNavan 'he is a student'). Verbs can be classified into different

types based on morphological, syntactic and semantic characteristics. Based on the tense

suffixes, verbs can be classified into weak verb, strong verbs and medium verbs. Based on the

form and function, verbs can be classified into finite verb (ex. va-ndt-aan 'come_PAST_he') and

non-finite verb (ex. va-ndt-a 'come_PAST_RP' and va-ndt-u 'come_PAST_VPAR'). Depending

the non-finite whether non-finite form occur before noun or verb, they can be classified as

adjectival or relative participle form (ex. vandta paiyan 'the boy who came') and adverbial or

verbal participle form (ex. vandtu poonaan 'having come he went'). The classification of verbs

into tanvinai and piRavinai based on semantics. The semantic definition that if an act is

performed by oneself it is called tanvinai and if it is done by another then it is called piRavinai is

not a suitable definition which can distinguish tanvinai from piRavinai (Paramasivam, 1983:2-3).

It can be interpreted that basic verbs can be considered tanvinai (ex. ooTu 'run', kaaN 'see') and

derived verbs can be considered piRavinai (ex. ooTTu 'cause to run', kaaTTu 'show'). Based on

whether verbs take object or not when used in a sentence, verbs can be classified into intransitive

verb (ex. poo 'go', vaa 'come') and transitive verbs (ex. paTi 'read', aTi 'beat'). Verbs can be

classified based on their argument structure. Verbs can be classified based on the case relations

they establish with the noun phrase they receive and valency.

3. 3. 3. Postpositions

Asher (1982) considers postpositions as a word class. "A postposition is an element that can be

added to a nominal in one of a subset of the set of case forms ... to form a postpositional phrase

standing in a functional relationship with a verb." (Asher, 1982:102) Postpositions are somewhat

a heterogeneous class with members ranging from bound to free. Kothandaraman (1989)

classifies postpositions under depend class. Nominal and verbal form become postpositions in

the course of time. Lehman (1989) also considers postpositions as a syntactic category.

According to him the inflected and uninflected forms of nouns and non-finite forms of verbs

have become postpositions. For example, to express various locative functions, nouns denoting

various locations are used as postpositions. The nominal and verbal forms are syntactically

reanalyzed as postpositions (uL 'inside', mun 'in front', meel 'above', kiizh 'below', aTiyil 'at the

38

bottom'). There is no common opinion in considering such words as nouns or postpositions.

Many of the noun forms which are used as postpositions are morphologically defective. That is

they cannot occur with all case markers. Many of these noun forms are also defective. That is,

they do not occur in all nominal postionss and with all grammatical function as other nouns do.

For example, ndaTu 'centre' and iTai 'middle', function as postpositions while inflected for

locative case suffix il as ndaTuvil 'at the centre' and iTaiyil 'in between'. They do not occur as

subject, object or predicate. When a closed set of noun and verb occur as postpositions they

follow a noun phrase and form with the preceding noun phrase a postpositional phrase,

PP

___________|____________

| |

NP P

The verbal and nominal forms loose their respective syntactic properties of nouns while

functioning as postpositions. The postpositions can be classified based on the inflected form of

the noun after which they come. The following is a list of postposition classified according to

their from and the inflected noun after which they occur.

1. Nouns in bare form

1.1. After nouns in nominative case

muulam 'with' from muulam 'instrument'

varai 'until' from varai 'limit'

1.2. After nouns in oblique form

aNTai 'near' from aNTai 'side'

aruku 'near' from aruku 'nearness'

aaTTam 'like' from aaTTam 'motion'

kiTTa 'near' from kiTTam 'nearness'

kiizh 'under' from kiizh 'inferiority'

pakkam 'near' from pakkam 'nearness'

paTi 'according to' from paTi 'manner,way'

1.3. After nouns in dative case

appaal 'beyond' from demonstrative stem a + paal 'side'

appuRam after' from demonstrative stem a + puRam 'side'

uL 'inside' from uL 'interiority'

kizakku 'east'from kizakku 'east'

39

kiiz 'below' from kiiz 'inferiority'

teeRku 'south' from teeRku 'south'

pin 'after' from pin 'posteriority'

piRaku 'after' from piRaku 'posteriority'

1.4. After nouns in accusative case

maatiri 'like' from maatiri 'manner'

2. Nouns + euphonic clitic -ee

After nouns in dative case

etiree 'opposite' from etir 'the oppposite'

kuRukkee 'across' from kuRukku 'transverseness'

veLiyee 'outside' from veLi 'exteriority'

3. Nouns + locative case suffix -il

After nouns in dative case

iTatyil 'in between' from iTai 'centre'

ndatuvil 'in the middle' from ndaTu 'centre'

4. Nouns + so called adverabializing suffix aaka

4.1. After nouns in oblique form

vazhiyaaka 'through' from vazhi 'way'

4.2. After nouns in dative case

patilaaka 'instead of' from patil 'substitute'.

5. Verbs in verbal participle form

5.1. After nouns in accusative case

oTTi 'regarding' from oTTu 'stick'

kuRittu 'about' from kuRi 'aim'

koNTu 'with' from koL 'take'

cuRRi 'around' from cuRRu 'urubte'

tavirttu 'except' from tavir 'avoid'

40

paRRi 'about' from paRRu 'seize'

taaNTi 'across' from taaNTu 'cross'

paarttu 'towards' from paar 'see'

viTTu' 'from from viTu 'leave'

vaittu 'with' from vai 'put'

nookki 'towards' from ndookku 'see'

5.2. After nouns in dative care

pinti 'after' from pindtu 'be behind'

munt-i 'before' from mundtu 'precede'

6. Verbs in infinitive form

After nouns in accusative case

tavira 'except' from tavir 'avoid'

ozhiya 'except' from ozhi 'cease'

poola 'like' from pool 'seem'

viTa 'than from viTu 'leave'

7. Verbs in conditional form + poola

After nouns in dative case

etirttaarpoola 'opposite' from etir 'oppose'

aTuattaarpoola 'next to' from aTu 'be adjacent'

8. Verbs in negative verbal participle form

After nouns in nominative case

illaamal 'without' from -il be not'

allaamal 'except' from -al be not'

3.3.4. Adjectives

Linguists differ in their opinions in taking adjective as a grammatical category. Scholars like

Asher, Lehman and Kothandaraman take adjective as a grammatical category in Tamil. There is

a complete lack of agreement among grammarians whether to consider adjective as a form class

in Tamil. The difficulty in providing an operational definition for adjective crops up due to this

reason. Lehman takes adjective as a syntactic category only. According to Lehmann

(1989:131)"The lexical category of adjective is another syntactic category in Modern Tamil

41

which has evolved in a diachronic process". Adjective can occur as an attribute in pre nominal

position as modifier of a head noun in a noun phrase.

The traditional grammars of Tamil talks elaborately about nouns and verbs only. It appears that

they have not treated adjectives and adverbs as separate categories in Tamil. They treat

adjectives as relative participial forms of appellative verbs (kuRippup peyareccam) and relative

participial forms of regular verbs (terindilaip peyareccam). The qualitative adjectives are r

econstructed as qualitative nouns.

peeraacai 'extreme eagerness' < perumai 'bigness' + aacai 'desire' ciRRaamal 'small lilly'

< ciRumai 'smallness' + aampal 'lilly'

There are at least three kinds of opinion regarding the categorization of adjectives:

1.Adjective is a separate grammatical category.

2. Adjective is not a separate grammatical category but a sub-category of noun or verb.

3. Adjective is a mixed grammatical category.

Adjectives come before a head noun as a modifier (ex. periya nduul 'big book'). It can be

followed a determiner (ex. indta periya puttakam 'this big book'). When adjective occupies the

predicate slot, it is pronominalized (ex. andta nduul periyatu 'that book is a big one'). Adjectives

can be classified into simple adjectives (ex. ndalla 'good', periya 'big') and derived adjectives

(azhaku 'beauty' + aana > azhakaana 'beautiful', uyaram + aana > uyaramaana 'high'). There is

still some dispute over considering aana, uLLa, illaata the relativized forms of verbs aaku

'become', uL 'be', ill 'not' as adjectivalizer or not. Both adjectives as well as relative participle

forms occur before a noun. But relative participle form of verbs co-occur with adverbial

elements like uTan 'immediately', pin 'after', piRaku 'after', pootu 'at that time', mun 'before',

maTTum 'up to', varaikkum 'up to' to form adverbial clauses (ex. vandta uTan 'immediately after

coming', vandta pin 'after coming', varum mun 'before coming'). Adjectives (from appellative

verbs) do not behave like this (Paramasivam, 1983:194). Paramasivam includes relative

participle forms of verbs, relative participle forms of appellative verbs, negative relative

participle forms of verbs and adjectives formed by the adjectivalizer aana as adjectives. At the

same time he identifies relative participle forms and negative relative participle forms as phrases

and appellative relative participle forms and adjectives formed by the adjectivalizer aana as

simple words.

Those who argue adjective as a word class points out the property of adjective not taking the

plural suffix kaL and case suffixes. Those who consider that adjective comes under nouns, take

adjectival forms as alternate forms of the concerned nouns. For example, in the compound

peeraapattu (< peer+ aapattu), the modifying element peer is considered as an alternate form of

perumai and peeraapattu will be analyzed as perumai + aapattu. The traditional grammars also

carry the same opinion. There is no consistency in reconstructing the adjectives into nouns. For

example irumozhi 'two language' is reconstructed as iraNTu + mozhi 'two language' and

mummuurtti 'three gods' is reconstructed as muunRu + muurtti. There is no reason whey they

cannot be analyzed as irumai + mozhi and mummai + muurtti respectively. There is no valid

reason why perumai, ciRumai and ndanmai are not derived from the adjectival roots peer, ciRu

42

and ndal by suffixing mai. Lakoff (1970) considers adjectives as verbs. There is enough

justification in considering peer, ciR, and ndal as adjective or as a word class different form

noun. In languages like English adjectives comes before a as a modifier and in where as a

complement after be-verbs (ex. She is a beautiful girl. The girl is beautiful). In Tamil aaku/aay

suffixed abstract nouns, which are in adverbial form and which come as complement before the

be-verb iru, function as adjectives modifying the noun in subject slot apart form aana suffixed

abstract nouns which function as adjectives before nouns under modification.

avaL azhakaana peN

she beautiful woman

'She is a beautiful woman'

andta peN azhakaaka/azhakaay iru-kkiR-aaL

that woman beautifully be_PRES_she

'That woman is beautiful'

The same N+aaka/aay form function as adverbial if the verb in predicate slot is not a be verb.

andta peN azhakaaka paaTu-kiR-aaL

that woman well sing_PRES_she

'That girl sings well'

aaka/aay added to abstract nouns denoting emotions also functions as adverbs when collocated

with be verbs such as iru and uL.

andta peN koopamaaka/koopamaay irukkiRaaL

that woman angrily be_PRES_she

'That woman is angery'

andta peN koopamaaka/koopamaay irukkiRaaL

that woman angrily be_PRES_she

'That woman is angry'

Kothandaraman (1973:94-100) considers aaka as a case marker.

3.3.4.1. Test for finding out adjectives

Gopal (1981:88-93) following Quirk et al (1976:231-34) and Nadkarni (1971:187-193), lists four

tests to find out adjectives:

rompa 'very' test

eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of' test

43

3.3.4.1.1. Intensifier rompa test

The intensifier rompa 'very' can co-occur only with adjectives. If it is used with other attributes,

it will not produce acceptable phrases.

rompa ndalla paiyan

'very good boy'

*rompa va-ndt-a paiyan

very come_PAST_RP boy

*rompa marap peTTi

very wooden box

*rompa andta paiyan

very that boy

*rompa cila paiyan

very some boy

*rompa iraNTu paRavaikaL

very two birds

*rompa iraNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

very two times building

*rompa aaciriyar kaNNan

very teacher Kannan

3.3.4.1.2. Comparative test

Employing comparative test can identify adjectives. If the test is used with other attributes it will

produce only ungrammatical phrases.

avan-ai viT-a ivaL ndalla-vaL

he_ACC leave_INF he good_she

'He is better than her'

*avan-ai viT-a ivaL va-ndta-vaL

he_ACC leave_INF she came_she

*avan-ai viT-a ivarkaL cilar

he_ACC leave_INF they few

*avan-ai viT-a ivarkaL iraNTu paRavaikaL

he_ACC leave_INF two birds

*at-ai viT-a itu iraNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

44

that leave_INF two times building

avan-ai viT-a ivan aaciriyar

he_ACC leave_INF he teacher

3.3.4.1.3. Interrogative eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of' test

Adjectives can be identified from other attributes by employing interrogative test using the

interrogative word eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of'. By using the question word eppaTippaTTa, we

can get answers as given in the first two phrases and not as given in the rest of the phases given

below:

Possible answers

ndalla manitarkaL 'good men'

azhakaana manitarkaL

'beautiful men'

Impossible answers

va-ndt-a manitarkaL

'come_PAST_RP men'

aaciriyar manitarkaL

'teacher men'

cila manitrakaL

'few men'

Similarly, the answers for eppaTippaTTa peTTi 'what kind of box' is:

Possible answers

ndalla peTTi 'good box'

paLuvaana peTTi 'heavy box'

Impossible answers

marppeTTi 'wooden box'

3.3.4.1.4. Exclamation test

Adjectives can be differentiated from other attributes by exclamation test employing the

exclamatory word evvaLavu 'how much'.

evvaLavu azhakaana paiyan!

how_much beautiful boy

'How beautiful boy he is!'

45

evvaLavu veekamaana kutirai!

how much fast horse

'How fast the horse is!'

evvaLavu pazhu-tt-a pazham!

how_much ripe_PAST_RP fruit

'How much ripped the fruit is!'

This test cannot be successfully employed for relative participles, quantifiers, appositional

clauses and other noun phrases.

*evvaLavu va-ndt-a paiyan

how_much came_RP boy

*evvaLavu andta paiyan

how_much that boy

*evvaLavu cila peer

how_much some persons

*evvaLavu iraNTu peer

how_much two persons

*evvaLavu reNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

how_much two times building

*evvaLavu aaciriyar kaNNan

how_much teacher Kannan

evvaLavu as an exclamatory word can successfully collocated with nouns as compound nouns,

but only to exclaim the quantity and not the quality.

evvaLau paiyankaL

'How many boys!'

evvaLavu marappeTTikaL

how_much wooden boxes

'How many wooden boxes!'

Generally, adjectives in Tamil are taken as a separate category on the basis of their syntactic

behaviour and not from the point of view of their morphological features. But still they can be

treated as separate category from the point of view of their morphological behaviour too. The

adjectives of peer type (discussed in the later part) show some kind of morphological regularity.

This can be seen from the following information about peer type of adjectives. For example, peer

occurs as peer, perum and periya while function as adjectives (the details are dealt in the later

46

part of the paper). The adjectives with iya, aiya and a as adjectival suffixes (dealt in the later part

of the paper) can be treated so on the following grounds.

1. They appear before nouns as modifiers.

umaa oru periya paaTaki

Uma one big singer

'Uma is a good singer'

2. The adjectives can be intensified by intensifiers such as mika.

umaa oru mikap periya paaTaki

Uma one very big singer

'Uma is a very good singer'

3. The adjectives can be modified by comparative propositions introduced by the

comparative elements such as viTa, kaaTTilum.

umaa raataiyai viTa mikap periya paaTaki

Uma Radha_ACC than very big singer

'Uma is very talented singer than Radtha'

4. If the adjectives function as predicates they occur in their pronominalized forms.

paaTaki umaa raataiy-ai viTa mikap periya-vaL

singer Uma Radha_ACC more very talented_she

'The singer Uma is very talented than Radha'

5. The adjectives of the periya-type take pronominalizers such as atu, avai, etc.

periya-tu 'big one', kariya-tu 'black one', ndalla-tu 'good one'

periya-vai 'big ones', kariya-vai 'black ones', ndalla-vai 'good ones'

periy-van 'big man', kariya-van 'black man', ndalla-van ' good man'

6. The stop consonants (k, c, t, p) of the nouns which follows the adjectival suffix a of the

adjectives of the periya-type do not geminate.

periya paiyan 'big boy'

ciRiya peTTi 'small box'

The first two statements are based on the syntax and the fourth and are based on morphology and

the sixth based on phonology.

47

3.3.4.2. Concluding remarks of Gopal on adjectives

Goapal's comes to the following conclusion through his analysis of adjectives in Tamil: "The

conclusion arrived at is that adjectives are not a separate part of speech and are only separate

category like that of infinitives and verbal participles. The various forms which are considered to

be adjectives in Tamil by various scholars which in reality are not adjectives have been taken for

study in detail ... and rejected as they do not account for certain syntactic requirements. That is,

the demonstratives, quantifiers, numerals, nominal compounds, participles are not considered as

adjectives. And certain syntactic tests have been posited to identify adjectives. ... A constrictive

study of English and Tamil is undertaken ... in order to show adjectives in Tamil in the surface

structure behave differently from adjectives in English.... different forms of adjectives are taken

up and it has been shown that the shape cannot determine an adjective and it must be treated as a

syntactic category rather than a morphological category." (Gopal, 1981:246-247).

3.3.4.3. The Reasonable solution to the problem

Adjectives in Tamil can be taken as a grammatical category on the basis of their syntactic

function. They come before the nouns to attribute them and they are not followed by a

postposition. Bhat (1991) argues in details how adjective establishes itself as a separate category

like noun and verb.

There is a pair of forms for a number of adjectives:

1. One is a bound form that has to be added immediately before a noun like a prefix.

ndal 'good' found in the word ndalaaci 'good wish'

2. The other is an a-ending form that is independent.

ndalla 'good' found in the phrase ndalla eNNam 'good thinking'

We have at least three alternative solutions in dealing with the paired form.

1. The bound form can be taken as an allomorph of the a-ending forms.

2. The bound form can be considered as a reduced form of its counterpart, which is a

quality noun (ex. ndanmai 'goodness' + eNNam > ndalleNNam, as proposed by the

traditional grammarians).

3. The bound form can be considered as a root or base from which the a-ending forms are

derived by the suffixation of the adjective maker -a.

The third alternative is not fruitful and productive as far as Modern Tamil is concerned. The

second alternative indirectly supports the formation of a stem by truncation. The first alternative

holds well. But if we do not give categorical status to the bound forms, the relation between

many related forms will be denied. For example, the relation between ndalla 'good', ndanku

'well', ndanRu 'fine' ndanmai 'benefit', ndalam 'state of good health' and ndalloor 'great person'

cannot be established if these words are considered monomorphemic. The denial of categorical

status to the bound form probably needs rethinking.

3.3.4.4. Whether to consider relative participle form as adjective or not

48

There is not doubt that relative participle forms of verbs attribute the noun which follows them.

So naturally one may doubt whether to consider the relative participle form of a verb as adjective

or not. The difference between the adjectivalized forms such periya 'big', ciRiya 'small' and

koTiya 'cruel' of appellative verbs peri 'be big', ciRi 'be small', koTi 'be cruel' and the

adjectivalized forms (i.e. relaive participle forms) of the normal verbs is that the former is

adjectivalized at the lexical level and the latter is adjectivalized at the sentential level. The

adjuctivalization does not disturb the argument structure of the verb that is adjectivalized.

ndaan paLLiyil ndeeRRu paTitta paaTattai inRu avan paTittaan

I school_LOC yesterday studied_RP lesson today he studied_he

'He studied the lesson which I had studied in school yesterday'

Though adjectivalization changes the category of a verb into an adjective, it does not disturb its

argument structure and its characteristic feature of expressing tense or negative. There is no need

to give the adjectivalized forms of verbs in dictionary as their resultant meanings and acquired

syntactic characteristics can be predicted. KTTA has listed only those relativized forms that are

lexicalized into adjectives due to their idiosyncratic meaning.

3.3.4.3. Position of adjectives in noun phrase

The position of adjectives among the elements occuring in NP reveal that adjectives occur

inbetween the noun and the relative participle form. If the relative participle form occurs in an

NP, then the acceptable postion of adjective is after relative participle form.

va-ndt-a ndalla paiyan

come_PAST_RP good boy

'the good boy who came'

ooTiya azhakaana kutirai

run_PAST_RP beautiful horse

'the beautiful horse ran'

*ndalla vandta paiyan

*azhkaana ooTiya kutirai

In the case of compound noun the adjective cannot immediately attribute the head noun (i.e. It

cannot occur inbetween the constituents of the compound noun.) The adjective precedes the

compound noun.

*mara ndalla peTTi

wooden good box

*pon azhakiya cankili

golden beautiful chain

ndalla marappeTTi

49

'good wodden box'

azhakiya pon cangkili

'beautiful golden chain'

The demonstratives generally precede the adjective.

andta ndalla paiyan

'that good boy'

indta azhakiya ciRumi

'this good girl'

?ndalla andata paiyan

good that boy

?azhakiya indta ciRumi

beautiful this girl

The qunatifiers like cila 'few', ovvoru 'each', iraNTu 'two', mutalaavatu 'first', etc. can be

interchanged with adjectives.

ndalla cila manitarkaL

'good few men'

cila ndalla manitarkaL

'few good men'

ndalla ovvoru manitarum

'good each one of good men'

ovvoru ndalla manitarum

'each one of good men'

ndalla iraNTu ciRumikaL

'good two girls'

iraNTu ndalla ciRumikaL

'two good girls'

ciRandta mutalaavatu paiyan

'best first boy'

mutalaavatu ciRandta paiyan

'first best boy'

3.3.5. Adverbs

50

Kothandaraman (1989) and Lehman (1989) consider adverb as a word class. Lehman deals

adverb only as a syntactic category. Asher (1982:101-102) does not give adverb under

"operational definition for word classes". But he talks about adverb while taking about the

formation of adverb (1982:199-203). While talking about the position of adverbs in sentences

(1982:57), he confers that in sentences other than locative and existential sentences, adverbs

normally follow subject or indirect object or precede direct object, which tends to be the

constituent that is closest to the verb. If different types of adverb occur in the same sentence it is

not possible to state clearly the order of their occurrence. There is a tendency for temporal

adverbs occurring before locative adverbs. Adverbs can be classified as simple and derived

adjectives. aaka and aay are considered as adverbializers which form adverbs form when

suffixed to a set of nouns.

azhaku + aay > azhakaay 'beautifully'

azhaku+ aaka > azhakaaka 'beautifully'

Certain inflected and non-inflected forms of nouns and verbs can be syntactically reanalyzed as a

closed set of adverbs. The form like aTikkaTi 'frequently', inimeel 'hereafter', innum 'still',

maRupaTiyum 'again', miiNTum 'again' and mella 'slowly' justifies the postulation of a separate

category of adverbs in Modern Tamil. These word forms were considered as inflected verb forms

or composite word forms consisting of a noun a clitic. Certain postpositions such as mun 'before',

munnaal 'before' and piRaku 'afterwards' can function as adverbs. The forms such as apaalee

(appaal 'further'+ee) 'afterwards', uLLee (uL 'inside'+ee) 'before', and appuRam 'after', the nouns

which are inflected for locative case such as iTaiyil (iTai 'in between' +il) 'in between' and

ndTuvil (ndaTu 'centre'+il)'at the centre', the past participle form of verbs such as paarttu (<=""

p="">

Asher (1982) and Kothandaraman consider the forms which are derived by suffixing the

infinitive form aaka and past participle form aay of the verb aaku 'become' as adverbs. But

Lehman (1989) by pointing out the functioning of aaka/aay not only to form adverbs but also as

forms of different functions, concludes that aaka can be taken either as a bound postposition or a

clitic. Renukadevi (1987) classifies the adverbs semantically into temporal adverbs (ex. inRu

'today', ndaaLai 'tomorrow'), place adverbs (ex. ingku 'here', angku 'there'), manner adverbs (ex.

mella 'slowly', ndanku 'well'), frequency adverbs (ex. aTikkaTi 'often', maRupaTiyum 'again' and

quantifier adverbs (ex. mika 'very', veku 'very'). Asher and Lehman consider quantifier adverbs as

a separate class called quantifiers. Paramasivam (1983) considers past participle form of verbs as

adverbs. As past participle form carries tense suffix, scholars are reluctant to group them as

belonging to the word class adverb.

3.3.6. Quantifiers

Asher (1982) takes numerals and quantifiers together as a separate word class. Lehman (1989)

lists quantifiers under syntactic categories as a separate category. Asher (1982:102) makes the

following observation: "No overall definition of the class of numerals and quantifiers is possible

in terms of morphological features. They can occur as modifiers of nouns and, unlike adjectives,

the other major modifiers of nouns are not subject to adverbial modification." A closed groups of

words such as the following can function as quantifiers: caRRu 'a littele', muzhu 'whole', konjcam

51

'a litte', ittanai 'this much', attanai 'that many', ettanai 'how many', ivvaLavu 'this much',

avvaLavu 'that much', evvaLavu 'how much', ndirampa 'much', ndiRaiya 'much, many', mikavum

'much'. All these quantifiers can occur as noun modifiers. However, their distribution or position

of occurrence is not identical. For example, muzhu occurs always before a head noun (ex. andta

muzhut tokai 'that full amount'), caRRu generally occurs before temporal nouns (ex. caRRu

ndeeam 'a little time'), mikavum occurs before nouns suffixed with aaka, aana, illaata, uTaiya,

ceerndta (ex. mikvum azhakaaka 'very beautifully', mikavum azhakaana 'very beautiful',

mikavum azhakillaata 'very ugly') and other quantifiers occurs before the phrase adjective + N

(ex. konjcam periya paattiram 'a little big vessel'). The quantifiers such as muzhu 'whole', ittanai

'this much', attanai 'that much', ettanai 'how much' and mikavum 'much' comes before an

adjective as a modifier (ex. koncjam cinnak kai 'a little bit small hand'). Kothandaraman

classifies the modifiers such as mikavum 'much' which can come before noun, verb, adjective and

adverb as intensifiers (vallaTai in Tamil) (ex. mikavum kaRuppu 'more blackness', mikavum

piTikkum 'like more', mikavum ndalla 'very good', mikavum veekamaaka 'very fast'.

3.3.7. Determiners

The modifiers such as indta 'this' and andta 'that' which are demonstratives and which can occur

in pre-nominal position are classified as determiners by Lehman (1989). He has included under

syntactic categories. They specify or identify the referent of a noun phrase by describing the

referent's proximity to the speaker. itndta 'this is the proximate demonstrative determiner and

andta 'that is the remote demonstrative determiner.

3.3.8. Conjunctions

Kothandaran and Lehaman have taken conjunctions as a word class. Lehman lists it under

syntactic categories. Conjunctions conjoins two words, phrases or sentences. Though co-

ordination in Tamil is mainly performed by the use of clitics, there are also a number of verb

forms which are syntactically reanalyzed to co-ordinate conjunction words.

anaaal 'but' conditional form aaku 'become'

allatu 'or' nominalized form of al 'be not'

illaiyenRaal 'or' iilai 'be not' + conditional form of en 'say'

3.3.9. Clitics

Clitics are called kuRaiccoRkaL 'partial words' in Tamil. Clitics have been elaborately studies by

Arokyanathan (1982). Kothandaran classifies clitcs under dependent class. He calls it as oTTu

'affix'. He defines clitics as elements like taan, um, aa which occur in different places in phrases

and which can effect change to the phrasal meaning and which can be considered neither as

suffixes of nouns nor as suffixes of verbs. Lehman lists clitics under syntactic categories.

According to him "Clitics are bound forms which are affixed to a word not due to a

morphological process, but due to some phonological rules of the grammar. They are not thus

representations of inflectional or derivational categories and not restricted to the occurrence with

words of one particular word class only, as inflectional and derivational suffixes are. Clitics can

be suffixed to words or heads of all syntactic categories, except adjectivals and a number of

52

nominals functioning as noun modifiers". All clitics in Tamil are pre clitics only, i.e they are

added at the end of words. A clitics with a specific phonemic shape perform various semantic

functions. So, it is possible to postulate a number of semantically different clitics, which are

homophonous.

The following clitics can be posited for Modern Tamil:

Citics Their functions

um inclusive, concessive, coordination

oo Disjunction

ee Emphasis

taan Emphasis

aa Interrogation

Asher classifies emphatic markers, ee and taan, interrogative marker in yes/no question, aa, and

the coordinators um and oo under particles.

3.3.10. Verb dependent words

Kohthandaraman (1989) classifies words such as pin, pootu, uTan as found in phrases such

vandta pin 'after some one came', vandta pootu 'while some one came', vandta uTan 'as soon as

some one came'. He defines verb dependent words as that which have lost nominal feature and

which comes after relative participle form as suffixes forming past participle forms as well as

those which come after past participle form as suffixes forming relative participle forms. Lehman

groups pootu time relation 'at that time', piRaku, appuRam, pin which refer to posterior time

relation 'after', mun which refer to anterior time relation 'before', uTan which refers to time

relation 'immediately', etc. as complementizing nouns. The words such as takka, kuuTiya,

veeNTiya which occur in compound relative participle forms such ceyyatakka 'that which is

worth doing', ceyyakkuuTiya 'that which is possible to be done' and ceyyaveeNTiya 'what which

should be done' as verb dependent words.

3.3.11. Exclamatory words

Kothandaraman groups words such as aiyoo, ammaa, appaa found in the following sentences as

exclamatory words.

aiyoo, enn-aal indta tukkatt-ait taangk-a muTiya-villaiyee.

Oh I_by this tragedy_ACC bear_INF be_able_INF_not

Oh! I could not bear this tragedy'

ammaa, itu enna cootanai

Oh! this what test

Oh! what kind of test is this.

appaa, enn-aal veyilait taangk-a muTiyavillaiyee

Oh I_by this sun_ACC bear_INF be_able_INF_not

53

Oh! I could not bear sun'

3.3.12. Words expressing feelings

The elements such as kalakala, paLapaLa, cap, vazhavazha, tiTiir 'immediately' as found in

phrases such as kalakalavenRu 'joyfully', paLapaLavenRu 'shiningly', capenRu 'ordinarily',

vazhavazhavenRu 'continuously' and tiTiirenRu 'immediately' as words expressing feelings.

3.3.13. Words of calling

Kothandaraman (1989) groups eenungka, ennangka, eey, aTee as belonging to the word class

viLippu col 'words for calling'. The following sentences will exemplify these expressions.

eenungka, ingkee vaangnka

what_you here come_you

'Hello come here'

eey, ingkee vaa

hello here come

'Hello come here'

3.3.14. Words of accepting call

Kothandraman (1989) classifies ennangka and eenungka which are expressed as response to the

call as viLi eeRpuc col 'words of accepting call'. The following discourse will exemplify these

expression.

umaa, ingkee vaa

Uma here come

'Uma come here'

ennangka/eenungka kuuppiT-T-iingkaL-aa

what_you call_PAST_you_INT

'Hello, did you call me?'

3.3.15. Suffix

Kothandaraman classifies suffixes as vikuti and as a dependent class of word elements. He

includes case suffixes such as ai, aal, ku, etc personal suffixes such as an, aan, aL, aaL etc, aana

which is a adjectivizling suffix and aaka which is an adverbializing as suffixes.

3.3.16. Fillers

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Kothandaraman classifies fillers under dependent classes of words as caariyai or ndirappi. He

defines fillers as those elements which does have any grammatical and lexical meaning and helps

in the joining of words. The phonemic element in and an in the following examples are fillers.

viiTT-in-ai 'house_FIL_ACC

vandt-an-an 'come_PAST_FIL_he

cenR-an-an 'go_PAST_FIL_he

3.4. Conclusion

As for as parts of speech or word class is concerned the grammarians classifies and defines the

words based on the grammar formalism they follow. That is why certain word classes found in

one grammatical analysis is not found in the other. For the same reason the word class which is

considered as a subclass of one class is considered as a separate class in another classification.

As Kothandaraman classifies words and other grammatical elements into main grammatical or

independent categories and sub grammatical or dependent grammatical categories, he includes

suffixes and fillers under his classification of words and grammatical categories. There are

certainly pertinent reasons to classify adjectives and adverbs as word classes. But classifying

relative forms of verbs as adjectives and past participle forms of verbs as adverbs is not

acceptable to many grammarians. If we do so then we have take the relative participle markers

and verbal participle markers respectively as adjectivilizers and adverbializers. Kothandaraman

identifies new class of words such as exclamatory words, words denoting feelings, words of call

and words of accepting call to accommodate modern Tamil data. Paramasivam (1983:98) states

that there is no definite basic theory to classify words. Even if one follows traditional

grammarians or linguists there may be exceptions. There is no grammatical theory which can

help us to classify words without exceptions. It is not a surprise that there are problems in

classifying words as there are problems in defining words even.

CHAPTER 4

TYPES OF WORD FORMATION

4.1. Introduction

A proper understanding of the word-formation in a language needs classification of such

processes on formal grounds. Bauer (1983) classifies the word-formation in English as follows:

1. Compounding

2. Prefixation

3. Suffixation

4. Conversion

5. Backformation

6. Clipping

7. Formation of blends

8. Formation of acronyms

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9. Word manufacturing

Tamil makes use of compounding and suffixation extensively for the formation of words.

Though the present paper attempts to give the types of word formation in Tamil (Rajendran,

1993) based on typology, explanations will be given by raising certain problematic issues.

4.2. Compounding

A morphologically complex word containing at least two elements which can otherwise occur as

free forms (i.e. as independent words) can be considered as a prototypical compound.

1. talaiyaNai (< talai 'head' + aNai 'support') 'pillow'

2. marappeTTi (< maram 'wood' + peTTi 'box') `wooden box'

3. kiLippaccai (< kiLi 'parrot' + paccai 'green') 'parrot green'

Compounding is a grammatical process by which complex words are formed from smaller

elements that have word status under normal circumstances. Affixation is different from

compounding as it involves morphemes that do not have word status. It is the word-like

behaviour of a string of elements that indicates that it is a compound. Though rearrangement of

constituents in a construction is possible in a language, the constituent parts of compounds

cannot be rearranged.

1. talaiyaNai 'pillow' vs. ?aNaitalai

2. marappeTTi 'wooden box' vs. ?peTTimaram

3. kiLippaccai 'parrot-green' vs. paccaikkiLi 'parrot' ("?" marks indicates that the

expression does not mean or refer anything.)

In addition, the constituents of a compound do not allow themselves to be separated by

intervening material showing word like quality. In languages like English the compounds are

distinguished from phrases by their typical stress pattern. In some languages there is linking

morpheme compounding the constituents (as found in the compound morph-o-sytnax).

The compounds can be studied at least from five points of view:

1. Based on the grammatical categories of words which constitute compounds

2. Based on the semantic classes

3. Based on the possible linking elements

4. Based on the deep structure

5. Based on the morphophonology.

Compounding is one of the word-formation strategies language employ to form new words out

of the existing words in order to enrich and update their lexicon. It is essentially an abbreviatory

mechanism that languages prefer over corresponding phrasal or clausal constructions.

Compounds are economical, in that they use less number of morphemes, when compared to

phrases or clauses. They are unambiguous because of the fixed word order, and unique in the

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sense that they acquire specialized meaning and hence form the immediate choice of the native

speakers of any language.

Compounding

Compounding is a very productively and frequently observed phenomenon in world languages,

because most of the languages exhibit a great majority of complex words that are compounds.

The frequency of compounding also results from the fact that compound are lexical fillers. The

lexical gaps that may arise in the language as a result of the important and development of

science and technology, change in cultural concepts etc. cannot be effectively served by the

existing words. and therefore languages overcome this difficulty by resorting to mechanism like

compounding, which facilitate the formation of new words out of the existing words.

Indian languages are rich in compound formation. The study of compound formation goes back

to ancient Indian grammatical tradition where grammarians like Panini of 5th B.C. and Patanjali

of 2nd B.C. are the first linguists to have recognized the importance of this kind of word

formation strategy. Tamil, like the other Dravidian languages exhibits a rich system of

compound formation, and in a way compensates for the lack of productive multilayered

derivational mechanism in the language.

Compounds are distinguished form proper derivatives, i.e. affixal words, on the basis of the

lexical formatives involved in their composition. While affixal derivation consists of a base and

an affix, compounds are composed of more than one word or nucleus. Compounds can be

formed either by repeating or duplicating a word or a lexeme. Various types of compounds are

distinguished on the basis of lexical formatives involved in compound formation. Though

compounds and phrases are similar in respect to their composition in that both of them consist of

more than one simple or complex words differ on various counts. Compounds are generally

characterized by the following properties that distinguish them from phrases:

1. Semantic non-compositionality

2. Fixed word order

3. Suppression of inflectional morphology on the non-head constituent (NHC)

4. Non-interruptability of the constituent

5. Irreversibility of the constituents

6. Referential opacity.

Though it is possible to distinguish between a compound and phrase on the basis of these criteria

yet there is no clear demarcation between them due to several language specific reasons.

In the Sanskrit grammatical tradition, particularly in Panini's ashTaadhyaayi the word (which is

stem in the case of nouns and root in the case of verbs) is defined as the nominal unit of syntax

always occurring in the inflected form for nominal categories and verbal categories. However,

when words occur as non-head constituents of compound they always occur uninflected.

Conversely, in phrases the morphological inflections are retained. The nouns in phrases are fully

inflected forms showing adnominal relations. So the distinction between a word, a compound

and phrase is rather clear in Sanskrit. This kind of relation is not distinct in Tamil. This is

57

because the nominal base, which is equivalent to a stem, is non-distinct from the corresponding

nominative form in syntax. Therefore, uninflected words are often non-distinct from nouns,

which involve in compound formation.

In Tamil, words in nominative form are not overtly marked by case and hence they appear to be

uninflected in surface representation. As nouns appear in uninflected form as non-head

constituents in compounds, and since the suppression of inflected morphology is an essential pre-

requisite of compounding, consequently, it is difficult to distinguish between nouns which occur

as syntactic constituents from those which occur as compound constituents. The adnominal

relation between constituents of a compound can be realized without any inflectional marker but

the same relation in a phase is realized by marking the non-head constituent either by genitive or

occasionally by dative case. The can be evidenced form the example given below:

viiTTuk katavu

'house window'

raatai kaNNan-in manaivi

Radha Kanna_GEN wife

'Radha is Kannan's wife'

raatai kaNNan-ukku manaivi

Radha Kanna_DAT wife

'Radha is Kannan's wife'

Since genitive marking is optional and rarely used in Modern Telugu the non-head constituent

appears mostly uninflected and sometimes in the oblique form. It can be inferred from the above

facts that the distinction between phase and compound is not clear-cut in Tamil. Since in Tamil

genitive inflection is optional and oblique stem formation is not a regular phenomenon, the

distinction between phrase and compound is not clear. Therefore, the non-head constituents

which are the uninflected forms of nouns, look identical to the nominative forms in syntax, and

they can be interpreted as words in Aronoffian sense, i.e. word minus inflection (Aronoff, 1994).

The input to the compounding is always a word or a lexeme and the output is also a word or a

lexeme.

Compounding is widely used in Tamil for new coinage of words. It may appear sometimes that

mere juxtaposition of two nouns can form a compound word. The compounds can be sub

classified in many different ways by the form classes of the items that make up the compounds,

by semantics classes, by the presumed underlying operators linking the two elements, by

presumed underlying syntactic functions and so on (Bauer 1983:201-202). One can take up the

mixture of two or more of the above-mentioned methods of classification. Here we classify the

compounds based on the form classes of their formatives.

4.2.1. Compound Nouns

4.2.1.1 Noun + Noun > Noun

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Noun + Noun compounding (Vijayavenugopal, 1979) forms the largest subgrouping of

compounds. One can find in the grouping many types of semantic relationship as well as

different syntactic patterns. Compound nouns can be further subclassified into four groups

according to semantic criteria:

1. Endocentric compounds,

2. Appositional compounds

3. Exocentric compounds or bahuvriihi compound

4. Copulative compound or dvandva compound

Endocentric compounds are more productive as compared to other types of compounds.

4.2.1.1.1 Endocentric Compounds

When the compound formed is the hyponym of the head element, it is called endocentric

compound. As maampalam 'mango fruit' is a kind of pazham 'fruit', it is an endocentric

compound. The endocentric compound can be formed out of two common nouns, or two proper

nouns or a common noun and a proper noun.

4.2.1.1.1.1 Common Noun + Common Noun

This appears to be more productive among noun compounding. This kind of compounding is

used widely in newspapers, magazines and dictionaries. Many ranges of semantic relationships

can hold between the elements undergoing this kind of compounding. This can be understood

from the following examples.

tirai 'curtain' + paTam 'picture > tiraippaTam 'cinema'

pakal 'day' + kanavu 'dream' > pakalkanavu 'day dream'

manam 'mind' + caaTci 'evidence' > manacaaTci 'conscience'.

4.2.1.1.1.2 Proper Noun + Noun

This type of word-formation is widely used in modern Tamil. Mainly names of places and people

are used for compounding. Some compounds of this type, particularly those containing place

names, show the same semantic relationships between the elements as compounds with two

common nouns. For example, tancjaavuur irayil ndilaiyam 'Thanjavur railway station' shows a

locative relationship parallel to ndakarappuunkaa 'town park'. Whereas in compounds such as

periyaar maavaTTam 'Periyar district' where the name of people is used as proper noun, this kind

of relationship does not hold good as the entities are named after a person.

4.2.1.1.2 Appositional Compound

Compound which is the hyponym of both its elements is an appositional compound.

veelaikkaari 'female servant' + peN 'girl' > veelaikkaarippeN 'servant girl'

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In Modern Tamil appositional compounds of the following are widely used.

TaakTar 'doctor' + ammaa 'lady' > TaakTarammaa 'lady doctor'

vakkiil 'advocate' + ammaa 'lady' > vakkiilammaa 'lady advocate'

Though we may be tempted to consider compounds such as peNTaakTar 'lady doctor/female

doctor' and peNvakkiil 'lady advocate/female advocate' as appositional compounds, the

availability of forms such as peN kuzhandtai 'female child' prevents us from doing so.

4.2.1.1.3 Exocentric Compounds

If a compound is not a hyponym of both the elements of the compound, but of an unknown head,

then such a compound is called an exocentric compound.

maram 'wood + maNTai 'head' > maramaNTai 'fool'

kaal 'leg' +ndaTai 'walk' > kaalndaTai 'cattle'

This does not appear to be a productive formation, thought many established or lexicalized forms

are available.

4.2.1.1.4 Copulative Compounds

In a copulative compound it is not clear which of the elements combined is the grammatical

head; the compound is not a hyponym of the elements combined; the elements name separate

entities which get combined to form the entity denoted by the compound.

appaa 'father + ammaa 'mother > appaa ammaa 'parents'

aNan 'elder brother' + tampi 'younger brother' > aNantampi 'brother'

In certain compounds the final element carries the plural marker.

aaTu 'goat' + maaTukal 'common name for cow, ox and baffalo' > aaTumaaTukal 'cattle'

meejai 'table', naarkaalikal 'chairs' > meejainaarkaalikal 'furniture'

This type of compounding is not very productive.

4.2.1.2 Verb + Noun > Noun

Verb + Noun compound of the type kuTitaNiir 'drinking water' in which the first element is

considered as a verb root (kuTi 'drink') and the second element a noun (taNiir 'water') is

productive in Modern Tamil. The traditional grammars treat it as relative participle based

compound in which the tense suffix and the relative participle suffix are dropped. Thus, for

example, kuTitaNiir is considered as a sum of three tensed forms, kuTittaataNiir 'the water

which was dunk', kuTikkirataNiir 'the water being drunk' and kuTikkum taNiir 'the water which

60

will be drunk'. The head nound of this compound can be considered to be in subject relation with

the verb or object relation with the verb and other semantic relations.

cuTu 'become hot' + taNiir > cuTutaNiir 'hot water'

kuTi 'drink' + taNNiir > kuTitaNiir 'drinking water'

toTu 'touch' + uNarvu 'sense' > toTu uNarvu 'sense of touch'

These compounds can also be classified as endocentric compounds and exocentric compounds.

cuTu taNNiir 'hot water' (endocentric)

tuungku 'sleep' + muunjci 'face' > tuungku muunjci 'one who is slothful' (exocentric)

4.2.1.3 Noun + Verb > Noun

This type of compound formation is very rare. Compounds like the following can be given as

examples.

taali 'weeding-badge' + kaTTu 'tie' > taalikaTTu 'ceremony of tying the wedding-badge'

4.2.1.4 Verb + Verb > Noun

This kind of compound formation is not frequent in Tamil. The following formation can be

considered as examples of this kind of compounding.

aTi 'beat' + 'catch' > aTipiTi 'scuffle'

izhu 'pull' + vali 'pull' > izhuvali 'state of uncertainty'

4.2.1.5 Adjective + Noun > Noun

Though combinations such as the following can be shown as examples of this type of formation.

cinna 'small' + viiTu 'house' + cinnaviiTu 'house set up with a mistress',

maRu 'alternative' + maNam 'life' > maRumaNam 'remarriage',

punar 're-‘ + vaazvu ‘life’ > punarvaalvu 'rehabilitation',

pun 'diminutive' + cirippu 'laugh' >puncirippu 'smile'

One may wonder whether to consider them as compounds or noun phrases. If we define a

compound as a combination of two elements the meaning of which can be understood only from

an expanded form, probably the above examples can be considered as compounds. Traditional

grammars treat this kind of compounds as contracted forms of N + N combination.

ndanmai 'goodness' + koTai 'gift > ndankoTai 'donation'

perumai 'largeness' + paampu 'snake' > perumpaampu 'python'

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cirumai 'smallness' + ceemippu 'savings' ciruceemippu 'small savings'

But we can consider forms such as nan, perum and ciRu as adjectives which are bound in nature.

Probably because of the bound nature of these adjectives we have to consider the words formed

by prefixing them with nouns as compounds.

4.2.1.6 Particle + Noun > Noun

The elements such as mun 'front' and pin 'back' which the traditional grammars treat as iTaiccol

'a part of speech of elements which do not have lexical meaning', combine with nouns to form

nominal compounds.

mun 'front', urai 'speech' > munnurai 'introduction'

pin 'back', kaalam 'time' > piRkaalam 'future'

Elements like mun and pin can be considered as nouns or adverbs or adjectives according to their

collocation with other words in sentences.

4.2.1.7 Phrase Compounds

An entire phrase seems to be involved in this type of formation of a new word. One may doubt in

some cases whether to consider these forms as compounds or lexicalization of syntactic

structures. Here we can distinguish the compounds as endocentric, exocentric and copulative.

Endocentric compound

vaanam paartta 'that which saw sky' + puumi 'land' > 'land which depends on rain for

cultivation',

kalandtu 'having got together' + uraiyaaTal 'conversation' > kalandturaiyaaTal

'discussion'

Exocentric compounds

toTTaal 'if touched' + curngki 'that which shrinks' > toTTaal curungki 'touch-me-not

plant'

Copulative compound

ndiirum nderuppum 'water and fire' ndakamum cataiyum 'nail and flesh'

The copulative constructions under this type differ from true copulative constructions including

the clitic -um and these formations look like syntactic phrases rather than compounds when

compared with other types of copulative compounds.

There are compounds of this type in which the phrasal nature can be understood by analysis.

62

paaRai 'rock' + aam 'that which is' + kal 'stone'> paaRaangkal 'block of stone/large piece

of rock'

pul 'grass' + aam 'that which is'+ kuzhal 'tube'> pullaangkuzhal 'flute'

This kind of formation is not productive. In some phrasal compounds the case suffixes are not

dropped.

pazhikku 'revenge_ DAT + pazhi 'revenge' > palikkuppali 'revenge'

aayirattil 'in thousand', + oruvan 'one man' > aayirattil oruvan 'one among

thousand/greatman').

4.2.1.8 Reduplicative Compound Nouns

One of the productive processes of the formation of a compound is reduplication in which a noun

and a partially reduplicated form of the same root are juxtaposed. The reduplicated form differs

from the basic form by replacing the first syllable of the latter by ki- (if the original has a short

vowel) or kii- (if the original vowel is lone).

puli kili 'tiger and other wild animals', paampu kiimpu 'snake and other reptiles'.

4.2.2. Compound Verbs

Compound verbs in Tamil are mainly of two types:

1. noun + verb compounds

2. verb + verb compounds

4.2.2.1 Noun + Verb > Verb

This is a productive way of forming new verbs in Tamil. Not all verbs follow a noun to form this

type of a compound. Only a selected number of verbs such as aTai 'become/reach', aaTu

'perform' cey 'do', paTu 'experience' etc. are involved in this formation.

ndaacam 'destruction + aTai > ndaacam aTai 'be destroyed'

poor 'war' + aaTu > pooraaTu 'struggle'

vicaaraNai 'investigation' + cey > vicaaraNai cey 'investigate'

payam 'fear' + paTu > payappaTu 'be afraid of'

4.2.2.2 Verb + Verb > Verb

In this type of compound, the first verb, called the polar verb, is important from the point of view

of meaning. The polar verb could be in root form, past participle form or infinitive form.

Verb stem + Verb

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oppu 'consent', + koL 'take' > oppukkoL 'accept'

paRi 'snatch' + koTu 'give' > paRikoTu 'be robbed off'

Past participle form + verb

colli 'having said' + koTu 'give' > collikkoTu 'teach'

kaNTu 'having seen' + piTi 'catch' > kaNTupiTi 'find out'

Infinitive form + verb

aaru 'is cool' + pooTu 'drop' aarappootu 'defer'

caaka 'to die' + aTi 'beat' > caakaTi 'cause to die'

These compound verbs can also be seen as endocentric compounds and exocentric compounds.

Endocentric compounds

kaTTi 'having tied' + puraL 'roll' > kaTTippuraL 'roll over'

Exocentric compounds

tuuki 'having lifted + aTi 'beat' > tuukkiyaTi 'excel'

A selected number of verbs known as auxiliary verbs combine with verbs in adverbial participles

or infinitives to add aspectual and/or modal meaning to the polar verb. It is not quite clear

whether to take the preceding or following verb as the head verb. This type of compounding is

crucial to the verb system in Tamil.

ooTi 'having run' + koNTu 'having taken' + irukkiraan 'is-he' > ooTikkoNTirukkiraan 'is

running'

4.2.2.3 Adjective + Verb > Verb

Compounds such as the following can be shown as examples of this type of formation which is

not productive.

pun 'diminutive' + ndakai 'laugh'> punnakai 'smile'

punar 'alternative' + amai 'make' > punaramai 'renovate'

But it should be noted that pun and punar which are adjectives in compound nouns such as

punnakai (pun 'diminutive' + ndakai 'laugh') 'smile' and punar amaippu (punar 'alternative' +

amaippu 'creation') 'renovation' sever as adverbs in the above-mentioned compound verbs.

4.2.2.4 Particle + Verb > Verb

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The particle such as mun 'front', pin 'back' and veLi 'outside' combine with certain verbs forming

compound verbs.

mun + eeRu 'climb' > munneeRu 'advance'

pin + paRRu 'hold' > pinpaRRu 'follow'

veLi + iTu 'put' > veLiyiTu 'release/publish'

This is also not a productive way of forming compound verbs. It should be noted here that mun,

pin, veli, etc. can be considered as nouns as well as adverbs.

4.2.3. Compound Adjectives

It is not very clear what type of constructions will go under this category. The following are

some of the instances.

4.2.3.1 Noun + Adjective > Adjective

There are mainly three sub-types in this category. The first type of adjective compound are noun

+ noun compounds with their head nouns suffixed with adjective suffixes such as aana and uLLa.

talai 'head' + kunivu + aana 'being' > talaikunivaana 'disgraceful'

The second type of adjective compounds are noun + verb compounds in which the verbs are

inflected for adjectival participle.

kaN 'eye' + kaNTa 'that which saw'> kaNaNTa 'efficacious'

The third type of adjective compounds are noun + noun compounds in which the head nouns

could be considered adjectives by collocation.

irattam 'blood' + civappu 'red' > irattaccivappu 'blood red'.

4.2.3.2 Adjective + Adjective > Adjective

Compounds like the following stand as a rare instance of this type of compounding.

pazham 'old' + perum 'large'> pazhamperum 'seasoned' as found in phrases such as

pazhamperum araciyalvaati 'seasoned politician'

The adjective + noun compounds in which the head nouns being considered as adjectives could

be shown as other examples.

karu 'black' + ndiilam 'blue'> karundiilam 'blackish blue'

iLam 'light' + civappu 'red' > ilancivappu 'light red'.

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4.2.3.3 Noun + Noun > Adjective

As we noted earlier under 1.3.1. the third type of noun + adjective compounds are basically noun

+ noun compounds.

4.2.3.4 Verb + Noun > Adjective

The following verb + noun compounds could be considered as adjective compounds as the

meaning of these compounds is hyponymous with some unexpressed heads which could denote

qualities.

tuunkumuunci (tuunku 'sleep + muunci 'face') 'dull' as found in phrases like tuunkmunci

vaatiyaar 'dull teacher',

alumuunci (alu 'cry + muunci 'face') 'sulky' as found in phrases such as alumuunci paiyan

'sulky boy'.

4.2.3.5 Adjective + Noun > Adjective

Compounds such as the following could be considered with hesitation as examples of this type of

compounding.

pacum 'fresh' + pon 'god' > pacumpon 'pure' as found in phrases like pacumpon ullam

'pure heart'

karum 'black' + kal 'rock' > karunkal ( 'hard' as found in phrases like karunkal manacu

'stone like/hard/heart'.

Traditional grammars consider compounds like karunkal manacu as uvamaittokai 'compound in

which comparison is involved' considering them as contracted form of comparative

constructions, say kurunkal poonra manacu 'black stone like heart' in this case, by the elision of

the comparative particle poonra. As the whole noun phrase appears as a compound it is difficult

to consider the part of it (Adjective + noun) as a compound adjective.

4.2.3.6 Particle + Noun > Adjective

Compounds such as the following could be considered as examples of this type of formation.

mun 'front' + pookku 'course' > muRpookku 'progresive' (as found in phrases such as

murpookku eNam 'progressive thinking')

Traditional grammars may consider this phrase as paNputtokai 'compound of quality' with the

contention that it is a contracted form of murpookkaana eNam 'progressive thinking' by the

elision of the comparative particle aana. As the whole noun phrase looks like a compound it is

difficult to consider the part of it (particle + noun) as a compound adjective.

4.2.3.7 Noun + Verb > Adjective

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Typical compounds of this type are rare.

maNpu 'honour' + miku 'increase' > maaNpumiku 'honourable',

arul 'mercy' + miku 'increase' > arulmiku 'merciful').

The exocentric compounds such as the following can could be shown as other rare instances.

kuuppu 'call' + itu 'put' > kuuppiTu 'call' > kuuppiTu (as found in phrases such as

kuuppiTu tuuram 'hailing distance')

kal 'stone' + eRi 'throw' > kalleRi (as found in phrases such as kalleRituuram 'a stone's

throw/very close distance')

4.2.3.8 Verb + Verb > Adjective

The exocentric compounds such as the following are the rare instances of this type of

compounding.

eTu 'take' + piTi 'catch' eTupiTi 'petty' (as found in the phrases eTupiTi veelai 'mean job')

uruTTu 'roll' + puraTTu 'turn' > uruTTuppuraTTu 'fradulent' (as found in the phrases and

uruTTuppiraTTu veelai 'fraudulent means')

4.2.4. Compound Adverbs

There are mainly three types of adverbial compounds:

1. Compound nouns in which the adverbial suffixes are added (see 3.4.2. for details).

oree 'the only' + aTi 'step' + aaka > oreeyaTiyaaka 'excessively' payam 'fear' + pakti 'devotion' +

oTu > 'payapaktiyooTu 'humbly'.

2. Compounds in which the heads are adverbial participle or infinitive forms

poTi 'powder' + vaittu 'having kept' > paTivaittu 'insinuatingly'

kaN 'eye' + maN 'sand' + teriyaamal > kaNmaNteriyaamal ('having not been seen')

'recklessly',

muukku 'nose' + muuTTa 'to fill' > muukkumuuTTa 'to one's fill'.

3. Rhyme motivated compounds (see 1.5. for details).

arakkapparakka 'hurriedly'

cuTaccuTa 'right from the over/hot'.

4.2.5 Rhyme-motivated Compounds

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There are compounds which are formed by two elements, the combination of which is motivated

by rhyme. Sometimes both the elements have independent existence.

aaRa + amara > aaRa amara 'leisurely'

Sometimes one of the elements may not have independent existence.

eeTTikku > pooTTi > eeTTikkuppooTTi 'rivalry' (eeTTikku does not have independent

existence)

In some cases both the elements do not have independent existence.

arakka + parakka > arakka parakka 'hurriedly'

There are cases which are simply reduplication of independently existing elements.

pooka + pooka > pookapooka 'in course of time'

In some cases it is mere reduplication of elements which do not exist independently.

paTapaTappu 'excitement'

The compounds which could be considered as nouns are suffixed by adverbializers such as -aay,

-aaka, -enRu and -ena forming adverbial compounds or by adjectivalizers such as -aana.

teLLatteLivaaka 'very clearly'

puTapaTavenRu 'excitingly/speedily'

teLLatteLivaana 'very clear'

paTapaTappaana 'fast/excited'

4.3. Prefixation

Prefixation is not a productive process of word -formation in Tamil. Prefixes are found in certain

words borrowed from Sanskrit.

a + cuttam 'cleanliness' > acuttam 'uncleanliness'

a + caataaraNam 'simple' > accaataaraNam 'special'

4.4. Suffixation

This process is widely used in Tamil. Here the derivation by suffixation is classified based on the

form classes of the resultant word forms.

4.4.1. Derivation of Nouns

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4.4.1.1. Nouns from Nouns

Many suffixes are used for the formation of nouns from nouns. Some of them productive and

some are non-productive. A good number of nouns carries gender number suffix. But the root to

which they are attached appears to be bound.

*maaN + avan > maaNavan 'male student'

*maaN + vi > maaNavi 'female student'

*maaN + avar > maaNavar 'student'

*pula + avan > pulavan 'male poet'

*pula + avar > pulavar 'poet'

Probably we have to take the roots such as maaN and pula as deduced from the nouns maaNpu

and pulamai respctively. The suffix set kaaran, kaari, kaarar is a productive suffix which form a

number of human nouns form non-human nouns.

veelai 'work' + kaaran > veelaikkaaran 'male servant'

veelai 'work' kaari > veelaikkaari 'female servant'

veelai 'work' + kaaran > veelaikkaarar 'servant'

4.4.1.2. Nouns from Verbs

The formation nouns from verbs is a productive process. There are number of suffixes involved

in the formation of nouns from verbs. Based on the type of stem to which the suffixes are added

to form nouns, the derivation can be classified into to two types:

1.Formation nouns from non-relativized verb stems

2. Formation of nouns form relativized verb stems

4.4.1.2.1. Nouns from non-relativized verb stems

The uninflected verb stems, i.e. the verb stems not inflected for past/negative + relative participle

is taken as non-relativized verb stems. The formation of nouns from these verb stems can s can

readily be divided into non-productive and productive. Non-productive suffixes are widely used

in written language than in the spoken language. These suffixes include -kai, -kkai, -vu, -ppu,

kku, -al, -ccal, -ccu, -cci, -it, -vi, -i, -ai, -vai, -mai, -am, -tam -ttam. These suffixes cannot be

added to all verb. A set of suffixes takes only to a set of verbs.

vaazh 'live' + vu > vaazhvu 'life'

paTi 'study' + ppu > paTippu 'education'.

The suffixes tal ~ ttal, al ~kal~ kkkal and kai ~ kkai are productive deverbal nominative suffixes

which can be added to any verb.

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cey + tal > ceytal 'doing',

cey 'do' + al > ceyyal 'doing'

cey 'do' + kai > ceykai 'doing',

The deverbal nouns of productive suffixation differ from the other deverbal nouns of non

productive suffixation semantically and functionally (Paramasivam, 1971).

4.4.1.2.2. Nouns from relativized Verb Stems

The gerundival -atu and pronominalizers avan, avaL, avar, atu, avai can be added to relativized

verb stems to form gerundival and pronominzlized nouns respectively. These suffixes are

productive. The morphological formation can be depicted as follows:

verb + tense/negative marker + relative paticiple marker + gerundivalizer/pronominlizer

cay-t-a + atu > ceytatu 'that which was done'

cey-kiR-a + atu > ceykiRatu 'that which was done'

cey-v-a + atu cey-v-atu 'that which will be done'

cey-aata + atu > ceyy-aat-atu 'that which was/is/will be not done'.

cey-t-a + avan > ceytavan 'male person who did'

cey-kiR-a + avan > ceykiRavan 'male person who does'

cey-p-a + avan > ceypavan 'male person who will do'

4.4.1.3. Nouns from Adjectives

Adjectival nouns are formed by adding third person pronominal suffixes to adjectives.

Derivation is equally possible both from simple adjective and from the more common derived

type (3.3.1). Any restrictions on productivity are of a semantic nature.

ndalla + avan > ndallavan 'a good male person'

ndalla + avaL > ndallavaL 'a good female person'

ndalla + avar > ndallavar 'good persons'

ndalla + atu > ndalla-tu 'a good thing'

ndalla + avai > ndallav-ai 'good things'.

4.4.2. Derivation of Verbs

4.4.2.1. Verbs from Nouns

The formation of verbs from noun is not a productive process. There are a few nouns borrowed

from Sanskrit verbs by a deletion of final syllable and addition of -i.

vicaaraNai 'enquiry' + i > vicaari 'enquire', aarampam 'beginnin' + i > aarampi 'begin'.

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A few modern writers are trying to use nouns as verbs. But as they do not become popular, they

are dropped from the usage.

uyir 'life + i > uyiri 'get life'

4.4.2.2. Verbs from Verbs

Some transitive verbs which can be paired with intransitive verbs can be said to have derived

from their respective intrnasitive verbs by suffixation. Similarly some causative verbs can be said

to have derived from their respective non-causative verbs by suffixation. Such processes are no

longer productive. The suffixation involves three kinds of processes: 1) addition of suffix, 2)

Change of phoneme and 3) Selection of different tense suffix (Kothandaraman 1977,

Chitraputhiran 1982, Agesthialingam 1982:106-126). The second and the third kinds of

processes can be considered as suffixation by positing an abstract morphophonemic suffix, say x,

which triggers the derivation.

The suffixes -pi, -vi, -ku, -cu, -Tu, -tu, -pu and -Ru added to a certain group of verbs

complementarily form derived nouns.

uN 'eat' + pi > uNpi 'cause to eat'

paTi 'study' + pi > paTippi 'educate'

poo 'go' + ku > pookku 'remove'

paay 'flow' + cu > paayccu 'cause to flow'

ndaTa 'walk' + tu > ndaTattu 'cause to walk'

ezhu 'wake up' + pu > ezhuppu 'cause to wake up'

akal 'leave + Ru > akaRRu 'remove'.

Certain verbs are derived by the doubling of the consonant of the final syllable.

aaku 'become' > aakku 'prepare', ooTu 'run' > ooTTu 'drive', maaru 'change' > maaRRu

'cause to change'.

Certain verbs are derived from the verb stems by the denasalization of the nasal consonant of the

final syllable.

tirundtu 'be reformed' > tiruttu 'correct'

Certain verbs are derived by the selection of a different tense suffix.

ceer-ndt-aan 'joined-he' > ceer-tt-aan 'cause to join-he'

ceey-kiR-aan 'joins-he' > ceer-kkiR-aan 'cause to join-he'

ceer-v-aan 'will join-he' > ceer-pp>aan 'will cause to join'

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4.4.3. Derivation of Adjectives

4.4.3.1. Adjectives from Nouns

Adjectives are derived widely from nouns. Bound forms such as -aana (The relative participle

form of the verb as 'become') and uLLa (from the verb uNTu 'be') combine with nouns to form

adjectives.

azhaku 'beauty' + aana > alakkaana 'beautiful',

azhaku + uLLa > azhakuLLa 'beautiful'.

The suffixes -aam and aavatu are added to the numeral nouns to form adjectives.

onRu + aam > onRaam 'first'

onRu + aavatu > onRaavatu 'first'.

3.4.4. Derivation of Adverbs

The derivation of adverbs can be discussed under two headings: (1) non-productive formation

and (2) productive formation.

3.4.4.1. Non-productive Formation

A number of uninflected and inflected noun and verb forms are syntactically reanalysed to a

closed set of adverbs (Lehmann 1989:136). Adverbs such as mella 'slowly', ndangku 'well',

miiNTum 'again', iniyum 'again', innum 'still', aTikkaTi 'frequently', marupatiyum 'again' can be

analysed as given below:

Verb + relative participle suffix

mella < mel 'soft' + a

ndanku < ndan 'good' + ku

Verb + past participle suffix + clitic

miiNTum < miiL 'bring back' + NTu + um

Noun + clitic

iniyum < ini 'moment' + um

Noun + dative suffix + noun

aTi step + ku + aTi 'step'.

As these formations are not productive and the adverbs are lexicalized as unanalysable units and

as such listed in the lexicon, it is unfruitful to consider these adverbs as derivations.

Adverbs from Nouns

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Clitic ee and case suffixes il and aal when suffixes with certain restricted set of nouns denoting

different dimensions of location function as adverbs. The following types can be listed:

1. A restricted set of nouns which could be considered as particles suffixed by the clitic -ee

function as adverbs.

mun 'anteriority' + ee > muunnee 'in front',

pin 'posteriority' ee > pinnee 'behind'

meel 'superiority' ee > meelee 'above'

veLi 'exteriority' + ee > veliyee 'outside'

uL 'interiority' + ee > uLLee inside'

2. Another restricted set of nouns are suffixed by the locative marker -il function as

adverbs

iTai 'centre' + il > iTaiyil 'in between'

etir 'that which is opposite' + il > etiril 'opposite'

ndaTu 'centre' + il > ndaTuvil 'at the centre'

3. The case suffix -aal suffixed to certain nouns

mun + aal > munnaal infront'

pin + aal > pinnaal 'behind'

4. The names of directions suffixed by the clitic -ee function as adverbs

kizhakku 'east' + ee > kizhakkee 'east'

meeRku 'west' + ee > meeRkee 'west'

vaTakku 'north' + ee > vaTakkee 'north'

teRku 'south' + ee > teRkee 'south

Adverbs from Verbs

Past participle forms of certain verbs function as adverbs.

pindtu 'be behind' + i > pindti 'after'

mundtu 'precede' + i > mundti 'before',

virai 'move fast' + ndtu > viraindtu 'fast'.

Adverbs from Bound Demonstrative and Interrogative Determiners

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The bound demonstrative and interrogative determiners i-, a- and e- combine with a restricted set

nouns to form adverbs.

i + paTi > ippaTi 'this way'

a + paTi 'way> appaTi 'that way'

e + paTi > eppaTi 'which way/how'

i + pootu > ippootu 'this time/now'

a + pootu 'time' + appaootu 'that time/then'

e + pootu > eppootu 'which time/when'

i-, a- and e- combine with bound form of place -ngku and bound form of time -nRu forming

adverbs such as ingku 'here', angku 'there' engku 'where', inRu 'today', anRu 'that day' and enRu

'which day' respectively.

4.2.4. Productive Formation:Adverbs from Nouns

The bound forms aaka and aay, which are infinitive and verbal participal forms of the verb aaku

'become' are added to the nouns to form adverbs which is a productive process.

azhaku 'beauty' + aaka > alakkaka 'beautifully'

azhaku + aay > azhakaay 'beautifully'.

4.4. Derivation of postpositions

According to Lehmann (1989:117) "All postpositions in Tamil are formally uninflected or

inflected noun forms or non-finite verb forms." There is little agreement among grammarions on

whether to consider a particular form as noun or postposition.

4.4.1. Postpositions from Nouns

A set of nouns when suffixed with clitic -ee or locative case suffix -il or aaka (the past participle

form of the verb aaku 'become') function as postpostions.

etir 'oppoiste' + ee > etiree 'opposite'.

iTai '+ ilai > iTaiyil 'in between'.

vazhi + aaka > valiyaaka 'through'.

4.4.2. Postpostions from Verbs

Certain verbs in verbal participle form, infinitive form, conditional form suffixed with poola and

negative verbal participle form function as postpositions.

kuRi 'aim' + ttu > kurittu 'about'

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tavir 'avoid' + a > tavira 'except',

viTu 'leave' + a > viTa 'than'

etir 'oppose' + t + aar + poola > etirttaarpoola 'opposite'

il 'be not' + aamal > illaamal 'without'

The change in form class of an item without any corresponding change of form is conversion.

signal (noun) > signal (verb)

The exact status of conversion within word-formation is unclear. Conversion is frequently called

zero derivation. Many scholars prefer to see them as matters of syntactic usage rather than as

word-formation.

We have noted already that the particle like forms such as mun 'front' and pin 'back' are used as

nouns, adjectives, adverbs and postpositions. A number of words are used both as post positions

and adverbs.

etiree 'opposite'

kurukkee 'across'

veLiyee 'outside'

Many nouns are used as adjectives without being suffixed.

civappu 'red/redness'

Certain verbs are used as nouns without any changes in their forms.

aTi 'beat/beating'

4.5.Back-Formation

The formation of new lexemes by the deletion of actual or supposed affixes in longer words is

found in the following examples:

editor > edit

ontraception > contracept.

Back formation is not found in Tamil. In the formation of verbs from nouns borrowed from

Sanskrit we can see a sort of backformation followed by verbalization as follows:

vicaaraNai 'enquiry' > vircaar + i > vicaari 'enquire'

caatanai 'achievement' > at + i > caati 'achieve'

4.6. Clipping

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The process whereby a lexeme is shortened, while still retaining the same meaning and still

being a member of the same form class is referred as clipping.

mimeograph > mimeo

pornography > porn

Typical examples of clipping are not found in Tamil. In the formation of new place names from

the old ones we can notice a sort of clipping.

putukkoTTai 'Puthukottai' > putukai

kooyamputtuur 'Coimbatore' > koovai

tirunelveli 'Thirunelvel' > nellai

tancaavuur 'Thanjavur' > tancai

4.7. Formation of Blends

A new lexeme formed from part of two (or more) other words in such a way that it cannot be

analysed is called a blend.

balloon + parachute ballute,

breakfast + lunch > brunch

Blends are not found in Tamil.

3.8. Formation of Acronyms

A word coined by taking the initial letters of the words in a title or phrase and using them as a

new word is an acronym.

Strategic Arms Limitation Talk > SALT

Formation of acronyms is very rare in Tamil. Only a few acronyms such as the following are in

use.

tiraaviTa munneerra kazhakam > timuka aikiya ndaaTukaL > aindaa

Acronyms borrowed from English are in use.

yunesco 'UNESCO').

4.9. Word-Manufacturing

The formation of a new word with no morphological, phonological or orthographic motivation is

called word-manufacturing (e.g. Kodak). This kind of word-formation is not found in Tamil.

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4.10. Summary

Compounding and suffixation are important processes of word-formation in Tamil. Compound

words are formed mostly from two or more noun stems, from a noun and a verb stem, or, in a

relatively small number of cases, from other combinations. The most common type of compound

word is one in which both or all constituent parts are noun stems. This type of compounding is

productive. Formation of a reduplicated noun compound by the combination of a noun root and a

partially reduplicated form of the same root is also productive. Compound verbs are formed

mostly from a noun + verb combination. This is a productive process. In addition to it,

compound verbs are formed extensively by the combination of the verbal participle form of one

verb with another verb. This process cannot be considered as a productive one. Prefixation is an

entirely unproductive process, though there are some pairs of words borrowed from Sanskrit

which differ only in the presence of a negative - marking prefix on one member of the pair.

Verbs form many abstract nouns by suffixation.

CHAPTER 5

FORMATION OF DERIVED NOUNS

5.1 Introduction

Nouns can be formed from the words belonging to all parts of speech in Tamil. Based on

the grammatical category from which the nouns are derived, the derivation of nouns can be

classified mainly into:

1. Formation of nouns from nouns

2. Formation of nouns form verbs

3. Formation of nouns from adjectives

4. Formation of nouns from words belonging to other grammatical categories

5. 2. Formation of Nouns from nouns

Formation of nouns from nouns by affixes need to be classified into two:

1. Nominalization by human affixes

2. Nominalization by non-human affixes

3. Nominalization by prefixes or prefix like bound forms

5.2.1 Nominalization by human suffixes

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A good number of nouns carries gender number suffix The gender suffixes used are listed

in the following table.

Masculine human

suffixes

Feminine gender suffixes Honorific suffix

neutral to gender

an, aan, oon, njan

aL, aaL, atti, aatti, aaTTi,

tti, acci, cci, i, mi, and ai

ar, aar, oor and njar

The forms such as kuruTan ‘blind man’, kuruTi ‘blind woman’, kuruTar ‘blind person’ can be

considered as derived from the noun kuruTu ‘blindness’ by suffixation. Similarly the forms

ciRuvan 'boy', ciRumi 'girl' and ciRuvar 'boy/girl' can be considered as derived from the

adjectival base ciRu 'small'. But the forms such as pulavan ‘male poet’, pulavar ‘poet’ make us

to posit pula as a base which is less than a word and which is not a noun, adjective or verb.

Probably we have to arrive at the base pula from the non-rational noun pulam ‘knowledge’ by

truncation. Or we have to say that pulam becomes pula when suffixed by rational suffixes. But

the forms kaNavan and kaNavar which from the truncated base kaNa could not be related to a

non-rational noun or adjecive or verb. It is possible to consider kaNavan and kaNavar as

unanalysable monomorphemic nouns, but that will deny the relation between kaNavan and

kaNavar. Probably if we can consider word and paradigm approach, we need not bother about

the derivation of the forms like kaNavan and kaNavar from a base and at the same time we can

relate them by analysis. Anyhow, four types of bases are involved in the formation of gender

marked rational nouns. nominal base, bound base, adjectival base, nominal base and verbal base.

As the bases are predominantly nominal and bound the nominalization by gender suffixes are

dealt here.

Nominal base + gender suffix

kaatal 'love' + an > kaatalan 'lover'

kaatal 'love' + i > kaatali 'female love'

kaatal 'love' + ar > kaatalar 'lovers'

Bound base + gender suffix

kizha 'old' + an > kizhavan 'old man'

kizha 'old' + i > kizhavi 'old woman'

kizha + ar > kizhavar 'old man (honorific)'

Adjecive base + gender suffix

cuRu 'small' + an > ciRuvan 'boy'

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ciRu 'small' + mi > ciRumi 'girl'

ciRu 'small' + ar > ciRuvar 'boy/girl'

Numeral adjectival base + gender suffix

oru 'one' + an > oruvan 'one male person'

oru 'one' + tti > orutti 'one female person'

oru 'one' + ar > oruvar 'one person'

Verbal base + gender

tiruTu 'steal' + an > tiruTan 'male thief'

tiruTu + i > tiruTi 'female thief'

tiruTu 'steal' + ar > tiruTar 'male/female thief'

Interestingly with the base pula we get only two forms pulavan and pulavar and there is

no *pulavi. Similarly with the base kaNa, we get kaNavan and kaNavar and there is no *kaNavi.

Base on this lexical gap, the bases to which the derivative suffixes are added can be grouped into

at least five types:

1. Those which take masculine, feminine and honorific suffixes

2. Those which take masculine and feminine suffixes

3. Those which take masculine and honorific suffixes

4. Those which take only feminine suffix

5. Those which take only honorific suffix

The following table shows the possible classification base on the type of bases and the sets of

suffixes.

Base Suffixes Masculine

form

Feminine form Honorific form

Nominal base

talai 'head'

-an, -i, ar

talaivan‘hero’ talaivi ‘heroine’ talaivar

‘hero’

Bound

kuRa

-an, -tti, -ar kuRavan‘man

of the Kurava

community’

kuRatti kuRavar

Bound -an, -cci, -ar iTaiyan‘man of iTaicci ‘women iTaiyar 'person of

79

iTai shepherd

community

of shepherd

community’

shepherd

community’

Bound

cempaTa

-an, -atti, -ar cempaTavan

‘man of

fisherman

community’

cempaTavatti

‘woman of

cempaTavar

Nominal

tamizh

-an, -acci: -ar tamizhan ‘man

of Tamil

society’

tamizhacci tamizhar

Bound

aaciri

-an, -ai, -ar aaciriyan ‘male

teacher’

aaciriyai

‘female

teacher’

aaciriyar ‘teacher’

Bound

pula

-an, - , -ar pulavan ‘male

poet’

- pulavar ‘poet’

Nominal

kalai 'art'

njan, -, -njar

kalainjan‘male

artist’

- kalainjar ‘artist’

Bound

mak

-an, -aL, - makan ‘son’ makaL

‘daugher’

-

Bound

kaNa

-an, -, ar kaNavan

‘husband’

kaNavan ‘husband’

Nominal

manai ‘hourse’

-, i, - manaivi ‘wife’

Nominal

Kiraamam

‘village’

-aan, -, aar

kiraamattaan

‘male villager’

- kiraamattaar

‘villager’

Nominal

taTTu ‘beat’

-aan, aatti, aar

taTTaan ‘man

of goldsmith

community’

taTTaatti

‘woman of

goldsmith

community’

taTTaar ‘person of

goldsmith

community’

Bound

Pir

-aan, -aaTTi, -

piraan ‘god’ piraaTTi

‘goddess’

-

Bound

mac

-aan, -aaL, -

maccaan

‘brother-in-law'

maccaaL

‘sister-in-law'

-

Nominal

taTTaccu

'typewiting'

-, -, -ar

taTTaccar ‘typist’

Bound

caanR

-oon, -, -oor canRoon ‘noble

man’

- caanroor‘noble

person’

80

In addition to the above mentioned suffixes, the suffix -i forms rational nouns from non-rational

noun stems. This suffix is not marked for gender.

e.x. paavam + i = paavi ‘sinner’,

vivacaayam + i = vivacaayi ‘farmer’

According to Pillai (1961) the derivation of nouns from nouns by suffixation is

uncommon and the only one suffix which seems to be productive is -kaar which has a singular

masculine form -kaaran, singular feminine form -kaari and singular honorific form kaarar.

Parallel to these suffixes are -aaLan, iinan, ciilan, -candtan and -vandtan which are masculine

singular forms, -aaTi, -vatai and -vati which are feminine singular forms, -aaLar, -iinar, -ciilar, -

candtar and -vandtar which are honorific singular forms and -aaL, -aaLi, -caali, -vaati, -maani, -

maan, -taari and -eeRi which are rational singular forms not distinguished for gender. These

suffixes are not productive. Based on the gender marking, the forms can be classified into four

sets:

1. Those which has all the three gender marked forms.

2. Those which has only masculine and honorific gender marked forms.

3. Those which has only masculine and honorific gender marked forms, and

4. Those which has only non-gender marked forms.

The following table will show the above mentioned classification.

Base Suffixes Masculine

gender

marked word

Feminine

gender

marked words

Honorific

gender

marked work

Nominal base

veelai 'work'

kaaran, kaari,

karar

veelaikkaaran

‘male servant’

veelaikkaari

‘female

servant’

veelaikkaarar

‘servant’

Nominal base

peeccu 'speech'

aaLan, -, aaLar peeccaaLan

'male speaker'

- peeccaaLar

‘speaker’

aaLan, aaTTi, - maNavaaLan

'bridegroom'

maNavaaTTi

'bride'

-

iinan, -, iinar mativiinan 'fool

(male)'

- mativiinar

‘fools’

Nominal base

cattiyam 'truth'

ciilan, -, ciilar cattiyaciilan

‘man of his

- cattiyacilar

‘person of his

81

words’ words’

Nominal base

cattiyam 'truth'

candtan, -,

candar

cattiyacandtan

man of his

words’

- cattiyacandtar

‘person of his

words’

Nominal base

cattiyam 'truth'

vandtan, vati, - cattiyavantan

man of his

words’

cattiyavati

‘woman of her

words’

cattiyavantar

‘person of his

words’

Nominal base

tanam 'wealth'

vandtan, -,

vandtar

tanavandtan

‘rich man’

- tanavandtar

‘rich person'

The suffixal forms such a aaL, aaLi, caali, maan, taari and eeRi do not carry gender marker.

ex. camaiyal + aaL > camaylaaL ‘cook’

ndooy + aaLi > ndooyaaLi > ndooyaaLi ‘patient’

putti 'knowledge' + caali > putticaali ‘intelligent person’

ndiiti 'justice' + maan > ndiitimaan ‘honest person’

paTTam 'degree' + taari > taaTTataari ‘degree holder’

coompu 'laziness' + eeRi > coompeeRi 'lazy person’

Nominalization by kaaran, kaari, and kaarar

The suffix set kaaran, kaari, kaarar are productive suffix which form a number of

human nouns form non-human nouns.

ex.veelai 'work' + kaaran > veelaikkaaran 'male servant'

veelai 'work' kaari > veelaikkaari 'female servant'

veelai 'work' + kaaran > veelaikkaarar 'servant'

The nominalization by kaaran/kaari/ kaarar results in the meaning of 'person concerned with

possession, property, relation, work, job, action'.

ex vaNTi 'cart' + kaarar > vaNTikkaarar 'person who owns or drives a cart'

kutirai 'horse' + kaarar > kutiraikkaarar 'person who owns a horse'

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kaaval 'guard' + kaarar > kaavaRkaarar 'watchman'

caati 'caste' + kaarar > caatikkaarar 'person who belongs to a particular caste'

kaTci 'party' + kaarar > kaTcikkaarar 'person who belongs to a particular party'

camaiyal 'cooking' + kaarar > camaiyal kaarar 'cook'

tooTTam 'garden' + kaarar > tooTTakkaarar 'gardner'

Nominalization by aaLar, aaL, aaLi

The nominalizers aaLar, aaL, aaLi forms third persons human nouns which are not

distinguished for gender. Depending on the noun which is personalized the resultant nouns can

be interpreted with different relation.

ex.ceyal 'action' + aaLar > ceayalaaLar

kaNkaaNippu 'watching' + aaLar > kaNkaaNippaaLar 'superintendent'

meeRpaarvai 'supervising' + aaLar > meeRpaaravaiyaaLar 'supervisor'

tayaarippu 'production' + aaLar > tayaarippaaLar 'producer'

viRpanai 'sale' + aaLar > viRpanaiyaaLar 'salesman'

kaacu 'money' + aaLar > kaacaaLar 'accountant'

poruL 'money' + aaLar > poruLaaLar 'financial officer'

urimai 'ownership' + aaLar > urimaiyaaLar 'proprietor'

koTai 'gift' + aaLar > koTaiyaaLar 'philanthropist'

aayvu 'research' + aaLar > aayvaaLar 'researcher'

iRakkumati 'import' + aaLar > iRakkumatiaaLar 'importer'

curukkezhuttu 'shorthand' + aaLar > curukkezhuttaaLar 'shorthand expert'

Even if aaL and aaLar are suffixed to the same noun, the nominalized form by aaL will be used

to denote workers of low level jobs and aaLar is used to denoted worker of higher level jobs.

N + aaL N + aaLar

utaviyyaL 'helper' utaviyaaLar 'assistant'

83

kaappaaL 'guard' kaappaaLar 'curator, warden'

meelaaL 'maistry' meelaaLar 'manager'

aaL is used to demarcate lower level works and aaLar is used to demarcate the higher level

works. But aaLi is used to coin general personal nouns where the question of lower and higher

level work does not arise.

ex. kuRRam '' + aaLi > kuRRavaaLi 'culprit'

kolai 'murder' + aaLi > kolaiyaaLi 'murderer'

kuuTTu 'companionship' + aaLi > kuuTTaaLi 'partner'

mutal 'capital' + aaLi > mutalaaLi 'boss'

tozhil 'labour' + aaLi > tozhilaaLi 'labourer'

ndecavu + weaving' + aaLi > ndecavaaLi 'weaver'

ndooy 'disease' + aaLi > ndooyaaLi 'patient'

pangku 'share' + aaLi > pangkaaLi 'partner'

Nominalization by taar/taari

taar, taari are used with the meaning 'person'. They came to Tamil by the contact of

Arabic language.

N + taar

jamiin 'land' + taar > jamiindtaar 'landlord'

jamee + taar > jameetaar

cupee + taar > cupeetaar

taacil + taar > taaciltaar '

miraacu + taar > miraacutaar

N + taari

veeTam 'disguise' + taari > veeTataari 'cheat'

paTTam 'degree' + taari > paTTataari 'degree holder'

84

taar has changed to taarar by taking the honorific ar in Tamil.

aTamaanam 'pledge' + taarar > aTamaanataarar 'pledger'

aayakkaTTu + taarar > aayakkaTTutaarar

kuTivaaram + taarar > kuTivaarataarar

pangku 'share' + taarar > pangkutaarar 'shareholder'

paattiyam 'inheritance' + taarar > paattiyataarar 'inheritors'

piNai 'pledge' + taarar > piNaitaarar 'pledger'

viNNappam 'application' + taarar > viNNappataarar 'applicant'

taar, taarar, and taari are not productively used in the modern Tamil. So all these formations

get listed in the lexicon. Anyhow, any technical term or administrative term, even if they are

coined anew, get lexicalized and entered in a glossary or dictionary. But the suffix if used for

coining new words should be considered productive suffix.

Nominalization by njar

njar is also used with the meaning 'person'. It is used to form human nouns from non-

human nouns. Nouns ending i and ai takes njar to form human nouns.

kalai 'art' + njar > kalanjar 'artist'

kavi 'poem' + njar > kavinjar 'poet'

aayvinai + njar > aayvinainjar

ceyaRpoRi + njar > ceyaRpoRinjar

Nominalization by i

With a set of nouns i forms female human nouns.

kuruTu + i > kuruTi 'female blind person'

malaTu 'sterility' + i > malaTi 'sterile woman'

aracu 'government' + i > araci 'queen'

85

As these words are lexicalized they are entered in the dictionary. It appears that i is not a

productive suffix for coining new words which denote female person. It may possible that this

suffix is in complementary distribution with the suffix denoting female person such as vi, tti, cci,

atti, ai, aL , aatti, aaTTi, aaL (see page no. )

With a certain set of nouns it gives the meaning 'person'

ndirvaakam 'administration' + i > ndirvaaki 'administrator'

payaNam 'travel' + i > payaNi 'traveler'

patil 'reply' + i > patili 'one who replies'

5.2.2 Nominalization by non-human suffixes

5.2.2.1 Nominalization by am

am with a set of nouns forms nouns whose resultant meaning cannot be predicted.

aaNai 'order' + am > aaNaiyam 'office'

paccai 'green' + am > paccaiyam 'chlorophyl'

kari 'charcoal' + am > kariyam 'blankness'

5.2.2.2 Nominalizaion by mam

The mai-suffixed nouns which denote quality get nominalized by the truncation of mai

followed by the suffixation of mam. It can also be interpreted that the bound forms which are

adjectival in function get nominalized by mam.

urimai 'ownership' > uri, uri + mam > urimam

kuTimai > kuTi, kuTi + mam > kuTimam

tanimai 'being alone > tani, tani + mam > tanimam 'element'

nduNmai 'being minute' > nduN, nduN + mam > nduNmam

perumai 'pride' > peru, peru + mam > perumam

There are nouns which are nominalized by mam too.

kuzhu + mam > kuzhumam

86

kani + mam > kanimam

min + mam > minmam

5.2.2.3 Nominalization by paaTu

The nominalized form paaTu of the verb paTu, functions as a nominalizer with nouns. It

is difficult to generalize its meaning as a nominalizer.

iTar 'problem' + paaTu > iTarpaaTu 'difficulty'

kaTan 'debt' + paaTu > kaTanpaaTu 'indebtness'

payan 'use' + paaTu > payanpaaTu 'usefulness'

It is possible to take them derived from their respective compound verb by the process of

nominalization by phonemic change.

iTar paTu 'suffer' > iTarpaaTu 'difficulty'

payanpaTu 'be useful' > payanpaaTu 'usefulness'

uTanpaTu 'agree' > uTanpaaTu 'agreement'

5.2.2.4 Nominalization by iiTu

The nominalized form of the verb iTu 'put', function as a nominalizer forming nouns from

nouns.

kuRippu 'mark' + iiTu > kuRippiiTu 'reference'

veLi 'outside' + iiTu > veLiyiiTu 'publication'

kuRukku 'crosswise' + iiTu > kuRukkiiTu 'inteference'

muRai 'justice' + iiTu > muRaiyiiTu 'argument'

matippu 'worthiness' + iiTu > matippiiTu 'estimation'

It is possible to take them derived from their respective compound verb by the process of

nominalization by phonemic change.

87

kiRippiTu 'point out' > kiRippiiTu '

veLiyiTu 'publish' > veLiyiiTu 'publication'

kuRukkiTu 'interfere' > kuRukkiiTu 'inference'

muRaiyiTu 'argue' > muRaiyiiTu 'argument'

matippiTu 'estimate' > matippiiTu 'estimatation'

5.2.2.5 Nominalization by tanam

A set of nouns are nominalized by tanam by converting their meanings into quality.

maTam 'foolish' + tanam > maTattanam 'foolishness'

pookkiri + tanam > pookkirittanam '

muTTaaL 'fool' + tatam > muTTaaLtanam 'foolishness'

Many concrete nouns can be converted into quality by tanam. Though tanam appears as a non-

productive suffix, it fulfils the coining of qualitative nouns to serve the spur of the movement.

kurangku + tatam > kurangkuttanam 'qulaity of monkey'

ravuTi 'rowdy' + tanam > ravuTittanam ' quality of rowdy'

5.2.2.6 Nominalization by iyal

iyal which basically an independent word function as a suffix to form nouns adding the

meaning 'education' to the newly formed nouns.

aRivu 'knowledge' + iyal > aRiviyal 'science'

puvi 'earth' + iyal > puviyiyal 'geography'

mozhi 'language' + iyal > mozhiyiyal 'linguistics'

5.2.2.7 Nominaliztion by akam

The word akam also function as a suffix having lost its independence function as a suffix

forming nouns from nouns which imply 'place'.

accu 'print' + akam > accakam 'printing press'

nduul 'book' + akam > nduulakam 'library'

88

uNavu 'food' + akam > uNavakam 'hotel'

tuutar 'ambassador' + akam > tuutrakam '

5.2.3 Nominalization by prefixes

Prefixation is not a native process. It is borrowed from Sanksrit tradition. But there are

certain bound forms which functions as prefixes forming nouns from nouns. They have listed

either as iTaiccol 'particles' or as bound adjectives or nouns in dictionaries. Under this category

we can list bound forms such as mun ~ muR, pin ~ piR, meel ~ meeR, tan ~ taR, put ~ putu. It is

possible to take these prefixal forms as bound forms and the process of nominalization as a sort

of compounding. But as these forms a number of new nouns with nouns in which they can be

given generalized meanings, it possible to take them as prefixes. Truly speaking any affixation

has its origin in compounding in which the affixes are nothing but word forms functionally

reduced to affixes. tiru can also be included under this list. Some Tamil scholars have made use

of al as a prefix as found in forms like alcangkandaTai 'non Sangam style', altamizhar 'non

Tamils', alndaakariikam 'non culture', alndeRi 'non code of conduct'

5.2.3.1 NominalizaTion by mun

mun 'anterior' functioning as a prefix nominalize a noun forming another noun with

derived meaning implying 'previous, earlier, etc.'

mun + pakal 'day' > muRpakal 'forenoon'

mun + aayvu 'research' > munnaayvu 'pre-research'

mun + iruppu 'existence' > munniruppu 'pre invesment'

mun + eccarikkai 'warning' > munneccarikkai 'pre warning'

mun + otukkiiTu 'allotment' > munotukkiiTu 'pre allotment'

mun + urimai '> munnurimai 'first preference'

5.2.3.3 Nominalization by pin

pin 'posterior' functioning as prefix nominalize a noun forming another noun with

additional meaning implying 'later'

89

pin + palam > pinpalam '

pin + paTToor > piRpaTToor 'backward class'

5.2.3.4 Nominalization by meel

meel 'superior' forms new nouns when prefixed with nouns which imply an additional

meaning implying 'above'.

meel + paalam 'meempaalam 'over bridge'

meel + paTToor 'experienced person' > meeRpaTToor 'people of higher strata'

meel + ulaku 'earth' > meelulaku 'heaven'

meel + atikaari > meelatikaari 'boss'

meel + ndaaTu > meelndaaTu 'foreign country'

meel + ndaTavaTikkai > meelndaTavaTikkai 'further action'

5.2.3.4 Nominalization by kiizh

kiizh 'inferior' forms new nouns when prefixed to already existing nouns which imply an

additional meaning 'below'.

kiizh + caati > kiizhcaati 'low caste'

kiizh + muuccu > kiizhmuuccu 'exhaling'

kiizh + maTTam > kiizhmaTTam 'lower strata'

kiizh + taram > kiizhtaram 'undignified manner'

5.2.3.5 Nominalization by put

put 'new' the adjectival bound form of putu, nominalize a noun by prefixation giving

additional meaning of 'new'

put + oLi > puttoLi 'new light'

put + aaTai > puttaaTai 'new cloth'

put + uNarcci > puttuNarcci 'rejuvenation'

90

put + ilakkiyam > puttilakkiyam 'modern literature'

Nominalization by tan which is an adjectival form of taan 'self', nominalize a nouns by

prefixation forming new nouns from the already existing noun by implying the meaning 'self'.

tan + ndiRaivu > tanniRaivu 'self sufficiency'

tan + ndinaivu > tandinaivu ' self conscience'

tan + aTakkam > tannaTakkam 'humility'

tan + aaTci > tannaaTci ' autonomy'

5.2.3.6 Nominaliztion by tiru

tiru also function as a prefix nominlizing a noun to form new nouns which imply

'speciality' or 'divinity' or 'holiness'.

tiru + ndiiRu 'ash' > tirundiiRu 'holy ash'

tiru + maRai 'epic' > tirumaRai 'bible'

tiru + manacu 'mind' > tirumanacu 'holy mind'

tiru + paatam 'foot' > tiruppaatam 'holy foot'

5.3. Formation of nouns from verbs

Formation of nouns from verb, i.e. deverbal nominalization can be distinguished into two,

based on the type of stem which undergoes nominalization:

1. Nominalization on non-relativized verb stems

2. Nominalization on relativized verb stems

The same dichotomy can be rephrased as (1) suffixation on non-tensed/non-negative verbal

bases and (2) suffixation on tensed/negative verb stems respectively as the relativization involves

suffixation of tense or negation after the basal verb stems.

Examples:

Suffixation on non-relativized or non-tensed verb stems:

varu-tal `coming'

var-al `coming'

91

varu-kai `coming/visit'

var-aamai `not coming'

var-avu `income'

paTi-ppu 'education'

Suffixation on relativized verb stems or tensed/negatuve verb stems:

va-nt-a-avan `he who came'

varu-kiR-a-avan `he who is coming'

varu-p-a-avan `he who will come'

varu-v-a-atu `that which comes/coming; act of comming'

5.3.1 Nominalization on non-relativized stems

Nominalization on non-relativized stems is mainly by suffixation. Suffixation is the

crucial process by which nouns are derived from verbs apart from compounding. There are two

kinds of suffixes which are involved in the nominalization of non-relativized verb stems. A set

of suffixes which form nouns when added with verbs are irregular in their behaviour in the sense

that the verb stems to which they are added cannot be generalized but only listed; these suffixes

cannot be added to all the verbs. More over, the resultant meaning of the deverbal nouns cannot

be predicted easily. Another set of suffixes which form nouns when added to verbs are regular

in their behaviour in the sense that these suffixes can be added to all the verbs and the resultant

meanings of the deverbal nouns can be predicted easily. Thus there are two types of suffixation

on non-relativized stems:

1. Nominalization by irregular suffixation and related processes

2. Nominalization by regular suffixation

The same type of dichotomy can be rephrased as (1) nominalization by suffixes which cannot be

added to all verbal bases and (2) nominalization by suffixes which can be added to all the verbs.

The following table will show the two classes of suffixes:

1st set of suffixes 2

nd set of suffixes

-am, -i, --ai, cal, -ccal, -ci, -cci, ppaan

-pu, -ppu, -mai, -vi, -vu, -vai, etc

1.-tal ~ -ttal

2. -al ~ -kal ~ -kkal

3. -kai~ -kkai

92

It has been noted that the nominalization by the second set of suffixes is productive and

the nominals derived from these suffixes are rich resources from which derivative nouns can be

obtained by the process of semantic lexicalization. It has been also noted that there are suffixes

among the first set which are productive if we can condition them by conjugation class, and/or

phonological environments and/or syllabic patterns. It is interesting to note that some of the

deverbal nominals available in the sangam and post-sangam periods are extinct in the modern

Tamil and new forms have replaced the old forms. It appears that analogy plays an important

role in the derivation of the deverbal nouns.

5.3.1.1. Nominalization by Irregular Suffixation and Related Processes

The earlier linguistic studies on the formation of nouns from the verbs is in tune with the

earlier grammatical tradition. The nominal formation from verbs was considered irregular and

non-productive. Kamaleswaran (1974) while distinguishing tal ~ ttal suffixed deverbal nouns

(which he calls as verbal nouns) from other deverbal nouns (which he calls as verbal derivatives

or derivative nouns) mentions that “while the formation of verbal nouns is very productive

without any exception, the formation of derivative noun is not as productive as the former”

(Kamaleswaran; 1974:11). In the light of present day theoretical knowledge on word formation,

it can be argued that the deverbal noun formation in Tamil appears to be a greater extent rule

governed. Deverbal nouns of irregular type are formed by suffixation, ablaut and conversion.

The process by which the deverbal nouns are derived from the verbs can be captured by the

following word formation rules.

V by [Suffixation / Stem modification/Conversion ] N

5.3.1.1.1 Nominalization by Irregular Suffixes

As noted already, the nominalization of non-relativized verb stems by suffixation by

certain set of suffixes is irregular from the point of view of morphological, syntactic and

semantic properties. The irregularity can be understood by comparing the processes of

suffixation on verb stems by irregular suffixes with the regular ones. The regular nominalization

by suffixation show regularity in the levels of morphology, syntax and semantics.

In Tamil, most of the deverbal nouns are derived by suffixation. A number of suffixes

are involved in the formation of deverbal nouns. The unproductive suffixes are more in number

than the productive ones. The word formation rule of nominalization on verb stems by

suffixation can be stated as follows:

V + Nominalizer [V-Nominalizer]N

The suffixes which are involved in nominalization are listed in the table below. The suffixes can

be classified into two types based on the initial phoneme of the suffixes: (1) consonant initial

suffixes and (2) vowel initial suffixes. The following table shows this classified list.

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Table showing classified list of suffixes

Suffixes with initial vowels Suffixes with initial consonants

aTi, an, am, ar, ar, avai, , i, ai.,

karam, , cal, ccal, ci , cci, cu, ccu, cai, ti, tti, tu,

pu, ppu, ppaan, may, mati, maanam, mutal, vi, vu,

vai

As mentioned earlier the suffixes listed under this heading cannot be added to all the verbs.

These suffixes will be dealt in a serial based on the frequency of their occurrence.

5.3.1.1.1.1 Nominalization by am

The nominalization by -am is a complex process as it is widely used for the production of

nominal forms both from the verbal as well as non-verbal stock. Its divergent characteristics can

be felt easily if one travels from the sangam period to present day. The statements made by

Kamaleswaran also conforms to the above observation. According to Kamaleswaran

(1974:465) -am is added to the verbs of all the conjugation except 8th (= our 4th conjugation

class) and 10th (= our 4th conjugation class) classes and occurs in both the sangam and post-

sangam periods. As it is having such a wider range of occurrence, it is not susceptible to

conditions based on conjugational class and phonological environment or syllabic pattern. It

seems am-nominalization is not adhere to regular process or rules of derivation. It appears that

analogy plays a vital role in the formation of derivative nouns by am-nominalization.

According to the data base created by using KTTA, it can inferred that there are 155

deverbal nouns which bears am as it suffixed morpheme. But this statement could be misleading

as there are forms in this list which could be hardly stated as formed by suffixation, rather these

forms are originally forms with -am from which the related verbs are formed by back formation

followed by verbalization by suffix -i. All these forms which are originally am-bearing ones

could be stated as nouns borrowed from words which have parallel verbs formed by back

formation followed by verbalization.. There are a few types in this kind of formation which

could be synchronically considered as -am nominalization but diachronically not. The following

examples will illustrate our point:

kavanam `attention' > *kavan (back-formation)

kavan + i > kavani `listen' (verbalization)

cuvikaraaram `adoptation' > *cuvikar (back-formation)

cuvikar + i > cuvikari `adopt' (verbalization)

cittiram `portrait'> *cittar (back-formation)

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ciittar + i > cittari `portray'

There are nearly 80 verbs derived from the am-suffixed forms which owe its alliance with

Sanskrit. All these verbs belong to 3rd conjugation class.

Among the native words at least four types of am-suffixation can be noted: (1) addition

of am without any change in the verb stem, (2) addition of -am with the dropping of final u or i ,

(3) addition of -am with the change of the penultimate homorganic nasal+stop cluster into

homorganic stop+stop cluster, (4) the addition of -am with the doubling of the stop. The

following examples will illustrate this point:

akal `move away' + am > akalam `breadth'

aticayi `be surprise' + am > aticayam `wonder'

eNNu `think' + am > eNNam `thinking'

iyangku `function' + am > iyakkam `movement'

aaTu `dance' + am > aaTTam `dance'

It has to be mentioned here that Kamaleswaran derive the 3rd and 4th types of forms from their

respective transitive verbal forms, as shown in the following examples:

iyakku `cause to move' + am > iyakkam `movement'

aaTTu `cause to move' + am > aaTTam `dance'

Though the transitive forms are nearer to the nominal forms (by their phonological shape), we

have taken the intransitive forms as the bases due to two reasons, one on the basis of formal

ground and another on the basis of meaning. Further, there are forms like eekkam which could

only be derived from the form eengku `long for' as the possible transitive form ekku is not

available and whose change has to be explained only by the process of denasalization followed

by suffixation; the meaning of the nominalized forms like iyakkam `movement', and aaTTam

`dance' are nearer to the concerned intransitive verbal forms iyangku `move' and aaTu `dance',

rather than their respective transitive verbal forms, iyakku `cause to move' and aaTTu `cause to

move'.

In spite of the over all irregularities found in the formation of -am bearing nominal forms

from the verbs, we can show that the suffixation of -am shows a mentionable regularity in their

formation with reference to certain sets or groups of verbs. For example, if we can group the

verbs of the 3rd conjugation class at least into three types (leaving aside the verbs of Sanskrit

origin) as 1) those verbs ending in the syllabic pattern V-NS-u, 2) those verbs ending in the

syllabic pattern V-S-u, and 3) those ending in the syllabic pattern V-SS-u, we can evaluvate the

productivity and lexicalization of the am-nominalization tentatively. (The abbreviations used

95

here have to be read as follows: V = Vowel, C = Consonant, N = Nasal consonant, S = Stop

consonant).

Out of 1175 verbs classified under 3rd conjugation 193 of them end in -NSu ( forms

ending in ngku = 104, in njcu = 12, NTu = 19, ndtu = 21, mpu = 30, nRu =7), 255 end in -VSu

(forms ending in ku = 73, cu = 21, Tu = 79, tu = 17, pu = 0, Ru = 65) and 566 end in -SSu (

forms ending in kku = 117, ccu = 10, TTu = 186, ttu = 154, ppu = 38, RRu = 61). As per the

statistics elaborated above, there could be 193 derived nouns by the am-suffixation followed by

NS > SS, 255 derived nouns by the same process followed by S > SS and 566 derived nouns

formed by the am-suffixation without the above mentioned two changes. But according to

KTTA there only 40 lexicalized forms out of possible 193 which make 20.73%, 31 lexicalized

forms out of possible 255 which make 12.05% and 23 out of possible 566 which make 4.06%. It

we go by this statistics it appears that the lexicalization of possible am-nominalization with NS >

SS stands first followed by am-nominalization with S > SS which stands second and am-

nominalization without the above mentioned two changes stands third. From the above statistics

we can infer the tendencies in the lexicalization of am-suffixed forms.

The technical terms found in AKA indicates us that -am suffixation is a potential process

of coining technical terms from verbs. There are a number of nonce formations which have been

technicalized by the process of somatic lexicalization. The following are a few examples:

Verb Derived nouns

kuvi `focus' kuviyam `focus'

kaTattu `conduct' kaTattam `conductance'

undtu `push forward' undtam `momentum'

ndaRukku `cut' ndaRukkam `sheer'

celuttu `drive' celuttam `transmission'

5.3.1.1.1.2 Nominalization by i

Kamaleswaran (1974:521-542) notices that the verbs belonging to the conjugation classes

2nd (= part of our 2nd conjugation class), 4th (= part of our 2nd conjugation class), 5th (= our

3rd conjugation class) 6th (= part of our 1st conjugation class), 12th (= our 7th conjugation class)

can be suffixed by -i. The i-suffixed forms are found in both sangam and post-sangam periods. It

seems verbs ending both consonants as well as vowels are capable of receiving this suffix. He is

of the opinion that i-suffixed forms are occasional forms in both the periods. A look at the

meanings of the i-suffixed derived nominal forms show us that it is not used with the intention of

bringing in a uniform sense, though there are a set of forms which bring in the sense of

instrument or actor of the concerned verbs. Also the data given by Kamaleswaran (1974:542)

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reveals the fact the suffix has been used in an unassorted manner to denote both abstract and

concrete sense. A number of forms found in the early stage do not occur in the present day

Tamil and some of them express different meaning too. The following is the excerpt from his

data:

Verbs Derived nouns

miiL `return' miiLi `returning'

uruL `to rotate' uruLi `wheel'

kanal `to burn' kanali `sun'

aazh `to immerse' aazhi `sea'

alar `to blossom' alari `flower'

ekku `draw in' ekki `syringe'

paRa `fly' paRayi `wing'

cuma `carry' cumayi `load'

Kamaleswaran (1974:537) observes that the suffix -i has a high potential productivity in

expressing the agentive sense, when added with verbs. Other suffixes which have the same

sense are not used productively (eg. eendtu `to be high': eendtal `great person', toonRu `appear':

toonRal `great person'). The productivity of this suffix in the sense of agent is historically a very

late development in the language and its occurrence in this sense is not attested in the sangam

period and could be traced backed to the formation of kolli as found in the phrase from

Tirukkural ceerndtaarai kolli `that which kills those who get close'. Giving examples from

modern Tamil he says "-i is the main suffix for the agentive sense in the modern period and in

most of the cases, it occurs in compound formations." (Kamaleswaran, 1974:542).

KTTA has attested only 23 forms as i-suffixed verbal derivative nouns out of which 5

belong to the verbs of 2nd conjugation class and 18 belong to the verbs of 3rd conjugation class.

These forms reflect only the earlier use of -i for forming derived nouns with unpredictable

meaning and the present tendency of using this suffix with agentive and instrumental meaning

are noted only in the reflexes of the early stage as found from the following examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

muuTi `shut' muuTi `lid'

vazhikaaTTu `show the way' vazhikaaTTi `guide'

viciRu `fan' viciRi `hand fan'

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virumpu `want/wish' virumpi `wisher/supporter'

The tendency of using this -i as an agent in the ordinary usage can be seen from the following

examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

poRukku `pick' poRukki `one who lives on leavings'

vaayaaTu `talk too much' vaayaaTi `talkative person'

The predictable forms derived forms from verbs by suffixing -i are not found in the KTTA as

they are productive and can be derived by regular derivative process. But the glossaries on

technical terms contain many i-suffixed technical terms derived from verbs.

As we expected AKA reflects the tendency of using -i as a suffix with the verbs to bring

in the meaning of the related instruments. The following examples from AKA will stand as a

testimony to this tendency:

Verbs Derived nouns

muTukku `set in motion' muTukki `accelerator'

oTTu `stick' oTTi `binder'

tiruttu `correct' tirutti `rectifier'

eNNu `count' eNNi `counter'

iLakku `melt' iLakki `flux'

uyarttu `lift' uyartti `lift'

tiraTTu `collect' tiraTTi `collector'

cuuTaakku `heat' cuuTaakki `heater'

taangku `bear' taangki `bearing pedestal'

eeRRu `cause to go up' eeRRi `hoistee'

All the derivative nouns listed above belong to the 3rd conjugation class. This reveals that the

verbs belonging to the 3rd conjugation class has the potentiality to be suffixed by -i to form

nouns expressing instrumental meaning. Of course exceptions due to blocking, pragmatics, etc.

are quite understandable.

5.3.1.1.1.3 Nominalization by ai

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According to Kamaleswaran (1974: 543-561) ai is not found with the verbs of the

conjugation class 7th (= part of our 4th conjugation class), 8th (= part of our 4th conjugation

class) and 12th (= our 7th conjugation class). He has also noted certain restrictions based on

syllabic pattern in the occurrence of -ai with the verbs other conjugation classes. There are 33

occurrence of ai suffixed forms in sangam period and 31 occurrence of -ai suffixed forms in

post-sangam period. He has also noted some irregular formations along with occasional forms

and created forms. The following examples are the selected samples from his stock :

Verbs Derived nouns

vai `reproach' vacai `reproach'

uruL `become round' uruLai `wheel'

kaval `become anxious' kavalai `anxiety'

paTar `spread' paTalai `spreading'

aNTu `go near' aNTai `nearness'

ndaku `laughter' ndakai `laughter'

toL `make hole' toLai `hole'

vil `sell' vilai `price'

There are 33 lexicalized nouns of ai-suffixation, the formation of which is spread to all

except the 1st conjugation class. Out of 33 forms, 6 are found to occur with the verbs of 2nd

conjugation, 7 with verbs of 3rd conjugation, 1 each with verbs of 4th and 5th conjugation, 15

with verbs of 6th conjugation and 2 with verbs of 7th conjugation. The details about its

occurrence in each conjugation class with reference to total number of lexicalized forms and with

reference to the total number of verbs and the number of verbs in each conjugation class is given

in the appendix no. ? page no. ? . It appears that -ai has ceased to be used as a nominalizer and

the occurrence attested in KTTA seems to be the reflexes of the earlier formations. It has to be

mentioned here that a number of forms found in the sangam and post-sangam period are not

attested in KTTA. The non-attestation of the forms could be attributed either to the loss of the

forms followed by the replacement of the forms formed by different suffix(es) or due to the loss

of the concerned verbs along with the loss of the related nominal forms. The following are the

few examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

curuL `curl' curuLai `roll'

tiraL `gather' tiraLai `crowd/ball'

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tuvaL `lose stiffness' tuvaLai `depression'

ndaral `roar' ndaralai `roaring/sea'

vitir `tremble' vitalai `trembling'

citar `worn out' citalai `rag'

There is no ai-suffixed nonce formation found in AKA. This may lead us to the conclusion that -

ai is not a potential suffix for the formation of technical terms. But there is always the possibility

of nonce formation by analogy.

5.3.1.1.1.4 Nominalization by cal/ccal

The suffixed -cal and -ccal are discussed together not on the count that they are

complementary to one another, but on the fact that both of them occur in the same environment

of i, ai and y ending verbs of the same conjugation classes with few exceptions due to anological

extension.

Nominalization by cal

Kamaleswaran (1974:365-369) observes that this suffix occurs after the verbs ending in i,

ai and y and the verbs belonging exclusively to the conjugation class 4 (=our 2nd class) and/or

11 undergo (= our 6th class) this process of suffixation. He also mentions that all these

occurrence are found in non-literary source only. He mentions that -cal forms could be the result

of the change of -yal to -cal as there is a sound change in Tamil -y > -c and there are instances of

the availability of both the -yal and -cal forms of the same verbs. He observes that the non-

availability of these forms in literary souce could lead to the conclusion that these formations

could be dialectal development. In the case of y-ending verbs y is dropped before -cal. The

following are a few examples from his list:

Verbs Nouns

nderi `squeeze' nderical `over-crowdness'

viri `split' virical `split/crack'

uTai `break' uTaical `broken pieces'

karai `dissolve' karaical `dissolving'

teey `be worn out' teecal `that which is worn out'

tiiy `be burnt' tiical `that which is burnt'

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If we go according to the phonological conditions put forwarded by Kamaleswaran

(1974:365), there are 92 i-ending verbs, 57 ai-ending verbs and 25 y-ending verbs in the 2nd

conjugation class and there are 510 i-ending verbs, 168 ai-ending verbs and 19 y-ending verbs in

6th conjugation class which could take -cal suffix. That means 174 verbs of 2nd conjugation

class and 697 verbs of 6th conjugation class are capable of being nominalized by -cal suffix, that

is, there could be 871 cal-suffixed derived nouns. But the reality is different from expectancy.

KTTA has attested only 9 forms. This makes 1.03 percentage of possible forms. But as the cal-

nominalization is not productively used for the formation of nonce items, it stopped with the

existing lexicalized forms. May be in some dialects or spoken variety of Tamil cal-suffixed

forms could be the result of c-ization of y of yal-suffixed forms and palatalization of t of tal-

suffixed forms by the preceding palatalizing phonemes (i, ai, y) or due to analogical creation.

AKA also conforms to our expectation that -cal is neither used productively nor for the

coining of technical terms to fulfil certain needs. It appears that -tal and -al suffixed forms along

with few nominals of -ccal suffixed forms have preference over -cal suffixed forms in coining

certain types of technical terms in which the verbal meaning preserved intact.

Nominalizaion by ccal

Kamaleswaran (1974:369-379) observes that -ccal occurs with verbs ending in i, ai and y.

He opines that though the suffix contains cc (comparable to tt of -ttal) it is not restricted to the

strong verbs of 11th conjugation class (=our 6th conjugation class) as it can occur with the weak

verbs of 4th conjugation class (= part of our 2nd conjugation class) also. According to him ccal-

suffixation is found in various dialects on verbs belonging to the conjugation class 4 and 11

conjugation classes. He also points out the availability of -cal and -ccal suffixed nominals of

the same verb with the same meaning (eg. ndeLiccal/ndeLical, piriccal/pirical). He is of the

opinion that the occurrence of ccal-suffixed forms is exclusively a dialectal development as the

corresponding forms are not available in the literary works. He points out that two different

ways of formations, dialectal and literary, of the same nouns were available in the early stage of

Tamil words (eg. Literary : Dialectal = teLivu : teLiccal `healthy appearance', viLaivu : viLaiccal

`produce'). The following is the extract from the examples given by Kamaleswaran:

Verbs Nouns

kazhi `pass' kazhiccal `diarrhoea'

teLi `become clear' teLiccal `healthy appearance'

viLai `mature' viLaiccal `produce'

kuRai `reduce' kuRaiccal `scarcity'

meey `graze' meeyccal `grazing'

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paay `gallop' paayccal `galloping'

Kamaleswaran (1974 : 376) attributes the occurrence of c and cc respectively in -cal and -ccal to

dialectal variation rather than to the development from -tal and -ttal.

As noted under cal-nominalization , there are 174 verbs ending in i/ai/y belonging to the

2nd conjugation class and 697 verbs ending i/ai/y belonging to the 6th conjugation class. There

are only 20 ccal-nominals of which 16 are from 2nd conjugation class, 1 is from 3rd conjugation

class whose formation is peculiar (eg. ndiindtu + ccal > ndiical) and 3 belong to the 6th

conjugation class. That means out of 871 probabilities of occurrence there are only 20

occurrence of lexicalized forms which make only 2.30% which is more than the percentage ratio

(1.03%) of the probability of occurrence and lexicalized forms of cal-nominals. Like cal-

nominals the low percentage of ccal-nominals also reveals the fact that the tendency of

lexicalization of ccal-suffixed forms as well as their possibility of occurrence in the

expected/suitable/preferable sense also is low. A look at the dialects may give different picture.

A search in AKA for ccal-nominals reveals the fact that ccal-nominals are not the

preferable forms to be used as technical terms to fulfill the need.

5.3.1.1.1.5 Nominalization by ci/cci

Kamaleswaran (1974:384-400) has noted down that the suffix –cci ~ -ci is more

productive in the language in both the Sangam periods. He also mentions that the occurrence of

cci/ci-nominals in large numbers in Sangam period and their continuous occurrence in later

periods show that cci/ci is being used as a main source of derivation. He also points out the

following restrictions in the occurrence of -cci.

1. Conjugational restriction : The occurrence of -cci is restricted to the week verbs, that is

the verbs of first eight conjugation (= our 1st, 2nd, 3rd and part of our 4th conjugation).

There are a few exceptions to this restriction.

2. Phonological restriction : The occurrence of -cci is restricted to verbs ending alveolar and

retroflex consonants. There are a few exceptions to this restriction also.

3. Syllabic restriction : -cci occurs with only the verbs of (C)VVC and (C)VCVC patterns

and does not occur in the verbs of the syllabic pattern (C)VC. There are a few exceptions

to this restriction also.

4. Semantic restriction : -cci is used to bring in only abstract sense.

The following is a sample form the examples he (1974: 386) has given:

Verbs Derived nouns

malar `blossom' malarcci `bloom'

cuzhal `rotate' cuzhaRci `whirling'

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kuLir `be cold' kuLircci `coolness'

akal `separate' akaRci `separation'

It is observed from KTTA data base that there are 25 occurrences of cci-nominals and 11

occurrences of ci-nominals which makes a total of 36. Out of 11 ci-nominals 10 belong to 2nd

conjugation class and 1 belongs to 4th conjugation class. All the 25 cci-nominals belong to 2nd

conjugation class. The suffix -ci and -cci are in complementary distribution, -ci occurs (if occurs)

with the verbs ending in l, L, N and -cci occurs (if occurs) with the verbs ending in r and zh. If

we go according to the phonological and syllabic conditions found out by Kamaleswaran and

restricting our statistical analysis only to the 2nd conjugation class, the following information

will emerge. Leaving aside the verbs of the syllabic CVC which include the compounds formed

with the verbs of the same syllabic pattern as the last element, it is computed that there are 26 l-

ending verbs, 29 L-ending verbs 63 r-ending verbs 23 zh-ending verbs. This makes a total 141.

This means there could be 141 ci/cci-nominals. But there are only 36 nominals attested in

KTTA which makes 25.53% (i.e.36/141*100). This is a commendable lexicalization. A number

of nominals occurring in Sangam and post-Sangam periods are not attested in KTTA. The

absence is due the loss of such forms or due to the loss of the concerned verbs. The following are

a few examples:

Verbs Derived Nouns

vekuL `become angry' vekuTci `wrath'

akal `leave' akaRci `separation'

vaazh `live' vaazhcci `living'

ceer `join' ceercci `approach'

A number of forms listed by Kamaleswaran as non-literary have been attested in KTTA and but

a few of them are not attested. The following are the few examples of non-attested forms:

Verbs Derived Nouns

araL `get scared' araTci `bewilderment'

iruL `become dark' iruTci `darkness'

alar `blossom' alarcci `blossoming'

piRazh `get dislocated' piRazhcci `change, etc.'

pular `fade' pularcci `drying'

tikazh `glow with luster' tikazhcci `brightness'

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timir `be paralyzed' timir `spasm'

It appears that the cci-nominalization is not exploited for the coinage of technical terms.

The nonce forms of cci-nominalization are not found in AKA. Only the forms which have been

already lexicalized have been used by exploiting the process of technical term formation. The

following are the few examples :

Verbs Derived nouns

ndiiL `become long' ndiiTci `extension'

puNar `copulate' puNarcci `copulation'

piRazh `get dislocated' piRazhcci `aberration'

kaaN `see' kaaTci `video'

5.3.1.1.1.6 Nominalization by ppaan

-ppaan forms instrumental nouns when added to verbs. The nominalization by –ppaan

appears to be only semantically conditioned. Kamaleswaran (1974) has not listed -ppaan as a

deverbal nominalizer. There are only 2 instances of the nouns formed by this suffix. -ppaan

seems to be a potential nominalizer to form instrumental nouns from a set of verbs. The

following are the nonce formations which got lexicalized as they have found their way into the

glossary of technical terms:

Verbs Derived nouns

kaa `protect' kappaan `insulator'

vaTi `filter' vaTippaan `filter'

tiRa `open' tiRappaan `opener'

kaNi `calculate' kaNippaan `calculator'

Maraimalai (1984) prefers to derive these formations from the -ppu suffixed deverbal nouns by

the addition of -i.

5.3.1.1.1.7 Nominalization by pi/ppi

-pi/-ppi is related to –ppaan in the sense that it also forms instrumental nouns when

suffixed with verbs. Kamaleswaran (1974:449) has noted down only one instance of the form

with -ppi suffix, mooppi `smell, nose', that too in some dialect. Only one instance of the form

with -ppi as a nominal suffix is found in KTTA. The following is the example:

104

Verb Derived noun

cura `secrete' curappi `gland'

The following nominals formed by suffixing ppi~pi with verbs are found in the dictionaries of

technical terms:

Verbs Derived nouns

cuma `carry' cumappi `carrier'

kala `mix' kalappi `mixer'

taNi `cause to subside' taNippi `moderator'

eel `accept' eeRpi `acceptor'

vaTi `tap/strain' vaTippi `strainer'

mikai `exceed' mikaippi `amplifier'

From the above examples it can inferred that the verbs of the conjugation classes 4, 6 and 7 can

take the suffix -ppi/pi to form instrumental nouns. It appears to be in complementary distribution

with the verbs of the conjugation class 3 which take -i as the nominal suffix to form

instrumental/agentive nouns. -ppi seems to be a productive/potential suffix to derive instrumental

nouns from the verbs belonging to the 4th, 6th and 7th conjugation classes. Maraimalai (1984)

prefers to derive it from puu-suffixed deverbal nouns by the addition of instrumentalizer -i.

5.3.1.1.1.8 Nominalization by pu/ppu

While talking about the suffixes -pu and -ppu Kamaleswaran (1974:426) mentions that

"The suffixes -pu and -ppu have certain regularities in their occurrence when they are used with

various conjugations. For example, -ppu occurs only with strong verbs. But this regularity is not

found in the occurrence of other suffixes." He also makes the following observations about the

suffix, -pu. The occurrence of -pu in some thirty forms like tiri-pu `change', iyalpu `nature' in

Sangam period seem to belong to pre-Sangam Tamil. Due to a phonetic change -p- > -v-, the

suffix -pu becomes -vu in Sangam and post-Sangam Tamil. Due to this change two things are

found. Most of the Sangam forms with -pu also have the corresponding forms of -vu. azhi-pu ~

azhi-vu `destruction', tuNi-pu ~ tuNi-vu `determination' piri-pu ~ piri-vu `separation' are the

examples and it shows the change of pre-Sangam forms to Sangam forms. Secondly several

other verbs use -vu to form nouns in Sangam period and forms with -pu for those verbs are not

found in that period. aRi-vu `knowledge', poli-vu `brightness', muni-vu ``anger', viri-vu

extension, viizh-vu `death' are the examples and they show that -vu is used in the place of -pu.

105

Though few forms like ozhi-pu `remainder', mutirpu `maturity', ndikazh-pu `occurrence' are

found in post-Sangam period, they seem to be created forms in literature. Whether it is a regular

or created form, in all instances, the suffix -pu is found only after weak verbs. The form veer-pu

`perspiration' from the strong verb viyar ~ veer `to perspire' is the only exception in post-Sangam

period. Even this exception can be interpreted as due to a special development of the regular

form viyar-ppu `pesperation' in some dialect. A similar interpretation is not possible in the case

of a strong verb of 12th conjugation class [which is equivalent to our 7th conjugation class]. The

verb aLa `to measure'; the noun aLa-pu `measurement' and it has the noun form aLa-vu

`measurement' also. He also noted down that there are 39 forms out of which 30 belong to

Sangam period and 9 belong to post-Sangam period. Out of these 39 nominal forms 3 belong to

verbs of 3rd conjugation class (=our 2nd), 31 belong to verbs of 4th conjugation class (=our

2nd), 2 belong to verbs of 7th conjugation class (=our 4th), and 1 in each belong to the verb of

8th conjugation class (= our 4th), 11th conjugation class (= our 6th), and 12th conjugation class

(= our 7th) respectively. It is also noted by Kamaleswaran (1974: 433) that -p- > -v- change is

found only when the verbs end in the vowels -i and -ai or in the consonants -r and -l. It should

be mentioned here that Kamaleswaran (1974:434-435) noted down 6 pu-nominals of the

conjugation class 9 (= our 4th conjugation class) and 7 pu-nominals of the conjugation class 10

(= our 4th conjugation class) under the heading "suffix -ppu".

Kamaleswaran (1974: 435-445) has noted the occurrence of a large number of ppu-

nominals which belong to the verbs of the 11th and 12th conjugation classes. According to his

calculations there are hundreds of nominals in both Sangam and post-Sangam period which

belong to 11th conjugation class (= our 6th conjugation class) and there are 25 nominals from

Sangam and 20 nominals from post-Sangam which belong to 12th conjugation class (=our 7th

conjugation class) formed by the suffixation of -ppu. All these observations indicate to us that

pu-suffixed forms are less likely to be lexicalized than the ppu-suffixed forms and that -ppu is

productively used as a suffix of deverbal noun formation. It can also be inferred that the

potential puu-suffixed forms could be a rich resource for the derivation of ppu-nominals.

We have dealt elsewhere that verbs can be classified based on the past tense and future

tense markers they receive and we have chosen to adopt a seven-way classification. Based on

the future tense markers the verbs can be classified into two broader groups:1) those which will

take -v- as the future tense markers and 2) those which will take -p/pp as the future tense

markers. Accordingly the verbs of conjugation classes 1, 2, and 3 come under the first broader

group and the verbs of conjugation classes 4, 5, 6, and 7 come under the second broader group.

With this clue in mind we can hypothetically interpret that the verbs of the second broader

group, that is the verbs belonging to the conjugation classes 4, 5, 6, and 7, will take -pu/ppu

suffix so as to nominalize them. This also means that the verbs belonging to the conjugation

classes 4 and 5 can take the nominal suffix -pu and the verbs belonging conjugation classes 6

and 7 can take the nominal suffix -ppu. Out of 3012 verb stems taken for our analysis 1960

verbs belong to the conjugation classes 1 to 3 which forms 65.07% of the total number of verbs

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and 1052 belong to the conjugation classes 4 to 7 which forms 34.93% of the total number of

verbs. In the second group of verbs 43 verbs belong to the conjugation classes 4 and 5 and 1009

verbs belong to conjugation classes 6 and 7. That is among the total number of verbs of the first

group 4.08% forms the first sub-group and 95.82% forms the second sub-group. Interestingly,

out of the possible pu-nominals form 43 verbs, 3 of them got lexicalized which makes 6.97%

and out of the possible ppu-nominals from 1009 verbs, only 183 got lexicalized which forms

18.14%. We can infer from this information that ppu-nominals suffixed forms are more

lexicalized than the pu-nominals with reference to the possible forms. But the real picture of pu-

nominalization is not as simple as we have presented so far. It seems, as noted by

Kamaleswaran, there was a period in which -pu freely alternates with -vu, the expected suffix of

the verbs of conjugation classes 1 to 3. And that is why we get 5 pu-nominals from the verbs of

conjugation class 2. The percentage of lexicalization of ppu-nominals is definitely greater than

the nominals derived by the productive nominalizers -tal, -al, and -kai. We can also infer that

the verbs of conjugation classes 6 and 7 could be a rich store house from which the nominals can

be produced by the suffixing the nominalizer -ppu.

The technical terms found in AKA also in tune with our earlier observation that the

nominalizer -ppu is more productively used for the coining of nominals than the nominalizer -

pu. The following are the few examples taken form AKA.

Verb Derived Nouns

mita `float' mitappu `buoyancy'

teLi `spray' teLippu `spray'

mazhi `shave' mazhippu `trimming die'

toTu `touch' toTuppu `attachment'

eel `accept' eeRpu `acceptance'

The coining of technical terms, as we understand, automatically leads to lexicalization. As we

have already observed, the possible nominal forms which could be derived by the suffixation of -

ppu to the verbs of the conjugation classes 6th and 7th could be a rich resource from which

technical terms as well as other semantically lexicalized nominals can be taken out at our will.

5.3.1.1.1.9 Nominalization by maanam

The nominalizer maanam has been borrowed from Sanskrit. Kamaleswaran (1974:591-

592) has noted down 19 maanam-nomainals and all of them, according to him, are non-literary

forms of post-Sangam period. The following is a sample from the list of examples given by him:

Verbs Derived nouns

107

aTai `give/remit' aTaimaanam `pledge'

azhi `spoil' azhimaanam `waste'

uTu `dress' uTumaanam `dress'

kaTTu `construct' kaTTumaanam `construction'

KTTA data base also shows nominals formed by the suffixation of the nominalizer -

maanam with certain verbs. The formations are not conditioned by any conjugation class or

phonological environment or syllabic pattern. It appears that maaanam-nominals are formed due

to analogy in tune with the nominals borrowed from Sanskrit.

A close observation on AKA reveals that there are a considerable number of nonce

formations which are lexicalized to give technical sense formed by suffixing -maanam with

certain verbs. The following are the few examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

teey `wear' teeymaanam `loss by wear and tear'

ceer `add' ceermaanam `addition'

azhi `spoil' azhimaanam `waste'

peRu `get' peRumaanam `value'

5.3.1.1.1.10 Nominalization by mai

mai- as a nominalizer occurs in two different environments. It not only appears

immediately after verb stesms to nominalize them but also after relativized verbal forms to

nominalize them. Here we are concerneed with the first kind of nominalization. Kamaleswaran

(1974: 562-567) has noted only occasional use of the suffix -mai with verbs. The suffix brings in

abstract sense when added to verbs. Only a few forms derived by the suffixation of -mai with

the verbs are attested in Sangam period, whereas the post-Sangam period attests more forms. The

following is a sample form his data:

Verbs Derived nouns

taazh `lower' taazhmai `humility'

oppu `compare' oppumai `comparison'

pakai `make an enemy' pakaimai `enmity'

poRu `tolerate' poRumai `endurance'

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There are only 10 mai-nominals are attested in KTTA, out of which 2 belong to the 2nd

conjugation class, 1 belong to the 1 belong to the 3rd conjugation class and 7 belong to the 6th

conjugation class. Some of the forms which are attested in the early stage of the language are

not attested in KTTA as they are out of use. The following is a sample form the examples

which are quoted by Kamaleswaran as found in Sangam and post-Sangam periods but which do

not find a place in KTTA:

Verbs Derived nouns

maTi `be lazy' maTmai `idealness'

icai `sing/tune' icai `sound'

varu `come' varumai `next birth'

aay `investigate' aaymai `spirit of investigation'

ezhu `raise' ezhumai `height'

mozhi `tell' mozhimai `proverb'

kaay `envy' kaaymai `envy'

tiir `complete' tiirmai `cessation'

The technical terms found in AKA show us that -mai is a potential suffix in the formation

technical terms. Some are nonce formations, some are technical lexicalization of the already

existing forms and some seem to have been digged out from the Sangam and post-Sangam

source and given new technical flavour. The following sample will illustrate the above

mentioned point.

Verbs Derived nouns

paay `flow' paaymai `fluidity'

paru `become big' parumai `magnitude'

oLir `shine' oLirmai `brilliance'

umizh `emit' umizh `emissivity'

uNar `feel' uNarmai `sensitivity'

oTTu `stick' oTTumai `adhersion'

kaTattu `conduct' kaTattumai `conductivity'

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miiL `come back' miiLmai `elasticity'

kuzhai `become soft' kuzhaimai `plasticity'

5.3.1.1.1.11 Nominalization by vi

The suffix -vi has to be related to the suffix -i, not because it is complementary to -i in its

distribution from the point of view of phonology and conjugation class, but because it is used in

the technical glossary to derive instrumental and agentive nominals from certain set of verbs,

though its productive use in forming instrumental and agentive nominals is yet to be established.

Kamaleswaran (1974:459-460) has noted down 11 forms of the suffix which are derived

from the strong verbs belonging to the 9th (= a part of our 4th conjugation class), 10th (= a part

of our 4th conjugation class) and 12th (= our 7th conjugation class) conjugation classes. He also

notes down its non-occurrence with the verbs of 11th conjugation class (= our 7th conjugation

class). The vi-nominals are found both in Sangam and post-Sangam period. For the sake of

comparison and to see the status of -vi suffix in the present day context, all the 11 nominals

given by him are given below:

Verbs Derived nouns

keeL `ask' keeLvi `hearing'

veeL `sacrifice' veeLvi `sacrifice'

kal `learn' kalvi ` education'

tool `fail' toolvi `defeat'

kala `mix' kalavi `union'

kiLa `tell' kiLavi `word'

pula `sulk' pulavi `sulk'

mara `forget' maravi `forgetfulness'

tuRa `leave' tuRavi `renunciation'

piRa `be born' piRavi `birth'

iRa `die' iRavi `death'

KTTA has attested only 6 forms out of which 3 are derived from 4th conjugation class

and the other 3 are derived from the 7th conjugation class. There are only 27 verbs belonging to

the 4th conjugation class, out of which 13 are simplex and 14 are compound. If we go according

to the examples given by Kamaleswaran and the examples found in KTTA, only l and L ending

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simplex verb stems seem to take -vi as a nominalizer. In that case, there are only 6 l-ending verbs

and 2 L-ending verbs. They make 8 verbs in total. 3 out of 8 makes 37.5%, which is, of course,

an appreciable percentage of lexicalization. The lexicalization leaves aside the verbs eel `accept',

nduul `spin', ndool `observe a religious fast', miiL `rescue', and vil `sell' which do not receive -vi

suffix to form noun. The possible *eelvi, *nduulvi, *ndoolvi, *miiLvi, and *vilvi are not attested

even in the technical glossaries of Tamil. This seems to indicate that -vi has stopped being used

as a nominalizer even with lexicalized meaning. But the observation based on AKA shows the

other side of the coin.

Interestingly the following examples found in AKA in which the vi-nominalization shows

an interesting new development:

Verbs Derived nouns

aLa `measure' aLavi `gauge'

akazh `excavate' akazhvi `dredge'

atir `vibrate' atirvi `vibrator'

kiLar `excite' kiLarvi `exciter'

pakir `distribute' pakirvi `distributor'

veTTu `cut' veTTuvi `cutting'

ndukar `enjoy' ndukarvi `consumer'

Except aLa `measure' which belong to the 7th conjugation class, and veTTu `cut' which belong to

the 3rd conjugation class, others belong to the 2nd conjugation class. It has to be noted here that

the verbs of 2nd conjugation class are capable of taking -v- as the future tense marker. This may

be reflected in the preference of -vi to bring in instrumental sense. But it has to be noted that the

verbs of 3rd conjugation class which have the potentiality to form instrumental nouns prefer -i.

The productivity or potentiality of the nominalizer -vi in forming instrumental nouns from verbs

of 2nd conjugation class is yet to be confirmed. -vi appears to complement another instrumental

nominalizer -ppi .

5.3.1.1.1.12 Nominalization by vu

The suffix -vu is related historically to the suffix -pu, which has been dealt already.

Kamaleswaran (1974:451-456) observes that only weak verbs use this suffix to form nouns.

According to him any verb of 4th conjugation (= a part of our 2nd conjugation class) is capable

of taking this suffix for its noun formation. -vu is used to derive regular nouns in large numbers

in both the periods of Sangam. He also noted the following formations as exceptional forms

which, according to him, are created in literature.

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Verbs Nouns

veeL `sacrify' veeLvu `sacrifice'

tool `be defeated' toolvu `defeat'

viyar `perspire' viyarvu `perspiration'

We have already noted that vu could be compliment to the suffix pu/ppu and could be

possibly added as a nominalizer to all the verbs of conjugation classes 1 to 3 which takes -v- as

the future tense marker. As mentioned earlier there are in total 1960 verbs out of 3012 verbs

which belong to the conjugation classes 1-3 which makes 65.07% of the total number of verbs.

That means there could be 1960 possible vu-nominals. But the real situation is different from the

expected situation. The suffixation of -vu is not as regular like suffixation of -ppu. There are

only 70 lexicalized forms out of which 1 is devived from the verb (i.e. defective verb caa `die')

of 1st conjugation class, 64 are from the verbs of 2nd conjugation class and 1 is from the verb of

6th conjugation class and the remaining 3 are from the verbs of 7th conjugation class. The

exceptional formations such as aLavu `measurement' of 6th conjugation class and tuRavu

`renunciation', piLavu `cleft' and valivu `strength' of 7th conjugation classes can be attributed to

the analogical creation. But it is not true that all the verbs which are capable of receiving -v- as

the future tense marker is capable of taking the –vu as a nominalizer. There must be something

else which must condition such restricted formation. A glance at the 70 lexicalized forms of the

vu-nominals tells us that the verbs belonging to the conjugation classes 1 and 2 which end in the

vowels i ai, aa and oo and consonants y, r and zh are capable of taking vu suffix. It should be

mentioned here that the vu-nominals shown by Kamaleswaran (1974: 451-456) as forms

belonging to Sangam and post-Sangam period also confirms the phonological condition posited

by us. If we hold this as a condition for the formation of vu-nominals then the following picture

will emerge. There are 39 verbs belonging to the 1st conjugation class and 283 verbs in second

conjugation class which fulfill the phonological condition provided by us which make 322 in

total. Accordingly there are 65 lexicalized vu-nominals out of 322 potential possibilities. This

makes 20.19%. If we take into account Kamaleswaran that only the verbs belonging to the 4th

conjugation class (= our 2nd conjugation class) freely get suffix by -vu (Kamaleswaran, 1974:

451), then we can further condition the occurrence of -vu to only to the first conjugation class.

This further conditioning raises the percentage of occurrence of lexicalized vu-nominals to

24.58% (i.e. 65 out of 285). (It has to be mentioned here that the verbs of 1st conjugation class

which fulfill the phonological condition promulgated for the occurrence of vu-suffix are ey

`shoot', koy `pick', cey `do', ndey `weave', vai `scold' and the compounds of cey. It is possible to

make compounding as a negative condition for the occurrence of -vu. In that case the

lexicalization of possible vu-nominals become 22.41% (i.e. 65 out of 290). Interestingly

contrary to our expectation, the vu-nominals (taking into account the conditions inferred from the

occurrence of the suffix -vu) are more lexicalized than the ppu-nominals (i.e.vu : ppu =

22.41:18.14). Though -vu has been considered as a non-productive nominalizer because of its

112

presumed irregularity of occurrence, now we can say with confidence that it is a productive

suffix, if we take the conjugational class-condition and phonological condition into account.

This concurs with the account made by Aronoff (1985:35-37).

vu also does not lag behind ppu in the formation of technical terms. The following

examples from AKA conforms to the above mentioned statement.

Verbs Nouns

ayar `become tired' ayarvu `fatigue'

umizh `emit' umizhvu `emission'

pakir `distribute' pakirvu `distributed land'

paay `flow' paayvu `flow'

pizhi `squeeze' pizhivu `crush'

peyar `shift' peyarvu `shift'

muRi `break' muRivu `fracture'

5.3.1.1.1.13 Nominalization by vai

Kamaleswaran (1974: 457-459) finds nearly 30 occurrence of the suffix -vai. Its

occurrence is restricted to three of the 12 conjugation classes, 4th (= our 2nd conjugation class)

11th (=our 6th conjugation class), 12th (= our 7th conjugation class). Out of the total number of

occurrence 5 belong to both 4th and 11th conjugation class, 3 belong to 4th conjugation class,

10 in each belong to 11 and 12th conjugation classes. The following is the sample from

Kamaleswaran:

Verbs Derived nouns

tiir `finish' tiirvai `tax'

aLa `measure' aLavai `measurement'

mita `float' mitavai `float'

izhu `pull' izhuvai `procrastination'

There are 11 occurrence of the form out of which 7 are from 6th conjugation class and 4 are form

7th conjugation class. A few forms which are attested in Sangam and post-Sangam periods have

not found their place in KTTA because of the loss of them from usage. The following is the

sample from Kamaleswaran:

Verbs Derived nouns

113

matar `flourish' matarvai `flourishing'

veLu `become white' veLuvai `becoming white'

oTi `break' oTivai `cessation'

para `spread' paravai `that which is spread'

The AKA does not attest any nonce formation derived by the suffixation of -vai with

verbs. There are only the instances of the use of the forms from the already existing forms with

newly added technical sense.

mita `to float' mitavai `float'

It appears that -vai is not a potential suffix for the coining of technical terms (if we leave aside

the lexicalization due to meaning extension in the direction of technical sense).

5.3.1.1.1.14 Other suffixes

The following suffixes though listed in the appendices are not dealt elaborately because

of their occurrence in KTTA is very meagre in number and/or less important form the point of

view of productivity and lexicalization: -aTam, -aNam, -an (1 & 2), -avu -anam, -anai -kam, -

kan, -cu, -ccu, -tam, -ti, -tti, -tu, ppam, -rtam, -vam, , -val, -ni,. Also a number of other suffixes

noted by Kamaleswaran (1974) are not even listed in the appendices because of the reason

mentioned above.

Nominalization by aTam

Kamaleswaran (1974: 568-570) notes that theare are 12 aTam-nominals belonging to

post-Sangam period. The following is a sample from his list.

Verbs Derived nouns

oRRu 'foment' oRRaTam 'fomentation'

kaTTu 'build' kaTTaTam 'building'

ciivu 'polish' ciivaTam 'polishing'

araavu 'file' aravaTam 'act of filing'

aTam-nominals are found in KTTA, but in samall number. The use of aTam as a nominalizer in

forming nonce formations is not strong.

Nominalization by aTi

114

aTi as a nominlizer is used in post-Sangam period (Kamaleswaran, 1974:577). Only a

few denominals derived by the suffix are attested in that period.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

nerukku 'press' nerukkaTi 'critical movement'

mayakku 'bewilder' mayakkaTi 'bewilderment'

KTTA has listed a few remnants from the old stage.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

nerukku 'press' nerukkaTi 'critical movement'

kuzappu 'confuse' kuzappaTi 'confused state'

aTi is not used for nonce formation.

Nominalization by aNam

aNam as a nominalizer is found in few forms (Kamaleswaran, 1974: 570).

ex.

Verbs Derived Nouns

tuukku 'lift' tuukkaNam 'pendent'

ottu 'foment' ottaNam 'fomentation'

kaTTu 'remit' kaTTaNam 'fee'

KTTA attests only a few aNam-nominals. aNam is not used as a nominalizer to form new forms.

Nominalization by kaaTu

kaaTu as a nominalizer is used even from the time of Tolkaappiyam and is attested in

Sngam texts also (Kamaleswaran, 1974:574).

Verbs Deverbal nouns

caaku 'die' caak-kaaTu 'death'

nooku 'pain' nook-kaaTu 'sickness'

115

veeku 'get cooked' veek-kaaTu 'burning'

vizu 'fall' vizuk-kaaTu 'burning'

KTTA has listed a few forms which are carried to the modern Tamil from the old stock.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

caaku 'die' caak-kaaTu 'death'

veeku 'get cooked' veek-kaaTu 'boiled stage'

vizu 'fall' vizuk-kaaTu 'percentage'

kaaTu not used as a nominalizer to form new coinages.

Nominaization by paTi

paTi as a nominalizer is attested in post-Sangam period (Kamaleswaran, 1974:582).

Verbs Deverbal nouns

uLaRu 'speak incoherently' uLaRupaTi 'incoherence in speaking'

cel 'go' cellupaTi 'the amount paid'

ndaTa 'occur' nadTapaTi 'conduct'

tangku 'stay' tangkupaTi 'remnant of the unsold goods'

KTTA has accounted the forms from the early stock which are in use now.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

kuLaRu 'speak incoherently' kuLaRupaTi 'confusion'

taLLu 'push' taLLupaTi 'discount'

paTi is not used as a deverbal nominalizer to coin new words.

Nominalization by paaTu

paaTu as a nominalizer appears after verbs in different forms. After bare verb stems it

appears as a nominalizer in post Sangam period (Kamaleswaran, 1974:587-591). The following

is a sample from the list of forms given by Kamaleswaran.

116

Verbs Deverbal nouns

koTu 'give' koTupaaTu 'giving;paying'

ndil 'stop' ndiRpaaTu 'stoping'

pizai 'err' pizaippaaTu 'error;mistake'

paaTu can be very well taken as a ablativized nominal form of the verb paTu 'experience' as in

the example in which kaTTuppaTu 'come under control' becoming kaTTuppaaTu 'discipline'.

KTTA has listed the remnants of the earlier stage which are still in use in modern Tamil.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

taTTu 'miscary' taTTuppaaTu 'shortage'

eel 'accept' eeRpaaTu 'preparatory work'

vitai 'sow' vitaippaaTu 'measure of land in terms seed sown'

kaTTu 'tie' taTTuppaaTu 'discipline'

Nominalization by maanam

maanam is used as a nominalizer from the post Sangam period. Kamaleswaran lists

down 19 forms as deverbal nominals formed by suffixing maanam with verbs. The following is a

sample from his list. maanam seems to be borrowed from Sanskrit.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

azi 'destroy' azimaanam 'what which is wasted'

uTu 'wear' uTumaanam 'dress; clothing'

kaTTu 'construct' kaTTumaanam 'construction'

ceer 'join' ceermaanam 'collecting'

KTTA has listed the forms which have been carried from the early period of Tamil to the

modern period.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

caay 'lean' caaymaanam 'something for reclining'

teey 'wear out' teeymaanam 'wear and tear'

piTi 'hold' piTimaanam 'hold'

117

tiir ''come to an end' tiirmaanam 'conclusion'

maanam is used as a nominalizer to coin new technical terms. Or at least maanam-nominals are

used with new technical sense.

Nominalization by vaay

vaay is used as a derverbal nominalizer in Sangam and post-Sangam period

(Kamaleswaran, 1974:574).

Verbs Deverbal nouns

kazuvu 'wash' kazuvaay 'purification'

ezu 'rise' ezuvaay 'subject'

KTTA has listed a few vaay-nominals which are carried from the earlier stage of Tamil to the

modern stage.

Verbs Deverbal nouns

vaa 'come' varuvaay 'income'

tooRRu 'be seen' tooRRuvaay 'beginning'

vaay as a nominalizer is not used to form new coinages in modern Tamil.

Nominalization by –ndar

The agentive suffix -ndar is omitted here as the forms derived by the suffixation of -ndar

to the verbs do not find a place in KTTA being a productive suffix with predictable derivative

meanings. Maraimalai (1984) considers that the agentive suffix -ndar is added to the um-

inflected form of the verb to denote `a person who is a professional' with reference to the action

denoted by the verb to which it is attached. But this need not be so as we can consider it being

attached to the verb stem directly and the additional element in terms of k/kk can be accounted as

inflectional increment (i.e. caariyai). The following are the few examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

payiRRu `cause to learn' payiRRundar `instructor'

ndaTattu `conduct' ndaTattundar `conductor'

118

Nominalization by Zero suffixation

Stem modification and conversion together can be called as zero suffixation has to be

taken seriously due to the reason that not only it could be a productive way of forming nouns

mostly irrespective of the conditions based on conjugation class, the phonological shape and

syllabic pattern, but also that it has produced an appreciable number of lexicalized forms. The

stem modification may cause some change in the internal phonological structure, mostly either

by doubling of consonants or by lengthening of vowels or by denasalization of homorganic nasal

consonants inside the verb stem. The following restrictions have been noted by Kamaleswaran

regarding the zero suffixation (22- 28).

1. Conjugational restriction : Among the verbs of the twelve conjugation classes (as

distinguished by Kamaleswaran following Tamil lexicon) the verbs of 1st and 12th conjugation

classes do undergo nominalization by zero suffixation (keeping aside a few exception which are

explainable).

2.Syllabic restriction : Verbs of syllabic pattern (C)VC do not undergo nominalization by zero

suffixation at least in Sangam period though few nouns of this pattern are found in post-Sangam

period which could be taken as later developments.

ex. koL 'take', kol 'kill', uN 'eat', kal 'learn'

3.Phonological restriction : Though Kamaleswaran tries to point out a few phonological

restriction on the formation of derived nouns by zero suffixation all these restrictions do not

sound to be very valid points. It is quite natural that the literature cannot make use of all the

possible forms and the non-occurrence may be accident which can reflect certain pattern which

should not be taken as the conditioning factor. It has to be noted that whenever there is a

problem which arise out of the phonological shape, the language has the flexibility of adjusting

its phonological pattern or shape by under going the following notable phonological processes

which are very commonly found in the formation of words in Tamil:

1. Change of short vowels into long vowels or vice versa

2. Doubling of consonants (especially stops)

3. Denasalization of homorganic nasal consonant in nasal+stop clusters

4. Enunciation of vowel, especially -u.

3.Morphological or grammatical restrictions: Kamaleswaran while pointing out the formation of

transitive verbs from intransitive verbs by the processes of denasalization of the nasal in the

homorganic nasal+stop clusters, doubling of final stop, deretroflexation of retroflex consonant, L

and delateralization of lateral consonant l, and addition of suffixes such as -ttu and -ppu, etc. as

shown in the following examples,

119

Intransitive Transitive

iyangku ` move' iyakku `cause to move'

uruL `roll' uruTTu `cause to roll'

akal `be expounded' akaRRu `expound'

naTa `walk' naTa-ttu `cause to walk'

ezhu `rise' ezhu-ppu `raise'

tolai `perish' toli-ccu `cause to perish'

makes the following generalization about the formation of derived nominals from verbs:

1. Derivation (whether zero suffix or with any other suffix) is possible only from the

inherent verbs.

2. Derivation is least possible from the verbs of derived transitives.

He reiterates that these two are fully possible in Sangam period and restates that "only in post-

sangam period, especially in the later part of the post-sangam period and modern Tamil the

tendency to form nouns from the derived transitive verbs started and developed to some extent" (

Kamaleswaran, 1974:26).

Nominalization by stem modification

There are two types of stem modifications:

1. Ablaut

2. Consonant modification

Nominalization by ablaut

There is a set of nominals derived through a morphologically conditioned rule of ablaut

which changes the verb stems into nouns. The penultimate vowel or the vowel of the

penultimate syllable got lengthened in this process.

Verb Derived Nouns

peRu ‘get’ peeRu ‘gain’

paTu ‘suffer’ paaTu ‘suffering’

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iTu ‘put iiTu ‘putting in’

A very limited number of verbs form the deverbal nouns in this manner. According to

Kamaleswaran (1974:294) this process of derivation of nouns from verbs is prevalent in both the

sangam and post-sangam period. He notes down the following restrictions:

1. Phonological restriction: Only those verbs which have retroflex and alveolar

consonants as final consonants undergoes this process of derivation. The verbs ending in

Tu and Ru also form nouns with this process.

2. Syllabic restriction: In all the verbs which undergo this process of nominal derivation

the initial vowel is short.

3. Conjugational restriction: The verbs with the above restrictions are found both in weak

and strong conjugations.

He noted down that twelve forms come under the regular way of formation and they belong to

various conjugation class and occur in both sangam and post-sangam periods. The following are

the examples given by him:

Verbs Derived Nouns

koL `take' kooL `taking'

aTu `wage war' aaTu `victory/killing'

iRu `end' iiRu `end'

uRu `happen' uuRu `approaching'

keTu `ruin' keeTu `ruin'

cuTu `be hot' cuuTu `that which is heated'

eRu `sting' teeRu `sting as of a wasp'

paTu `sound' paaTu `sound/ruin'

peRu `get' peeRu `gain'

iTu `put' iiTu `putting on'

viTu `leave' viiTu `leaving/house'

uN `eat' uuN `food'

tin `eat' tiin `food'

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He observed this regular process operates in compound verbs also. He also noted the formation

of a number of nominal derivatives by lengthening which are not adhering to the conditions put

forwarded by him as quality of regular formations. It seems that he wants to call those irregular

formations as analogical formations. It is always the case that analogy always plays a vital role

in the formation of any type of derivations.

According to our data base on KTTA, there are 31 lexicalized nominal forms which form

only 1.03% (31/3012), out this 21 belongs to the 1st conjugation class (21/322, 6.52%), 1 belong

to 2nd conjugation class (1/462, 0.22%), 7 belong to 3rd conjugation class (7/1176, 5.19%), 2

belong to 6th conjugation class (0.21%) and none belong to the rest of the conjugation class. (see

appendix no for examples). All these information are reflexes of the earlier derivations and it

appears that there is no nonce formation utilizing the process of lengthening the vowel as

derivative process.

The nouns which are formed by this derivational process by assigning technical sense to

them are listed in AKA. The following are the few examples:

Verbs Derived nouns

aLaviTu `assess' aLaviiTu `assessment'

matippiTu `measure' matippiiTu `measurement'

kuRukkiTu `interfere' kuRukkiiTu `interference'

meempaTu `come up' meempaaTu `development'

Nominalization by consonant modification

There are formations of nouns from verbs by the modification of consonants.

Verb Derived Nouns

paaTu 'sing' paaTTu ‘song’

viicu 'throw' viiccu ‘throw’

Only a limited number of verbs undergo nominalization by consonant modification.

Nominalization by doubling of consonants

The process of nominal derivation by doubling of consonant without any suffixation is

also a process found both in sangam and post-sangam period. This process, according to

Kamaleswaran (1974:302), is not found in all verbs and there seem to be certain phonological

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and syllabic restrictions in the application of this process of nominal derivation. The following

restrictions have been noted down by him:

1. Phonological restriction : Only verbs with stop + u in the final syllable like the verbs ooTu

`run', peecu `speak' can form nouns by availing this process of deriving nouns from verbs.

2. Syllabic restriction: According to Kamaleswaran only those verbs with the syllabic pattern

(C)VVCV and (C)VCVCV can form nouns making use of this process of derivation.

He also noted down a number of nouns which are derived by this process but do not adhere to

the conditions found by him as a quality of regularity. He attributes this irregularity to

analogical extension. The following are a few examples from his collections:

Verbs Derived Noun

ozhuku `follow' ozhukku `order'

peruku `increase' perukku `abundance'

uruku `melt' urukku `ghee'

aNuku `go near' aNukku `proximity'

A comparison of the list of forms given by Kamaleswaran as available in sangam and

post-sangam period with the list of same kind of forms KTTA (see appendix no , page no ) will

show us that the quite a number of forms available in the early stage of Tamil are not in use in

the present day Tamil and so do not become the part of KTTA. In KTTA only 7 forms are

attested (7/3012, 0.23%) as belonging to the category of derivation by doubling of consonant.

This dwindled number of nominals shows us that this process of formation of nouns form verbs

is not a productive process and the possible forms could not be considered a store house or

resource from which the needed forms can be made use of by lexicalization whenever necessity

arise.

AKA does not show any nonce formation except when the nouns already formed by this

process of derivation are used to form compounds which denote new concepts or when their

meanings are extended to give technical sense. The following are the example:

Verbs Derived nouns

iLaku `melt' iLakku `laxity'

vilku `leave' viti vilakku `exception'

Nominalization with denasalization

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The formation of nouns from verbs by this process is found both in sangam and post-

sangam period. The following are the few examples from Kamaleswaran's ( 1974: 325)

collection.

Verbs Derived Nouns

virumpu `like' viruppu `desire'

vazhangku `be in use' vazhakku `usage'

muyangku `unite' muyakku `union'

ndaTungku `tremble' ndaTukku `trembling'

Only one form is attested in KTTA and that too is the one found in the early stage of

Tamil as shown by Kamaleswaran, vazhakku `usage' derived from vazhangku `be in use'. This

derivative process is no longer productive and even the possible forms do not form a store house

or resource form which a few can be taken to fulfill the need.

As in the case of previous types of zero suffixation, the zero suffixation with

denasalization also has not marked its impact in the coining of technical terms which is reflected

by AKA. There are instances of these forms which are technically used by semantic extension

and nonce formations by compounding in which the forms concerned form a part.

Verbs Derived nouns

muTangku `be bend' muTakku `a kind of disease'

ilangku `shine' ilakku `target'

Nominalization by other sound changes

These are rare and only a few forms are found and the processes are not at all productive.

These are listed under the fields SC4, SC5 and SC6 (see appendix no. and page no.).

Nominalization by conversion

Another process by which nouns are formed from verbs is conversion. Conversion is

considered as a derivational process carried out without any suffixation or stem modification.

Conversion is a change from one grammatical category to another grammatical category without

any overt change in form. The formation of nouns by conversion seems to be a prevalent process

of formation of nouns from verbs from the early stage of Tamil.

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According to the data base statistics based on KTTA , there are 180 attested nouns from

verbs by zero derivation from verbs which form 5.98% (i.e. 180/3012) of the total number of

verbs. Out of 180 zero suffixed nominal derivatives 1 belongs to 1st conjugation class (1/322,

0.31%), 33 belong to 2nd conjugation class (33/462, 7.14%), 61 belong to 3rd conjugation class

(61/1176, 5.19%), 3 belong to 4th conjugation class (3/34, 8.82%), none belong to 5th

conjugation class (0/9, 0%), 82 belong to 6th conjugation class (82/943, 8.70%) and none belong

to 7th conjugation class (0/66, 0%). Based on the lexicalization the conjugated classes can be

serially arranged according to the following descending order: 4 > 6 > 2 > 3 > 1 > 5/7.

AKA has listed the forms which are already available in the language with the semantic

extension in the direction of technical term formation. There are nonce formations by

compounding in which the nouns derived by this process of derivation participate as the head

element of the compound. The following are the examples:

Verbs Derived Nouns

oTTu `stick' oTTu `suffix'

ndookku `see' ndookku `aspect'

piTi `hold' piTi `holder'

veTTu `cut' tamani veTTu `arterectomy'

There is a set of deverbal nouns which come before the concerned verbs as their reflexes.

avaL oru ciri cirittaaL

she one smile smile_PAST_PNG

'She smiled'

avan tan kaiyai oru ndakku ndakkinaan

he his hand_ACC one licking lick_PAST_PNG

'He licked his hand'

Here the derverbal nouns ciri 'laughing' and ndakku 'likcking' are reflexes of the concerned verbs

ciri 'laugh' and ndakku 'lick'. These reflexive deverbal nouns of conversion are generally action

nominals or factive and are unable to take number and case inflections. The examples given in

the following table will illustrate this point.

Verb Deverbal Noun Deverbal Noun +

Plural

Deverbal Noun +

Case

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ciri 'laugh ciri 'laughing' *ciri-kaL *ciri-yai

ndakku 'lick' ndakku 'licking' *ndakku-kaL *ndakk-ai

mukku 'immerse' mukku 'immerse' mukku-kaL *mukk-ai

muRai 'glower' muRai 'glowering' muRai-kaL *muRai-yai

Many times, it is difficult to prove that they are nouns. The reflextive type of deverbal nouns are

not always derived by conversion, some are derived by suffixation also.

Example

avaL oru cirippuc cirittaaL

she one smile smile_PAST_PNG

'she smiled'

They can be relativized as given below.

avaL ciritta cirippu 'the smile which she smiled'

avaL aTitta aTi 'the beating which she beat'

Conversion also can be visualized as two processes, regular and irregular. The regular

process leads to the formation of deverbal nouns of regular and predictable meaning. The

irregular process reflect idiosyncrasy in the formation and meaning. Deverbal nouns of regular

conversion is possible with all the verbs, whereas deverbal nouns of irregular conversion is

possible with only restricted number of verbs. So the regular one can be stated as a

nominalization at the sentence level and irregular one as the nominalization at the lexical level.

Some of the deverbal nouns derived through conversion process cannot be modified by the

demonstrative adjectives, such as anta ' that' , inta 'this', and descriptive adjectives such as

periya 'big' and ciRiya 'small' etc. as exemplified below.

Verb DVN Demonstrative

Adj + DVN

Descriptive Adj + DVN

tuukku 'lift' tuukku 'lifting' *andta tuukku *periya tuukku

oTi 'break' oTi 'break' *andta oTi *periya oTi

ndaTa 'walk' naTa 'walking' *andta ndaTa *periya ndaTa

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azu ‘cry’ azu ‘the cry’ *anta azu *periya azu

vaaTu dry vaaTu 'dry' *inta vaaTu *ciRiya vaaTu

ciri‘laugh’ ciri ‘laughter’ *unta ciri *periya ciri

The deverbal nouns of conversion which are lexicalized due to semantic idiosyncrasy do not

show the above mentioned restrictions. The following table illustrates this point.

Verb DVN DVN

+ Pural

DVN + Case Demonstrative Adj

+ DVN

Descriptive Adj +

DVN

kuttu

‘stab’

kuttu

'stab

(N)'

kuttukaL

‘stabs’

kuttai

‘stab (acc)

andta kuttu

‘that stab’

valuvaana kuttu

‘strong

stab’

aRai

‘beat’

aRai

'beating'

aRaikaL

‘beatings’

aRaiyai

‘beat’(acc.)

andta aRai ‘that beat’ valuvaana aRai

‘strong beat’

Inference on Irregular Nominalization

It can be inferred from the above discussions that irregular deverbal nouns are

syntactically irregular and semantically idiosyncratic. The idiosyncratic features of the irregular

deverbal nouns make them to find their place in dictionary. The deverbal nouns do not interpret

the maximal projections of the source verbs and do not carry the syntactic properties of the

source verbs. As a result, they function as simple nouns. The suffixes which form irregular

deverbal nouns will be marked in the lexicon for their idiosyncratic properties at the

morphological, syntactic and semantic level.

Inference on Irregular Nominalization

It can be inferred from the above discussions that irregular deverbal nouns are

syntactically irregular and semantically idiosyncratic. The idiosyncratic features of the irregular

deverbal nouns make them to find their place in dictionary. The deverbal nouns do not interpret

the maximal projections of the source verbs and do not carry the syntactic properties of the

source verbs. As a result, they function as simple nouns. The suffixes which form irregular

deverbal nouns will be marked in the lexicon for their idiosyncratic properties at the

morphological, syntactic and semantic level.

4.3.1.1.2 Nominalization by suffixation of regular set of suffixes

The three nominalizers, tal ~ ttal, al ~ kal ~ kkal and kai ~ kkai, form deverbal nouns

without any restriction when added with the verbs. These three different nominalizing suffixes

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are added immediately after the bare verb stems The alternants of each nominalizer can be

conditioned by taking into account the conjugation class to which the verb belong (see appendix

no. page nos ). The following classification of verbs into 7 classes on the basis of the tense

inflection is adopted for our purpose. These 7 classes can be further subclassified whenever

needed.

Class

Type

Past tense

suffix

Present tense

suffix

Future tense

suffix

Examples of inflected

forms

1 -t- -kiR -v- cey 'do'

cey-t-aan

cey-kiR-aan

cey-v-aan

2 -ndt- -kiR- -v-

pukazh 'praise'

pukazh-ndt-aan

pukazh-kiR-aan

pukazh-v-aan

3 -in- -kiR- -v- ooTu 'run'

ooT-in-aan

ooT-kiR-aan

ooTu-v-aan

4 -t- -kiR- -p- kal 'study'

kaR-R-aan

kaR-kiR-aan

kaR-p-aan

5 -ndt- -kiR- -p- ndi-l 'stand'

ndi-nR-aan

ndiR-kiR-aan

ndiR-p-aan

6 -tt- -kkiR- -pp- paTi 'learn'

paTi-tt-aan

paTi-kkiR-aan

paTi-pp-aan

7 -ndt- -kkiR- -pp- ndaTa 'walk'

ndaTa-nd-taan

ndaTa-kkiR-aan

ndaTa-pp-aan

The verbs which belong to the classes 1st, 2nd, 3rd and part of 4th conjugation classes take the

set of alternants -tal, -al and -kai, those belong to the remaining part of the 4th class and 5th

class take the set of alternants -tal, -kal and -kai and those which belong to the 6th and 7th class

take the set of alternants -ttal, -kkal and -kkai. All these deverbal nouns retain their verbal

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meaning, though there are a few forms which give lexicalized meaning. The following chart

shows with typical examples the set of alternants and the verb class(es) to which they can be

added.

Set of alternants The classes to which they

belong

Examples

tal

al

kai

1st, 2nd, 3rd & a part of 4th

ceytal

ceyal

ceykai

tal

kal

kai

rest of 4th

kaRRal

kaRkal

kaRkai

ttal

kkal

kkai

6th & 7th

paTittal

paTikkal

paTikkai

As tal and ttal are in complementary distribution with each other, they can be taken as the

alternants of a single suffixal morpheme which can be conveniently represented by the form tal;

similarly al, kal and kkal can be taken as the alternants of a suffixal morpheme which can be

represented as al; kai and kkai can be represented by the suffixal morpheme -kai. Thus we have

three productive suffixal nominalizers tal, al, and kai.

The nominalizers, al, tal and kai, show regularity in the formation of deverbal nouns at

the morphological, syntactic and semantic level. These may indicate the phonological,

morphological and semantic readjustments that might have taken place in the derivational

morphology of Tamil. The nominalizers al, tal and kai are added to the non- relativized verb

stems (which are non-tensed/non-negativized) to form nouns. This is a regular formation

irrespective of the verb class. The fact that these deverbal nouns are formed by the suffixation

on the non-relativized verb stems and that the nouns retain the characteristic features of the

source verbs imply that the derivation reinforce certain syntactic constraints on the resultant NP.

These deverbal nouns are named in tolkaapiyam, as vinaippeyar (verb noun or name of action)

which is equivalent to Latin ‘nomen actionis’. Lees (1968) calls them as action nominals. Pope

(1858) listed two types of verbal noun suffixes based on the type of verb stem to which they are

added.

Type of verbs Suffixes

Weak Verbs al, tal, kai, vu and pu

Strong verbs ttal, kkutal, kkai and ppu

But Arden (1954) has listed the nominal suffixes as given in the following table:

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Weak verbs tal, kai

Strong verbs ttal, kkai

He has also mentioned that the neuter singular participial nouns ending in tu are used as verbal

nouns. Andronov (1969) mentions only three suffixes (t)tal, al and ai.

As stated earlier by taking into consideration the regularity in morphological derivation,

syntactic manifestation and semantic output, we can distinguish the three types of

nominalizations on non-tensed verbal stems in accordance with the three nominalizing suffixes

or nominalizers..

Differences in the syntactic and morphological features of regular and irregular deverbal

nouns

As we noted already the nominalization by regular nominal suffixes are argument

structure preserving nominalization, whereas the nominalization by irregular suffixes is

argument structure deviating nominalization. The former process retains the verbal qualities of

the resultant nominals, but the latter does not retain the verbal qualities of the resultant nominals.

The differences between these two processes is reflected in the syntactic and morphological

characteristics of the two types of nominals. As we noted earlier tal-nominlas retain the

characteristics of the source verbs (Paramasivam:1971, Kamaleswaran:1974). Kamaleswaran

(1974:9) differentiates verbal nouns formed by tal, al and kai from verbal derivatives or

derivative nouns formed by maanam, ppu, etc. Kamaleswaran (1974:10) and Paramasivam

(1971) note down certain morphological and syntactic differences between them. They are listed

below:

1. The verbal nouns cannot be modified by adjectives, relative participial forms,

numerals, demonstratives, etc. whereas the derivative nouns can be modified by these

modifiers.

putu aaTTam ‘new dance’

*putu aaTutal

azhakaana kaaTci ‘beautiful show’

*azhakaana kaaTTutal

paaTinta paaTTu 'the song which was sung'

*paaTinta paTutal

oru muyaRci ‘one effort’

*oru muyaltal

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anta makizcci 'this happiness’

*anta makizhtal

2. The verbal nouns cannot be preceded by the genitive/possessive forms of the

concerned subjects, whereas the derivative nouns can be preceded by them.

*un peecutal kuuTaatu

nii peecutal kuuTaatu ‘you should not talk’

un peeccu ‘your speech’

*nii peeccu

3. Verbal nouns can be modified by the adverbs.

metuvaaka ooTutal ‘slow running’

*metuvaaka ooTTam

4. The modal verbs like kuuTum, ‘can/may’, muTiyum ‘can’, veeNTum ‘should’ etc. can

follow the verbal nouns and not the derivative nouns.

avaL paTittal kuuTum ‘she may learn’

avaL paTittal veeNTum ‘she should learn’

*avaL paTippu kuuTum

*avaL paTippu veeNTum

5. Verbal nouns do not undergo the morphological process of pluralization by kaL and

adverbialization by aaka.

varavukaL

*varutalkaL ‘coming’

*viraitalaaka

viraivaaka ‘speedily’

The above observations made by Kamaleswaran and Paramasivam stand to justify in

differentiating nominalization by the regular sets of suffixes form the irregular set of suffixes.

Some scholars having influenced by the verbal origin of irregular deverbal nouns equated

them with the regular deverbal nouns. For example, muyaltal ‘trying and muyaRci ‘effort’ are

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considered by them as same type of deverbal nouns. But the following illustration indicates that

both the types of deverbal nouns cannot be considered parallels.

kuzhantai ndaTakka muyalutalaik kaNTeen

child walk_INF trying_NOM_ACC see_PAST_PNG

‘I saw the child is trying to walk’

*kuzhantai ndaTakka muyaRciyaik kaNteen

Individual difference between the three suffixes

Though all the three regular deverbal nominalizers do not distort the verbal meaning of

the source verb, difference can be seen between them in their preference of occurrence.

1. The al-nominals are found to occur in combination with the auxiliary verb form aam

which is deduced from aakum, the um suffixed form of the verb aaku `become'. This

combination expresses the modalities of (i) circumstantial and conjectural possibility,

(ii) permission, (iii) hortative, and (iv) suggestion (Lehman, 1989:215-216).

Examples:

ndiingkaL moTTai maatiyil eeRalaam

`You can go up to the terrace'

kumaar ippootu tuungkalaam

`Kumar may sleep now'

ndiingkaL itai ellaam caappiTalaam

`You (pl) can eat this'

vaarungkaL pookalaam

`Come, let us go'

kumaar oru vakkiilaip paarkkalaam

`Kumar could contact a lawyer'

2. In the higher variety of Tamil al-nominals can be followed by the fully inflected

forms of aaku. uRu `happen' can substitute aaku sometimes.

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kumaar ingku varal aakum

`Kumar may come here'

kamalaa urattu peecalaanaaL

`Kamala started talking loudly'

avaL urattu peecaluRRaaL

`She started talking loudly'

3. kai-nominals generally occur as complements to the locative il as found in the

following examples:

avaL tuungkukaiyil avan avaLaip paarttaan

`He saw her while she was sleeping'

avaL marattil eeRukaiyil kiizhee vizhuntu viTTaaL

`She fell down while climbing the tree'

As we are more concerned with the lexicalization and productivity of the deverbal nominalizers,

importance will be given to these processes rather than dwelling on the difference between the

deverbal nominals of the suffixes. Each suffix will be taken separately and their productivity and

lexicalization will be dealt with from the synchronic and diachronic point of views.

Lexicalization of deverbal nominals the three suffixes

The lexicalization of these three suffixal morphemes can be studied from the diachronic

and synchronic point of view. As we noted already, Kamaleswaran has made one such attempt

taking a rich source of data from sangam and post-sangam literature. Though he has compared

his data with the data from modern Tamil, he has not looked at this process of formation of

nouns from verbs from the point of view of productivity and lexicalization. Here, as we stated

already importance will be given to the two sides of the process of nominal derivation from

verbs, productivity and lexicalization. We have noted in the foregone passages that tal, al and

kai can be used in their generally expected action based nominal sense productively. So here

under this heading we are going to explore the trends in the lexicalization of the nominlas formed

by these productive suffixes taking into account the data from the newly produced popular

dictionary, KTTA and also the glossary of technical terms in Tamil prepared by Tamil

University abbreviated elsewhere as AKA.

Nominalization by tal

While talking about the suffix tal ~ -ttal Kamaleswaran (1984:414) makes the following

observation: "These two suffixes are not used as derivative suffixes to form nouns in sangam and

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post sangam periods. Not even a single clear instance of occurrence of a form with this suffix is

available from sangam texts. In post-sangam period, forms with this suffix are found in

nighantus and dictionaries." According to Kamaleswaran (1974) tal/ttal suffixed forms of the

verbs are used as citation forms for representing the respective verbs. It seems this practice is

found in uriyial (i.e. the dictionary part) of Tolkaappiyam too (for example, as found in

cuuttiram 300: ooytal, aaytal, ndizhattal). He points out the availability of the following

derivative nouns in Modern Tamil:

Verbs Derived nouns

maaRu `change' maaRutal `change'

aaRu `become cool' aaRutal `consolation'

teeRu `improve' teeRutal `consolation'

paRRu `catch' paRRutal `attachment'

oppu `accept' opputal `acceptance'

taakku `attack' taakutal `attack'

veeNTu `pray' veeNTutal `prayer'

tuuNTu `instigate' tuuNTutal `instigation'

teer `elect' teertal `election'

keTu `become spoiled' keTutal `harm, injury'

vaku `devide' vakuttal `division'

kazhi `subtract' kazhittal `subtraction'

He also observes that some of these nouns have different corresponding nouns in the earlier stage

of the language. He cites the following as examples:

Verbs Earlier forms Modern forms

maaRu `change' maaRRam maaRutal

teeRu `be consoled' teeRRam teeRutal

keeTu `be harmful' keeTu keTutal

viTu `release' viiTu viTu

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KTTA attested only 16 deverbal nouns derived by the suffixation of tal/ttal as they are

lexicalized semantically adapting some idiosyncrasy in their meaning form the generally

expected verbal noun meaning; out of these, 16 are formed by the suffixation of tal and 3 are

formed by the suffixation of ttal. Out of the 13 tal suffixed deverbal nouns 11 are derived from

the verbs of the conjugation class 3 and one in each is from the verbs of the conjugation classes

2 and 1. ttal suffixed forms are form the verbs of the conjugation class 6. All these statistics

about the lexicalization of tal/ttal does not reflect much except the fact that lexicalization of the

nouns derived form this nominalizer is an on going process and they form the rich resource for

the formation of lexicalized nouns whenever a need arises.

A look at AKA will stand as a testimony to the fact mentioned in the last line of the

previous paragraph. The following are a few excerpts from this monumental work:

Verbs Derived nouns

oRRu `blot' oRRutal `absorption'

menmaiyaakku`become soft' menmaiyaakkutal`annealing'

meli `become lean' melital `attenuation'

caman cey `balance' caman ceytal `balancing'

akazh `excavate' akazhtal `excavation'

tal is one of the three regular nominalizers which form deverbal nouns when added to non-

relativized verb stems which are unmarked for tense/negative. Distinction can be made between

regular tal and irregular tal. The regular tal shows regularity in morphological, syntactic and

semantic levels. The regular tal is a productive nominalizer, i.e. capable of forming deverbal

nouns with any class of verbs. The irregular tal do not show regularity in morphological,

syntactic, and semantic levels and is not a productive suffix. The regular nominalization on non-

relativized verb stems by suffixing -tal which alternates with ttal can be captuted by the

following wordformation rule

[V + tal] [V -tal] N

kiiRu ‘scratch’ + tal kiiRu-tal ‘scratching’

camay ‘cook’ + ttal camay-ttal ‘cooking’

As noted already, tal and ttal are related suffixes whose distribution can be morphologically

conditioned . tal occurs with weak verbs and ttal occurs with strong verbs. The following

table shows the distribution of these suffixes.

Suffixes Distribution Examples

135

tal occurs with weak verbs ndootal ‘paining’

viTutal ‘release’

ttal occurs with strong verbs

kazittal‘subtraction’

veTittal ‘cracking’

There is a contention (Ambedkar, 1998:65,66) regarding the distribution of tal and ttal. It is

claimed that these are distributed in such a way that tal occurs with intransitive verbs and ttal

occurs with transitive verbs. The following table shows a sample of deverbal noun formation

using tal and ttal.

Verb tal form ttal form

aaRu ‘cool aaRutal (Intr) ‘consolation’ *aaRuttal (Tr.)

pey ‘raining’ peytal (Intr.) ‘raining’ *peyttal (Tr.)

mey ‘true’ *meytal (Tr.) meyttal (Intr.) ‘truth’

ndoti ‘ferment’ *ndotital (Tr.) ndotittal (Intr.) ‘fermenting’

It can be inferred from the above table that the distribution of tal and ttal does not dependent on

the diversity of source verbs into transitive and intransitive. The phonological conditioning is

not possible as both tal and ttal occur with some homophonous forms.

Difference between regular and irregular tal-nominalizations in the morphophonemic

make up of the resultant deverbal nouns

Distinction should be drawn between regular tal suffix which forms deverbal nouns

which carry with them the verbal meaning and irregular tal suffix which show idiosyncrasy.

The irregular tal and ttal have undergone phonological change before palatalizing

vowels/consonants resulting in the palatalization of the tal and ttal into cal and ccal respectively.

The following table will exemplify the two different process involved in the formation of regular

and irregular deverbal nouns.

Verbs Suffixes Resultant DVN Comments

alai

‘wander’

tal (regular) alaital ‘act of

wandering’

the regular tal is not

palatalized

alai

‘wander’

ttal>ccal (irregular) alaiccal ‘trouble caused

by hectic moving’

the irregular ttal is

palatalized to ccal

paay ‘leap’ tal (regular) paaytal ‘leaping’ the regular tal is not

palatalized

paay ‘leap’ ttal>ccal (irregular) paayccal ‘gallop’ the irregular ttal is

palatalized to ccal

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Difference between lexicalized tal-nominals and regular tal-nominals in pluralization,

adjectivalization and adverbialization

Lexicalized tal-nominals can be pluralized by kaL and adjectivalized by aana and

adverbialized by aaka, where as the regular tal-nominals cannot be pluralized by kaL and

adjectivalized by aana adverbialized by aaka.

aaRutal 'consolation'

aaRutalkaL 'consolations'

aaRutlaana 'consoling'

aaRutalaaka 'consolingly'

inittal 'being sweet'

*inittalkaL

inittalaana

inittalaaka

Use of tal-clause as subject of predicative noun

The tal-nominal clauses have the tendency to occur as subject of equative sentences in

which a noun occupies the predicate position.

kaalaiyil ezhuntu kuLittal aarookkiyattukku ndallatu

Morning_LOC wake_PPAR bathing health_DAT good

‘It is good for health to take bath in the morning’

Lexicalization of the tal-nominals

In Modern Tamil tal suffixed deverbal nouns are lexicalized at the semantic level as they

show some sort of idiosyncrasy in the resultant meaning. The table shows the illustration.

Verb stem Suffix Resultant form

aaRu ‘cool’ tal aaRutal ‘consolation’

maaRu ‘change’ tal maaRutal ‘change’

taakku ‘attack’ tal taakkutal ‘attack’

keTu ‘spoil’ tal keTutal ‘harm’

Tendency to use the already established nominal form by tal suffixed Nouns

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There is a tendency to use the tal-nominlas in the place of already established nominal

forms.

Verb Earlier forms Modern forms

maaRu ‘change’ maaRRam ‘change’ maaRutal ‘change’

teeRu ‘console’ teeRRam ‘console’ teeRutal ‘consolation’

keTu ‘spoil’ keeTu ‘harmful’ keTutal ‘harm’

The above examples show the tendency to use tal in the place of already used nominalizer.

Duality in the meaning expressed by tal nominalization

Due to lexicalization some of the tal suffixed forms show idiosyncrasy in the lexicalized

meaning along with their non-lexicalized verbal meaning of the source verb. Due to this

tendency to get lexicalized, there exist two types of meaning for some tal-nominals: (1) the

regular verbal meaning and (2) the idiosyncratic specialized meaning.

ex.

maaRutal 'changing'

maaRutal 'difference'

Nominalization by al

As we noted already, Kamaleswaran (1974:502-516) distinguishes two functions for the

suffix -al, the formation of verbal nouns and the derivative nouns. According to him the sangam

forms tolzhal `the act of worshiping' and varal `the act of coming' vinaval `the act of asking' are

verbal noun formations, whereas, the formations such as ceyal `deed', aaTal `dance', etc are

derivative nouns. He also cites the sangam derivative kaaval `protection' and post-sangam taiyal

`stitching'. He notes down that -al is used both as a verbal and derivative suffix form the

classical period and this shows how a verbal noun suffix came to be used as a derivative suffix.

Based on KTTA the lexicalized nominal forms of the suffixal morpheme -al (al ~ -kal ~

kkal) are 119 out of possible 3012 forms, that is 3.39% of the possible forms. Out of 119

lexicalized nouns, 116 are -al suffixed forms, 1 is -kal suffixed form and 2 are -kkal suffixed

forms. We can tentatively infer from this data that -al suffixed forms are liable to be lexicalized

more than -kal and -kkal suffixed forms. It can also be inferred that these lexicalized nouns are

derived more from the conjugation class 3rd (i.e 100 forms) which is followed by the

conjugation class 2nd (i.e 9 forms) and next by 6th conjugation class (i.e. 6 forms). Percentage

vice also 3rd conjugation tops the list in the formation of the verbal nouns from -al suffixal

morpheme. Kamaleswaran (1974:507) also observes that more than hundred nouns are found in

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Tamil lexicon from this conjugation class [his 5th conjugation = our 3rd conjugation] and most

of them seem to be verbal nouns.

The direction of meaning of lexicalization is difficult to predict. Generally speaking, the

lexicalized forms of this suffixal morpheme are abstract nouns and they find their way into the

dictionary due to the idiosyncrasy in their meaning which is different from the normally

expected deverbal nominal meaning. The following instances can be noticed:

1. The lexicalized noun could be the resultant of the action of the verb as found in the

following example:

Verbs Derived nouns

ataTTu `instruct' ataTTal `instruction'

alaRu `cry loudly' alaRal `loud cry'

uRumu `roar' uRumal `roar'

kiiRu `scratch' kiiRal `scratch'

2. There are a few instances of formation of concrete nouns also as exemplified below:

Verbs Derived nouns

uutu `blow' uutal `whistle'

tuvai `become soft' tuvaiyal `a kind of relish'

pori `fry' poriyal `fried vegetables'

pongku `boil' pongkal `a rice dish seasoned with pepper'

al nominlas could be rich source for the formation of technical terms for Tamil. The following

examples are from AKA:

Verbs Derived nouns

uTceruku `insert' uTcerukal `laminate'

karuvuRu `fertilize' karuvuRal `fertilization'

ndiRuvu `install' ndiRuval `installation'

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curungku `shrink' curungkal `contractile'

Distinction between reugal and irregular al-nominalizations

Distinction has to be made between the nominalization by regular al and the

nominalization by irregular al. They show differences in their morphological, syntactic and

semantic properties. As noted already regular al suffixation is an argument structure preserving

nominalization, whereas the irregular al suffixation is an argument structure deviating

nominalization. al alternates with kal and kkal. The distribution of them has been discussed

already. The following word formation rule will capture the formation of al nominals.

[V + al] [V- al] N

Verbs Suffixes Resultant Deverbal Nouns

kiiRu‘scratch’ al kiiR-al ‘scratching’

camay ‘cook’ kkal camay-kk-al ‘cooking’

Difference between regular and irregular al-nominalization in the morphophonemic make

up of the resultant deverbal Nouns

The regular and productive al is different from unproductive and irregular al (which is

listed under irregular nominalizers along with ppu, etc.) in their morphological formation. The

following table will illustrate this point.

Verbs Suffixes Resultant DVNs Comments

cey ‘do’ al (regular) ceyyal ‘act of doing’ The regular al causes gemmination

of preceding y

cey ‘do’ al (irregular) ceyal ‘deed’ The irregular al does not cause

gemmination of the preceding y

camai

‘cook’

al (regular) camaikkal ‘act of

cooking’

The regular al accepts inflectional

increment kk before it

camai

‘cook’

al (irregular) camaiyal ‘cooking’ The irregular al does not accept

inflectional increment kk before it

The forms such ceyyal ‘the act of doing’ and camaikkal ‘the act of cooking’ are to be considered

as resultants of regular nominalization; the forms such as ceyal ‘deed’ and camaiyal ‘cooking’

are to be considered as resultants of irregular nominalization. It can be inferred that the resultant

of regular al-nominalization is a verbal noun which is regular in its morphological formation and

carries verbal meaning with it. The resultant noun of irregular al-nominalization is idiosyncratic

in its morphological formation and expresses specific or unpredictable meaning. Similarly

kaakkal ‘the act of protection’ is a regular formation, whereas kaaval ‘security’ is an irregular

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formation; taikkal ‘act of stitching’ is a regular formation, whereas taiyal ‘stitch’ is an irregular

formation. As al is used both as a regular nominal suffix (verbal noun suffix) and irregular

nominal suffix (derivative suffix), the distinction in the two types of word formation i.e.

nominalizaion is lost or not taken into account.

Difference between regular and irregular al-nominals in number and case inflections

The nominals resulted from al-nominalization of irregular type is capable of taking

number and case inflections, whereas nominals resulted from al-nominalization of regular type

do not take number and case suffix.

avaL ceyalkaL enakkup piTikkavillai

her deeds I_DAT like_not

'I don't like her deeds'

avaL ceyalai ndaan kaNTitteen

'I rebuked her deed'

*avaL ceyyalkaL enakkup piTikkum

*avaL ceyyalaik kaNTitteen

ndaan kuRukal-aana vaziyil cenReen

I narrow_ADJ path_LOC go_ PAST_PNG

‘I went through the short-cut’

Occurrence of al-nominals along with nominal forms of pronouns and adverbs

The regular deverbal nouns formed by al can be prededed by nominal forms of

pronouns (which fuction as subject) and can be attributed by adverbs. The deverbal nouns of

irregular al when preceded by nominal forms of pronouns, or by an adverb become

ungrammatical; however they can be readily modified by an attribute (adjective, possessive

pronoun).

ndii taikkal-aam ‘you may stitch’

*ndii taiyal

un taiyal 'your stitch'

ndanRaaka taikkal-aam ‘one may stitch well’

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*ndanRaaka taiyal

ndalla taiyal ‘good stitching’

In sentence given above the deverbal noun taikkal is a resultant formation of regular

nominalization by al, and taiyal is a resultant formation of irregular nominalization by al. It can

be inferred from the above examples that the deverbal nouns of irregular al suffixation lose the

verbal characteristics of source verbs, whereas the deverbal nouns of regular al-nominalization

do not lose the verbal characteristics of the source verbs. The following illustration also justify

in differentiating regular al-nominalization from irregular al-nominalization..

ndii alaTTal aakaatu (regular al-nominalization )

you should not exert your body’

*un alaTTal aakaatu

un alaTTal enakkuppiTikkavillai (irregular al-nominalization)

‘I don’t like your exuberance’

*nii alaTTal enakkup piTikkavillai (irregular al-nominalization)

alaTTal in the first sentence is a product of regular al-nominalization and so it carries with it the

syntactic and semantic characteristics of the source verb, whereas alaTTal in the second

sentence is as a product of irregular al-nominalization and so it is idiosyncratic and is different

from the syntactic and semantic characteristics of source verb.

Occurrence of regular al-nominals before auxiliary verbs aaku, veeNTum, etc.

Deverbal nouns formed by regular al suffixation occur in compound verb constructions

before the auxiliary verb aaku which expresses the inceptive aspect.

umaa kuuTTattil peecal aanaaL

Uma meeting_LOC speak_NOM. become_PAST_PNG

‘Uma started speaking at the meeting’

The modal auxiliary verb, veeNTum ‘want’ can also occur after regular al-nominals

umaa varal veeNTum

Uma come_NOM want_FUT

‘Uma must come’

ndii pooTTiyil ooTal veeNTum

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you contest_LOC run_NOM want_FUT.

‘You must run in the contest’

Difference between resultant meanings of nominalization by regular al and irregular al

Distinction can be made between regular al-nominalization which inherits the syntactic

and semantic behaviour of the source verb and irregular al-nominalization which are

idiosyncratic in their morphological, syntactic and semantic behaviour. The following table will

illustrate these points.

Verb Regular al-

nominalization

Irregular al-

nominalization

Comments

kaa kaakkal

‘protecting’

kaaval

‘protection’

The suffix of the regular form is kkal

whereas

irregular form is al

peru ‘to

spread’

perukal

'spreading'

perukkal

‘multiplication’

The suffix of the regular form is kal

whereas the irregular form is kkal

Nominalization by kai

The third sub type of regular nominalization on non-relativized verb stem is by suffixing

kai which alternates with kkai (see 2.4.1.2.5).

[V + kai] [V -kai] N

kiiRu ‘scratch’ + kai > kiiRukai ‘act of scratching’

camay ‘cook’ + kkai > camaykkai ‘act of cooking’

kkai occurs with strong verbs and kai occurs with weak verbs. The following table will

exemplify their distribution.

Alternant forms of kai Distributions Examples

kai occurs with weak verbs (of

conjugation classes

1.2.3.4.5)

azukai ‘act of crying’ tozukai

‘act of worshipping’

kkai occurs with strong

verbs(verbs of conjugation

classes 6 & 7)

paTukkai ‘act of lying down’

naTakkai ‘act of walking’

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The following observation has been made by Kamaleswaran (1974:352): "It is an

unproductive suffix both in sangam period and in post-sangam period. Only fourteen forms are

found with this suffix in both the periods. Twelve verbs of weak class and two verbs of strong

class derive nouns with this suffix. Sangam has seven forms and post-sangam seven forms."

The following forms are quoted by him:

Verbs Derived Nouns

cey `do' ceykai `act, deed'

azhu `weep' azhukai `pathetic sentiment'

tozhu `worship' tozhukai `worshiping'

koL `take' koLkai `opinion, principle'

cel `go' celkai `influence'

ii `give' iikai `gift'

aar `eat' aarkai `eating'

tiri `turn' tirikai `potter's wheel'

varu `come' varukai `visit'

muRRu `siege' muRRukai `siege'

ndaTu `plant' ndaTukai `transplanting'

kaaN `see' kaaNkai `knowledge'

uva `feel happy uvakai `joy'

cee `become red' ceekai `redness'

This observation convinces us that the verbal nouns formed by the addition of suffixal morpheme

kai started undergoing lexicalization even from sangam period.

There are only 15 instances of the deverbal nouns formed by the addition of kai suffixal

morpheme in KTTA; out of which 8 are kai suffixed forms and 7 are kkai suffixed forms. As per

norms kai suffixed verbal nouns are expected from the verbs belonging to the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th

and 5th conjugation classes and kkai suffixed verbal nouns are expected form the verbs of

conjugation classes of 6th and 7th. But contrary to our expectation uvakai `delight', ndaTikai

`actress' and racikai `female fan' which are derived from the verbs uva `enjoy', ndaTi `act' and

raci `appreciate' belong to the conjugation class 7; according to the morphophonemic rules, the

expected kai-nominals of the above mentioned three verbs are uvakkai, ndaTikkai, and racikkai

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respectively. We are left with three options about the duality in the derivation of these kai-

nominals; the first could be to take them as exceptions; the second could be to take them as

analogical creations in line with the same types of forms of the conjugations classes 1st, 2nd,

3rd, 4th and 5th; the third is to assume that the nominalizer kai which is found in lexicalized

nominals such as uvakai, ndaTikai, and racikai as different from the kai which is found in

nominals such as uvakkai, ndaTikkai and racikkai. The availability of the deverbal nominals like

ndaTikan `actor' and racikan `male fan' prompt us to posit kai as a suffix denoting female person

as against the suffix, kan, denoting the male person. The availability of the exceptional form

uvakai prompt us to posit a third suffix kai which is different from the regular deverbal

nominalizer kai and the suffix kai denoting the female person. A brief glance at the Tamil

newspapers, magazines, both of technical and non-technical types, etc. shows us that the kai-

nominals derived either regularly or irregularly could be a rich store house from which the terms

needed for expressing certain new concepts could be taken out at our will.

AKA shows us that kai-nominals are not exploited to an appreciable extent. Only stray

cases of kai-nominals are listed as technical terms in AKA. A few examples are given below:

Verbs Derived nouns

toTu `touch' toTukai `contactor'

taru `give' tarukai `input'

kuRukku `shorten' kuRukkai `latitude'

The difference between the nominalization by regular and irregular kai

The difference between nominalization by regular and irregular kai can be seen from

thier morphological, syntactic and semantic beahviour.

Difference in the morpho-phonological behaviour

The nominalization by the regular kai is different morphologically from the

nominalization by irregular kai. In the regular nominalization kai suffixed verbal nouns are

expected from the verbs belonging to the 1st, 2

nd, 3

rd, 4

th and 5

th conjugation classes and kkai

suffixed verbal nouns are expected from the verbs of conjugation classes and of 6th

and 7th

. But

contrary to our expectation uvakai ‘delight’, naTikai ‘actress’ and racikai ‘female fan’ which are

derived from the verbs uva ‘enjoy’, naTi ‘act’ and raci ‘appreciate’ belong to the conjugation

classes 6th and 7th. If they are formed by regular conjugation patterns they should have been

uvakkai, naTikkai and racikkai respectively.

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Verb Nominalizer Regular

Nominalization

Irregular

Nominalization

vaazh ‘live’ kai /kkai vaazkai ‘act of

living’

vaazhkkai 'life'

uva 'feel happy' kai/kkai vuakkai ‘act

of enjoying’

uvakai ‘happiness’

naTi 'act' kai/kkai naTikkai ‘acting’ naTikai ‘actress’

raci 'appreciate' kai/kkai racikkai act of

appreciating’

racikai‘female

fan’

The above table illustrates that nominalization by regular kai is different from nominalization by

irregular kai. So we have to distinguish between two types of kai suffixes, one is regular and the

other is irregular.

Difference in the syntactic behaviour

Deverbal noun clauses containing nouns formed by kai suffix take the locative case suffix

il in most of their occurrence. These clauses carrying locative il function as temporal adverbial

clause expressing the occurrence of the action denoted by the embedded verb (which is in

nominalized form) along with the action denoted by the matrix verb.

kaNNan paaTukaiyil umaa ndaTanam aaTinaaL

Kannan sing_NOM_LOC Uma dance dance_PAST_PNG

‘While Kannan was singing, Uma was dancing’

Regular kai-nominals generally occur as complements to the locative il.

umaa tuunkukaiyil kaNNan avaLaip paarttaan

Uma sleep_NOM_LOC Kannan she_ACC see_PAST_PNG

‘Kannan saw her while Uma was sleeping’

Difference in the semantic behaviour

Distinction should be drawn between regular kai suffix which forms deverbal nouns

which carries with it the verbal meaning even after nominalization and irregular kai suffix which

form deverbal nouns which are idiosyncratic in their meaning and morphological formation. the

following table will illustrate the issue.

Verb Regular kai-

nominals

Irregular kai-

nominals

Comments

146

uva ‘to

become

happy'

uvakkai ‘act of

becoming

happy'

uvakai

‘happiness’

Though vaazhkai and vaazhkkai

denotes abstract sense uvakkai is the

action nominal of uva and uvakai is

the specific nominal of uva carrying

some amount of idiosyncracy in its

meaning.

vaazh ‘to

live’

vaazkai ‘living’ vaazkkai ‘life’ vaazhkai is the action nominal of

vaazh and vaazhkkai is the specific

nominal of vaazh having some amount

of idiosyncracy in meaning.

ndaTi 'to

act'

ndaTikkai

‘acting’

ndaTikai‘actress’ ndaTikkai is the action nominal of

ndaTi and ndTikai is a concrete

nominal of ndaTi.

raci 'to

appreciate'

racikkai

'appciating'

racikai 'fan' racikkai is the action nominal of raci

and racikai is a concrete nominal of

raci.

Typology of nominalization based on semantics of deverbal nouns

The semantics of nominalization by irregular suffixes is complex. The verbs select the

suffixes according to its requirements. The semantics of nominalization can be captured by the

following three possibilities.

1. The derived output will have all the semantic senses (listed by Lyons:1983) of the

stems. In other words, they are systematically like verbs in their argument taking

capacities.

2. Alternatively, the derived output will have some of the senses of the stem.

3. Contrastively, the derived output will have an unpredictable senses divorced from the

senses of the stems. It is known as idiosyncrasy.

The first possibility is attributed to the regular set of suffixes al, tal and kai The second and third

alternatives are attributed to the irregular set of suffixes. The nominalization by irregular

suffixes can be considered as nominalization at the lexical level as the resultant verbal nouns do

not possess the characteristic features of the source verbs such as the number of arguments they

take and their configuration pattern.

Comrie et al (1985) classify the nominalization based on the name of the activity or state

and the name of the arguement denoted by the resultant nominals. Their classification is given

below with suitable examples from Tamil.

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A. Name of the activity or state

1. action/state nouns

ex.

uruvaaku 'create' + am > uruvaakkam 'creation'

eemaaRu 'be deceived' + am > eemaaRRam 'deception'

B. Name of an argument

2. agentive nouns

ex.

tiruTu 'steal' + an > tiruTan 'thief'

3. instrumental nouns

ex.

veTTu 'cut' + i > veTTi 'cutter'

tuTai 'wipe' + ppam > tuTaippam 'broom'

4. manner nouns

ex.

ndaTa 'walk' + ai > ndaTai 'way of walking'

uTu 'dress' + ai > uTai 'way of dressing'

5. locative nouns

ex.

iru 'sit' + kai > irukkai 'seat'

paTu 'lie' + kai > paTukkai 'bed'

6. objective nouns

ex.

paaTu 'sing' > paaTTu 'song'

ndinnai 'thing' + vu > ndinaivu 'thought'

col 'tell' > col 'word'

7. reson nouns (this type of nominalization by suffixation is not found in Tamil)

In some of the recent theories on word formation (for example, Beard 1993), the deverbal

nouns are interpreted as representing various semantic roles, to account for imminent morpho-

semantic asymmetry (besides, various types of complements a verb takes as specified in its

argument structure).

Role Oriented Nominalizations

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Following Fillmorean theory of case Beard (1993) attribute different semantic roles to

derivative nouns. These are established in different ways. The following are the most prominent

semantic roles established on derived nouns.

1. Action nominals

2. Factitive nominals/Resultative nominals

3. Locative nominals

4. Abstract nominals

5. Theme nominals

6. Agentive/Instrumental nominals

Accordingly the process of nominalization can be envisaged as follows:

1. Action nominalization

2. Factitive nominalization

3. Locative nominalization

4. Abstract nominalization

5. Theme nominalization

6. Agentive or Instrument nominalization

Action Nominalization

The dynamic situation under the control of an agent is an action, and its nouns are action

nouns. Nominalization which results in action nominals can be referred as action

nominalization.

ooTu ‘run’ + am > ooTTam ‘running; current; flow’

tiruppu 'turn' + am > tiruppam 'turning; changing'

tiRa 'open' + ppu > tiRappu 'opening'

cey 'do' + kai > ceykai 'act; action'

Factitive Nominalization

149

A process or event produced by a cause is a factitive situation, and the corresponding

deverbal nouns are factitive nouns. Nominalization which results in factitive nominals can be

said as factitive nominalization.

aaku ‘form’ + am > aakkam ‘formation’

camai ‘cook’ + al > camaiyal ‘dish’

tozhu 'pray' + kai > tozhukai 'prayer'

tayangku 'hesitate' + am > tayakkam 'hesitation'

Locative Nominalization

Any point in the motion is a locative, and their corresponding nouns are locative nouns.

Nominalization which gives out locative nouns are called locative noun formation or locative

nominalization.

ndil ‘stand’ + ai > ndilai ‘standing position’

aNuku ‘approach’ + am > aNukkam ‘closeness; proximity’

kiTa 'be in place' + ai > kiTai 'place;point'

aNTu 'go near' + ai > aNTai 'nearness; proximity'

Abstract Nominalization

A situation that is conceived of as existing, rather than happening is an abstract situation

and their corresponding nouns are abstract nouns. Nominalization which brings out abstract

nouns are called abstract noun formation or abstract nominalization.

coompu 'be indolent' + al > coompal 'tiredness; laziness'

veTku ‘become shy’ + am > veTkam ‘shyness’

alu ‘become tired’ + ppu > aluppu ‘tiredness’

eengku 'long' + am > eekkam 'languish'

Theme Nominalization

An entity undergoing motion or in a certain state is under theme and the corresponding

nouns are theme nouns. Nominalization which results in theme nouns are referred as theme

nominalization.

peRu ‘withdraw’ + tal > peRutal ‘withdrawal’

150

cel 'go' + vu > cekavu 'expenditure'

vaa 'come' + vu > varavu 'income'

pakir 'distribute' + vu > pakirvu 'distribution'

Agentive/Instrumental Nominalization

Agentive and the Instrumental nouns are self explanatory in nature. The nominalization

which results in agentive or instrumental noun is referred as agentive or instrumental

nominalization.

col ‘tell’ + i > colli ‘teller’

ndoRukku ‘crush’ + i > ndoRukki ‘crusher’

makai 'amplify' + ppi > mikaippi ' amplifier'

aLa 'measure' + vi > aLavi 'meter'

The following table will show the type of verb stems, the suffixes and the resultant nouns

and their corresponding semantic roles which can be established for Tamil.

Verb stem Suffix Resultant Noun Semanti role

ooTu 'run' am ooTTam 'running' Action Noun

vaLar 'grow' cci vaLarcci 'growth' Action Noun

azhi 'desroy' vu azhivu 'destruction' Action Nouns

ndiRu ‘weigh’ ia ndiRai 'weight' Factitive Noun

viinku ‘swell’ am viikkam ‘swelling’ Factive Noun

aakku 'create' al aakkal 'creation' Factitive Noun

iru 'sit' kai irukkai 'seat' Locative Noun

paTu 'lie down' kai paTukkai 'bed' Locative Noun

aNTu 'go near' ai aNTai 'nearness' Locative Noun

coompu 'be indolent' al coompal 'laziness' Abstract Noun

ayar 'be tired' cci ayarcci 'tiredness' Abstract Noun

151

veTku 'be shy' am veTkam 'shyness' Abstract Noun

cel 'go' vu celavu 'expenditure' Theme Noun

vaa 'come' vu varavu 'income' Theme Noun

vil 'sell' ai vilai Theme Noun

tiruTu 'steal' an tiruTan 'thief' Agent Noun

aLa 'measure' vi aLavi 'meter' Instrument Noun

iNai 'join' ppi iNaippi 'couplant' Instrument Noun

Unpredictability in the Role Oriented Nominalization

The table shows that a single suffix exhibit many semantic roles and many suffixes

exhibit a single semantic role. It can be interpreted that there is no one-to-one correspondence

between the suffixes and the semantic roles established by the deverbal nouns. Also a single

verb can form deverbal nouns of different semantic roles. Thus it is not possible to predict the

semantic roles of deverbal nouns from the meanings of source verbs for irregular deverbal nouns.

The morphological and semantic irregularity is reflected in the syntactic properties of the

irregular type of nominalization.

5.3.2 Nominalization on Relativized Verb Stems

It has been discussed already that there are two types of stems involved in

nominalization, non-relativized stems and relativized stems. The relativized stems are of the

following structure:

Verb+Tense/Negative+Relative Participle marker

The relativized stems can be categorically listed as adjectives as they can modify a noun which

follows. As the relativized stems are in adjectival form, they are capable of being nominalized

either by nouns or by nominal suffixes. There are two sets of suffixal nominalizers which

nominalize a relativized nouns:

1. The gerundial nominalizer atu capable of converting the relativized stem into a noun

which is an abstraction of the entire action, there by nominalizing the entire clause

2. The nominalizer mai capable of converting the relativized stem into a noun which is an

abstraction of the entire action, there by nominalizing the entire cluase. The

nominalization by mai on negative stem is different from that of nominalization by atu on

negative stems.

152

3. The pronominalizers such as avan, avaL, avar, atu and avai which when added to the

relativized stem are capable of converting the entire clause into a noun which may or

may not be in argument relation with the relativized verb.

5.3.2.1 Nominalization on relativized stems by atu

The atu nominals are formed by adding atu to the realtivized verb stems carrying tense or

negative suffix.

Verb + Tense/Negative + RP + atu Verb - Tense/ Negative-RP- atu

As there are three tense suffixes and a negative suffix, there are four atu-nominals for each

verb. The atu nominals are more frequently used than the other deverbal nouns. They occur in

all NP positions and can take all case markers. The structure of the atu nominals is given below.

Past

Verb stem + Present + RP + atu

Future

Negative

Examples

ndaTi-tt-atu

act_PAST_NOM

‘The fact that x studied’

ndaTi-kiR-atu

act _PRES_ NOM.

‘The fact that x studies’

ndaTi- pp- atu

art_FUT_NOM

‘The fact that x will study’

ndaTi- kk-aat-atu

act _NEG_NOM

‘The fact that x did/does/will not study’

The following table shows the atu nominalization on the four different stems.

153

Verbs Nominalizaion

on Past stems

Nominalization

on Present

stem

Nominalization

on Future

stems

Nominalization on

Negative stems

ndaTi ‘act’ ndaTittatu

'the fact that x

studied'

ndaTikkiRatu

‘the fact that x

studies'

ndaTippatu

‘the fact that x

will study'

ndaTikkaatatu‘

'the fact that x will

not study’

paaTu‘sing’ paaTiyatu

‘the fact that x

sang'

paaTukiRatu

‘the fact x

sings’

paaTuvatu

‘the fact that x

will sing'

paaTaatatu

‘the fact that x

will not sing'

The nominalizer requires a tense suffix or negative suffix to precede it. When the nominalizer

atu is suffixed to tensed stems, it gives a specific time reference. Nevertheless, when the

nominalizer follows the negative suffix, aat, the time reference of the deverbal noun will be

either past or present depending on the context.

Nominal characteristics of atu nominals

The important characteristic of atu nominals which distinguishes it from ordinary nouns

is that it cannot be pluralized. The property that they can take all the case suffixes qualifies them

as nominals. The constraint on plural formation of atu nominals indicates that they still retain

their verbal characteristics.

oru moziyai peecuvataRku pazaka veeNum

one language_ACC speak_FUT_ NOM_DAT practice_INF must

‘You have to practice to speak a language’.

In the above sentence, atu nominal peecuvatatu ‘conversing’ inflected for dative case gives

purposive sense when marked for dative case.

Complementizing nature of atu

The precondition for the suffixing of the nominalizer atu is that the verb must contain

tense/negative suffix and relative participle suffix a. That means nominalizer atu requires a

relative participial form (containing tense/negative suffix) to accommodate it. The nominalizer

atu is identified as a functional head on the assumption that complement selection is a property

of the functional categories. So the nominalizer atu can be categorized as a noun and the atu

nominal can be represented in a tree as follows:

154

NP

______|_______

| |

S NP

______|________ |

| | |

NP VP Infl N

| |

V atu

+Tense/ Negative

+Relative Participle

-AGR

Distinction between atu and tal as nominalization

atu nominals are comparable to tal nominals. There are four atu-nominals for each verb

as atu is added to the tense/negative suffixed verbal stems, where as there is only one tal-

nominal for each verb.

atu nominals

ndaTi-tt-atu

act_PAST_NOM

'the fact that X acted'

ndaTi-kkiR-atu

act_PRES_NOM

'the fact that X acts'

ndaTi-pp-atu

act_FUT_NOM

'the fact that X will act'

tal nominals

ndaTi-ttal

act-nom

155

‘acting’

The suffix tal, unlike atu is suffixed directly to the verb stem and not through tense

suffix/negative suffix. The resultant tal nominal indicates universal application or generic

meaning with no specific time reference. Hence tal nominal naTittal ‘acting’ differs from atu

nominal naTikkiRatu ‘acting’ as the former denotes a universal act, but the latter expresses the

present time. The latter may also imply universal habitual act as the present tense suffix gives

universal or habitual interpretation. The tal nominals are not common in Modern Tamil.

Paramasivam (1972) points out that they have been replaced by atu nominals. Further, they have

the syntactic behaviour similar to atu nominals, though the former do not indicate tense/negation.

Distinction between nominalizer atu and agreement atu.

The surface form atu has three distinct forms which are grammatically different. The

following tree diagram will depict the three distinct forms of atu.

atu

________|_______

| |

Nominalizer atu

________|_____

| |

atu atu Agreement

Gerundializer Pronominalizer

The differnces between them are explained below with examples.

1. The first first type of atu nominalize (i.e. objectivize) the whole clause; this atu can

be considered as a ‘pro-sententializer’ (in line with pronominalizer). atu suffixed to

relativized verb stems function as a nominal suffix with the properties of a functional

head.

ndaan avan vandtataip paartteen

I it come_PAST_RP_NOM see_PAST_PNG

‘I saw that he was coming’

avan vandtatu enakkut teriyaatu

it come_PAST_RP_NOM I_DAT know_NEG

I do not know that he came’

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2. The second type of atu pronominalize the embedded clause; this atu is a

pronominalizer which is in argument relation with the relativized verb.

atu uTaindtau

that break_PAST_RP_NOM

'that is a broken one'

3. The third type of atu is an agreement marker. atu suffixed to the verb stems inflected

for tense/negative function as an agreement marker depicting the finite form of the verb.

atu uTaindtatu

it break_PAST_PNG

'It broke'

In the first two cases atu selects a relativized stem (marked for tense/negative). In spite of this

common property, the two forms of atu differ expressing two distinct contexts that are to be

characterized as two different functional forms having distinct syntactic properties.

ex.

avan taan kaTaiyil vaankinatai avaLiTam koTuttaan

he self shop_LOC buy_PAST_RP_PNG she_GOAL give_PAST_PNG

‘He gave her the things he bought from the shop’

avan taan kaTaiyil peenaa vaangkinatai avaLiTam connaan

he self shop_LOC pen buy_PAST_RP_NOM she_GOAL say_PAST_PNG

'He told her that he bought a pen'

The third person neuter singular agreement marker atu is homophonous with the pronominalizer

atu and abstract nominalizer atu. So the two types of atu-nominals are homophonous with third

person neuter singular forms showing lexical ambiguity.

atu neeRRu uTaintatu

it yesterday break_PAST_PNG

‘It broke yesterday’

atu neeRRu uTaindtatu

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that yesterday break_PAST_RP_PRONOM

'that was the one which broke yesteday'

atu neeRRu uTaindtatu

that yesterday break_PAST_RP_NOM

'the fact that it broke yesteday'

atu nominals can be inflected for case, such as accusative, dative, etc.

kaNNan kaTaiyil veelai ceyvatai umaa veRukkiRaaL

Kannan shop_LOC work do_ FUT_RP_NOM_ACC Uma dislike_PRES_PNG

‘Uma dislke Kannan working in a shop’

kaNNan umaavaip paarppataRkup poonaan

Kannan Uma_ACC see_FUT_RP_NOM_DAT go_PAST_PNG

'Kannan went to see Uma'

In the sentences given above, the objective case suffix added to the atu nominal ceyvatu indicates

the objective state of an action and the dative case suffixed to the atu nominal paarppatu

indicates purpose. Obviously, inflecting for case is not a property of agreement markers. Thus,

the nominalizer atu has to be distinguished from the agreement marker atu.

Distinction between atu and tal group of nominalizers

atu suffixed deverbal nouns carrying future tense can be equated with tal suffixed forms.

kaNNan kaTaiyil veelai ceyvatai umaa veRukkiRaaL

Kannan shop_LOC work do_FUT_RP_NOM Uma dislike_PRES_PNG

'Uma dislke Kannan working in a shop'

Kannan kaTayil ceytalai umaa veRukkiRaaL

Kannan shop_LOC do_NOM Uma dislike_PRES_PNG

'Uma dislke Kannan working in a shop'

kaalaiyil ezhundtu ndaTattal aarookkiyattukku nallatu

morning_LOC wake_PAST_PAR walk_NOM health_DAT good

158

'It is good for health to get up and walk in the morning'

kaalaiyil ezhundtu ndaTappatu aarookkiyattukku nallatu

morning_LOC wake_PAST_PAR walk_FUT_RP_NOM health_DAT good

'It is good for health to get up and walk in the morning'

The tal nominals ceytal and ndaTattal in the above mentioned sentences are usage of high

variety and only atu nominals are commonly used.

Occurrence of atu nominals in subject position

Both atu and tal nominalized clauses can occur as subject of equative type of sentences.

kaNNam ankee poonatu tappu

Kannan there go_PAST_RP_Nom. mistake

‘That Kannan went there was a mistake’

kannan ankee pootal tappu

Kannan there go_Nom. mistake

‘That Kannan go there is a mistake’

There is no difference between these two sentences, except that the atu nominal carries with it

tense marker. There is an occurrence where the predicate of a simple clause nominalized by atu

occupies the subject position of an equative sentence. The tal nominal cannot occupy this

position in certain contexts.

kannan paTippatu tamizhp puttakam

Kannan study_FUT_RP_NOM Tamil book

‘What Kannan studies is Tamil book’

kannan paTikkaatatu indti puttakam

Kannan study_NEG_RP_NOM Hindi book

‘What Kannan does not study is Hindi book’.

*kannan paTittal/paTikkai tamizhp puttakam

kannan study_NOM Tamil book

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However, tal nominals can occur as subject of equative sentence which expresses certain

universal truth.

kaalaiyil ezhuntu kuLittal aarookkiyattiRku ndallatu

‘It is good for health to get up and take bath early in the morning’

Occurrence of atu nominals in object position

atu nominal clauses marked for accusative case can occur as direct object. tal nominal

clause also occur in the object position with accusative case suffix.

kaNNan tiruccikkup poonatai umaa connaaL

Kannan Trichy_DAT go_PAST_RP_NOM_ACC Uma say_PAST_PNG

'Uma told the fact that Kannan went to Trichy'

kaNNan tiruccikkup pootalai umaa connaaL

Kannan Trichy_DAT go_Nom_ACC Uma say_PAST_PNG

'Uma told that Kannan is going to Trichy'

Annamalai (1972) notes that atu nominal clauses occurring as object arguments of the above

mentioned type of verbs are always interpreted as factitive complements, that is as true

propositions. The following example shows that a false or untrue proposition cannot be

embedded as nominalized clause.

*kaNNan tiruccikkup poonatai umaa connaaL, aanaal kaNNan pookavillai

Kannan Trichy_DAT go_Nom._ACC Uma say_PAST_PNG but Kannan go_INF_not

‘Uma told the fact that Kannan went to Trichy, but Kumaran didn’t go’

But with tal nominal clauses, the sentence is grammatical.

kaNNan tiruccikkup pootalai umaa connaaL, aanaal kaNNan pookavillai

Kannan Trichy_DAT go_NOM_ACC Uma say_PAST_PNG but Kannan go_INF_not.

‘Uma told the fact that Kannan goes to Trichy, but he didn’t go’

A number of factitive verbs such as maRa ‘forget’, takes an atu nominal clause as object

complement. On the other hand, a number of non-factitive verbs such as karutu ‘imagine’ and

poycollu ‘lie’ do not take atu nominal clause as object complement.. atu nominal clauses which

are marked for accusative case are however not restricted to occur as object arguments only.

160

They can occur also as verb complements to other types of verbs. In such cases, they are

inflected for the future tense and express an unrealized event (Annamalai:1972). But the tal

nominal clauses which are not inflected for tense are not preferred in this context, as these form

belong to higher variety of Tamil.

Occurrence of atu nominals with interrogative clitic aa

atu nominals occur in interrogative sentences marked by the interrogative clitic aa. The

tal nominals do not occur in this context.

inta mazhaiyil ndaan paLLikkup poovataa?

this rain_LOC. I school_DAT. go_FUT_NOM_INTR

‘Shall I go to school in this rain?

* inta mazhaiyil ndaan paLLikkup pootalaa?

this rain_LOC. I school_DAT. go_NOM

*inta mazhayil ndaan paLLikkup pookaiyaa?

this rain_LOC. I school_DAT. go_NOM

Occurrence of atu nominals with interrogative words enna, enkee, eppaTi etc.

atu nominals can occur in predicate position in interrogative sentences when preceded by

interrogative words such as enna ‘what’, enkee ‘where’, eppaTi ‘how’, etc. tal nominals do not

occur in this context.

ndaan enna ceyvatu

I what do_FUT_NOM

What shall I do?

*ndaan enna ceytal/ceyyal/cey kai

I what do_NOM

Occurrence atu nominals with the tag taanee

atu nominal clauses can occur with tag taanee. But tal nominal clauses cannot occur in

this context.

umaa colvatu taanee

Uma say_FUT_NOM EMPH

161

‘Uma should tell it, shouldn’t she’

‘Uma should have told it ,shouldn’t she’

*umaa collutal taanee

Uma say_NOM EMPH

‘Uma should tell it, shouldn’t she’.

Occurrence of atu nominals with postpositions

The noun phrase argument of a post positional phrase can also be occupied by atu

nominal clause. However, atu nominal clause cannot occur as NP argument of all post positions.

Only a restricted number of post positions take atu nominal clause as NP argument.

Occurrence of atu nominals with postposition uLLee

The postposition uLLee ‘within’ takes atu nominal clause marked for present/future

tense and dative case as argument to form a post positional phrase.

kaNNan poovatukkuLLee pas pooyviTTatu

Kannan go_FUT_NOM_DAT_INSIDE bus go_PAST_PNG

‘Before Kannan could reach, the bus had gone’

Occurrence of atu nominals with postpositions patil and patilaaka

The post positions patil 'instead of' and patilaaka ‘instead of’ take atu nominal clause

inflected for dative case to form post-positional phrase expressing the replacement of an

expected event by an unexpected event. tal nominal clauses do not occurs in this context.

umaa tirucci pascil eeRuvataRkup patilaaka tanjcaavuur pascil eeRinaaL

Uma Trichy bus_LOC get in_FUT_RP_NOM_DAT instead Thanjavur bus_LOC get

in_PAST_PNG

'Uma boraded the Trichi bus instead of Thanjavu bus'

*umaa tirucci pascil eeRutalukup patilaaka tanjcaavuur pascil eeRinaaL

Uma Trichy bus_LOC get in_NOM_DAT instead Thanjavur bus_LOC get

in_PAST_PNG

5.3.2.2 Nominalization by mai

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There are two types of nominaliztion by this nominalizer:

1. Nominalization on tense suffixed relative paticiple form

ex.

vantamai 'act of comming'

paTittamai 'act of studying'

2. Nominalization on negative suffixed verb stems which can be considered as a

negative relative participle form, though the form is not overtly marked for relative

participle..

varaamai 'act of not comming'

paTikkaamai 'act of not studying'

Nominalization by mai on postitive verb stems

Nominalizer mai added after the relativized forms of the past or present tensed verb stems

forms mai nominals which are equivalent to the atu nominals. The mai nominals with future

tensed realtivized form is not found. The use of mai nominals are found in classical Tamil and

their use in modern Tamil is very much restricted as the alterate atu nominals are avaliable at

hand. The formation of positive mai nominals can be given as follows:

Verb + Tense + RP + mai > [Verb-Tense-RP-mai] N

ex.

va+ndt+a+mai > vandtamai 'comming'

cel+nR+a+mai > cenRamai "going'

Nominaliztion by mai on neagtive verb stems

The negative mai nominals are formed by the addition of the nominalizer directly to the

negative stem. There is no overt relative participle marler. One can persume that the

nominalizer is added to the relativized stem which is not overtly marked in line with the

formation of positive mai nominals. It is also possible to presune that mai is added to the

negative stem direclty. According to the first presumption the relativized form, say for example.

aaRaata (<aaRu+aat+a) 'that which is not healed' has to be taken as being reduced to aaRaa to

which the nominalizer mai is added. One can also presume that the negative stem has the force of

realtivized stems. The formation of negative mai nominals can be represented by the following

rule.

163

Verb + Negative + (RP)+ mai > [Verb-Negative-(RP)-mai]N

ex.

ndil +aa +mai > nillamai 'act of not stading'

keeL + aa + mai > keeLaamai 'act of not listening'

One can take aamai as a complex negative nominalizer which is added to the verb stem.

ex.

cey + aamai > ceyyaamai 'act of not doing'

pooku + aamai > pookaamai 'act of not going'

Kamaleswaran (1974) has taken aamai as a combination of two morphemes, the negative

morpheme aa and the deverbal nominalizer mai. aamai can be taken as a single unit parallel to

the positive suffixal morpheme tal (ex. uNNutal 'eating' : uNNaamai 'not eating'). The following

forms are found in both sangam and post-sangam periods.

Verb Derived nouns

poRu `tolerate' poRaamai `envy, the act of not tolerating'

uN `eat' uNNaamai `the act of not eating'

kol `kill' kollaamai `the act of not killing'

cey `do' ceyyaamai `the act of not doing'

There are 6 instances of the nouns formed by this suffixal morpheme in KTTA. This number

shows that its susceptibility to lexicalization is low. All except the form poRaamai are derived

from the verbs of expected conjugation class 3. According to the regular morpho-phonemic

rules poRukkaamai should be the nominal from instead of poRaamai. This exceptional formation

could be attributed to the difference in the morpho-phonological behaviour of the irregular

nominalizer aamai against regular nominalizer aamai.

It appears from AKA that the nouns formed by the suffixal morpheme aamai are not

exploited much in the coining of technical terms. The following are the few examples found in

it.

Verbs Derived Nouns

kala `mix' kalavaamai `immixability'

ovvu `be suitable' ovvaamai `incompatibility'

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It has to be noted here that the noun kalavaamai is derived from the verb kala `mix' which

belongs to the 7th conjugation class and accordingly the deverbal noun form has to be

kalakkaamai rather than kalavaamai. This exceptional formation can be attributed to the

difference in the morpho-phonological behaviour the irregular nominalizer aamai from the

regular nominalizer aamai.

The nominalizer aamai which alternates with kaamai and kkaamai is a complex

nominalizer as it contains the negative marker aa followed by the nominalizer mai. aamai can

be treated as a single unit to accommodate the morpho-phonemic details which depend on verb

class.

[V + aa + mai] [V- aamai] N

kaaN ‘see’ + aa + mai > kaaNaamai ‘not seeing’

camay ‘cook + kkaa +mai > camaikkaamai ‘not cooking’

There are three allomorphs for the aamai: aamai ~ kaamai ~kkaamai. They are morphologically

conditioned. kkaamai occurs with strong verbs (paTi and naTa-classes of verbs, i.e. 6th

and 7th

classes of Arden), kaamai occurs with mid verbs (kal-class of verb, i.e. 5th

class of Arden),

aamai occurs with weak verbs (1st to 4

th class of verbs of Arden).

Suffixes Type of verbs Class of verbs

aamai weak verbs 1st, 2

nd, 3

rd, 4

th.

kaamai mid verbs 5th

kkaamai strong verbs 6th

, 7th

.

Verbs Suffixes Resultant DVNs

paTi ‘read’ kkaamai paTikkaamai ‘state of not reading’

naTa ‘walk’ kkaamai naTakkaamai ‘state of not walking’

kal ‘learn’ kaamai kaRkaamai ‘state of not learning’

poo ‘go’ kaamai pookaamai ‘state of not going’

caa ‘die’ aamai caavaamai ‘state of not dying’

ezutu ‘write’ aamai ezutaamai ‘state of not writing’

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The regular nominalized forms could be glossed as ‘The state of not X-ing’ (when X

stands for the verb). Idiosyncrasy or specialization in meaning of the resultant nominal form is

associated with irregular suffixation of aamai. For example, the irregular form poRaamai

‘envious’ is idiosyncratic or specific in its formation and meaning when compared to the regular

form poRukkaamai ‘state of not tolerating’. Similarly the irregular kallaamai ‘illiteracy’ is

idiosyncratic or specific in its formation and meaning when compared to the regular form

kaRkaamai ‘state of not learning’. Like al and kai nominalizers distinction has to be drawn

between regular and irregular aamai. The irregular aamai suffix behave idiosyncratically both in

morphology and semantics as illustrated in the following table.

Verb Regular aa-mai Irregular aa-mai Comments

poRu‘tolerate’ poRukkaamai ‘act

of not tolerating

poRaamai‘envy’ As poRu‘to tolerate’

belongs to the 6th

conjugation class, the

regular nominsl is

poRukkai.

kal ‘to learn’ kaRkaamai‘act of

not learning

kallaamai‘illiteracy’ As kal ‘to learn’ belongs

to the 5th

conjugation

class, the regular nominal

is kaRkkaamai

kala `mix' kalakkaamai 'act of

not mixing'

kalavaamai

'immixability'

As kala belongs to the 7th

congugation class, the

regular nominal form is

kalakkaamai

As we noted above negative nominalizer aamai can be paralleled to postive nominalizer

tal. The following sentences will illustrate this statement.

iravil pal tulakkutal pallukku nallatu

night_LOC teeth bursh_NOM teeth_DAT good

‘It is good to brush the teeth in the night’

iravil pal tulakkaamai pallukku nallatalla

night_LOC teeth brush_NEG_RP_NEG_NOM teeth_DAT good_NEG

‘It is bad not to brush the teech in the night’

There are only a few instances of the nominals formed by this nominalizer being listed in the

dictionaries. Their number shows that its susceptibility to lexicalization on the irregular

formation is low.

166

5.3.2.3 Nominalization on relativized verb stems by pronominalizers

There is another group of nominals known as participial nouns which are formed by

adding third person remote demonstrative suffixes to relativized verb stems (carrying tense or

negative suffix). The formation can be captured by the following word-formation rule.

Verb stem + Tense/Negative suffix + RP+Third person demonstrative Suffix

Participial Nouns

Examples

azhu-t-a-avan ‘he who cried’

azhu-t-a-avaL ‘she who cried’

azhu-t-a-avar ‘he/she who cried’

azhu-t-a-atu ‘that which cried’

azhu-t-a-avai ‘they who cried’

azhu-aa-t-a-avan ‘he who did not cry’

Different views on the formation of participial nouns

Participial nominalizers are pronominal in nature. There are diverging views about

participial nominalization. Crucial among them can be grouped into two:

1. Argument for nominalization on non-relative participle stems.

2. Argument for nominalization on relative participle stems.

Argument for nominalization on non-relative participle stems

Lehmann (1993:78) analyses participial nouns as having the following structure:

Verb stem + tense/negative suffix + a third person remote demonstrative pronoun as

bound form

The following table will show the difference between the pronominalized forms and finite forms:

Pronominalized form Finite form

cey-t-avan ‘he who did’ cey-t-aan 'he did’

cey-kiR-avan ‘he who does’ cey-kiR- aan ‘he is doing’

cey-p-avan ‘he who will do’ cey-v-aan ‘he will do’

cey-aat-avan ‘he who did/does/will not do’ cey-aan ‘he will not do’ (old Tamil form)

167

According to this analysis the third person remote demonstrative suffix is added immediately

after the tensed or negative verb stem. The problem that crops up in this kind of analysis is about

the future tense suffix. In the case of finite verb form the expected future tense suffix for the cey

class of verb is v. But in the case of pronominalization, the future tense suffix p (except when

followed by atu and ana as in cey-v-atu and cey-v-ana respectively) is used instead of v and

both could be considered as allomorphs of future tense suffix. In this kind of analysis the

pronominal head (ex. avan) which occurs as a bound form follows the verb stem marked for

tense/negative which syntactically modifies the head and which is not assumed to occur in

adjectival participial form (i.e. relative participle form).

Argument for nominalization on relative participle stems

Larkin presents a different analysis. According to him, the adjectival participial form of

the verb combines with the third person pronominal suffixes an, aL, tu, ar, ai to form

participial nouns. Thus a participial noun form like ceytavan ‘he who did’ is segmented into the

adjectival participle form (cey-t-a) and the pronominal suffix an

.[ [cey-t-a] Adj. + [an]PN]] > [ceytavan] N ‘he who did x’

This analysis also meets with problem while tackling the future participial noun forms.

For example, a form like ceypavan ‘he who will do’ cannot be segmented into a future adjectival

participial form (which is cey-y-um) + pronominal suffix -an.

*[ [cey-y-um] Adj + [an]PN]] > *[cey-um-an] N ‘he who will do x’

However Tamil verb forms inflected for future tense do always have a morphological

irregularity. This characteristic property of future tense form can waive the objection raised on

this issue. The future tense adjectival form can be considered to contain p, an allomorph of

future tense marker, instead of um.

[ [cey-p-a] Adj. + an] PN]] > [ceypavan] N ‘he who will do x’

Morpho-phonemic details of formation of participial nouns

It is taken in our analysis that the participial nouns are formed from relativized

verb stems by the addition of pronominal suffixes.

Relative Participle form + Pronominal Suffixes

The following examples will show the formation of participial nouns from relative participial

stems:

1. Past relative participial stem + Pronominal suffix:

vanta + avan vantavan ‘he who came’

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avaL vantavaL ‘she who came’

avar vantaavar ‘they who came’

atu vantatu ‘it which came’

avai vantavai ‘they who came’

2. Present relative participial stem + Pronominal suffix

varukiRa + avan varukiRavan ‘he who comes’

avaL varukiRavaL ‘she who comes’

avar varukiRavar ‘they who come’

atu varukiRatu ‘it which comes’

avai varukiRavai ‘they who come’

3. Future relative participial stem + Pronominal suffix

varuva + avan *varuvavan ‘he who will come’

avaL *varuvavaL ’she who will come’

avar *varuvavar ‘they who will come’

atu varuvatu ‘it which will come’

avai varuvavai ‘they who will come’

varupa + avan varupavan 'he who will come’

avaL varupavaL’she who will come’

avar varupavar ‘they who will come’

atu *varupatu ‘it which will come’

avai *varupavai 'they who will come’

The future tensed form varuvavan is not preferable and is unfamiliar, but the form varupavan is

quiet natural. But in the case of phrasal forms of the type Relative participle form + Noun,

neither varuva nor varupa is used. but varum is used instead.

*varuva peN

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*varupa peN

varum peN ‘the woman who comes’

There is an analysis which considers an, aL, ar, tu, ai as pronominal suffixes instead of the full

forms avan, avaL, avar, atu, avai respectively; v is added by gliding.

vanta +an vantavan

aL vantavaL

ar vantavar

atu vantatu

ai vantavai

But if one takes atu instead of tu as third person neuter singular suffix, the resultant form will be

vantavatu which is ungrammatical. The following tree diagram will depict the nominalization on

relative participle stems.

NP

__________|_______

| |

S N

_______|_______ |

| |

N V avan i

| |

N vanta

E i

No claim is made here that the above tree is the correct one. The stand taken here is that vanta is

a relative participle form which requires a pronoun or a noun and the pronoun and the noun

could be in certain argument relation with the verb which is in relative participle form. The

relativization is considered as a word formation rule in lexicon and the relativized verb form

takes an NP as its head which is in argument relation with the verb.

Transformational treatment of participial noun formation

There are researches which take the view that participial nouns are built on the relative

participle stems. It is held in one of the transformational treatments that participial nouns acquire

their nominal character from the personal markers which are supposed to be the pronominal

heads derived transformationally by converting the lexical head nouns occurring after relative

participial form.

170

paiyan vantaan ‘boy came’

vanta paiyan ‘the boy who came’

vanta - avan ‘he who came’

vantavan ‘he who came’

According to another view participial nouns are considered nominal in character not

because of the pronominal markers with which they are in association, but because the

relativized verbal stems from which they are derived are nominal in status. Take for example,

paarttaaL ‘she saw’ and paarttavaL ‘she who saw’. Both these forms have tense suffix and

pronominal suffix, but the difference in these two forms is that the latter has relative participial

suffix or a nominalizable stem whereas the former does not have relative participial suffix .

ndaan paartta peN azhakaana peN

I see_PAST_RP girl beautiful girl

‘The girl whom I saw was a beautiful girl’.

ndaan paartta-avaL azhak-aana peN

I see_PAST_RP_she beautiful girl

‘The one (fem.) whom I saw was a beautiful girl’

The subject NPs are reproduced below.

ndaan paartta peN 'the girl whom I saw'

ndaan paarttavaL 'she who I saw'

Notice that the pronominal marker avaL of paartta+ avaL is related to the lexical head noun

peN ‘woman’. avaL ‘she’ has nothing to do with ndaan ‘I’ which is the subject of the verb paar

‘to see’. In one type of transformational treatment, the construction paarttavaL is

transformationally related to paartta peN and the process of pronominalization converts the

lexical head into a pronominal one. The output paartta-aL ‘she who saw’ is ultimately

transformed into paarttavaL in the surface form with the incorporation of the glide v. This is one

of the most familiar treatment available to participial noun formation within the transformational

frame work (Kothandaraman:1990).

In another treatment, participial nouns are treated as constructions derived from the input

associated with relative participle forms. In this treatment the personal markers in the participial

nouns are identified as pronominal heads. The participial nouns are thus analyzable into relative

participle form + pronominal head.

171

None of these transformational treatment is supported here. The stand taken here is that

paartta is a relative participle form which requires a pronoun or noun as its head which is in

argument relation with the relativized verb. The relativization is considered as a word formation

rule in lexicon and the relativized verb form takes an NP as its head which are in argument

relation with the verb.

5.4. Formation of nouns form adjectives

Adjectives are important stems for nominalization. As adjectives come to attribute

nouns, the adjectives have the inherent characteristic to get nominalized. As almost all the verbs

can be nominalized, all the adjectives can also be nominalized. Even the relativized forms

which we have discussed elaborately in the previous paragraphs are nothing but adjectival forms

functionally. Adjectives draw their stock from nouns as well as verbs. There are a good number

of words which can be called as adjectives. For examples, the words traditionally called as

appellative verbs (ex. ndal ‘good, peer ‘big’, etc.) and their relativized forms ndalla ‘good’ ,

periya ‘big’, etc. are adjectives without any doubt. Rajendran (1999) discussed in details about

the categorization of adjectives in Tamil. According to him adjectives need to be declared as a

major category on par with nouns and verbs. As stated already adjectives are fertile stems for the

formation of nouns by suffixation in Tamil. The important nominalization on adjectives stems of

periya type (traditionally called kuRippup peyareccam ‘the relative participial form without

tense/negative suffix) are the formation of pronominal nouns by suffixing pronominalizers.

The formation of pronominal nouns from periya type of adjectives is parallel to the formation of

pronominal nouns from relativized stems carrying tense/negative suffix.

5.4.1 Nominalization of Adjectives by Pronominalizers

The nominalization on adjectival stems takes place by suffixing pronominalizers such as

avan, avaL, avar, atu and avai to the adjectival stems whose structure is similar to the relativized

verb stems (except that the relativized verb stems carry tense/negative suffix). The adjective

stems can be analyzed as having the following structure:

Appellative Verb + a

The term appellative verb is used at par with the traditional usage kuRippu vinai. The

relativization of appellative verb is done by adding the adjectival marker a {which may have a

few alternant forms such as iya, aiya, etc. which is similar to relative participial marker) to the

kuRippu vinai.

nal + a > nalla ‘good’

in + iya > iniya ‘sweet’

172

peer + iya > periya ‘big’

tii + a > tiiya ‘bad’

A good number of adjectives are formed by adding the relativized form aana of the verb

aa ‘to become’ to nouns which are mostly abstract in nature.

vaTivu ‘beauty’ + aana > vaTivaana ‘beautiful’

tuuymai ‘purity’ + aana > tuuymaiyaana ‘pure’

peer ‘name’ + aana> peeraana ‘famous’

The deadjectival nominalization takes place by suffixing pronominal suffixes (which are

nothing but third person pronouns in their phonological and semantic information) to the

adjectival stems discussed above.

nalla +avan nallavan ‘a good male person’

nalla + avaL nallavaL ‘a good female person’

ndalla + avar ndallavar ‘a good person’

ndalla + atu ndallatu ‘a good thing’

ndalla + avai ndallavai ‘good things’ or ‘good persons’

vaTivaana +avan vaTivaanavan ‘a beautiful male person’

vaTivaana + avaL vaTivaanavaL ‘a beautiful female person’

vaTivaana + avar vaTivaanavar ‘a beautiful person’

vaTivaana + atu vaTivaanatu ‘a beautiful thing’

vaTivaana + avai vaTivaanavai ‘beautiful things’ or ‘beautiful persons’

In Old Tamil pronominal nouns are formed by adding pronominal suffixes to a nominal

or adjectival root.

[Adjectival root / Noun] + Pronominal suffix N

ndal + en ndalleen ‘I who am good’

ndal + aay ndallaay ‘you who are good’

ndal + aan ndallaan ‘he who is good’

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5.4.2 Occurrence of Deadjectival Pronominal Noun at the Predicate Position

The adjectives occurring in predicate position will be pronominalized. In other words

the deadjectival pronominal noun will occur in the predicate position qualifying the subject noun.

indtap paiyan ndallavan

this boy nice_PNG

‘This boy is a nice one’

antap peN azhakaanavaL

that lady beautifu_PNG

‘That lady is a beautiful one’.

5.4.3 Occurrence of Deadjectival Pronominal Nouns at the Pre-nominal Position

Deadjectivals pronominal noun can occur as a noun modifier in a pre-nominal position

between determiner and the head noun.

anta nallavan raman vantaan

that good-he Raman came

‘That good person Raman came’

Like an adjective the pronominalized adjectival forms can also be modified by an

intensifier as well as comparative elements such as viTa, kaaTTilam, poola.

avan mika ndallavan

That-he is a nice one.

avan ennai viTa ndallavan

‘He is better than I’.

avan ennaip poola ndallavan

‘He is the good person like me’.

5.5 Summary

The formation of nouns from nouns is not as productive as in the case of forming nouns

from verbs or adjectives. The formation nouns from verbs and adjectives is referred as

nominalization. The nominalization in Tamil is distinguished mainly into two types:

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nominalization on verbal stems and nominalization on adjectival stems. Nouns are derived from

nouns, adjectives and verbs.

The nominalization on verbal stems is distinguished into two types: nominalization on

non-relativized stems and nominalization on relativized stems. The nominalization on non-

relativized stems is mainly suffixal. The non-relativized verb stems are not marked for

tense/negative, whereas the relativized verb stems are marked for tense/negative.

The nominalization on non-relativized stems are distinguished into two types:

nominalization by irregular nominalizers and nominalization by regular nominalizers. The

suffixes such as ppu, vi, cci, etc. are irregular as they form nouns which are irregular from the

point of view morphology, syntax and semantics. Such nominalization is argument structure

deviating nominalization as the nominalization does not preserve the argument structure of the

source verb. The suffixes such as al, tal and kai regular nominalizers as they form nouns which

are regular from the point of view of morphology, syntax and semantics. Such nominalization is

argument structure preserving nominalization.

Nominalization of relativized stems are divided into three based on the suffixes which

nominalize the relatived verbs stems. They are nominalization by the suffix atu, nominalization

by mai and nominalization by pronominalizers.

Nominalization is taken as a morphological process rather than a syntactic process.

Many confusions and various treatments on nominalization can be avoided by taking

nominalization as morphological process which has syntactic and semantic consequences. The

argument preserving and argument deviating nature of the nominalization can be captured by

marking the nominalizers or the nominalization process for these peculiarities.

The following tree diagram captures the typology of deverbal nominalization in Tamil

discussed above:

Deverbal Nominalization

________________|_______________

| |

On non-relativized verb stems On relativized verb stems

not marked for tense/negative marked for tense/negative

_________|______ ________|__________________

| | | | |

Regular Irregular atu mai nominals Participial

deverbal nouns deverbal nouns nomionals by by suffixing nouns

by suffixing by suffixing suffixing mai to the by suffixing

al, tal, kai, vu, am, pu, atu postitive or pronominalizer

i, etc. & by stem negative (avan, avaL,

modification stems avar, atu,

and conversion avai, etc.)

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Type 1 Type 2 Type 3 Type 4 Type 5

CHAPTER 6

FORMATION OF COMPOUND NOUNS

6.1. INTRODUCTION

Noun compounding is a very productive and most commonly used word formation mechanism in

Tamil. In Tamil nominal compounds may consists of either a noun plus noun or an adjective plus

noun. However a noun invariably dominates the category of the head. Theoretically, though there

is no restriction on the number of constituents in a noun compound, the upper limit on the

number of constituents depends on the memory limitations of the native speakers of Tamil.

For example, the Tamil noun compound like uzhavar munneeRRa cangkat talaivar teertal 'the

election for the post of president of the peasant's development association' can be extended

further.

This word formation mechanism is a very handy technique and frequently used in the areas of

journalism, in the translation of scientific and technical texts, and in advertising. The fact that

neither of the stems in a noun compound is argument taking, and consequently there will be

fewer syntactic restrictions imposed on the combination that accounts for the popularity and

frequency of the noun compounds.

An attempt is made here to explore the different studies that have been already made on nominal

compounds in Tamil as well as different frameworks and approaches by which the problems can

be studied.

6.2. DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO NOMINAL COMPOUND FORMATION

Here, instead of taking up a particular framework and explaining the formation of compound

nouns, it is decided to explore the different ways of approaching compound noun formation in

Tamil, along with the different studies already made on this topic.

It appears that each study contributes to the proper understanding of compound noun formation

in Tamil.

The major studies on nominal compounds can be broadly classified under the following heading.

1. Traditional Approach

2. Generative Approach

3. Knowledge-based Approach

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6.2.1. Traditional Approach

It will enhance our conceptualization of nominal compounds when we explore how the

traditional grammarians approached the problem of nominal compounds in Tamil. They called

nominal compounds by the name tokai. The tokai cannot be said as exactly similar to the

nominal compounds, though in some aspects they are one and the same. For the sake of

convenience tokai is translated as nominal compound here.

Traditional grammarians of Tamil look at nominal compound formation in Tamil from two

points of view:

1. Compound nouns are derived from phrases by the deletion of elements like case suffixes,

comparative particles, tense suffixes, co-ordinate particles, and predicative elements.

2. Compound nouns are derived only by the juxtaposition of words, and, only for the

interpretation of meaning, they have to be expanded with the help of elements mentioned

above.

The modern approaches, whether they represent the lexicalist approach or the generative

approach, are not totally different from the traditional viewpoints on nominal compounds.

Under this heading, the traditional grammarians' approach, commentators' approach and

Maramalai's (1984) approach have been dealt with. They have been dealt under the following

heads:

1. Tolkappiyar's approach

2. Commentators' approach

3. Nannul's approach

4. Maramalai's approach

6.2. 1. 1. Tolkappiyar's Approach

Tolkaapiyar lists six types of nominal compounds in the cuuttiram 466.

veeRRumait tokaiyee uvamat tokaiyee

vinaiyin tokaiyee paNpin tokaiyee

ummaittokaiyee anmozhit tokaiyenRu

avvaa Renpa tokaimozhi ndilaiyee

'Casal compounds, compounds of comparisons, verbal compounds, adjectival compounds,

conjugational compounds, and anmozhi compounds are the six occurrences where there are word

gaps.'

The six types of nominal compounds are listed below:

1. veeRRumaittokai 'casal compound'

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2. uvamaittokai 'compound of comparison'

3. vinaittokai 'verb attributing nominal compound'

4. paNputttokai 'compound of quality'

5. ummaittokai 'coordinate nominal compound'

6. anomozittokai 'bahuviihi compound.

6.2. 1. 1.1 veRRumaittokai 'casal compound'

Tolkappiyar discusses the casal compound from cuttiram 407 to 412. He defines the casal

compound as follows:

veeRRumait tokaiyee veeRRumai iyala

'Casal compound is as that of casal.'

His statement can be interpreted as meaning that the structure of casal compound is as that of the

casal phrase. Accordingly we can think of six casal compounds:

1. Second casal compound in which the first case markers ai does not appear

Compound without case

marker

Parallel phase with case marker

ndiir cind-in-aan

water spill_PAST_he

‘He spilled water’

ndiir-aic cind-in-aan

water_ACC spill_PAST_he

‘He spilled water’

2. Third casal compound in which the second case marker oTu does not appear.

Compound without case

marker

Parallel phase with case marker

taay muuvar

mother three perons

‘mother with three persons’

taay_oTu muuvar

mother_with three persons

‘mother with three persons’

3. Fourth casal compound in which the fourth case maker ku does not appear.

Compound without case marker Parallel phase with case marker

karumpu veeli

sugar cane fence

‘fence for sugar cane’

karumpu-kku veeli

sugar cane_DAT fence

‘fence for sugar cane’

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4. Fifth casal compound in which the fifth case marker in does not appear

Compound without case marker Parallel phase with case marker

5. Sixth casal compound in which the sixth case marker (atu, etc.) does not appear.

Compound without case marker Parallel phase with case marker

karuvuurk kizhangku

Karuvur root

‘root form Karuvur’

karuvuurin kizhangku

Karuvur_POS root

‘root form Karuvur’

6. Seventh casal compound in which the seventh case marker does not appear.

Compound without case marker Parallel phase with case marker

manRap peNNai

hall woman_ACC

manR-in kaN peNN-ai

hall_POS in woman_ACC

6.2. 1. 1.2 uvamaittokai 'Compounds of comparison'

Tolkappiar describes uvamaittokai as given below:

cuuttiram 408:

uvamait tokaiyee uvama iyala

'Compounds of comparisons are comparisons'

The example given in the following table illustrates the statement.

Compound without comparative element Parallel phase with comparative element

mazhai vankai

rain hard hand

‘rain similar to hard hand’

mazhai anna vankai

rain similar hard hand

‘rain similar to hard hand’

According to him, compounds of comparisons are like comparative constructions. It can be

interpreted that Tolkappiyar realizes the similarity between the underlying phrase involving

comparison and the surface compound that appears without a comparative marker. It should be

mentioned here that in the third part of his grammar (entitled as poruLatikaaram 'chapter on

179

content'), he describes in details the different types of comparisons involving different

comparative elements.

6.2. 1. 1.3 vinaittokai 'Verbal compounds'

Tolkappiyar describes vinaittokai in the following fashion in cuuttiram 409.

vinaiyin tokuti kaalat tiyalum 'Verbal compounds are of the time indicated.'

According to him, the verbal compounds can be expanded with tense. The example given in the

following table illustrates the statement.

Compound without tense element Parallel phrases with tense elemets

puNar pozhutu

combine time

‘combining time’

puNar-ndt-a pozhutu

combine_PAST_RP time

puNar-kinR-a pozhtu

combine_PRES_ RP time

puNarum pozhutu

combine_FUT time

6.2. 1. 1.4 paNputtokai 'Compound of quality'

Tolkappiyar describes about the comparison of quality in cuuttiram 410.

vaNNattin vaTivin aLavin cuvaiyinenRu

anna piRavum atankuNam ndutali

inna tituvena varuuu miyaRkai

enna kiLaviyum paNpin tokaiyee.

vaNNattin vaTivin aLavin cuvaiyinenRu

'Words expressing qualities of colour, shape, measure and taste and the like taking the words of

the object of these qualities immediately after are the compounds of quality'

According to him the qualifying words of colour, shape, measure, and taste combine with the

words that are qualified without the elements marking the relation of quality. The following table

illustrates the four sub-types of compounds of quality.

Sub-types of

compounds of

comparison

Compounds of

quality

Parallel phrases containing the

elements of quality

Compound of colour karungkutirai

‘black horse’

karumaiyaana kutirai

black_COMP hourse

‘the horse which is black’

Compound of shape vaTTappalakai

‘round plank’

vaTTamaana palakai

‘plank which is round in shape’

180

Compound of

measurement

kuRungkool

‘short stick’

kuRukalaana kool

‘stick which is short’

Compound of taste tiingkarumpu

‘sweet sugar cane’

tittippaana karumpu

‘sugar cane which is sweet’

The traditional grammarians of Tamil classify the compound nouns into six types based on the

semantic interpretation or the recoverability from the presumed sources:

1. veeRRumaittokai 'casal compound',

2. uvamaittokai 'compound of comparison',

3. vinaiyin tokai 'verbal compound',

4. paNpin tokai 'compound of quality',

5. ummaittokai 'compound involving um,' or co-ordinate compound and

6. anmozhittokai 'bahuvriihi compound'.

According to one interpretation, nominal compounds are considered as reduced forms of phrases

in which the elements like case suffix, comparative particles, tense, particles of quality, co-

ordinate particles, etc. are dropped. According another interpretation, it is not that the

compounds are derived from phrases, but only for interpretation of meaning they are expanded

into phrases. The table given below will exemplify the above-mentioned traditional view on

nominal compounds:

Sl.

No. Compound

Possible expansion The type base on the deleted

or recoverable element

1. makrandtappai

‘pollen grains’

makarandtattaiyuTaiya

pai ‘bag which contains

pollen grains’

Casal compound in which the

second case suffix -ai is

recovered or deleted

2. maNal meeTu

‘sand hill’

maNalaal amaindta

meeTu ‘elevated place made

up of sand’

Casal Compound in which the

third case suffix -aal is

recovered or deleted

3. makkaL

kalvi‘education for

people’

makkaLukku kalvi‘education

to the people’

Casal compound in which the

fourth case suffix -ku is

recovered or deleted

4. mara eNNey

‘wood oil’

marattiliurntu

eTukkappaTTa eNNey

‘oil taken from wood’

Casal compound in which the

fifth case suffix -illiruntu is

recovered or deleted

5. mazhai aLavu‘amount

of rain fall’

mazhaiyatu aLavu

‘amount of rain fall’

Casal compound in which the

sixth case suffix -atu is

recovered or deleted

6. marappuzhu ‘wood-

worm’

marattinkaN vaazhum

puzhu

‘worm living in wood’

Casal compound in which the

seventh suffix -kaN is recovered

or deleted

181

7. cuTundiir

‘hot water’

cuTTandiir/ cuTukinRa

ndiir/ cuTum ndiir

‘ water which became

/becomes / will become hot’

Verbal compound in which the

past tense suffix -T + a or the

present tense suffix -kinR + a or

future tense suffix -um is

recovered or deleted

8. karungkal

‘block of stone’

karumaiyaana kal

‘black stone’

Compound of quality in which

the suffix -mai and the paticle -

aana are recovered or deleted

9. kuzhal viLakku‘tube-

light’

kuzhal poonRa viLakku`tube

like lamp’

Compound of comparison in

which the comparative

particle poonRa is recovered or

deleted

10. varavu celavu

‘expenditure’

varavum celavum

‘income and expense’

Co-ordinate compound in which

the co-ordinate element -um is

recovered or deleted

11. koTiyiTai

‘woman with slim

waist’

koTi poonRa iTaiyai uTaiya

peN

‘woman with creeper like

waist’

Bahuvriihi or exocentric

compound in which the

comparative particle poonRa,

the second case suffix -ai, the

linking verbal

element uTaiya`having’ and the

exocentric head

noun peN ‘woman’ are

recovered or deleted

6.2. 1. 1.5 ummaittokai 'Coordinate compounds'

Tolkappiyar discusses about ummattokai in the sutra 411 given below:

irupeyar palpeyar aLavin peyaree

eNNiyaR peyaree ndiRaippeyar kiLavi

eNNin peyaroo TavvaRu kiLaviyum

kaNNiya ndilaittee yummait tokaiyee

"Coordinate compounds occur in the following six instances: two names, many names, names of

measures, names indicated by numbers, names of weights and names of numerals."

Tolkappiyar identifies six types of coordinate compounds. The following table lists them with

examples:

No. Compound type Compound Expanded phrase

1 Compound which have two

nouns as their constituents

kapilaparaNar‘Kapilar

and Paranar’

kapilarum

paranarum ‘Kapilar and

Paranar’

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2 Compound which have more

than two nouns as their

constituents

puli vil keNTai‘Tiger,

bow and fish’

puliyum villum

keNaiyum ‘Tiger, bow and

fish’

3 Compounds which have

measurement as their

constituents

tuuNippatakku ‘six

maracals’

tuuNiyumpatakkum ‘four

maracals and six maracals’

4 Compounds which are

formed from numerals as

their constituents

patinaivar ‘fifteen

persons’

patinmarum

aivarum ‘fifteen persons

and five persons’

5 Compounds which have

nouns denoting weights as

their constituents

toTiyarai ‘half toTai’ toTiyum araiyum‘toTai and

half’

6 Compounds which have

numerals as their

constituents

patinonRu ‘eleven’ pattum onRum ‘ten and

one’

It should be noted that in all the above-mentioned type of compounds not only the suffixes and

particles, but also verbal elements are recovered or deleted for the interpretation or derivation of

the compound nouns. The comparative element poonRa `as if/like' and the quality element aana

can be interpreted as verbal element. Even in the examples like makkaL kalvi `education for

people' and mazhai aLavu `amount of rain fall' where it appears as if only the case suffixes have

to be recovered or deleted, we can posit verbal element like uriya `belonging to'. It is clear from

the above-mentioned outlook of traditional grammarians that certain elements have to be

recovered for the semantic interpretation of nominal compounds and the most important of them

is verbal element.

It should be remembered here that the elements, especially the predicative or verbal elements, to

be recovered for the interpretation of meaning can be predicted by native speakers, though the

predictable variables may be numerous. A theory, which generates compounds from underlying

representations, does allow variables in the recovery of the compounds. But the stand that the

compound nouns are derived by mere juxtaposition of nouns and that the validation of the

possible combinations are left to the decision of mental lexicon which interprets the meaning,

can incorporate variables. But here also the native speakers' intuition allows only a few variables,

which can be interpreted as synonyms belonging to a semantic area. [Note down the similarity of

this position with that of Levi (1978), Allen (1979) and Leiber (1980).]

6.2. 1. 2. Views of Commentators of Tolkappiyam

It is also worth exploring the commentators of Tolakappiyam about nominal composition. Under

this the views of the following commentators of Tolkappiyam are dealt with.

1. Ilampuranar's approach

2. Chenavaraiyar's approach

3. Nachinarkiniyar's approach

183

6.2. 1. 2. 1. Ilampuranar's approach

Among the commentators, it is Ilampuranar whom we come across first. He belongs to 12th

century BC. That means, we get the comments about Tolkapiyam after 15 years from the time of

Tolkappiyam. So it is natural that he could not give the correct explanation in many places. His

views on nominal composition can be grouped into two: formation of nominal compounds and

semantic interpretation of the nominal compounds.

Formation of nominal compounds

Ilampuranar takes nominal composition as one among three types of compositions. According to

him, when two words come together, they may occur as a compound, coordinate construction or

in subject-predicate relation. In Tamil compounds are formed by the combination of a noun with

a noun or a noun with a verb. For example, ndilam kaTandtaan 'he who crossed the land' is a

combination of a noun and a verb. Chenavaraiya does not take a noun + verb combination as

compound. But others take this technically as a compound, which behaves as a noun taking case

signs and recurs as subject-predicate construction.

Ilampuranar opines that some may take verb+noun combination as a compound. He is of the

opinion that the vinaittokai is a combination of peyareccam 'adjectival form of verb' + noun.

Chenavaraiyar holds the view that vinaittokai is a combination of verb root and noun and that the

verb root is a verbal noun with the tense force as it does not express imperative mood. He

favours verbal noun + noun combination rather than peyareccam (i.e. adjectival form of verb) +

noun combination. Naccinarkiniyar holds the view that there is peyareccam by meaning, but not

peyareccam by form.

Ilampuranar identifies the relation between compounds and the corresponding phrases. He is of

the opinion that the compounds are formed form their corresponding phrases by deletion. For

example, kutiraitteer 'horse chariot' is derived form kutiraiyaaR puuTTappaTTa teer 'chariot

yoked with horse' by the deletion of the instrumental aal and also the adjectival form

puuTTappaTTa.

Ilampuranar while explaining the tolkappiya cuutiram 407, says that some interpret the

compounds such as ndilam kaTandtaan as combination of nouns without case suffixes (i.e.

without taking into consideration that the case suffix is not overtly expressed) and that others do

not agree with this view.

Interpretation of meanings of compounds

Ilampuranar is of the opinion that the casal compounds have to be interpreted as combination of

nouns with case suffixes and that in the formation of the compounds the case suffixes are

deleted.

While talking about the interpretation of uvamaittokai 'compound of comparison', he raises some

interesting questions. He points out that not only comparative elements but also case suffixes

surface out while expanding this type of compounds. For example, while explaining the

184

expansion of compound, tuTindaTu 'thin waist (of a girl)' into tuTiyai okkum ndaTu 'waist

resembling a kind of drum', he questions whether to take it as casal compound as the case suffix

surfaces out during the expansion, or as uvamaittokai as the comparative element okkum

surfaces out during the expansion. He also points out that though both case suffixes and element

of comparison are hidden, some will take it as uvamaittokai as the comparative meaning is vital

to it.

Chenavaraiyar points out that the particles of comparison such as aana do not co-occur with

second case suffix ai, and so there is only the relation of comparison rather than the case relation.

But Nacinarkiniyar differs form this opinion. He points out that all the particles of comparison

behave like eccam, and so functions as the predicate of an object. According to him there is casal

relation; however, thereafter there is comparison or relation of comparison which sets aside this

kind of compound.

We have already seen the opinion of Ilampuranar regarding vinaittokai. He talks about the partial

deletion of verbal form in the formation of vinaittokai. For example, the compound kol yaanai is

formed from kollum yaanai by the deletion of um and retaining the verb kol.

While talking about paNputtokai, Ilampurnar argues that one portion of the attributive word is

retained while the other portion is deleted. For example, in the formation of karungkutirai 'black

horse' from its expanded form kariyatu kutirai 'the horse is black', the suffix atu is deleted while

the portion kar 'is retained'. And so it is called paNputtokai.

Ilampuranar's observation about ummaittokai is important. He points out that in the formation of

kapila paraNar by the combination of the proper names kapilan and paraNan, n (which is

singular) is deleted as kapila paraNan is ungrammatical . He points out Tolkappiyar's opinion

that in this type of compound formation only plural suffix will occur (as in kapila paraNar).

While talking about the formation of anmozhittokai, Ilampuranar talks about the intonation

pattern of this type of compound. He points out that as the meaning lies outside the constituent

words in this kind of compounds, the compound will be pronounced with a falling intonation

(paTuttal oocai). Tolkapiyar is of the opinion that anomozhittokai is formed behind

veeRRumaittokai, paNputtokai and ummaittokai. But Ilampuranar points out that anmozhittokai

can be formed even on the basis of the other two compounds viz. uvamaittokai and vinaittokai.

6.2. 1. 2. 2. Chenavaraiyar's approach

After Ilampuranar, Chenavaraiyar is considered prominent. He is logical in his approach. He is

well versed both in Tamil and Sanskrit. His commentary is influenced by his Sanskrit

knowledge. While comparing with other commentators, it can be said that he is giving more

arguments about the theory of compounding and interpretation of compounds. The other

commentators such as Nachinarkiniyar, Deyvaccilaiyar and Kalladar either follows Ilampuranar

or Chenavaraiyar. According to Chenavaraiyar, the compounds are formed not by the deletion of

suffixes.

185

Chenavaraiyar points out two types of theories on compounds, which groups the grammarians

into two. Those belonging to one group are of the opinion that compounds are formed by the

deletion of case suffixes, comparative particles, coordinate particles, particles of quality or finite

suffixes. And those belonging to the other group are of the opinion that simply combining two or

more words without any pause or hiatus forms compounds, which are well knit units expressing

some relevant meanings. Chenavaraiyar takes the points of view of the second group. He points

out that in the examples, veezhakkarumpu, keezhar panRi, there is no deletion of suffix, but they

function as compounds. He argues that Tolkappiyar too holds this opinion. He also points out

that a compound function as a simple word. He is of the opinion that there may be phrases

function as a simple grammatical unit. That is why he gives importance to the intonation pattern

and hiatus in the case of compounds.

Chenavaraiyar argues that the compound of quality formed from the combination of two nouns

(irupeyroTTu paNputtokai) such as keeLar panRi do not involve deletion of any of element and

so taking deletion as the criteria for the compound formation is not acceptable.

6.2. 1. 2. 3. Nachinarkiniyar's approach

Nachinarkiniyar who comes after Chenavaraiyar refines the 'non-deletion theory' so as to gives

answers to Chenavaraiyar's objections. He holds the opinion that in all compounds there could be

the deletion of one or more suffixes, enclitics, or words. Both Chenavaraiyar and

Nachinarkiniyar admit the deletion or hiding of case suffixes, enclitic um, the suffixes in

vinaittokai and paNputtokai and words in anmozhittokai. Nachinarkiniyar points out that in

irupeyaroTTu paNputtokai, (Ex. caaraippaampu 'rat snake'), there is no deletion of morpheme or

word. He also points out that even there, the morph aakiya will occur between the constituent

elements to show the determiner-determined relation. Chenarvaraiya interprets the word toka

found in Tolkappiyam cuuttiram 412 as 'occur as compound', whereas others interprets it

denoting the meaning 'when a morpheme is deleted.

Nacchinarkiniyar points out that in vaTTappalakai 'round wooden plank' there is deletion of the

final m of the first word vaTTam. This view of taking even deletion of m due to sandhi as a

consequence of compounding is interesting. It appears that he holds the view that compounds are

formed due to the well-knit combination of two words without any pause. Even here he observes

the deletion of aakiya which denotes the determiner-determined relationship between the

constituents of the compounds.

6.2. 1. 3. Nannul's approach

Panvananthi wrote the famous grammar book entitled ndannuul in the 13th century. It appears

that he has followed the commentary of Pavananthi on Tolkapiyam. His cuuttirams (cuttiram 361

to cuuttiram 373) on compound is dealt in collatikaaram 'chapter on word'. He gives explanation

about compound in cuuttiram 361 which reads as follows:

peyaroTu peyarum vinaiyum veeRRumai

mutaliya poruLi navaRRi nurupiTai

ozhiya viraNTu mutalaat totarndtoru

186

mozhipoo naTapana tokaindilait toTarccol

According to him, the nouns combines with nouns and verbs into six types of meaning

combination; while doing so the suffixes which occur in between get deleted so as to function as

a single unit. It appears that Panvananthi belongs to the team of grammarians who explain that

deletion of the suffixes is the criterion for the formation of compounds. Ilampuranar takes this

view only. It appears that Pavananthi is influenced by Ilampurnanar.

In line with Tolkappiyam, Nannul lists six types of compound viz. the casal compound, the

verbal compound, the compound of quality, the compound of comparison, the coordinate

compound and the bahuvriihi compound (i.e. anmozhittokai).

cuuttiram 362

veeRRumai vinaipaN puvamai yummai

anmozhi yenavat tokaiyaaRaakum

Following Tolkappiyar, he defines the each tokai in the following fashion: According to him the

casal compounds are those where the case suffixes are not overtly expressed.

cuuttiram 363:

iraNTu mutalaa miTaiyaa Rurupum

veLippaTa lillatu veeRRumait tokaiyee

vinaittokai too is based on Ilampuranar's view. Pavananthi explains that vinaittokais are relative

participle forms with the tenses being dropped.

cuuttiram 364:

kaalang karandta peyareccam vinaittokiyee

He opines that paNputtokai are of two types: the compounds where the suffixes explaining the

qualities are deleted and the compounds where the two nouns combine into one.

cuuttiram 365:

paNpai viLakku mozhitok kanavum

oruporuT kirupeyar vandtavung kuNattokai

According to him uvamaittokai are compounds which do not contain the particle of comparison.

cuuttiram 366:

umam vurupila tuvamat tokaiyee

Pavanathi gives a list of particles of comparison which are deleted in the process of compound

formation. They are poola, puraiya, oppa, maana, kaTuppa, iyaiya, veeyppa, ndeera, ndikara,

anna and inna.

187

cuuttiram 367:

poolap puraiya voppa vuRazha

maanak kaTuppa viyaiya veeyppa

ndeera ndikara vanna vinna

enpavum piRavu muvamat turupee

He is of the opinion that coordinate compounds are formed by the deletion of the coordinator

um. According to him there are five types of coordinate compounds: coordinate compounds of

counting, coordinate compounds of weighing, coordinate compounds of measuring of volume,

and coordinate compounds of measuring of length.

cuuttiram 368:

eNNa leTuttatan mukatta niiTTalv enundaan kaLavaiyu Lummila tattokai

According to Pavananthi bahuvriihi compounds are formed on the basis of the other five types of

compounds enumerated and explained already. Tolkaappiyar has given only three types of

compounds for the formation of anmozhittokai. Ilampuranar has included the other two also.

Pavananthi shares the view of Ilampuranar.

cuuttiram 369

aindtokai mozhimeeR piRatoka lanmozhi

In line with Tolkappiyar, he too explains that there are four places in which the meaning of the

compound will be prominent:

cuuttiram 370:

munmozhi pinmozhi panmozhi piRamozhi

enunaan kiTattunj ciRakkund tokaipporuL

Following Ilampuranar, Pavananthi too talks about the morphophonemic rules in compounds.

cuuttiram 371:

valloRRu varinee yiTattokai yaakum

melloRRu varinee peyartokai yaakum

According to him, two kinds of changes may occur when the nouns come together. In one

instance the plosive of the second noun will geminate to denote compound of location and in the

other one, instead of geminating, the final consonant of the first word will become the

homorganic nasal of the following plosive to denote nominal compound.

Examples:v vaTuka + kaNNan > vaTukak kaNNan

vaTukan + kaNNan > vaTukang kaNNan

Pavananthi talks about the ambiguity in compounds in cuuttiram 373:

188

tokkuzhi mayangkunda viraNTu mutaleezh

ellaip poruLin mayangku menpa

According to this statement, the compounds will be ambiguous as the relevant element in the

source phrase is deleted. For example, teyva vaNakkam 'worshiping of god' can be interpreted

either as teyvattiRku vaNakkam 'worship to god' (i.e. as the deletion of 4th case suffix) or

teyvattai vaNangkum vaNakkam 'worship of the god' (i.e. as the deletion of 2nd case suffix).

Tolkappiyar deals about this kind of ambiguity in veeRRumai mayangkiyal 'chapter on casal

ambiguity'.

6.2. 1. 4. Maraimalai's approach

Maraimalai (1984), based on his data on administrative terminology, makes interesting

observation about the formation of nominal compounds. His typological treatment of compound

noun formation is worth mentioned here. He classifies the combination of nouns into following

three types:

1. Composition of two nouns

2. Combination of many nouns

3. Compound formation

It is to be noted here that Maraimai makes a distinction between tokai 'composition' and kuuTTu

'compound'. That is he makes a distinction between kuuTTuccol 'compound word' and tokaiccol

'composite word'. (Kindly note here that such as distinction is maintained in this section which

deals about Maraimalai's approach on Nominal Composition.

6.2. 1. 4. 1. Composition of two nouns into one

Maraimalai explains the formation of nouns from nouns by following the traditional approach to

nominal composition. He bases his research on administrative terms. He observes that words of

veeRRumaittokai 'casal composite', paNputtokai 'quality composite' and vinaittokai 'verbal

composite' are more in number than the words of uvamaittokai 'comparative composite' and

ummaittokai 'co-ordinate composite' and that anmozhittokais 'bahuvriihi compoites' are not

exploited in coining administrative terms.

Examples:

Composite type Composite Expanded phrase

Composite of second

case

makaradntappai 'pollen' makarndtatt-ai uTaiya pai'bag

containing pollen grains'

Composite of third case maNal meeTu 'sand hill' maNal-aal amaindtameeTu ‘hill made

up of sand'

Composite of fourth

case

makkaL kalvi 'education

for people'

makkaL-ukkuk kalvi education for

people'

Composite of sixth case mazhai aLavu 'quantity

of rain'

mazhaiyatu aLavu 'quantity of rain'

189

Composite of seventh

case

marappuzhu 'tree worm' marattin kaN vaazhumpuzhu 'worm

living in tree'

Composite of quality karungakal ‘black rock’ karumaiy-aana kal ‘black stone’

Composite of

comparison

kuzhal viLakku 'tube

light'

kuzhal poonRa viLakku‘tube like

light’

Composite of Co-

ordination

varavu celavu 'income

and expenditure'

varav-um celav-um ‘income and

expenditure’

Generally speaking all composite nouns are ambiguous. For example kaNNan paaTTu can be

interpreted as kaNNanaip paRRiya paaTTu 'song about Kannan' and kaNNanaal paaTappeRRa

paaTTu 'song sung by Kannan' and kaNNanuTaiya paaTTu 'Kannan's song'. The composites will

give the correct meaning if expanded according to context.

Examples:

kappal vaNikam 'business by ship'

kappal viLakku 'light of ship'

It is not possible to set the meaning for the above-mentioned composites; it is only the context

that decides the meaning.

Constituents of the nominal composites

Based on the constituents of the nominal composition, the composites are classified as follows:

No. Structural Types Example

1 Noun + Noun

1.1. Simple word + Simple

word

puyal + kaaRRu > puyal kaaRRu‘storm’

poor + karuvi > poorkkaruvi'armaments'

paacanam + tiTTam >paacanattiTTam 'irrigation plan'

1.2 Simple word + Derived

word

kaLa + utaviyaaLar > kaLautaviyaaLar ‘field assistant’

aavaNam + kaappaaLaraavaNakkaappaaLar ‘file keeper’

1.3 Derived word + Simple

word

aracinar + maaLikai > aracinarmaaLikai

tozhilaaLar + caTTam > tozhilaaLarcaTTam 'labour law'

aavaNam + kaappaaLar >aavaNakkaappaaLar 'file keeper

1.4. Derived word + Derived

word

1.anjcalakam + kaNkaaNippaaLar >anjcalakak kaNkaaNippa

aLar 'postal superintendent'

aluvalakam + utaviyaaLar >aluvalaka utaviyaaLar 'office

assistant'

2.

Verb base + Noun

2.1. Simple verb base + Noun eri 'burn' + poruL 'thing' eriporuL 'fuel'

190

2.2. Compound verb base +

Noun

karuvuvRu + viitam >karuvuRuviitam

Composites in which aaka is deleted

In tune with Porko (1973), Maramai assumes that the following composites are casal composites

of seventh case in which the element aaka is deleted.

Composite Expanded phrase

aTippaTaik kalvi 'fundamental

education'

aTippaTai aaka viLangkum kalvi 'the education

which is fundamental'

azhaippitazh 'invitation' azhaippaaka viLangkum itazh 'the invitation which is

meant for inviting'

taTuppuccuvar 'separating wall' taTuppaaka viLangkum cuvar 'the wall which is

meant for separation'

taTaiccuvar 'obstructing wall' taTaiyaaka viLangkum cuvar 'the wall which is

meant for obstructing'

kuRukkuccaTTam 'cross frame' kuRukkaaka amaindta caTTam 'the frame which is

crosswise'

vinaittokai 'verbal composite'

In line with Porko, Maraimalai (1984) argues that vinaittokai 'verbal composite' does not have

the structural description peyareccam (relative participle form) + peyar (noun). The peyreccam

in this instance is not in relative participle form, but in verbal noun form. So it is better to take

vinaittokai as having the structure description verbal noun + noun. Porko puts forward the

following arguments as reasons to consider vinaittokai as verbal noun (1981:1-10).

1. The first part of the vinaittokai is not a relative participle form; kolyaanai can be

interpreted as kollavalla yaanai 'the elephant that can kill' and kollum iyalpinai uTaiya

yaanai 'the elephant that has the character to kill; it cannot be interpreted as konRa yaanai

'the elephant which killed' or kollum yaanai 'the elephant that will kill'. If kollum yaanai

'the elephant that will kill' is reduced to kolyaanai, then why it is not possible to reduce

ndaTakkum yaanai 'the elephant that will walk' into *ndTayaanai.

2. The first part of vinaittokai is not root; not all roots cannot occur as the first part of

vinaittokai. For example, the root such as caa 'die', paar 'see' do not form part of

vinaittokai. In the compound varuttu tozhil, payiRRuttiRan, varuttu and payiRRu are not

roots. So it is possible that the verbal forms which are not roots can come as the first part

of the vinaittokai.

Maraimalai also puts forward the following arguments based on administrative terminology.

1. The first part of the vinaittokai is not kaalangkarandta peyareccam 'the relative participle form

without tense'. For example, eriporuL 'fuel', cannot be interpreted as erindta poruL 'the thing

which burned', erikiRa poruL 'the thing which is burning' and eriyum poruL 'the thing which will

burn'. Similarly, the compounds such as izhukampi 'pulled wire', izhukayiRu 'pulled coir',

191

izhupaalam 'pulled bridge', izhuvalai 'pulled net', and eeRukuTal 'ascending intestine' cannot be

expanded with the first part as the relative participle form.

2. It expresses case without taking case suffix.

Examples:

Composite form Expanded phrase

uRinju kuzhaay 'sucking tube' uRinjcuvataRku payanpaTum kuzhaay ' the tube

useful for sucking'

uutukuzhal 'blowing tube' uutuvataRku paynpaTum kuzhal 'the tube useful for

blowing'

ezhutu poruL 'stationaries' ezhutuvataRku payanpaTum poruL 'the things

useful for writing'

ooTu paatai 'running path' ooTuvataRkup payanpaTum paatai 'the path useful

for running'

aaTalarangku dancing stage' aaTuvataRkup payanpaTum arangku 'the stage

useful for dancing'

ndiiraaTu tuRai 'bathing place' ndiiraaTuvataRkup payanpaTum tuRai'the place

useful for bathing'

kalandtaRi kaTTaNam‘consultation

fee’

kalandtaRivataRku kaTTaNam ‘the fee for

consultation’

craNTu karuvi 'scrapper' curaNTuvataRku utavum karuvi 'the instrument

useful for scrapping'

3. vinaittokai sometimes expresses passive meaning.

Example:

Composite form Expanded Phrase

kaipaRRu ndilam 'confiscated land' kaipaRRappaTum ndilam 'the land which is

confiscated'

taLLu vaNTi 'pull-cart' taLLappaTum vaNTi 'the cart which is pushed'

utaipandtu 'kick-ball' utaikkappaTum pandtu 'the ball which is kicked'

4. The above composites can be interpreted having the following deep structure.

Examples:

Composite Deep Structure

kaipaRRu ndialam 'confiscated land'

nilattai kaippaRRu kiRaarkaL 'somebody

confiscates the land'

taLLu vaNTi 'push-cart' vaNTiyait taLLukiRaan 'somebody pushes the cart'

192

utaipandtu 'kick-ball'

pandtai utaikkiRaan ' somebody is kicking the ball'

eRipandtu 'thrown ball', ndukarporuL 'things for consuming', putaiporuL 'buried things' are few

other examples of this type.

4. vinaittokai is similar to paNputtokai in some context.

Examples:

Composite Expanded phrase

caaykuurai 'leaning roof' caayvaana kuurai 'leaning roof'

caaytaLam 'leaning floor' caayvaana taLam 'leaning floor'

aTar karaical 'thick solution' aTarttiyaana karaical 'thick solution'

akal caalai 'wide road' akalamaana caalai 'wide road'

irupeyaroTTup paNputtokai 'binominal composite of qualtiy'

Maraimalai (1984) is of the opinion that in the administrative word glossaries, the structure of

irupeyaroTTup paNputtokai 'composite of quality formed by two nouns' changes in course of

time. For example, the work kalluuri 'college' which was a common noun has lost its

commonness because of the word which follows it and changed into proper noun as found in

compound words such as maruttuvakkalluuri 'medical college', poRiyaRkalluuri 'engineering

college', veeLaaNmai kalluuri 'agriculture college', kaalndaTaik kalluuri 'veterinary college',

camaiyaRkalluuri 'catering college'. They are different from the traditonal irupeyaroTTup

paNputtokai such as caaraippaampu 'rat snake' which can be expanded as caarai aakiya paampu

'snake which is rat snake' . According Maraimalai the compounds such as pekmaTaiT paaRai,

perciimpul, permiyan kaalam, piTTiyuuTTari curappi, paak virikuTaa, mannaar vaLaikuTaa,

haarnpileNT takaTu, lampraa valai are structured on the combination the proper nouns of

foreign language + common noun. Therefore, the combinatory patterns such as proper noun +

proper noun and proper noun of foreign language + common noun are to be taken as

irupeyaroTTup paNputtokai considering them as development in course of time.

6.2. 1. 4. 2. Composites of multiple nouns

Maraimalai points out the classification of composites by Naccinakkiniyar and Teyvacilaiyar

into two: phrases of two words and phrases of multiple words. The author of ndannduul

viruttikaiyurai classifies the nominal compounds into oru toTart tokaic col 'composite word of

simple phrase' and pala toTart tokaic col 'composite word of multiple phrase' and gives pulikol

yaanai and kurangkeeRi viLangkaay as three way ambiguous multiple phrasal composite words.

Maraimalai is of the opinion, except co-ordinate composites, other multiple nominal composites

can be included under composites of two words.

193

According to Maraimalai most of the examples quoted by traditional grammarians and

commentators are binominal composite (irupeyart tokai) only. Composite of quality

(paNputtokai), casal composite (veeRRumaittokai) and verbal composite (vinaittokai) combines

with nouns with casal meaning. Anmozhittokai and ummaittokai are not found in glossary of

administrative terms. There are nouns of quality which combines with compoite words to form

palpeyar pa.Nputtokai 'multi noun composite of quality'. Simple verb base or compound verb

base combines with tokaiccol or kuuTTuccol to form palpeyar vinaittokai 'multi noun verbal

composite'. ummaittokai combines with nouns to form veRRumai ceer ummaittokai 'co-ordinate

composite with case'.

Maraimalai's taxonomy of nominal composition is given below:

Sr.

no

Type/Structur

e

Example

1 palpeyar

veeRRumaittok

ai‘Multiple

noun Casal

composite

1.1. Composite

word + Noun

1.1.

1.

Composite of

quality + Noun

ndeLi kuzhaayt tuTaippaan <ndeLikuzhaaykku uriya tuTaippaan 'the

wiper meant for bent tube'

uuTTa uNavuttiTTam < uuTTauNavukku utiya tiTTam 'nutritious

meal plan'

ndaTuttara varuvaay vakuppu <nadTuttara varuvaay uLLa vakupu'm

iddle class income group'

1.1.

2.

Casal

Composite +

Noun

kaaTcikkuuTak kaavalar <kaaTcikkuTattinuTaiya kaavalar 'the

watchman of exhibition'

kaalndaTai maruttuvakkalluuri

<kaalndaTai maruttuvattaipayiRRuvikkum kalluuri 'the college which

teaches veterinary'

koozhippaNNai utaviyaaLar <koozhippaNNaiyil paNiyaaRRum

utaviyaaLar 'the worker in poultry farm'

1.1.

3. Verbal

composite +

noun

putaiyuyiri taTam < putaiyuyirinuTaiyataTam 'imprint of fossils'

cuzhal veekamaani < cuzhal veekattai aLakkum maani 'the instrument

meant for measuring rotating speed'

veTiporuL kiTangku <veTiporuLukkuriya kiTangu 'go down meant

for explosives'

1.1. Noun + ndiRam aTar paTalam < ndiRattin aTarpaTalam ' thick film of

194

4. Composite of

quality

colour'

ndiRuvana viLakkappaTam <ndiRuvanttaip paRRiya viLakkappaTam

'the explanatory picture of the institution'

1.1.

5.

Noun + Casal

composite

vaNika tuutukuzhu < vaNika ndimittamtuutukuzhu 'the delegation

meant for business'

maavaTTac campaLaccurukkam <maavaTTattinduTaiya campaLacc

urukkam 'the short account of the salary of district'

1.1.

6.

Noun +Verbal

composite

nderukkaTi otukku nditi ' fund allotted for emergency '

iyandtirac ceymuRai 'mechanical process'

1.2. Composite

word+

Composite

word

1.2.

1.

Verbal

composite +

Verbal

composite

uRinjcukuzhaayt tirukukool < uRinnjcukkuzhaayinuTaiya tiruku kool '

the stick meant for sucking tube'

toRuindooy otukkiTam < toRRundooykkuuriya otukkiTam 'separate

plate allotted for patients of communicable disease'

1.2.

2.

Casal

composite +

Casal

composite

veelaivaaypput takavalakam <veelaivaayppup paRRiya takavalakam't

he office giving details of employment opportunity'

maruttuvac celavup pativeeTu <maruttuvac celavu paRRiya pativeeT

u'the register giving details of medical expenditure'

1.3. Noun + Noun

+ Noun

viTuppu kaNakkup paTivam 'copy of the leave account'

vaTTaarap pookkuvarattu aluvalar'officer of the local transport'

nditi vitit tokuppu 'collection of finance rules'

1.4. Composite +

noun + Noun

1.4.

1.

Casal

composite +

Noun + Noun

ooyvuutiya urimai maaRRam 'change of pension claim'

ndiitimanRak kaTTaNa villai 'court fee stamp'

1.4.

2.

Verbal

composite +

Noun + Noun

ezhutu poruL kooppu aTTai 'card of stationary file'

ceypaNi ndinaivuk kuRippu 'diary of work schedule'

1.5. Noun +

Composite +

195

Noun

1.5.

1.

Noun + Casal

composite +

Noun

vaTakkup paNimanaik kaappaaLar'northern workshop warden'

1.5.

2.

Noun + Verbal

composite +

Noun

vicai mitivaNTi munpaNam 'motorcycle advance'

vaaTakai mitivaNTi ndilaiyam 'stand for hiring bicycle'

ndakara makkurat tiTTam 'town plan for organic fertiliser'

2. palpeyar

paNputtoka

i ‘Multiple

noun

composite

of quality’

vaTTat takarak kalan 'round tin pot'

vaLaivu ndirkkuzhaay 'bent water pump'

ndeervaraimuRait teervu 'straight test'

ndeerviita camam 'direct proportion'

ndaTuttara uurti vakaikaL 'middle class vehicle types'

taRkaalika aracup paNiyaaLar'temporary government servant'

ciRappu aNivakupp 'special procession'

ciRutokaik kuRippeeTu 'diary of small amount'

3. palpeyar

vinaittokai ‘M

ultiple noun

Verbal

composite’

3.1. Verb base +

Composite

word

cuzhal kaNkaaTci 'circular exhibition'

iyngku paTak kaaTci 'operating film'

oTTu muttiraittaaL 'stuck stamp paper'

cuzhal accuppoRi 'circulating printer'

3.2. Verb base +

Compound

word

uRinjcu kaaRRuppookki 'sucking ventilator'

miti kaaRRaaTi 'pedal fan'

3.3. Noun + Verb

base + Noun

ndaaTaaLumanRam < ndaaTTai aaLummanRam 'parliament'

tiivanap perukku aluvalar < tiivanattaipperukkum aluvalar 'officer

who enhances food'

196

aaT koNar aaNai < aaLaikkoNarvatiRkuriya aaNai 'the order to

bring person'

ndiiti vazhangku vangki < nditiyaivazhangkuvataRkuriaya vangki 'the

bank meant for giving justice'

mai oRRu taaL < maiyai oRRum taaL'blotting paper'

aiya viLai ndilam < aiyattaal viLaiyumndilam 'land

3.3.

1.

Noun

+Compound

Verb + Noun

aavi uNTakku karuvi <aaviyai uNTakkum karuvi ‘steam producing

instrument’

tozhil virivaakku aluvalar < tozhilai uruvaakum aluvalar ‘offiecer for

job expansion’

tiirvai kaNakkiTu karuvi < tiirvaiyai kaNakkiTum karuvi 'instrument

which calculates tax'

kaalndaTaik karuvuuTTu ndilaiyam<kaalndaTaiyaik karuvuuTTum

ndilaiyam ‘the office meant for impregnating cattle’

3.3.

2.

Compound

noun + Verb +

Noun

ooyvuutiya vazhangku aaNai <ooyvuutiayattai vazhangkutaRku

aaNai‘the order for distributing pension’

ndeer kooTu varai karuvi <ndeer kooTTai varaitaRku karuvi‘the

instrument for drawing straight line’

uNavupporuL vazhangku tuRai'department for issuing food materials'

kuTicaippakuti maaRRuvaariyam 'board for changing hutment'

nduraiyiiral uRai ciizh 'puss of lower cover of lung'

ndizhaRpaTa oTTu pacai 'gum for sticking photos'

3.3.

3.

Compound

noun +

Compound

Verb + Noun

varaTci virivaakku aluvalar ‘officer for famine expansion’

3.3.

4.

Noun + Verb

base +

Compound

Noun

ndiir vaazh uyirinam ‘organisms living in water’

3.3.

5.

Noun + Verb

base + Verbal

composite

ndiir piTi vaTikaal ‘outlet for fetching water’

3.3.

6.

Verbal

composite +

makku erup perukku aluvalar ‘officer for enhancing decay-fertilizer’

197

Verb base +

Noun

eriporuL uuTTu itazh

4. ummaittokai ‘

Co-ordinate

Composite’

4.1. palpeyar

ummaittokai ‘

Multiple noun

co-ordinate

composite’

ceera coozha paaNTiyar 'Cheras, Cholas and Pandiays'

iyal icai ndaaTakam

4.2. veeRRumai

ceer

ummaittokai‘C

o-ordinate

composite with

case’

4.2.

1.

Co-ordinate

composite +

Noun

oli oLi kalvi < oliyaalum oLiyaalumaLikkappaTum kalvi 'audio visual

education'

4.2.

2.

Twin noun co-

ordinate

composite +

Noun

varavu celavu

tiTTam < varavaiyumcelavaiyum paRRiya tiTTam 'income and

expenditure plan'

varavu celavu matippiiTu < varavaiyum celavaiyum paRRiya

matippiiTu‘evaluation of income and expenditure’

taTpa veppa kaTTuppaaTu < taTpattinmiitum veppattin miitum

celuttappaTumkaTTuppaaTu 'controlling climate (i.e. cold and heat)'

ndeTunjcaalai uurakap

paNittuRai <ndeTunjcaalaikkum uurakppaNikkumuriya

tuRai ‘Highways and Rual Works Department’

ndakaraaTci uLLaaTcikkazhakaaayvaaLar < ndakaraaTcimanRattiR

kum uLLaaTcikkazhakattiRkum uriya aayvaaLar'inspector for

municipality and local self government body'

paal uRpattik kaalndaTai meempaaTTuaaNaiyar

< paal uRpattikkumkaalndaTai meempaaTTiRkum uriyaaaNaiyar 'co

mmissioner for milk production and cattle development'

ilavacak kaTTaayak kalvi <ilavacamaakavum kaTTaayamaakavum

aLikkappaTum kalvi ‘free and compulsory education’

4.3. Other type of

198

structural

patterns

4.3.

1.

Co-ordinate

composite with

case + Noun(s)

inditya kaNakku taNikkaip paNiyaaLartokuti < indtiya aracinuTaiyak

aNakkiRkum taNikkaikkum uriyapaNiyaaLaratu tokuti ‘Indian Audit

and Accounts Service’

makkaL piRappu iRappuppuLLivivarangkaL < makkaLuTaiyapiRapp

aiyum iRappaiyum paRRiyapuLLivivarangkaL 'statistics of death and

birth of people'

tamizhndaaTu tarai kaTal vimaanappaTaiviirar ndalak

kazhakam <tamizhndaaTTiRkuriya taraiyilumkaTalilum vimaanattilu

m paNiyaaRRumpaTaiviirarkaLuTaiya ndalattiRkenaamaindta kazha

kam ‘Madras Soldiers Sailors and Airmen’s Board’

4.3.

2.

Verb base +

Verb base +

Noun

vaLarcitai maaRRam ‘metabolism’<vaLarcciyyaalum citaivaalum ee

RpaTummaaRRam 'change due to growth and decay'

eeRRumati iRakkumati nditi <eeRRuvataRkum iRakkuvataRkum uriy

anditi 'finance meant for exporting and importing'

He makes the following concluding remarks: He agrees with Chenavaraiyar who opines that

tokai is a word formed form combination of multiple nouns. It is difficult to say how composite

words are formed and by dropping which elements. The process of word formation indicates the

interpretation of the meanings of composite words. The combinations are meant for

interpretation of meaning. Combining words into one is first stage; grouping the combinations

based on the interpretable elements or meanings is second stage. Various types of combinations

make composite words; it need not be the case that only certain types of patterns are to be

followed for the formation of composite words.

6.2. 1. 4. 3. Compound formation

Maraimalai distinguishes formation of compound words dealt under this heading from different

types of nominal composition (tokai) dealt in the previous paragraphs. According to him these

compounds are different form those formed by suffixation and tokai-word formation.

paRRaakuRai 'deficiency'

kuuTTucceeraakkoLkai 'non-aliened policy'

vaTTiyilaakkaTan 'loan without interest'

tolaindookki 'telsescope'

They cannot be called tokai. According to Maraimalai as the words are formed by the

combination of relative participle with nouns and nouns with verb bases and i suffix, they cannot

be called as word derived by affixation or tokaiccol 'word formed by tokai'. So he wants to

include them under a third class called compound word. The compound of negative relative

participle form + noun have been lexicalized to the extent they cannot be analysed into words.

199

Examples: vaazhaaveTTi 'woman deserted by her husband' aTangkaapiTaari 'adamant woman'

viTiyaamuunjci 'woman of dark complexion'

They stand in opposition to tuungku muunjci 'dull faced person' which is a verbal compound.

Maraimalai's taxonomy of compound words is given below:

Sr.no Type Example

1 Words of the

typepaRRaakuRai ‘deficienc

y’

1.1. ceyyaa type of relative form

of simple verb + Noun

pakaakkaaraNi ‘indivisible factor’

paRRaakuRai 'deficiency'

iiTTaa viTuppu 'unearned leave'

toTaraa maaniyam 'non-continued financial assistance'

toTaraac celavu 'non-continued expenditure'

iyangkaak kappi 'non-operated pully'

kaNaak kuRiyiiTu 'invisible mark'

1.2. ceyaa type relative participle

of compound verb + Noun

etirpaaraac celavukaL 'unexpected expenditure'

etirpaaraac celavukaNakku 'unexpected expenditure

account'

muTivuRaa veelaikaL 'unfinished works'

muTivaakaac caTTamuulam 'non-finalised law source'

iTam peyaraac cottu 'stationary property'

utavipeRaap paLLi 'non-aided school'

oLimaaRaat tanmai 'property of not changing light'

uTanceeraap paaRai veLi 'non-united rock cleavage'

etirpaaraac campaLam 'unexpected salary'

inRiyamaiyaa iruppu ‘important savings’

eeRpuRaat tokai 'unreceived money'

tiTTamiTaa aayvu 'unplanned research'

pataniTaat tool 'non-tanned leather'

pativuRaa ndiRuvanam 'unregistered organisation'

tiiraap pizhaikkuRi 'mark indicating unsolved mistake'

1.3. Negative passive relative

participle form + noun

uTukkuRi iTaipaTaa vinaa 'the question unmarked for

asterisk'

payanpaTuttaak kaaraNi 'unused factor'

koTukkappaTaac campaLap pativeeTu'register for unpaid

pay'

2. Words of the

typekuuTTucceeraa

koLkai'non-aligned policy'

2.1. Noun + relative participle

form of ceyyaa type

aracitazh pativuRaa aluvalar

< aracitazhinkaN pativuRaa aluvalar 'non-gazetted

officer'

uLndaaTTu vaRRaa ndiirndilai

< uLndaaTTilamaindta vaRRaa ndiirndilai

200

'Non-exhaustive water resource in inland'

aLavu vinjcaa viLaivu < aLavinai vinjcaaviLaivu 'produce

not exceeding the limit'

opputal peRaa varaamai < opputalai peRaavaraamai 'abs

ence without permission'

3 Word of the

typevaTTiyillaakkaTan 'loan

without interest'

3.1. Noun + illaa/ilaa + noun vaTTiyillaak kaTan 'loan without interest'

ndaaLmillaac curappi 'ductless grland'

kappiyillaat tandti 'wireless telegram'

aaLillaa cottu 'property without claimant/inheritor'

campLamillaa viTuppu 'leave without of pay'

aaracitazhp pativillaa aluvalar 'non-gazetted offer'

cungkavariyillaa vaNikam 'business without customs duty'

varampillaa urimai 'ownership without limit'

vangkiyillaa karuvuulam 'treasury without bank'

4. Words of the

typetolaindokki 'telescope'

4.1. Noun + verb base + I paLutuukki – paLuvaittukkum karuvi'instrument to lift

load'

veppam taangki – veppattait taangkum karuvi ' the

instrument which can bear heat'

ticaikaaTTi - ticaiyaikkaaTTum karuvi 'the instrument

which shows directin'

paTi peRukki – paTiyaip perukkum karuvi 'the instrument

which increases copy'

pukai pookki 'out let for smoke'

puuccik kolli 'insecticide'

min iyakki 'electric starter'

paal vaTikaTTi 'milk filter'

min kaTatti 'conductor of electricity'

min tuuNTi 'electric fishing rod'

ciir veTTi < ciiraaka veTTungk karuvi'instrument which

cut uniformly'

cam cetukki < camamaaka cetukkum kavuvi'instrument

which cut equally'

kaaRRazhutti ' that which presses air'

Compound noun + verb base

+ I

minaaRRal maaRRi 'converter of electric power'

minooTTa maaRRi 'converter of electric current'

kaandta icai iyakki 'magnetic music starter'

minnaaRRal curukki 'instrument to reduce electric power'

iTaindilai ndiirttaakki

mincaara kuppi kuRukki 'electric bottle reducer'

6.2. 2. Generative approach

201

Under this head, Vijayavenugoal's (1979) approach influenced by the insights of Lees (1960,

1970), Botha (1968), Reibel (1963) and Fillmore (1968) and Rajendran's (1995) approach

influenced by Levi (1978) have been discussed along with discussion on other modern

approaches.

6.2. 2. 1. Vijayavenugopal's approach

Vijayavenugopal (1979) has taken up transformational generative grammarian's view of his time.

According to him nominal compounds in Tamil are derived from their deep structure

representations by transformation. For example the compound, maNpommai 'earthen-toy' is

derived from the underlying sentence oruvan pommaiyai maNNaal ceytaan 'somebody made the

toy in earth'. Accordingly he has classified the compounds into ten types out of which the 6th

one is miscellaneous, 7th one consists of co-ordinate compounds, 8th one consists of figurative

nominal compounds, 9th one consists of idiomatic nominal compounds and 10th one consists of

multi nominal compounds.

Here we are interested in his first six types of nominal compounds. As for as these compounds

are concerned he takes the position that the constituents of a compound are related to each other

by certain relations (which include case relations) established by an underlying verb. In the first

class of nominal compounds, the second member is a subject and the first member is any one of

the following: subject, ablative, instrument, purposive, locative, temporal, adverb, and verb.

In the second class of nominal compounds, the second member is a cognate object and the first

member is a subject or object or instrumental.

In the third class of nominal compounds the second member is subject and the first member is

any one of the following: object, sociative, dative, ablative, locative, temporal, adverb, cause and

predicate.

In the fourth class of nominal compounds the second member is locative and the first member is

subject or object.

In the fifth class of nominal compounds the second member is temporal and the first member is

subject or object. The sixth class of nominal compounds contains the following subtypes:

specific + generic, object + verb + (subject) -i, locative + verb + (subject) -i + verb and object +

verb + (instrument) -i. The following table will exemplify his classification:

Sr.

No

Class &

Subclass

Compound (example) Expansion of compound

1.1 Subject + Object kaakkak kuuTu ‘nest of

crow’

kaakkaa kuuTu kaTTiyatu‘crow built

nest’

1.2 Instrument +

Object

maN pommai ‘clay doll’ oruvan pommaiyai maNNaal

ceytaan ‘somebody made doll by clay’

1.3 Ablative + karumpuccaaRu ‘sugar-cane oruvan karumpiliruntu caaRRai

202

Object juice’ eTukkiRaan‘someone extracts the juice

from the sugar- cane’

1.4 Purposive +

Object

tuNippai ‘cloth bag’ oruvan tuNivaittuk koLvataRkaaka piyai

vaittirukkiRaan ‘someone is keeping a

bag in order to keep cloth’

1.5 Locative +

Object

ndeRRiccuTTi ‘ornament

(worn) on the fore-head’

orutti ndeRRiyil cuTTi

kaTTukiRaaL ‘someone (a woman) ties

an ornament on the fore-head’

1.6 Temporal +

Object

matiya uNavu ‘noon meals’ avarkaL matiyattil uNavaik

koTukkiRaarkaL ‘they give meals in

the noon’

1.7 Adverb + Object tappukkaNakku ‘wrong

calculation’

oruvan kaNakkut tappaakap

pooTTaan/ceytaan ‘someone did the

calculation/sum wrongly’

1.8 Verb (predicate)

+ Object

kuTi taNNiir ‘drinking

water’

oruvan taNNiir kuTikkiRaan‘someone

drinks water’

2.1 Subject +

Cognate object

karaTip piTi ‘bear’s hug’ karaTi piTi piTittatu ‘the bear hugged’

203

2.2 Object +

Cognate Object

teeni vaLarttal ‘bee keeping’ oruvan teeniyai vaLarkkiRaan ‘someone

rears the bees’

2.3 Instrumental +

Cognate Object

uTal uzhaippu ‘physical

labour’

oruvan uTalaal uzhaikkiRaan ‘someone

is working with (his) body’

3.1 Object + Subject paal maaTu ‘milk-cow’ maaTu paal tarum ‘cow gives milk’

3.2 Sociative +

Subject

ndaaTTup

paRRu ‘patriotism’

paRRu ndaaTTooTu uNTu‘there is love

towards the country’

3.3 Dative + Subject teeL koTukku ‘sting of a

scorpion’

teeLukku koTukku uNTu‘there is sting for

the scorpion’

3.4 Ablative +

Subject

kuzhaayt taNNiir ‘tap water’ taNNiir kuzhaayilirundtu

varukiRatu ‘water comes from the tap’

3.5 Locative +

Subject

kaTal miin ‘sea fish’ miin kaTalil vaazhkiRatu‘fish lives in

sea’

3.6 Temporal +

Subject

andti mandtaarai ‘a type of

flower which blooms in the

evening’

mandtaarai andtiyil

puukkum ‘mandtaaraiblooms in the

evening’

3.7 Adverb +

Subject

teLi ndiir ‘clear water’ ndiir teLivaaka irukkiRatu‘the water is

clear’

3.8 Cause + Subject paci mayakkam

‘fatigue due to hunger’

paci eeRpTTataal mayakkam

vandtatu ‘the fatigue came due to

hunger’

3.9 Predicate +

Subject

aaTu catai

‘calf muscle’

catai aaTum ‘muscle will move’

4.1 Subject +

Locative

paampu puRRu

‘serpent-hole’

paampu puRRil tangkukiRatu ‘snake

lives in hole’

4.2 Objective +

Locative

miTTaaykkaTai ‘sweetmeat

shop’

oruvan kaTaiyil miTTaay

viRkiRaan ‘someone sells sweetmeat in

shop’

5.1 Subject +

Temporal

mazhaikkaalam

‘rainy season’

mazhai oru kuRippiTTa kaalattil

peyyum ‘it will rain in a particular

period’

5.2 Object +

Temporal

caappaaTTu ndeeram ‘lunch

time’

oruvan oru kuRippiTTa ndeerattil

caappiTuvaan‘someone will eat food at a

particular time’

6.1 Specific +

Generic

tamizhk kuTi

‘Tamil clan’

indta kuTi tamizh aakum‘this clan is

Tamil’

6.2 Object + Verb +

(Subject) –i

uur cuRRi

‘wanderer’

oruvan uuraic cuRRukiRaan‘someone

goes around the village’

204

6.3 Locative + Verb

+ (Subject) –i

teru poRukki

‘rag picker’

oruvan teruvil poRukku-

kiRaan ‘someone picks up in the street’

6.4 Object + Verb +

(Instrument) -i

maN veTTi

‘spade’

oruvan maNNai karuviyaal

veTTinaan ‘someone cuts the earth with

an instrument’

It is difficult to accept the deep structure representations posited by Vijavenugopal on the ground

that there could be many sentential deep structures from which each compound can be derived

and that some of them are very unnatural. Moreover, the derivation from the sentential structures

leaves open certain problems with regard to the deep-structure verbs, tense in verbs, gender of

subject, etc. His positing of verb in past tense form for some compounds and in present tense or

future tense form for some other compounds is questionable. Even the interpretation of an

element as subject or object poses problem. For example, veTTi of maN veTTi can be

interpreted as the subject as it can also be derived from the sentence karuvi maNNai veTTum 'the

instrument cuts the earth'. Though we do not take up the transformational generative approach

adopted by him as a whole, we can take into account certain insights given by him for our

interpretive approach.

6.2. 2. 2. Approach based on Levi

Levi (1978: 66) opines that "Most linguist appear to have assumed that nominal compounds

should themselves be analyzed syntactically as noun (cf. Lees, Chomsky and Halle 1968,

Jackendoff 1975) but very scant evidence are put forward to support their view." She has made

an earnest attempt to handle this phenomenon of compounds within framework of generative

semantics. Further she has put forth a number of syntactic arguments to bring all complex

nominals under one category, namely, the category of noun. She later claimed that complex

nominals are nouns rather than NPs.

Rajendran (1997) while discussing elaborately on different approaches on the formation of

compound nouns in Tamil discusses briefly about adopting Levi's (Levi, 1978) approach for

explaining the compound noun formation in Tamil. Levi posits a set of nine 'specifiable

predicates' that are 'recoverably deletable' in the process of formation of complex nominals

(abbreviated as CN). The nine 'Recoverably Deletable Predicates' (abbreviated as RDP),

according to her are CAUSE, HAVE, MAKE, USE, BE, IN, FOR, FROM and ABOUT. Levi

(1978:50-51) lists the following as her fundamental claims and basic principles of her theory:

1. Complex nominals are all derived from an underlying NP structure containing a head noun

and a full S in either a relative clause or NP complement construction; on the surface, however,

the complex nominal is dominated by a node label of N.

2. Semantic restrictions are identified for complex nominals and for the propositions contained in

their underlying structures, in the sense that they are no more and no less idiosyncratic for the

former than for the latter.

205

3. Any given CN form is inherently and regularly ambiguous over a predictable and relatively

limited set of possible readings; although any one of these readings may be used more frequently

than the others, or even exclusively, in a given speech community and during a certain period,

the potential ambiguity still remains part of a speaker's competence and hence must be

recognised in any grammatical description of these forms.

4. Complex nominals are all derived by just one of two syntactic processes: the deletion or the

nominalization of the predicate in the underlying S.

5. For complex nominals derived by predicate deletion, a small set of Recoverably Deletable

Predicates (RDPs) can be specified such that only its members, and no other predicates, may be

deleted in the formation of CNs; the members of this set are CAUSE, HAVE, MAKE, BE, USE,

FOR, IN, ABOUT, and FROM.

6. The potential ambiguity that is created by the multiplicity of possible underlying sources for a

given surface CN is drastically reduced in discourse by both semantic and pragmatic

considerations.

7. The relationship expressed by the RDPs appear to be of such semantic primitives that the set

of RDPs proposed herein for English may well reflect universal constraints on the semantic

structure of complex nominals in all languages; preliminary evidence from a number of other

languages, as well as from other areas of the grammar, supports this hypothesis.

8. CN formation involves some process which manifest the generality of regular, nongoverned

syntactic transformations, and others which have more in common with the idiosyncrasies that

characterize the areas of both morphological derivation and lexical entries; thus, an account of

CN formation will differ in certain respects form accounts of fully general syntactic process as

well as from accounts of either partially productive derivational processes or totally idiosyncratic

lexical entry rules.

The examples given by her are listed in the table given below for reference (Levi, 1978:76):

Sl.

No.

RDP N1 < direct object of relative

clause

N1 < subject of relative clause

1. CAUSE disease germ

tear gas

malarial mosquitoes

traumatic event

mortal blow

birth pains

drug deaths

nicotine fit

viral infection

thermal stress

206

2. HAVE picture book apple

cake gunboat musical

comedyindustrial area

government landlemon

peelstudent powerreptilian

scalesfeminine intution

3. MAKE honeybee

silkworm

musical clock

sebaceous glands

songbird

daisy chains

snowball

consonantal patterns

molecular chains

stellar configurations

4. USE voice vote

steam iron

manual labour

solar generator

vehicular transportation

_____

5. BE soldier ant

target structure

professional friends

consonantal segment

mammalian vertebrates

_____

6. IN field mouse

morning prayers

marine life

marital sex

autumnal rains

______

7. FOR house doctor

arms budget

avian sanctuary

aldermanic salaries

nasal mist

______

8. FROM olive oil

test-tube baby

apple seed

rural visitors

solar energy

_____

9. ABOUT tax law

price war

abortion vote

criminal policy

linguistic lecture

_____

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The possible expansion for each type of compound could be as exemplified below:

Compound Expanded meaning

tear gas = gas which causes tear

drug deaths = deaths which are caused by drug

picture book = book which has picture

government land = land which government has

honeybee = bee which makes honey

daisy chains = chains which are made up of daisy

voice vote = vote which uses voice

soldier ant = ant which is a soldier

field mouse = mouse in field

horse doctor = doctor for horse

olive oil = oil from olive

tax law = law about tax

Levi gives the traditional equivalents for her recoverably deletable predicates as given in the

table below (Levi, 1978:77):

Sl. No. RDP Traditional term

1 CAUSE causative

2 HAVE possessive/dative

3 MAKE productive, constitutive, compositional

4 USE instrumental

5 BE essive/appositional

6 IN locative [spatial or temporal]

7 FOR purposive/benefactive

8 FROM source/ablative

9 ABOUT topic

The generative semantics approach taken by Levis in the derivation of nominal compounds and

the insights given by her regarding the recoverability of the meaning of the compounds by

positing a minimal set of underlying predicates is worth taken into consideration. Following

Levi's approach an attempt has been made by Rajendran (1997) to see how fruitfully the

approach can be used for explaining the formation or interpretation of nominal compounds in

Tamil.

Sl.

No.

RDP N1 < direct object of relative clause N1 < subject of relative

clause

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1 uNTaakku

‘CAUSE

maleeriyaak kocu ‘malarial mosquitoes’

< meleeriyaavaiuNTaakkum kocu ‘the

mosquito which causes Malaria'

paTTiniccaavau‘starvatio

n

death’ paTTiniuNTaakku

m caavu 'the death caused

by starvation'

2 koNTiru ‘

HAVE’

paTapputtakam 'picture

book’ < paTangkaLaik koNTirukkumputtak

am 'the book which has pictures'

kaTaRkaraip pakuti 'sea shore part'

< kaTaRkaraiayaikkoNTirukkkum pakuti 'th

e part which has sea shore'

tozhiRcaalai ndakaram ‘industrial town’

< tozhiRcaalaikaLaikkoNTirukkum ndakara

m ‘the town which has industries’

aracaangka ndilam‘gover

nment land’

<arancaangkam

koNTirkkum ndilam 'the

land which the

government has'

aaranjcuttol ‘orange peel’

< aaranjcu koNTirukkum

tool 'the skin which

orange has'

maaNavar cakti ‘student

power’ < maaNavar

koNTirukkum cakti 'the

power which students

have'

miin cetil ‘scale of fish’

<miin koNTirukkum

cetil'the scale which the

fish has'

peN

uLLuNarvu ‘feminine

intuition’

< peNkoNirukkum

uLLuNarvu'the intuition

woman has'

3. uruvaakku

‘MAKE’

teenii 'honeybee’

< teenai uruvaakkum ii ‘the bee which

makes honey’

paTTuppuzhu 'silkworm’

<paTTai uruvaakkum puzhu 'the worm

which makes silk'

icaikkaTikaaram 'musical clock’

<icaiyai uruvaakkum kaTikaaram‘the clock

which makes music’

icaippaRavi 'songbird'

< icaiyaiuruvaakkum paRavai 'the bird

which produces songs’

puu maalai ‘flower

garland’ < puu

uruvaakkum maalai ‘the

garland made up of

flower’

veNkalaccilai ‘bronze

statue’ < veNkalam

uruvaakkum cilai ‘the

statue made up of bronze’

4. payanpaT

u

‘USE’

vaaymozhi vaakku ‘voice vote’

>vaaymozhiyaip payapaTuttum vaakku ‘the

vote which uses voice’

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manita uzhaippu ‘manual

labour’<manitanaip payanpaTuttumuzhaipp

u ‘the labour which uses man’

cuuriya minnuruvaakki ‘solar generator’

<cuuriyacaktiyaip payanpaTuttum

minnuruvaakki‘the generator which uses

solar energy’

vaakanap pookkuvarattu‘vehicular

transportation’>vaakanattaip

payanpaTuttum pookkuvarattu ‘the

transportation which uses vehicle’

5. iru ‘BE’ veelaikkaarac ciRumi 'servant girl'

< veelaikkaariyaay irukkumciRumi ‘the

girls who is a servant’

ilakku amaippu ‘target structure’<ilakkaay

irukkum amaippu ‘the target which is the

aim’

tozhilcaar ndaNparkaL‘professional

friends’>tozhilaiccaarndtu irukkum

ndaNparkaL ‘friends who are professionals’

meyyolikkuuRu ‘consonantal segment’

<meyyoliyaay irukkum kuuRu ‘consonant

which is in segment’

paaluuTTi mutukelumpikaL‘mammalian

vertebrates’ >paaluuTTiyaaka irukkum

mutukelumpikaL ‘the mammalians which

are vertebrates’

6. -il ‘IN’ vayal eli ‘field mouse’ < valil eli‘the

mouse which is in the field’

kaalai jepam ‘morning prayers’ <kaalaiyil

jepam ‘ the prayer in the morning’

kaTal uyiri ‘marine life’ < kaTalil

uyiri ‘life in sea’

vivaakak kalvi ‘marital

sex’>vivaakattil kalavi ‘sex in marital life’

kooTai mazhai ‘summer

rains’>kooTaiyil mazhai ‘rain in summer’

7. veeNTi

‘FOR’

viiTTu vaittiyar ‘house doctor’>viiTTukku

veeNTi vaittiyar ‘the doctor for house’

arms budget

paRavaikaL caraNaalayam ‘avian

sanctuary’ >paRavaikaLukku veeNTi

caraNaalayam ‘the sanctuary for birds’

8. irundtu ‘F

ROM’

teengkaay eNNai ‘coconut

oil’<teengkaayilirundutu eNNai ‘oil form

coconut’

paamputtool ‘snake

leather’< paampilirundtut

ool ‘leather form snake’

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cootanaikkuzhaayk kuzhandtai ‘test-tube

baby’ <cootanaikkuzhaayilirundtu

kuzhandtai ‘child from test tube’

aappiL vitai ‘apple seed’

< aappiLilirundtu vitai ‘seed from apple’

cuuriya cakti ‘solar energy’

<cuuriyanilirundtu cakti ‘energy form sun’

kaTaR kaaRRu ‘sea

breeze’

< kaTalilirundtukaaRRu ‘

wind from sea’

9. paRRi

‘ABOUT’

varic caTTam ‘tax

law’< varipaRRiya caTTam ‘law about tax’

mozhiyiyal virivurai < mozhiyiyalpaRRiya v

irivurai ‘linguistric lecture’

Siniruddha Dash (1995) in his attempt to explain the syntax and semantics of Sanskrit Nominal

Compounds, has posited two more predicates WITH and BY to explain certain compound

formation.

tayirccooRu 'rice (mixed) with curd'

ndeyccooR 'ghee (mixed) with rice'

kutirai vaNTi 'cart (yoked) with horse'

paNapalam 'power gained by money'

tavpputalvan 'son obtained by penance'

The approach of Levi is not drastically different form that the traditional approach to nominal

compounds where the nominals are seen as contracted forms of certain case phrases.

2. 2. 3. Approach base on distinction between primary and synthetic compounds

Distinction has been made in the literature between primary (root) compounds and synthetic

(verbal) compounds. Primary compounds are simply concatenated words.

Examples:

kaaTu 'forest' + vilangku 'animal' = kaaTTuvilangku 'wild-animal'

Synthetic compounds are formed from deverbal heads and non-heads that fulfil the function of

the argument of the verb from which the head is derived.

Examples:

vaNTi 'cart'+ ooTTi 'driver'= vaNTiyooTTi 'cart driver'

(ooTTu 'drive' + i = ooTTi `driver'; -i is an agentive suffix.)

It has been claimed in the literature that significant difference lies between root compounds and

synthetic compounds. The difficulty lies in the decision of finding what constitute a synthetic

compound. There are at least two main issues in the interpretation of the synthetic compounds.

The first view is that synthetic compounds are not different from root compounds and that they

are formed by the juxtaposition of words out of which the headword is one that is derived from a

verb. But it has been argued that taking this position will deny or suppress the relation between

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the deverbal head and its arguments. For example, the relation between the following two

phrases will be suppressed if we consider the synthetic compound at par with the root-

compounds.

Examples:

1. vaNTi ooTTi `cat driver',br /> 2. vaNTi ooTTu `drive a cart'

The second view is that the synthetic compounds are different from the root compounds as they

are derived from an underling phrases or sentences in which the relation between the head

element, i.e. verb, and the non-head element, i.e. noun, is clearly shown. In the second view also

the scholars have taken two kinds of stand: one group take up the position of lexicalist and the

other group has taken up the position of generativist. The lexicalist position is that the synthetic

nominal compounds are derived by morphological process of word-formation and the generative

position is that the compounds are derived by syntactic process. Morphological approach is taken

up by Roper and Siegel (1978), Selkirk (1982), Lieber (1983) and Di Sciullo and Williams

(1987) and syntactic approach is taken up by Fabb (1984), Sproat (1985), and Roeper (1988). A

detailed account of the two controversial approaches is found in Spencer (1991).

The present day theory cannot invalidate the position that there is no difference between the

formation of root compounds and synthetic compounds and both are formed by the rule of the

following:

N + N > N

The fact that the second head noun is derived from a verb will be taken care of by the word-

formation of rule of the following type:

V + Suffix > N

A unification approach can be taken up here in which the syntactic as well as semantic features

associated with the verb will be unified with the non-head noun and thus the properties of the

verb will be carried over to the compound also; the acquired idiosyncratic properties will be

taken care of in the process of lexical formation and the interpretation. For example, the

information that oTTu 'drive' is in objective/thematic relation with the noun vaNTi 'cart' will be

available for the derived noun ooTTi also.

6.2. 3. Knowledge Based Representation approach

As we have mentioned already that the position taken up by us is one of interpretation rather than

generation from deep structures and that the process of nominal compound formation can be

simply denoted by the rule, N + N ---> N, the computer analysis we propose here aims to

interpret the meaning of the compounds from the information available in the nouns participating

in the compound formation. We can take relevant cues from Levi (1978) and Venugopal (1979).

The representations of nominal compounds to interpret their meanings by the above mentioned

three approaches show us that there are relations existing between the concatenated nouns which

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are to be established through certain verbs or predicates. That means we have to look forward for

a grammatical formalism which can help us to interpret or retrieve the unexpressed part linking

the constituents of a compound from the information available in the constituents themselves.

A knowledge-based system will serve our purpose. "Knowledge-based system emphasise

meaning. Instead of processing data as a string of bits, they represent the meaning of data in

terms of the real world. They carry on conversations with people in ordinary language, they find

important facts before they are requested, and they solve complex problems at expert level of

performance." (Sowa, 1983: Preface). Artificial intelligence (AI) and cognitive science are the

two fields which are devoted to knowledge-based systems. Cognitive science takes into its fold

philosophy, linguistics and psychology allowing a strong influence from computer science.

Artificial intelligence is the engineering part and it focuses on programming tools and techniques

than to philosophical issues. The present analysis makes use of both cognitive science and

artificial intelligence. Conceptual graphs which emphasise meaning are widely used in AI

systems.

Broadly speaking conceptual graphs are logical forms that state relationships between entities,

attributes, and events. A detailed study of the notion of conceptual structure adopted here is

available in Sowa (1984). The conceptual relations are similar to case relations established by

case oriented grammars. The sentences A man bites a dog and A cat is sitting on a mat can be

represented by conceptual graphs as follows:

[MAN] < (AGNT) < [BITE] > (OBJ) > [DOG] [CAT] < (AGNT) < [SIT] > (LOC) > [MAT]

The information regarding tense and modalities are omitted in the above graphs. The square

brackets enclose concepts and the braces enclose conceptual relations. "(AGNT)", "(OBJ)" and

"(LOC)" denote respectively the conceptual relations (similar to case relations) AGENT,

OBJECT and LOCATION. Though the conceptual relations are finite in number, it is not

attempted here to establish the whole set of conceptual relations for Tamil as it will take us to a

different direction. The conceptual relations which are needed for the interpretation of compound

nouns are already in vogue in case oriented grammars and are self-explanatory.

There are at least three levels of complexity of conceptual graphs which we have to account here:

1. Arbitrary conceptual graphs which impose no constraints on permissible combinations.

2. Canonical graphs which enforce selectional constraints. They correspond to the case frames in

linguistics and the category restrictions in philosophy.

3. Schemata which incorporate domain-specific knowledge about the typical constellations of

entities, attributes, and events in the real world.

"A canonical graph is a combination of concept nodes and relation nodes where every arc of

every conceptual relation is linked to concept." (Sowa, 1984:90). As not all such combinations

make sense and some of them include absurd combinations like the following (which is an out

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come of Chomsky's famous example Colourless green ideas sleep furiously.) certain graphs are

declared canonical:

Canonical graphs are meaningful graphs which represent real or possible situations in the

external world. Schema is the basic structure for representing background knowledge for human

like inference. Schemata favour plausible combinations by incorporating more knowledge about

the world and avoiding less likely possibilities. While canonical graph represent everything that

is conceivable, schemata represent everything that is possible. The following is the schema for

BUS (Sowa,1984:129):

(In the above diagrammatic representation of schema for BUS, "*x" is a variable in which "*" is

a generic marker and "x" is an indicator for cross reference, "(INST)" denotes the relation

INSTRUMENT, "(CONT)" denotes the relation CONTAIN, "(QTY)" denotes QUANTITY.)

Computational analysis of nominal compounds

Our proposal for automatic interpretation of meaning of the compounds from the meanings of

concatenated nouns leads us to turn our eyes to an approach founded on cognitive science and

artificial intelligence of knowledge representation. Conceptual graphs will be used to serve our

purpose. From the meanings of constituent nouns (which constitute a compound) which are

expressed in terms of conceptual graphs, it is possible for us to establish the meaning of the

compound.

Take for example the compounds ndooy kirumi 'germs which causes disease'. A schema of

kirumi = GERMS should contain the information that 'germs can cause disease' and similarly a

schema of ndooy = DISEASE should contain the information that 'disease can be caused by

germs'. That means the schemata for both the constituent nouns contain the following common

graphical portion which might have been expressed differently:

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[GERMS] <- (AGNT) <- [CAUSE] -> (OBJ) -> [DISEASE]

The unification of these two graphical portions can give us the following conceptual graph for

the compound nooy kirumi:

[DISEASE CAUSING GERMS] <- (AGNT) <- [CAUSE] -> (OBJ) -> [DISEASE]

The schema for the kaakkaay = CROW and kuuTu = NEST should contain the information that

'crow can build nest' and 'nest can be built by crow' respectively. The following graphical portion

will be shared by both the constituent nouns:

The meaning of the compound kaakkaaykkuuTu can be interpreted by the unification of the

relevant portions of the schemata. The schema for maN = CLAY as well as pommai = TOY

should contain the information that 'clay can be used to make toy' and 'toy can be made up of

clay' respectively. The following graphical portion will be shared by both the constituent nouns:

The meaning of the compound maN pommai can be interpreted by the unification of the relevant

graphical portions of the schemata of the constituent nouns.

There is no need of cataloguing of schema for each concept as the schema of a concept at a

higher level can be used to build the schema for a concept at lower level. For example the

schema for BIRD can be used to build schema for CROW and kuruvi = SPARROW and also the

interpretation of paRavaikkuuTu 'bird's nest' can take care of the interpretation of kaakkaik

kuuTu 'crow's nest' and kuruvikkuuTu 'sparrow's nest'. The hierarchical representations of

canonical graphs can be captured by having a thesaurus in which the concepts are arranged in the

hierarchical fashion. The following is a thesauric model for PHYSICAL OBJECT:

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CLICK HERE FOR THE DIAGRAM DEPICTING THE COMPUTATIONAL PROCESS

OF INTERPRETING THE MEANING OF NOMINAL COMPOUNDS.

Note that the above table is incorporated in the printer-friendly version. You need not

print this table separately!

Algorithm

1. Parse the nominal compounds into bipartite units of constituent nouns.

2. Select the schema for each noun which constitute the compound from the conceptual

catalogue of schemata.

3. Identify the similar or identical graphical portions of schemata.

4. Extract the identical portions.

5. Unify them in such a way that the head-nounship is not altered.

6. Covert the conceptual graph into logical proposition which represent the meaning of the

compound.

The proposed alternative of automatic interpretation of the meaning of nominal compounds from

the meanings of nouns which constitute them is aimed to recapitulate the psychological reality of

understanding by human brain in which the percepts are stored as conceptual graphs and the

building up of and understanding of the new complex graphs is based on the already existing or

stored conceptual graphs. Though knowledge representation by conceptual graphs is a tedious

process and basing the semantic interpretation of compounded lexical units on the graphical

representations of concepts is a challenge and sometimes may appear as a futile task, such

attempt will depict the psychological reality of understanding by means of the information stored

in the brain in terms of perceptual models called conceptual graphs.

The deep structure representations from which the compounds are derived by transformational

rules or formative rules is artificial and analysing and understanding a derived language unit by

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making use of a formalism whose foundation is deep structure representation does not represent

a model which tries to capture the cognitive process of understanding and generation of language

units. As conceptual graphs are finite they can be easily stored and manipulated by the computer.

The conceptual semantic interpretation of nominal compounds helps in the translation of the

compounds into other language. This type of conceptual graphic representation lends a helping

hand in the machine translation in which the interlingual representation of compounds is a

challenging job.

6.3. Conclusion

The transformational generative grammarians' approach takes up the view of deriving

compounds from underlying deep structures that carry all the properties necessary for the

semantic interpretation of the compounds. The generation or derivation of the nominal

compounds can be interpreted as being derived by the simple rule of juxtaposing nouns. The

weeding out of non-interpretable or unacceptable compounds will be taken care of at the level of

semantic interpretation that is known in the TG framework as LF (i.e. Logical Form).

There are various treatments for nominal composition or formation of compound nouns from

nouns. All the theories, which discuss the formation of compound nouns from nouns, try to

explain the interpretation of the resultant meaning one way or other. Traditional out look on

compound formation envisages two views which can be very well correlated with the modern

approach to compound formation which are not qualitatively different from the traditional

approach on nominal composition:

1. Transformation approach that presumes that nominal compounds are formed from a

structure that carries the information for the interpretation of the nominal compounds.

2. Interpretive approach which presumes that nominal compounds need to be understood by

expanding them into bigger phrases or sentences which carry all the information for the

interpretation of the nominal compounds.

It is clear that at least in the present day Tamil compound nouns are not deduced from bigger

phrases or sentences, but simply juxtaposing two or more nouns forms; the native speakers give

interpretations to them, which are widely accepted by the speech community. The items resulted

by the process of nominalization by compounding pass through the stages such as nonce

formation, institutionalisation and lexicalisation before they get entered into dictionary for the

correct interpretation of the meaning. So, as for as formation of compound noun is concerned,

the predominantly followed word formation rule could be:

[N+ N + ...] N

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CHAPTER 7

FOMATION OF COMPOUND VERBS

7.1. Introduction

Compounding in an important process in the word-building mechanism in Tamil. It

raises many issues relating to morphology, syntax and lexicon. A prototypical compound is a

word made up of at least two bases which can occur elsewhere as independent words.

Compounding represents the interface between morphology and syntax par excellence.

Compounds have two sets of characteristic properties. The first set makes compounding

resemble syntax and the second set brings compounding closer to word formation. The head-

modifier, predicate-argument, and oppositional relations together with constituent structure all

tend to align compounding with syntax. However, compounds also have a number of features

which make them resemble words. First compounds are lexicalized. They are then often subject

to semantic shift of a kind associated with stored words, which means that their meaning

becomes non-compositional or even totally idiosyncratic. This type of drift is characteristic of all

types of compounding. In a related fashion, there are often lexical restrictions on which

compounds are permitted, resulting in paradigmatic gaps which resemble those found in

derivational or inflectional affixation. A further property which links compounds with the words

is that of non-referentiality. If we look at the non-heads of the compounds, we find that they

never refer to specific objects. The constituents of compounds differ from constituents of

sentences. Related to this is the fact that non-heads of compounds typically fail to be inflected.

One property of words which distinguishes them from phrase is morphological integrity: their

elements can not be split up by other words or phrases. This is generally true of constituents of

compounds. It is not uncommon for the compounds they form to become so lexicalized that the

element loses its status as an independent word and becomes a clitic or an affix. Finally, there are

often phonological processes that apply to compounds but not to phrases.

The compound verbs are formed from a base by the addition of a verb which function as

the verbalizer or whose function is to verbalize the base. The bases are generally nouns. Even a

verb can be compounded with a verbalizing verb to form another verb. It can be stated that there

is no productive verbalizing suffix in Tamil. The verbalizing suffix -i which was in use to form

verbs from Sanskrit noun stems is no longer in use. Only compounding is extensively used in the

formation of verbs in Tamil. There are a number of verbs which are used to form verbs from

nouns. Not all nouns will be added to a verbalizer and conversely not all verbalizers can be

added to a noun; only a closed set of nouns can be collocated with a particular verbalizer. The

218

compounds could be overlapping in their meaning as same nouns can be collocated with

overlapping group of verbs. This leads to synonymy among compound verbs. Though the

formation of verbs from N + V combination is a productive process, the nouns involved in the

formation of compound verbs with reference to a particular verbalizer appears to be a closed set

rather than an open set. But it is possible to recruit new members to a closed set which makes the

process productive. Because of the closed nature of the nouns participating in the compound

formation which results in the idiosyncratic nature of the resultant meanings, there need to be the

listing of the compounds in the dictionary as soon as the compounds come into vogue. Instead of

talking in terms of sets of nouns it is possible to talk in terms of semantic area or domain to

which the nouns belong.

Rajendran (1978), Agesthialingom (1981:15-60), and Karthikeyan (1983) can be

considered as important works on compound verbs in Tamil. Compound verbs listed in kriyavin

tarkalat tamir akarati (KTTA) (Dictionary of Contemporary Tamil) have also been taken into

consideration while dealing about the compound verb formation in Tamil. The strategies used in

the formation of compound verbs in Tamil will be investigated here.

7.2. Differentiating Compound Verbs From Phrases

The first and the foremost issue here is to differentiate compounds, here is this context

the compound verbs, from phrases. It is generally agreed upon that compounds are the units of

lexicon and the phrases are the units of syntax. The following are the questions which could be

raised about this issue:

1) How to differentiate compounds from phrases as both of them contain words?

2) How differentiate the rules of compounding from the rules of forming syntactic

phrases?

It is not always obvious when we have a compound verb. Orthographic conventions offer

limited help in distinguishing compounds form phrases. Some compound verbs are written as a

single word (ex. accuRuttu ‘threaten’ (<accam ‘fear’ + uRuttu ‘cause trouble’) some are written

as single as well as a bipartite unit (ex. vicaaraNai cey, vicaaraNaicey ‘interrogate’).

Karthikeyan (1983) lists the following tests to differentiate compound verbs from the phrase N +

V.

7.2.1 Insertion Test

219

It is generally agreed that it is not possible to insert an element (with the exception of

clitics) between the base and the verbalizer.

Examples:

TaakTar nooyaLiyaik kuNappaTuttinaar 'the doctor cured the patient'

*TaakTar nooyaaLiyaik kuNattai paTuttinaar

*TaakTar nooyaLiyaik kuNam nanRaakap paTuttinaar

The reliability on the test suffers to some extent as there exist compound verbs in which the

nouns are inflected for case. They can be considered as phrases which are lexicalized into

compounds or phrasal words as they have acquired idiosyncratic or idiomatic meaning.

7.2.2 Synonymy Test

There is a possibility of finding simple verbs as synonyms for compound verbs in the

same language or any other language.

Compound verbs Synonymous simple verbs

kolai paNNu 'kill' kol 'kill'

kaatal cey 'love' kaatali 'love'

uraiyaaTu 'talk' peecu 'talk'

vaataaTu 'argue' argue

kuuRiTu 'divide' divide

7.2.3 Attribute Test

It is not possible to attribute a noun of a compound verb by attributes such as

adjectives, relative participles and genitives.

Examples:

*nalla uraiyaatinaar 'good talked-he'

*iraNTu uraiyaaTinaar 'two talked-he'

*ennuTaiya uraiyaaTinaar 'my talked-he'

7.2.4. Coordination Test

220

Two noun phrases can be coordinated by a coordinator. But nouns which form bases of

compounds cannot be coordinated in the same fashion.

Examples:

naan raamanai aTitteen 'I beat Rama'

naan kaNNanai aTitten ' I beat Kannan'

naan raamanaiyum kaNNanaiyum aTitten 'I beat Rama and Kannan

[-um is a clitic which functions as a coordinator.]

avan tanti aTittaan 'he gave a telegram'

avan Taip aTittaan 'he typed'

*avan tantiyum Taippum atittaan

[tanti 'telegram', Taip 'typing', aTi 'beat']

Only compound verbs can be coordinated as follows.

avan tanti aTikkavum Taip aTikkavum ceytaan

'he gave telegram and performed typing'

The fact that the nouns of compound verbs cannot be coordinated shows that the N + V

combination functions as a single unit.

7.2.5 Substitution Test

The simple verbs can be substituted by the phrase enna cey 'do what?' as given in the

following example.

Examples:

kumar paNattai tiruTinaan 'Kumar stole the money'

kumar paNattai enna ceytan 'what did Kumar do to money?'

In the same fashion compound verb can be substituted by the phrase enna cey. But the verb

which forms the constituent element of a compound verb cannot be substituted in the same

fashion by the phrase enna cey 'do what?'.

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Examples:

kumar paNattai viiNaaTittaan 'Kumar wasted the money'

*kumar paNattai viiN enna ceytaan?

All the above mentioned five tests can be utilized to establish or reject a N + V combination as a

compound verb and none of them guarantees a full proof as the degree of cohesion existing

between the bases and the verbalizers varies.

7.3. Degree Of Cohesion

Though it was said that no element can be inserted between the constituent parts (base

and verbalizing verb) of a compound verb, it is possible to resort to insertion in some compound

verbs. This leads us to conclude that the degree of cohesion existing between the base and

verbalizer varies. In some compounds the constituent verbs can be converted into relative

participle forms which stand to attribute the constituent nouns.

Examples:

Compound Verb Relative participle form + N

tunpappaTu 'suffer' paTTa tunpam 'the suffering which is underwent'

kaSappaTu 'suffer' paTTa kaSTam 'the suffering which is underwent'

utavi cey 'help' ceyta utavi 'the help which is done'

tiirmanam cey 'decide' ceyta tiirmaanam 'decision which is made'

We can infer that the cohesion between noun and verb in the above compound verbs is weak.

But conversion of N + V into relative participle form + N is not possible in the case of certain

compound verbs.

Examples:

Compound Verb Relative participle form + N

caattiyappaTu 'be possible *paTTa caattiyam

kuNappaTuttu 'cure ' *paTuttiya kuNam

kaali cey 'empty' *ceyta kaali

We can infer that the cohesion between noun and verb in the above compound verbs is strong.

7.4. The Formation Of Compound Verbs

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The following points have to be explored here:

1) Compound verb formation rules

2) The bases and the verbalizers which are involved in compound verb formation

3) Specific nature of the rules of compound verb formation

4) The productivity of the rules of compound verb formation

5) Lexicalization of the compound verb formation

7.4.1. Compound Verb Formation Rules

The formation of compound verb can be captured by a general rule of the following:

Base + verbalizer Compound verb

As noted already the bases could be nouns or particles. Accordingly the above general rule can

be specified into the following rules:

Noun + verbalizer Compound verb

Particle + verbalizer Compound verb

Apart from nouns and particles, ceytu-type of verbal forms, ceyya-type of verbal forms and case

inflected nouns can come before a verbalizing verb to form compounds.

Examples:

ceytu-type of verbal forms + verbalizer

kaaTTi 'having showed' + koTu 'give > kaaTTikkoTu 'betray'

viTTu 'having left' + koTu 'give' > vittukkotu 'make allowance for'

kantu 'having seen' + piti 'catch' > kantupiti 'findout'

ceyya-type of verbal forms + verblizer

tavara 'to let fail' + vitu 'leave' > tavaravitu 'miss'

torka ' to let fail' + ati 'beat > torkati 'defeat'

Case inflected noun + verbalizer

utaippil 'in breach'+ potu 'put'> utaippil potu 'throw out, dump'

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tukkil 'in noose for hanging'+ potu 'put' > tukkil potu 'hang'

kitappil 'in state of lying' + potu > kitappil potu 'keep something pending'

7.4.2 Bases

Base forms the first constituent of a compound verb. As the compound verbs fulfil the

immediate need of the Tamil speakers, the bases are extracted not only from Tamil source but

also from other languages like Sanskrit and English. In modern Tamil, a lot of English bases are

used by the educated people.

Examples:

Compound verbs with bases from Tamil source

payirci 'training'+ ali > payirciyali 'train'

vitai 'farewell' + kotu > vitaikotu 'bid farewell'

niccal 'swimming'+ ati > niiccalati 'swim'

Compound verbs with bases from Sanskrit source

kopam 'anger' + patu > kopappatu 'feel angry'

cantosam 'happiness' + patu > cantosappatu 'feel happy'

vicaranai 'investigation' + cey > vicaranai cey 'investigate'

Compound verbs with bases from English source

aren 'arrange' + pannu > aren pannu 'arrange'

avut 'out' + aku > avutaku 'exit'

atmit 'admit' + cey > atmitcey 'admit'

The bases are borrowed as nouns even if they belong to different grammatical category in the

source language.

Examples:

akt 'act' + pannu > aktpannu 'act'

ap 'off' + pannu > appannu 'put off'

in 'in' + pannu > inpannu 'tug in'

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'Act' is a verb in English which is borrowed as a noun in Tamil; 'off' and 'in' are prepositions in

English which are borrowed in Tamil as nouns. The base which forms the constituent of a

compound can belong to any one of the following grammatical categories: noun, particle,

onomatopoeic word. The noun could be simple, compound or derived.

Examples:

Simple Noun + Verbalizer

arattai 'chat (N)' + ati > arattaiyati 'chat'

uruti 'firmness' + ali > urutiyali 'confirm'

curai 'scattering' + atu > curaiyatu 'plunder'

varakku 'case; suit' + atu > varakkatu 'argue a case'

Derived noun + Verbalizer

arutal 'consolation' + ali > arutal ali 'console'

celavu 'expense' + ari > celavari 'spend'

totarpu 'contact'+ kol > totarpukol 'contact'

veruppu 'dislike'+ utu > verupputu 'cause dislike'

[aru 'become cold', cel 'go', totar 'follow', veru 'dislike']

Compound Noun + Verbalizer

Noun + Noun + Verbalizer

pulan + vicaranai > pulanvicaranai 'investigation' + cey>

pulanvicaranai cey 'investigate'

Derived Noun + Noun + Verbalizer

natai + murai > nataimurai 'practice' + patuttu > nataimuraippatuttu 'put into practice'

Verbal participle form + Noun + Verbalizer

parintu + urai > parinturai 'recommendation' + cey > parindturai cey 'recommend'

Verb stem + Noun + Verbalizer

pari + mutal > parimutal ‘confiscation’+ cey ‘do’ parimutal cey 'confiscate’

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kuttu ‘hit’ + cantai > kuttuccantai 'boxing' + potu ‘put’ > kuttuccantaipotu

'perform boxing'

Onomatopoeic Word + Verbalizer

palic + itu > paliccitu 'flash; shine'

titukku + itu > titukkitu 'be alarmed'

7.4.3. Verbalizers

There are thirty nine verbs which can be claimed to function as verbalizers to form

compound verbs from bases.

Sl.No Verbalizers with

core meaning

Examples of Compound verbs in which the

verbalizers form a part

1 ati 'beat' kan 'eye' + ati > kannati 'wink'

2 atai 'get' mutivu 'end' + atai > mutivatai 'come to an end'

3 ali 'give' paricu 'prize' + ali > paricali 'award'

4 aku 'become' veli 'outside + aku > veliyaku 'come out'

5 akku 'produce' coru 'cooked rice' + akku > corakku 'cook rice’

6 atu 'move' kuttu 'drama' + atu > kuttatu 'act'

7 attu 'swing' cir 'orderliness' + attu > cirattu 'tend lovingly'

8 arru 'perform' pani 'work' + arru > paniyarru 'work'

9 itu 'put' parvai 'look' + itu > parvaiyitu 'inspect'

10 uru 'obtain' kelvi 'hearsay' + uru > kelviyuru 'get to know'

11 uruttu 'trouble' tunpam 'suffering' + uruttu > tunpuruttu 'cause

suffering'

12 uttu 'give' ninaivu 'rememberance' + uttu > ninaivuttu 'remind'

13 etu 'take' oyvu 'rest' + etu > oyvetu 'take rest'

14 eytu 'obtain' maranam 'death' + eytu > maranameytu 'die'

15 el 'accept' patavi 'position' + el > pataviyel 'take office'

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16 eru 'rise' cutu 'heat' + eru > cuteru 'become hot'

17 erru 'raise' veli 'outside' + erru > veliyerru 'expel'

18 kattu 'tie' itu 'compensation' + kattu > itukattu 'make up'

19 kattu 'show' acai 'desire' + kattu 'show' > acaikattu 'lure; tempt'

20 kuru 'say' puram 'back' + kuru > purankuru 'backbite’

21 kotu 'give' peeccu 'conversation' + kotu > peccukkotu 'initiate a

talk'

22 kol 'get' totarpu 'contact' + kol > totarpu kol 'contact'

23 cey 'do' vicaranai 'investigation' + cey > vicaranai cey

'investigate'

24 col 'say' kol 'lie' + col > kol col 'tell tale'

25 tattu 'pat' mattam 'substandard' +tattu>mattam tattu 'degrade'

26 patu 'experience' vetkam 'shyness' + patu > vetkappatu 'feel shy'

27 patuttu 'cause to

experience'

tunpam 'suffering' + patuttu >tunpappatuttu 'cause to

suffer'

28 pannu 'do' yocanai 'thinking' + pannu > yocanai pannu 'think'

29 par 'see' vevu 'spying' + par > vevupar 'spy'

30 piti 'catch' atam 'obstinacy' + piti > atampiti 'become obstinate'

31 puri 'do' manam 'marriage' + puri > manampuri 'marry'

32 peru 'get' oyvu 'rest' + peru > oyvu peru 'retire (from service)'

33 po 'go' coram 'adultery' + po > corampo 'commit adultary'

34 potu 'drop' cattam 'sound' + potu > cattam poTu 'shout'

35 muuTTu 'make' kopam 'anger' + muuttu > kopamuttu 'cause anger'

36 va 'come' valam 'right' + va > valamva 'go round'

37 vanku 'get' velai + vanku > velaivanku 'extract work'

38 vitu 'leave' muccu 'breath' + vitu > muccuvitu 'breathe'

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39 vai 'keep’ ataku 'pledge' + vai > atakuvai 'pledge'

It has to be noted here that all the verbalizing verbs are native Tamil words. Not all the verbs

listed above are actually used as verbalizers. The number of compound verbs formed from each

verbalizer also varies.

7.4.4. Dependency Of Verbalizers On Bases

It is generally the case that the compound verbs acquire syntactic and semantic features

based on the characteristic features of the bases. For example, the compound verbs accati (<accu

'printing' + ati'beat') 'print', kollaiyati (<kollai 'plundering' + ati 'beat') 'plunder' and vinati (<vin

'waste' + ati 'beat')’waste' are transitive verbs capable of receiving an object retaining the

characteristic feature of ati 'beat' as a main verb. But the compound verbs such as nical ati

'swim', perumaiyati 'boast' and arattaiyati 'chat' are intransitive verbs differing from the

characteristic feature of ati as the main verb and thus reflecting the influence of the features of

the bases. Conversely, kalavatu (<kalavu 'theft' + atu) 'steal', vettaiyatu (<vettai 'hunting' + atu)

'hunt' and curaiyaaTu (<curai 'plundering' + atu) 'plunder' are transitive verbs differing from the

characteristic feature of the verbalizing verb atu 'move to and fro' which is basically an

intransitive verb. But the compound verbs uraiyatu (<urai 'speech' + atu) 'talk' and vatatu

(<vatam 'argument' + atu) 'argue' are intransitive verbs retaining the characteristic feature of atu

as a main verb. yokamati (<yokam 'luck' + ati) is capable of receiving a dative subject and thus

differing from the verb ati which receives a nominative subject.

Examples:

raman nayai atittaan 'Rama beat the dog'

ramanukku yokam atittatu 'Rama got luck'

The compound verb cuteru ‘become hot’ is a one place verb, where as its constituent verb eru

‘climb’ is a two place verb.

Examples:

kuranku marattil eriyatu 'the monkey climbed the tree'

nir cuteriyatu 'the water got heated'

The possibility of verbalizers getting combined with the same base noun leads to the formation

of synonymous compound verbs.

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Examples:

N + itu synonymous with N + potu

cantaiyitu 'quarrel' - cantaipotu 'quarrel'

N + uru synonymous with N + atai

tunpamuRu 'suffer' - tunpappatu 'suffer'

N + akku synonymous with N + patuttu

kunamakku 'cure' - kunappatuttu 'cure'

N + cey synonymous with N + kotu

tanamcey 'give free' - tanamkotu 'give free'

The same base can give different meanings with different verbalizers.

Examples:

veli 'outside' + itu > veliyitu 'publish'

veli 'outside + patu > velippatu 'come to be known or seen'

veli 'outside' + eru > veliyeru 'come out quit'

veli 'outside + erru > veliyeru 'expel'

Same base can combine with different verbalizers by bringing out their polysemous nature.

Examples:

itu + erru > iterru 'fulfil'

itu + kattu > itukattu 'make good'

itu + kotu > itu kotu 'make up to'

itu + patu > itu patu 'engage; involve'

itu + vai > itu vai 'pledge'

7.4.5. Dynamics of Compound Verb Formation

The dynamism involved in the formation of compound verbs can be listed as follows:

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1) For fulfilling the need

2) To bring out different shades of meaning

3) Due to the development of analytical nature

4) For showing stylistic variation

7.4.5.1 Fulfilling The Need

It is natural that language speakers form new words to express their new ideas and

experience. As the speakers are exposed to new ideas and experience due to their contact with

foreign language, they resort to form new verbs by making use of bases from the foreign

language and Tamil verbs as verbalizers.

Examples:

amal 'implementation'+ patuttu > amalpatuttu 'implement'

otu 'vote' + potu > otuppotu 'cast vote'

ciparicu 'recommendation' + cey > ciparicu cey 'recommend'

vivakarattu 'divorce' + cey > vivakarattu cey 'divorce'

amul is a base borrowed from Hindi, vottu is from English, ciparicu is from Urdu and

vivakarattu is from Sanskrit. Even Tamil nouns and particles have been used as bases to fulfil

their need.

Examples:

accu 'print' + ati > accati 'print'

tittam 'plan' + potu > tittam potu 'plan'

vakku 'word' + ali > vakkali 'promise'

veli 'outside' + itu > veliyitu 'publish'

mariyal 'strike' + cey > mariyal cey 'perform strike'

7.4.5.2 Different Shades Of Meaning

Compound verbs have been formed to bring out different shades of meaning. The

following differences in shades of meaning can be listed by taking cues form Karthikeyan

(1983).

230

1) State vs. change of state

2) Inceptive vs. terminative

3) Direct vs. indirect

4) Low status vs. high status

5) General vs. specific

6) Specified subject vs. unspecified subject

7) Subject oriented vs. indirect object oriented

8) Explicit vs. implicit

7.4.5.2.1 State Vs. Change Of State

While simple verb denotes the state of a feeling, the compound verb which is related to it

will denote change of state of feeling.

Examples:

aval varuntinal 'she felt sorry'

aval varuttam ataintal 'she felt sorry'

7.4.5.2.2 Terminative Vs. Inceptive

While simple verb denotes a terminative meaning, the related compound verb denotes

inceptive meaning.

Examples:

paya 'be afraid' vs. payam + etu > payametu 'start feeling afraid'

aval payantal 'she was afraid'

avalukku payametuttatu 'she started feeling afraid'

paci 'feel hungry' vs. paciyetu 'start feeling hungry'

avalukkup pacittatu 'she felt hungry'

avalukku paciyetuttatu 'she started feeling hungry'

7.4.5.2.3 Direct Vs. Indirect

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While the simple verb denotes direct action, the compound verb related to it denotes

indirect action.

Examples:

aval avanai araittal 'she invited him'

aval avanukku araippu vituttal 'she invited him through somebody'

aval avanai atarittal 'she supported him

aval avanukku ataravu kotuttal 'she gave him support'

7.4.5.2.4 Low Status Vs. High Status

While simple verb denotes the low status of subject or object, the compound verb which

is related to it denotes the high status of subject or object.

Examples:

avarkal avanaip putaittarkal 'they burried him'

avarkal avanai atakkam ceytarkal 'they burried him'

7.4.5.2.5 General Vs. Specific

While simple verb denotes a general meaning, the related compound verb denotes

specific meaning.

Examples:

aval avanai vicarittal 'She enquired him'

aval avanai vicaranai ceytal 'she interrogated him'

7.4.5.2.6 Concrete Sense Vs. Abstract Sense

While simple verb denotes concrete sense, the compound verb denotes abstract sense.

Examples:

aval avan kaiyait tatuttal 'she obstructed his hand'

avar cinimavait tatai ceytar 'he banned the cinema'

aval anta puvai montal 'she smelled the flower

naay moppam pitittatu 'the dog sniffed'

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7.4.5.2.7. Specified Agent Vs. Unspecified Agent

While the simple verb specifies agent, the compound makes the agent unspecified.

Examples:

avan vilaiyai nirnayittan 'he fixed the price'

vilai nirnayamayirru 'the price is fixed'

avan puttakam piracurittan 'he published the book'

puttakam piracuramayirru 'the book is published'

7.4.5.2.8 Subject Oriented Vs. Indirect Object Oriented

While one type specifies subject orientation of the action, the other type specifies indirect

object oriented action.

Examples:

avan arutal ataintan 'he got satisfied'

avan avalukku arutalalittan 'he consoled her'

7.4.5.2.9 Explicit Vs. Implicit

While one type of compound verbs denote expressed or explicit feeling, the other type of

compound verbs denote implicit feeling.

Examples:

avan avalitam varuttappattan 'he expressed his unhappiness to her'

avan varuttamataintan 'he became unhappy'

7.4.5.3 Development Of Analytic Nature

A language can become analytic or synthetic in course of time. Modern Tamil appears to

be more of analytic in nature than old Tamil. It appears that one or two compound verbs are

formed parallel to a simple verb.

Simple form Analytic form

utavu 'help' utavicey 'help'

camai 'cook' camaiyal cey 'cook'

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muyal 'try' muyarcicey 'try'

mayanku 'become unconcious' mayakkamatai 'become unconcious'

kopi 'show anger' kopappatu 'show anger'

7.4.5.4 Bringing Out Stylistic Differences

The preference of simple for compound or vice versa can bring in stylistic difference.

Examples:

Literary style Spoken style

aal 'rule' aatci cey 'rule'

iranku 'show pity' irakkappatu 'show pity'

muyal 'try' muyarci cey 'try'

7.4.6. The Productivity And Lexicalization Of Compound Verb Formation

One of the goals of morphological theorizing is to account for the ways in which speakers

both understand and form not only the existing words that occur in their language, but also

potential words which are not instantiated in use in utterance. The following points of Katamba

(1993) on productivity is worth mentioning here:

(i) Productivity is a matter of degree. It is not a dichotomy, with some word-formation

processes being productive and others being unproductive. Probably no processes is so

general that it affects, without exception, all the bases to which it could potentially apply.

The reality is that some processes are relatively more general than others.

(ii) Productivity is subject to the dimension of time. A process which is very general

during one historical period may become less so at a subsequent period. Conversely, a

new process entering a language may initially affect a tiny fraction of eligible inputs

before eventually applying more widely.”

Formation of compound verbs by the combination of a noun with a verbalizer is a

productive process in Tamil. Tamil resort to increase its verb stock only by the process of

compounding. The compound verbs which are lexicalized as they attain idiosyncrasy in their

formation and/or meaning got listed in a dictionary. Many of the compound verbs listed in

Karthikeyan (1983) and Rajendran (1979) are found listed in KTTA as they are lexicalized at the

syntactic and semantic level. One can argue that if the resultant forms are listed in a dictionary, it

is redundant to deal about them by word-formation rules. The word-formation rules in the

formation of compound noun is productive and still operative, but the output needs to be listed in

a dictionary as the compound forms are lexicalized at syntactic and semantic levels. At the same

234

time many compound verbs do not get listed in KTTA. As we have seen already, the bases which

can participate in the formation of compound nouns are from native and non-native source and

verbalizers are from native source. The verbalizers are almost finite in number. When we

compare the list of compounds found in Karthikeyan (1983) with those found in KTTA, we

notice that lexicalized as well non-lexicalized compounds are found in Karthikeyan whrereas

KTTA lists only lexicalized compounds. The following table will give a comparative account of

the number of compound verbs formed by each verbalizer.

Sl.N

o. Verbalizer

Number of compounds found in

Karthikeyan

Number of compounds

found in KTTA

1 aTi 27 37

2 aTai 80 5

3 aLi 26 7

4 aaku 45 36

5 aakku 21 24

6 aaTu 16 33

7 aaTTu - 6

8 aaRRu 7 3

9 iTu 42 50

10 uRu 43 6

11 uRuttu 6 5

12 uuTTu 24 5

13 eTu 17 18

14 eytu - 4

15 eel 6 3

16 eeRu 8 10

17 eeRRu 8 13

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18 kaTTu - 23

19 kaaTTu - 20

20 kuuRu 7 1

21 koTu 24 19

22 koL 15 18

23 cey 197 36

24 col 6 -

25 taTTu - 13

26 paTu 65 58

27 paTuttu 81 56

28 paNNu 90 12

29 paar 10 14

30 piTi 14 16

31 puri 18 1

32 peRu 12 9

33 poo 6 10

34 pooTu 24 47

35 muTTu - 2

36 vaa - 16

37 vaangku - 10

38 viTu 8 18

39 vai 7 19

If we interpret the productivity of the verbalizer in the formation of compound verbs on the basis

of number of compounds formed, cey appears to be more productive; pannu comes next

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followed by patuttu, atai, patu, aku, uru, itu, ati, ali, kotu, muttu, potu, akku and so on as per the

number of compounds formed. Aronoff (1976) argues that one cannot calculate the productivity

on the basis of number of items formed. Productivity, according to him, is not easy to be

calculated and a number of factors are to be taken into account while calculating the

productivity. Productivity has to be calculated based on the proportion of possible forms and

forms formed. Almost all the items listed in Karthikeyan are listed in KTTA with the exception

of certain verbalizers. That means KTTA has listed almost all the compounds listed in

Karthikeyan as they are lexicalized, especially at the semantic level. Even then new compounds

are always formed to fill the gap or to fulfil the need. It appears that analogy plays a part in the

formation of new compounds.

7.5. Examination Of The Compound Verb Formation Based On Each Verbalizer

The strategies followed in the formation of compound nouns can be understood properly

only if we examine the compounds formed under each verbalizers listed above. The following

details have to be taken into account for each verbalizer:

1. The main and the auxiliary meanings of the verbalizers

2. The list of compounds formed from each verbalizer

3. The list of bases which are compounded with each verbalizer

4.The semantic domain or area to which the set of bases which are associated with a

particular verbalizer belong

5. The number of nonce formations for each verbalizer

6. The predictability of the bases to which the verbalizers can be affixed and the derived

meaning.

Let us examine a few verbalizers from the above points of view.

7.5.1. Verbalization by aTi

The main meaning of the verbalizer aTi is 'beat' and the verb belongs to the semantic

domain Verbs of Impact. The polysemous nature of aTi will be exposed when it is collocated

with different nouns. Rajendran (1979) classifies the different meanings of aTi based on its

collocation with different nouns:

Sr. No. Different

meanings of ati

Collocation with different nouns

1 drive in aaNi 'nail' + aTi 'drive in nail'

2 Ring maNi 'bell' + aTi > maNiyaTi 'ring, chime'

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3 Press muttirai 'stamp' aTi > muttiraiyaTi 'stamp'

4 Shine veyil 'sunshine' + aTi > veyilati 'shine'

5 Blow naaRRam 'foul smell' + aTi > narramati 'smell’

6 Dash alai 'wave' + aTi > alaiyaTi 'dash as waves'

7 Smear varnam 'paint' + aTi > varNamaTi 'paint'

8 Print azhaippitazh 'invitation card' + aTi > azhaippitazh aTi

'print invitation'

9 Stitch caTTai 'shirt' + aTi > caTTaiyaTi 'stitch shirts'

10 Consume kancaa 'hemp' + aTi > kanca ati 'consume hemp'

11 strike as luck yookam 'luck' + aTi > yokamaTi 'strike as luck'

12 run temperature kaayccal 'fever' + ati > kayccal ati 'run temperature'

The above composition cannot be considered as compound verbs, though the nouns to which ati

gets collocated have to be listed for the interpretation of meaning. In the case of manamati

'smell', narramati 'smell bad', maraiyaTi 'rain', veyilaTi 'shine', kaarati 'blow as wind', puyalati

'blow as storm', the nouns manam 'smell', narram 'bad smell', marai 'rain', veyil 'sun shine', karru

'wind', and puyal 'storm' have to be considered as subjects and not as bases of compound verbs.

The following compound verbs are listed in KTTA:

accu 'print' + ati > accati 'print'

katir 'ear’(of corn)' + ati > katirati 'thrash (paddy)'

kan 'eye' + ati > kannati 'wink'

kappi 'copy” + ati > kappiyati 'copy'

kay 'testicle' + ati > kayati 'castrate'

kummi 'dance accompanied by clapping of hands' + ati > kummiyati 'dance around

clapping hands'

kuttu 'noisy scene' + ati > kuttati 'create a noisy scene'

kollai 'robbery' + ati > kollaiyati 'plunder'

cinki 'hand cymbals' + ati > cinkiyati 'be in strains'

citti 'whistle' + ati > cittiyati 'whistle'

tanti 'telegram' + ati > tandtiyati 'send a telegram, wire'

tampattam 'a large, round tom-tom' + ati > tampattamati 'spread news; boast'

tamukku 'a kind of small drum' + ati > tamukkati 'notify the public by tom-tom'

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palti 'somersault' + ati > palti ati 'somersault, make a retreat, fail'

perumai 'pride' + aTi > perumaiyati 'brag about'

por 'stalk of paddy, + ati > porati 'thresh paddy by beating or walking bullock over

the sheaves'

mattai 'stick' + ati > mattaiyati 'do something monotonous'

mottai 'shaven state of head' + ati > mottaiyati 'shave the head'

vay 'mouth' + ati > vayati 'pay lip-service'

vin 'uselessness' + ati > vinati 'waste'

vellai 'white colour' + ati > vellaiyati 'whitewash'

The above listed N + V forms are considered as compounds as they are lexicalized at the

semantic level attaining idiosyncratic or idiomatic meanings. The question before us is that how

for ati can be used as a verbalizer in producing new compound verbs.

The formation of new compounds can be visualized as two processes:

1) A phrase of type N + V attains idiosyncratic or idiomatic meaning and becomes

a compound.

2) A new compound is created based on the already existing compound, i.e. on

analogy.

For example kottati 'beat drum' can become a compound verb if it attains the idiomatic meaning

'spread news' or 'boast'. The following formations which are not listed in KTTA can be

considered as compound formations based on analogy, i.e. based on the already existing kutati

'create a noisy scene'.

kottam 'boisterous or unruly behaviour' + ati 'behave boisterously or unruly'

kummalam 'uncontrolled merriment' + ati > kummalam ati 'act or behave with

uncontrolled merriment'

7.5.2. Compound verb formation by aTai

aTai as a main verb means 'get' which comes under sub domain Verbs of Getting which

in turn comes under the major semantic domain Verbs of Transfer. The combinatory formations

of aTai with nouns whose status as compound verbs are taken into consideration are listed below

in terms of certain groups depending on the nouns involved in the formations.

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1. With nouns denoting emotions

accam + aTai > accamaTai 'feel fear'

cantoSam + aTai > cantoSamaTai 'feel happy'

nimmati + aTai > nimmatiyaTai 'feel peaceful'

viyappu + aTai > viyappaTai 'feel surprised'

2. With nouns denoting a state

ukkam + aTai > uukkamaTai 'become strong'

kulircci + aTai > kulircciyatai 'become cool'

ceetam + aTai > ceetamaTai 'become spoiled'

mayakkam + aTai > mayakkamatai 'become unconscious'

3. With nouns denoting status or achievement

veRRi + aTai > verriyaTai 'succeed'

pukazh + aTai > pukazhaTai 'get fame'

As the above listed forms are transparent in the sense that the constituent meanings can be used

to interpret the total meaning of the constitute, they are phrasal in character than compound.

These forms are not listed in KTTA. KTTA has listed only 5 as N + atai compounds as they are

semantically lexicalized.

7.5.3. Verbalization by aLi

The vebalizer aLi comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFERENCE The

use of aLi is restricted to written language. It comes as a compound with different nominal

elements. Generally it expresses benefaction or award. It collocates with a number of nouns to

form compound verbs. As a verbalizer aLi can be equated with koTu which is synonymous with

aLi. The verbalizing behaviour of aLi is similar to that of koTu.

7.5.4.Verbalization by aaku

aaku comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF STATE. It is a copula verb

expressing that something or some one is in a specified state or condition. The compound verbs

formed by aaku generally expresse the change from one state or condition to antother state or

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condition and so they get grouped under VERBS OF CHANGE OF STATE. Based on its

collocation with the nouns to form compound verbs the following classes can be identified:

1. Nouns expressing deformity of the body parts + aaku

$uunam 'deformity, handicap'' + aaku > uunamaaku 'become handicapped'

$kuruTu 'blind' + aaku > kuruTaaku 'become blind'

$muTam 'lameness' + aaku > muTamaaku 'become handicapped'

2. Nouns denoting conditions or qualities + aaku

$iruTTu 'darkness' + aaku > iruTTaaku 'become dark'

$cuuTu 'hotness' + aaku > cuuTaaku 'become hot'

$teLivu 'clarity' + aaku > teLivaaku 'become clear'

$paazh 'waste' + aaku > paazhaaku 'become useless'

$virayam 'wasteage' + aaku > virayamaaku 'become waste'

$viiN 'waste' + aaku > viiNaaku 'become waste'

3. Nouns of expression or communication + aaku

$ampalam 'place where public hearing took place' + aakku >amplamaaku 'make known to

public'

$piracuram 'publication' + aakku > piracuramaaku 'publish'

Nouns expressing expulsion + aaku

$viTutalai 'release' + aaku 'get released'

veLi 'outside' + aaku > veLiyaaku 'be released'

It is difficult to say all the collocations listed above are compound verbs. When there is a

transparency of getting the combinatory meaning from the individual meanings of constituent

items, then it is difficult to call them as compounds. Interestingly the collocations listed above

which are marked initially by $ sign are not listed in KTTA. This amounts to the presumption

that all these combinations are not lexicalized to get listed in a dictionary. If we go by

lexicalization as factor for ascertaining a combination as a compound, then the forms marked by

$ sign cannot be called as compounds. In that case, only those forms which are qualified to be

get listed in a dictionary can be called as compounds. KTTA has listed 36 compounds formed by

combining certain set nouns with the verbalizer aaku. Some of them are listed below:

arttam 'meaning' sense' + aaku > arttamaaku 'make sense',

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aajar 'present' + aaku > aajaraaku 'appear, be present'

irai 'prey' + aaku > iraiyaaku 'be subject to destruction',

uru 'form' + aaku > uruvaaku 'come into existence',

uRpatti 'production' + aaku > uRpattiyaaku 'originate',

kaalam 'time' + aaku > kaalamaaku 'pass away',

caTangku 'ceremony' + aaku > caTangkaaku 'come to age',

It has to be noted that a number of items listed in Karthikeyan (1983) are not listed in KTTA.

The following is the sample of the list.

$payaNam 'travel' + aaku > payaNamaaku 'start a journey'

$aikkiyam 'oneness' + aaku > aikkiyamaaku 'be united'

$aarampam 'beginning' + aaku > aarampamaaku 'start'

$aayattam 'preparations' + aaku > aayattamaaku ' get ready'

It may be because the collocations are so transparent that the combinatory meanings can be had

from the individual meanings of the constituents. But the productivity of a formation demands

predictability of the combination. The combinatory of meaning of a collocated item can be

predicted only at the stage of transparency. It is likely that it attains idiosyncrasy when get

lexicalized in terms of meaning. In such stage it get listed in the dictionary as a single word.

Anyhow, it is possible to say that aaku is a productive verbalizer as it is capable of combining

with a number of nouns which in due course get listed in a dictionary.

Not all collocations can be categorized as compounds. For example, aaku collocates with

words denoting time such as neeram 'time', camayam 'time', kaalataamatam 'delay' 'time', ndaaL

'day', etc. will express delay.

avan viiTTiRkup pooka ndeeram aakum 'there will be delay in his going home'

avan viiTTiRkup pooka ndeeram aakiviTTatu 'Time has come form him to leave for

home'

avan anta veelaiyaic ceytu muTikka ndaaLaakum 'It will take days to complete the work'

avan anta veelaiyaic ceytu muTikka ndaaLaayiRRu 'He has taken many days to complete

the work'

7.5.5. Verbalization by aakku

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aakku comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF CREATION. aakku denotes

creating, producing or causing something to come up. As a vebalizer it is used in the sense of

'change', 'transform' , 'make' , etc. As in the case of aaku, aakku can also be classified into a few

types based on its collocation with nouns.

1.Nouns expressing deformity of the body parts + aakku

$uunam 'deformity, handicap'' + aakku > uunamaaku 'make handicapped'

$kuruTu 'blind' + aakku > kuruTaakku 'make blind'

$muTam 'lameness' + aakku > muTamaakku 'make handicapped'

4. Nouns denoting conditions or qualities + aaku

$azhukku 'dirty' + aakku > azhukkaakku 'make dirty'

cezhippu 'prosperity' + aakku > cezhippaakku 'make prosper'

$cuuTu 'hotness' + aakku > cuuTaakku 'make hot'

$teLivu 'clarity' + aakku > teLivaakku 'make clear'

$paazh 'waste' + aakku > paazhaakku 'destroy'

$virayam 'wasteage' + aaku > virayamaaku 'waste'

$viiN 'waste' + aaku > viiNaaku 'waste'

5. Nouns of expression or communication + aaku

$arttam 'meaning' + aaku > arttamaaku 'make sense'

$ampalam 'place where public hearing took place' + aaku >amplamaaku 'be known to

public'

$piracuram 'publication' + aaku > piracuramaaku 'get published'

$piracaaram + aaku > piracaaramaaku 'become public'

$peeccu 'talk' + aaku > peeccaaku 'become topic of the talk'

6. Nouns expressing expulsion + aaku

$viTutalai 'release' + aaku 'get released'

veLi 'outside' + aaku > veLiyaaku 'be released'

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KTTA has listed 24 compounds formed by combining certain set nouns with the verbalizer

aakku. Some of them are listed below:

irai 'prey' + aakku > iraiyaakku 'subject to destruction',

uru 'form' + aaku > uruvaakku 'construct'

kari 'charcoal' + aakku > kariyaakku 'fritter'

kaacu 'coin' + aakku > kaacaakku 'cash in'

caTTam 'law' + aakku > caTTamaakku 'enact'

Not all the aaku compounds have parallel aakku compounds. It has to be noted that a number of

items listed in Karthikeyan (1983) are not listed in KTTA. The following is the sample of the

list.

$atikam 'excess' + aakku > atikmaakku 'increase'

$azhukku 'dirty' + aakku > azhukkaakku 'make dirty'

$uayaram 'height' + aakku > uyaramaakku 'make tall'

$cikkal 'complication' + aakku > cikkalaakku 'complicate'

As noted already, the reason could the transparency in their formation. Anyhow, it is possible to

say that aakku is a productive verbalizer as it is capable of combining with a number of nouns

which in due course get listed in a dictionary.

7.5.6. Vebalization by aaTu

aaTu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF NON-DIRECTIONAL

MOVEMENT. aaTu expresses swinging, oscillating or waving movement of a body which is

hanged or attached so as to move freely. Karthikeyan (1983) classify the formation based on the

movement of the body parts as aaTu involves body movement.

ex.

1. Movement of the body

aaTTam + aaTu > aaTTamaaTu 'dance'

uRavu 'relation + aaTu > uRavaaTu 'act friendly'

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Movement of the hands

kaLavu 'stealing' + aaTu > kaLavaaTu 'steal'

cuutu 'gambling' + aaTu > cuutaaTu 'gamble'

2. Movement of the lips

urai 'speech' + aaTu > uraiyaaTu 'perform'

vazhakku 'dispute' aaTu > vazhakkaaTu ' dispute'

3. Psychological movement

tiNTaaTu 'suffer'

tikkumukkaaTu 'suffer as to not able to breath'

It appears that there is no logic behind this classification. The best way of classifying the

nominal bases which collocates with aaTu could be to group them as nouns of performance.

aaTu when collocated with these nouns denotes the verbalizing meaning 'perform'.

1. Nouns denoting certain performance + aaTu

urai 'speech' + aaTu > uraiyaaTu 'talk'

uRavu 'intimacy' + aaTu > uRavaaTu 'move closely'

kuuttu 'dance' + aaTu > kuuttaaTu 'dance; be higly elated'

cuutaatu 'gambling' + aaTu > cuutaaTu 'gamble'

cuuRai 'plundering' + aaTu > cuuRaiyaaTu 'plunder'

poor 'fighting' + aaTu > pooraaTu 'fight'

ndaTam 'walking' + aaTu > ndaTamaaTu 'walk about'

ndaaTakam 'drama' + aaTu > ndaaTakamaaTu 'act'

vazhakku 'dispute' + aaTu > vazhakkaaTu 'argue'

vaatu 'dispute' + aaTu > vaataaTu ' argue'

2. Certain miscellaneous nouns + aaTu

koNTu + aaTu > koNTaaTu 'celebrate'

taLLu 'staggering' aaTu > taLLaaTu 'stagger'

tikkumukkku '?' + aaTu > tikkumukkaaTu ' get suffocate'

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tiNTu + aaTu > tiNTaaTu 'suffer'

manRu 'hall' + aaTu > manRaaTu ' implore'

viLai 'ground' + aaTu > viLaiyaaTu 'play'

KTTA has listed 33 compound verbs formed by the verbalizer aaTu. The compounds unmarked

for $ sign are found in KTTA. aaTu appears to be not a productive vebalizer as it does not

encourage predictable collocations to form compound verbs. The only possibility of nonce

formation could be by forming new idiomatic meaning as exemplified in the following

examples:

ataiyum itaiyumceyyaccolli avarkaL kaNNanaip pandtaaTinaarkaL

'They harassed Kannan by asking to do this and that'

avarkaL peNakaLai veTTaiyaaTap puRappaTTaarkaL

'They started to harm women'

7.5.7.Verbalization by aaTTu

aaTTu is the transitive form of aaTu. It also is grouped under VERBS OF MOVEMENT

and also under VERBS OF IMPACT. It is used with the meaning 'shake; cause to swing', etc.

Karthikeyan(1983) has listed this under verbalizer as it is not a productive verbalizer. KTTA has

listed only 6 compounds formed by aaTTu. The following forms are listed in Rajendran

(1978:247).

$uRakku 'sleep' + aaTTu > uRakkaaTTu 'cause to sleep'

kuLippu 'bathing' + aaTTu > kuLippaaTTu 'bathe'

ciir 'git' + aaTTu > ciiraaTTu 'tend lovingly'

taal 'lullaby' + aaTTu > talaaTTu 'rock a child singing lullabies'

paar 'world' + aaTTu > paraaTTu 'praise'

vaal 'tail' + aaTTu > valaaTTu 'act provocatively against some one'

maavu 'dough' + aaTTu > maavaaTTu 'grind'

7.5.8.Verbalization by aaRRu

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aaRRu is grouped under the semantic domain VERBS OF PERFORMANCE. It

expresses doing, carrying out or performing a work, duty, etc. It is collocated with nouns

denoting work, duty, speech, lecture, etc. to form compound verbs.

1. Nouns denoting work, duty, etc. + aaRRu

$kaTamai 'duty' + aaRRu > kaTamaiyaaRRu 'perform duty'

$ceyal 'deed' + aaRRu > ceyalaaRRu 'perform'

$toNTu 'service' + aaRRu > toNTaaRRu 'serve'

paNi 'work' + aaRRu > paNiayaaRRu 'work, serve'

2. Nouns denoting speech, etc. + aaRRu

$urai 'speech + aaRRu > uraiyaaRRu 'deliver a speech'

$coRpozhivu 'speech' + aaRRu > coRpozhivaaRRu 'deliver a speech'

$virivurai 'elaborate speech' + aaRRu > virivuraiyaaRRu 'lecture elaborately'

KTTA has listed only 3 compounds formed by this vebalizer. aaRRu is not a productive

verbalizer as its use is restricted to written language.

7.5.9.Verbalization by iTu

iTu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFER. It is primarily used with

the meaning 'put; place'. As a verbalizer it collocates with a set of nouns forming compound

verbs. The following classification nominal based can be identified to understand the

verbalization by iTu.

1. A set of nouns denoting different types o noises + iTu

iraiccal 'noise' + iTu > iraiccaliTu 'make noise'

uuLai 'howl of a jackal or a dog' + iTu > uuLaiyiTu 'howl'

oolam 'roar; cry of lamentation' + iTu > oolamiTu 'roar; produce cry of lamentation'

kuuccal 'shouting' + iTu > kuuccaliTu 'shout'

kooSam 'slogan' + iTu > kooSamiTu 'shout slogan'

captam 'noise' + iTu > captamiTu 'make noise'

2. A subset of nouns of communication + iTu

aaNai 'order; command' + iTu > aaNaiyiTu ' give order; command'

uttaravu 'order; commad' + iTu > uttaraviTu 'give order; command'

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kaTTaLai 'order; command' + iTu > kaTTaLaiyiTu 'give order; command'

capatam 'vow' + iTu > capatamiT ' vow'

caapam 'curse' + iTu > caapamiTu 'curse'

ndipandtanai 'condition' + iTu > ndipandtaniyiTu 'put condition'

vaatu 'argument' + iTu > vaatiTu 'argue'

3. A subset of nouns aggression + iTu

poor 'war' + iTu > pooriTu 'wage war'

caNtai 'fight' + iTu > caNTaiyiTu ' fight'

vazhakku 'discput' + iTu > vazhkkiTu 'dispute'

pooTTi 'competition' + iTu > pooTtiyiTu 'compete'

4. A set of onomatopoeic nouns denoting brightness, chill, noise, etc. + iTu

paLic 'brightness' + iTu > pLicciTu 'shine'

jil 'chill' + iTu > jilliTu 'be chill; be cold'

kiriic 'shrill noise' + iTu > kiriicciTu 'make shrill noise'

jil 'chill' + iTu > jilliTu 'be chill; be cold'

5. Miscellaneous Nouns + iTu

accu 'print' + iTu > acciTu 'print'

aLavu 'measurement' + iTu > aLaviTu 'measure'

eNNam 'though' + iTu > eNNamiTu 'think'

oppam 'signature + iTu > oppamiTu 'put signature'

oppu 'comarison' + iTu > oppiTu 'compare'

kuRukku 'contradiction' + iTu > kuRukkiTu 'interfere'

kuuRu 'share' + iTu > kuuRiTu 'share'

ceppan 'perfection' + iTu > ceppamiTu 'repair'

celavu 'expenditure' iTu > celaviTu 'spend'

talai 'head' + iTu > talaiyiTu 'interfere'

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pongkal 'cooking of rice' + iTu > pongkaliTu 'prepare cooked rice as offer to god'

veLi 'outside' + iTu > veLiyiTu 'publish'

KTTA has listed 50 compounds formed by using the verbalizer iTu which it considers lexicalized

to be entered into the dictionary. Though the use of iTu is restricted to written language, it

appears to be a productive verbalizer as it can form nonce formations.

7.5.10.Verbalization by uRu

uRu cannot come independently. It always comes in collocation with nouns cpressing

feeling or state in the sense of 'get; obtain'. It forms a number of compound verbs as a verbalizer,

though its use is restricted to written language. In the modern Tamil the verb aTai which

synonymous with uRu is preferred in the place of uRu. Based on the nouns which collocate with

the verbalizer uRu, the following classification can be made.

1. Nouns denoting sufferings, emotions and feelings + uRu

1.1. Nouns of suffering + uRu

allal 'suffering + uRu > allaluRu 'suffer'

avati 'suffering' + uRu > avatiyuRu 'suffer'

kalakkam 'sadness' + uRu > kalakkamuRu 'feel sad'

tuyaram 'sadness' + uRu > tuyaramuRu ‘sufffer’

tunpam "sadness' + uRu > tunpamuRu 'suffer

1.2. Nouns of happiness + uRu

inpu 'happiness' + uRu > inpuRu 'feel happy'

candtooSam 'happiness' + uRu > candtooSamuRu ' feel happy'

kaLippu 'happiness' + uRu > kaLippuRu 'feel happy'

kutukkalam 'happiness' + uRu > kutuukalamuRu 'feel happy'

makizhcci 'happiness' + uRu > makizhcciyuRu 'feel happy'

1.3. Nouns denoting unpleasant feelings + uRu

accam 'fear' + uRu > accamuRu 'fear'

ericcal 'irritation' + uRu > ericcaluRu 'feel irritated'

aiyam 'doubt' + uRu > aiyaamuRu 'doubt'

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calippu 'boredom' + uRu > calippuRu 'feel bored'

ciRumai 'shame' + uRu > ciRumaiyuRu 'feel ashamed'

koopam 'anger' + uRu > koopamuRu 'feel angry'

tuNukku 'shock' + uRu > tuNukkuRu 'feel shocked'

2. Nouns denoting certain physical state + uRu

2.1. Nouns denoting bodily state + uRu

uunam 'handicap' + uRu > uunamuRu 'become handicapped'

taLarcci 'weakness' + uRu > taLarcciyuRu 'become weak'

ndalivu 'weakness' + uRu > ndalivuRu 'become weak'

polivu 'freshness' + uRu > polivuRu 'become fresh'

mayakkam 'unconsciousness' + uRu > makkamuRu 'become unconsciousness'

valimai 'strength' + uRu > valimaiyuRu 'become strong'

2.2. Nouns denoting some good or bad conditions + uRu

$citaivu 'state of ruin' + uRu > citaivuRu 'get desroyed'

$cezhippu 'flourshing' + uRu > cezhippuRu 'flourish'

$ceetam 'loss; damage' + uRu > ceetamuRu 'get damaged'

3. Miscellaneous nouns + uRu

keeLvi 'hear say' + uRu > keeLviyuRu 'come to know; hear'

toolvi 'defeat' + uRu > toolviyuRu 'get defeated'

KTTA has listed only 6 compounds formed by uRu as it tries to represent only modern Tamil. As

we stated already in most of the compounds aTai can replace uRu. There a few compounds in

which aTai cannot replace uRu, for example *keeLviyaTai is not possible Though the use of

uRu is restricted to classical Tamil and its use is not encouraged in modern Tamil and its

synonym aTai is preferred to uRu, it has its own productive quality which can be exploited to

form nonce formations..

7.5.11.Verbalization by uRuttu

uRuttu is used in the modern Tamil to denote feeling uneasy and also distrubing others

feeling. uRuttu is the transitive form of uRu. But it is not as productive as uRu in the formation

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compound verbs with nouns. It cannot be collocated with all the nouns to which uRu can be

collocated.

1. Certain nouns of feeling or suffering + uRuttu

accu 'fear' + uRuttu > accuRuttu ' cause fear'

tunpu 'suffering' + uRuttu > tunpuRuttu 'case to suffer; hurt'

payam 'fear' + uRuttu > payamuRuttu 'cause fear'

2. Certain nouns denoting firmness or force + uRuttu

vaRpu 'firmess' + uRuttu > vaRpuRuttu 'inist; compel'

vali 'force' + uRuttu > valiyuRuttu 'insist'

7.5.12.Verbalization by uuTTu

uuTTu primarily means cause one to consume food. As a verbalizer it is used with the

meaning 'make; case'. It is primarily used with nouns denoting emotions and feelings to form

compound verbs. While uRu with nouns of emotions and feelings forms compounds denoting

the experiencing of those feelings or emotions, uuTTu forms compounds denoting causing of

those feelings. It fulfils what the verbalizer uRuttu fails to do. It does not collocates with nouns

of suffering.

1. Nouns denoting emotions and feelings + uuTTu

Nouns denoting certain pleasant feelings

inpam 'happiness' + uuTTu > inpamuuTTu 'make happy'

kaLippu 'happiness' + uuTTu > kaLippuuTtu 'make happy'

kiLarcci 'excitement' + uuTTu > kiLarcciyuuTTu 'make excited'

ndampikkai 'faith; hope' + uuTTu > ndampikkaiyuuTTu 'encourage'

makizhcci 'happiness' + uuTTu > makizhcciyuuTtu 'make happy'

1.1. Nouns denoting certain unpleasant feelings

aattiram 'anger' + uuTTu > aattiramuuTTu 'make angry'

ericcal 'irritation' + uuTTu > ericcaluuTTu 'irritate'

kili 'fear' + uuTTu > kiliyuuTTu 'frighten'

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koopam 'anger' + uuTTu > koopamuuTTu 'make angry'

veRi 'fury' + uuTTu > veRiyuuTTu 'infuriate'

veRuppu 'hatred' + uuTTu > veRuppuuTTu 'cause discontent'

2.Miscellaneous nouns + uuTTu

eri 'fire' uuTTu > eriyuuTTu 'light the funeral fire'

tii 'fire' + uuTTu > tiiyuuTTu 'light the funeral fire'

maNam 'fragrance' + uuTTu > maNamuuTTu 'make fragrant'

valu 'strenth' + uuTTu > valuvuuTTu 'strengthen'

uuTTu appears to be a productive verbalizer capable of forming nonce formations. KTTA has

listed only 5 compounds formed by using uuTTu. Most of the compounds listed above are not

listed in KTTA. The reason could be the transparency involved in their formation. If uuTTu is

taken as meaning 'give' in the above collocations, one can get the combinatory meaning of the

above mentioned compounds from the meanings of the constituent elements.

7.5.13.Verbalization by eTu

eTu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFERING. eTu primarily

denotes taking possession of something. As a verbalizer it collocates with certain nouns feelings

and events denoting inception of respective feelings and events.

1. A subset of nouns denoting feelings + eTu

uural 'itching sensation' + eTu > uuraleTu 'begin to feel itching sensation'

ericcal 'irritation' + eTu > ericcaleTu 'begin to feel irritation'

taakam 'thirst' + eTu > taakameTu 'begin to feel thirsty'

ndoovu 'pain' + eTu > ndooveTu > ndooveTu 'begin to feel pain'

paci 'hunger' + eTu > paciyeTu 'begin to feel hungry'

payam 'fear' + eTu > payameTu 'begin to fear'

vali 'pain' + eTu > valiyeTu 'begin to feel pain'

2. A subset of nouns denoting events + eTu

ooTTam 'running' + eTu > ooTTameTu 'begin to run'

ndaTukkam + eTu > ndaTukkameTu 'begin to shiver'

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peecu 'speech' + eTu > peecceTu 'initiate talk'

muyaRci 'efforts' + eTu > muyaRciyeTu 'make efforts; try'

vikkal 'hiccup' + eTu > vikkaleTu 'begin to hiccup'

3. Miscellaneous set of nouns + eTu

3.1. Set of nouns equivalent to English nouns which collocate with the verb take + eTu

(Analogical formation in line with English)

aLavu 'measure' + eTu > aLaveTu 'take the measure'

ooyvu 'rest' + eTu > ooyveTu 'take rest'

kuRippu 'note' + eTu > kuRippeTu 'take note'

capatam 'oath' + eTu > capatameTu 'take a oath'

tiirmaanam 'decision' + eTu > tiirmaanameTu 'make a decision'

pangku 'part' + eTu > pangkeTu 'take part'

paTi 'copy' + eTu > paTiyeTu 'take copy'

muTivu 'decision + eTu > muTiveTu 'take a decision'

3.2. Other miscellaneous set of nouns + eTu

uru 'shape' + eTu > uruveTu 'come into existence'

cuviikaaram 'adoption' + eTu > cuviikaarameTu 'adopt'

tattu 'adoption' + eTu > tatteTu 'adopt'

talai 'head' + eTu > talaiyeTu 'come up'

paTam 'picturte' + eTu > paTameTu 'take a picture; shoot a film'

paTam 'hood' + eTu > paTameTu 'spread the hood'

paTai 'army' + eTu > paTaiyeTu 'invade'

piccai 'alms' + eTu > piccaiyeTu 'beg'

piRavi 'birth' + eTu > piRaviyeTu 'born'

vaTivu 'shape' + eTu > vaTiveTu 'take shape'

vaandti 'vomitting' + eTu > vaandtiyeTu 'vomit'

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KTTA has listed only 18 compounds formed by using the verbalizer eTu. While assigning the

verbalizing function to eTu, KTTA has given payameTu and paciyeTu as examples. But these

compounds are not listed in the dictionary. It appears that KTTA has listed in the dictionary only

those items which are lexicalized and which it considers as unanalysable. Those compounds

which can be produced by making use of the verbalizer eTu and whose formation can be

predicted from the point of view of the constituents which involve in compounding and the

resultant meaning are not listed in the dictionary.

7.5.14.Verbalization by eel

eel comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFERRING under the sub

domain VEBS OF GETTING. eel primarily denotes accepting and admitting. Its use is

restricted to written language. Only a few nouns collocates with eel to form compound verbs. It

collocates with the nouns denoting certain responsibility to form compounds.

1. Subset of nouns denoting responsibility + eel

talaimai 'leadership' + eel > talaimaiyeel 'preside over'

patavi 'post' + eel > pataviyeel 'swear in'

poRuppu 'responsibility + eel > poRuppeel 'take responsibility'

2.Miscellaneous set of nouns + eel

pangku 'part' + eel > pangeel ' take part'

pazhi 'blame' + eel > pazhiyeel 'take the blame'

varavu 'coming' + eel > varaveel 'welcome'

eel is not a productive verbalizer. KTTA has listed only 3 lexicalized compounds which are

formed by collocating nouns with eel.

7.5.15.Verbalization by eeRu

eeRu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF MOVEMENT and under the sub

domain VERBS OF UPWARD MOVEMENT. eeRu denotes upward movement from lower

level to higher level. It primarily used with the meaning 'climb up; ascend'. As a verbalizer it

forms a number of compounds by combining with nouns. The following types of collocations

can be noted:

1. Set of nouns denoting certain locative relations + eeRu

veLi 'outside' + eeR > veLiyeeRu 'get out'

mun 'in front of' + eeRu > munneeRu 'go forward; prosper'

254

2. Subset of nouns denoting physical state of an object + eeRu

cuuTu 'hot' + eeRu > cuuTeeRu 'become hot'

meruku 'polish' + eeRu > merukeeRu 'get polished'

valu 'strength' + eeRu > valuveeRu 'become strong'

3. Miscellaneous set of nouns + eeRu

accu 'print' + eeRu > acceeRu 'get printed'

arangku 'stage' + eeRu > arangkeeRu 'be staged; be presented'

kuTi 'citizen' + eeRu > kuTiyeeRu 'emigrate'

ndiRaivu 'fulfilment' + eeRu > ndiRaiveeRu 'be completed; get fulfilled'

payir 'crop' + eeRu > payireeRu 'be cultivated'

eeRu is not a productive verbalizer as it does not form nonce formations.

7.5.16.Verbalization by eeRRu

eeRRu is the transitive form of eeRu. eeRRu denotes causing something to be placed at a

higher level. It collocates with a few nouns to form compound verbs. The classification of the

nominal bases goes according to the nominal bases of eeRu.

1. Subset of nouns denoting locative relations + eeRRu

mun + eeRRu > munneeRRu 'cause to progress'

veLi + eeRRu > veLiyeeRRu 'discharge; expel'

2. Subset of nouns denoting physical state of an object + eeRRu

cuuTu 'hot' + eeRRu > cuuTeeRRu 'make hot'

meruku 'polish' + eeRRu > merukeeRRu 'polish'

valu 'strength' + eeRRu > valuveeRu 'strenthen'

4. Miscellaneous set of nouns + eeRRu

accu 'print' + eeRRu > acceeRu 'print'

arangku 'stage' + eeRRu > arangkeeRRu 'stage; present'

kuTi 'citizen' + eeRRu > kuTiyeeRu 'settle'

ndiRaivu 'fulfilment' + eeRu > ndizRaiveeRRu 'complete; fulfilled'

payir 'crop' + eeRRu > payireeRRu 'cultivate'

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eRRu is not a productive verbalizer as it does not form nonce formations.

7.5.17.Verblization by kuuRu

kuuRu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF COMMUNICATION. It collocates

with nouns denoting different kinds of speech. The use of kuuRu is restricted to written

language. col 'tell', the synonym of kuuRu, is used in the place of kuuRu

1. Nouns denoting different kinds of speech + kuuRu

aRivurai 'advice' + kuuRu > aRivuraikuuRu 'advise'

aaci 'blessing' + kuuRu > aacikuuRu 'bless'

uRuti 'promise' + kuuRu > uRutikuuRu 'promise'

kuRai 'blame' + kuuRu > kuRaikuuRu 'blame'

kuRRam 'fault' + kuuRu > kuRRam kuuRu 'blame'

patil 'reply' + kuuRu > patilkuuRu 'reply; answer'

viTai 'answer' + kuuRu >viTaikuuRu 'answer'

vaazhttu 'greetings' + kuuRu >vaazhttu kuuRu 'greet'

2. Miscellaneous set of nouns + kuuRu

puRam 'back' + kuuRu > puRamkuuRu ' back bite'

KTTA has listed only one compound formed by making used of kuuRu. The compounds listed

under the first type of collocation have not been listed KTTA as their formation is transparent

and predictable. All the nouns listed under the first type of collocation can be interupted by case

suffixes as well as by plural marker kaL. The collocational meanings can be capturted by the

general meaning "tell X". So it doubtful whether to consider kuuRu in the above mentioned

compound as verbalizer. Karthikeyan (1983) listed most of them as compounds formed by the

verbalizer kuuRu.

7.5.18.Verbalization by koTu

koTu comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFERING under the

sudomain VERBS OF LOSING. It primarily denotes giving something to someone; an object is

transferred from giver to receiver. It mainly collocates with nouns denoting different types of

commmunication.

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1. Subset of nouns denoting different types of communcation

aRikkai 'announcement' + koTu > aRikkai koTu 'announce'

anumati 'permission' + koTu > anumati koTu 'permit'

uttiravaatam 'guarantee' + koTu > uttiravaatam koTu 'guarantee'

uttiravu 'permission' + koTu > uttaravu koTu 'give permission'

uRuti 'promise' + koTu > uRutikoTu 'promise'

opputal 'consent' + koTu > opputal koTu 'give consent'

cammatam 'consent' + koTu > cammatam koTu 'give consent'

patil 'answer; reply' + koTu > patil koTu 'reply'

payiRci 'training' + koTu > payiRci koTu 'train'

peeccu 'talk' + koTu > peeccu koTu 'initiate talk'

tiirppu 'judgement' + koTu > tiirppu koTu 'give judgement'

varaveeRpu 'reception' + koTu > varaveeRpu koTu 'welcome'

vaakku 'word; promise' + koTu > vaakku koTu 'promise'

vaakkuRuti 'promise' + koTu > vaakkuRuti koTu 'promise'

viLakkam 'explanation' + koTu > viLakkam koTu 'explain'

viTai 'answer' + koTu > viTai koTu 'answer'

2. Subset of nouns denoting visual perception + koTu

kaaTci 'sight' + koTu > kaaTci koTu 'appear'

taricanam 'appearance' + koTu > kaaTci koTu 'appear'

tooRRam 'appearance' + koTu > tooRam koTu 'appear'

3. Miscellaneous set of nouns + koTu

aTaikkalam 'asylum' + koTu > aTaikkalam koTu ' give asylum'

aataravu 'support' + koTu > aataravu koTu 'support'

itam 'place' + koTu > iTam koTu 'show some consideration'

iiTu 'match; equal' + koTu > iiTu koTu 'match up to; rise equal to'

257

cellam 'indulgence' + koTu > cellam koTu 'show indulgence'

paRi 'snatching' + koTu > paRi koTu 'lose'

paatukaappu 'protection' + koTu > paatukaappu koTu 'give protection'

Only 19 lexicalized compounds formed by koTu are listed in KTTA. Most of the compounds

whose derivation is transparent from the point of view of thier formation and the resultant

meaning is not listed in KTTA. Especially, most of the compounds listed in the first type of

collocation is not included in KTTA as thery are transparent and the resultant meanings can be

predicted. They can be interruped by case suffixes as well as, in some cases, by plural kaL. They

can be given the generalized meaning "give X". Karthikeyan (1983) has listed most of them as

compound verbs formed by the verbalizer koTu.

7.5.19 Verbalization by koL

The verbalizer koL is primarily used with the meaning 'contain;hold; possess; have, etc.'.

It comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF TRANSFER. It verbalizes the nouns denoting

certain psychological states such as emotions, feelings, desire, etc. into verbs which express the

dynamics of these actions.

1. Subset of nouns denoting emtions, feelings, desires, etc.

accam 'fear' + koL> accamkoL 'fear'

amaiti 'peace' + koL > amaitikoL 'be calm'

koopam 'anger' + koL > koopamkoL 'be angry'

veRuppu 'hatred' + koL > veRuppukoL 'feel hatred'

2. Miscellaneous set of nouns + koL

aaL 'person' + koL > aaTkoL 'adimit as slave'

iruppu 'remaining' + koL > iruppukkoL 'be at ease'

etir 'opposition' + koL > etirkoL 'approach and greet'

karu 'egg' + koL > karukkoL 'become pregnant'

kaavu 'scrifice' + koL > kaavukoL 'accept or take scrifice'

koLLai 'plundering' + koL 'attract'

kuTi 'settment' + koL > kuTikoL 'take up abode'

kai 'hand' + koL > kaikkoL 'take to'

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ndilai 'state' + koL > ndilaikoL 'come to settledown'

pangku 'part' + koL > pangkukoL 'take part'

paLLi 'lying' + koL > paLLikoL 'be resting'

manam 'mind' + koL > manangkoL 'take into consideration'

meel 'over' + koL > meeRkoL 'conduct something'

maiyam 'centre' + koL > maiyangkoL 'be centred'

The formation of compound verbs by adding koL to the first set of nouns listed above appears to

be a productive and predictable process and so the resultant compound verbs are not listed in

KTTA. KTTA lists only those verbs which are listed under second type that are formed by

adding koL to an unpredictable set of miscellaneous nouns. Out of 47 compound verbs formed

by the vebalizer koL, only 19 are formed by the worformation rule N + koL > V and 28 are

formed by the lexicalization of the combination Past participle form of a main verb with koL.

Past Participle form of a verb + koL

azhaittu 'having invited' + koL > azhaittukkoL 'take along'

aaNTu 'having ruled' + koL > aaNTukoL 'accept as a slave'

kaTTi 'having tied' + koL > kaTTikkoL 'marry'

kaaTti 'having shown' + koL > kaaTTikkoL '

7.5.20.Verbalization by cey

The major meaning of the verb cey is 'do'. Among the verbalizers cey appears to be more

widely used in the formation of compound verbs. It gets collocated with a number of English

nouns forming nonce formations to fulfil the need. A few combinatory formations for cey which

can be taken as compounds are listed below.

araycci + cey > araycci cey 'do research'

iTaincal 'obstacle' + cey > iTainjcal cey 'disturb'

uRpatti 'production' + cey > uRpatti cey 'produce'

viTutalai ‘release’+ cey > viTutalai cey 'release from captive'

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The above listed combinatory forms are transparent with reference to meaning. The total

meaning of a constitute can be had from the meanings of the constituents. So they are phrasal in

character than compound. These forms are not listed in KTTA. KTTA has listed 36 as N + cey

compounds as they are lexicalized at the semantic level.

ex.

avana 'that which is needed' + cey > avana cey 'do what is needed or required'

urai 'explanatory commentary' + cey > uraicey 'write commentary'

uruti 'certainty' + cey > uruticey 'confirm; prove'

ciir 'orderliness' + cey > ciir cey 'repair; put in order'

7.5.21.Verbalization by col

The primary meaning of col is 'say'. It comes under the semantic domain VERBS OF

COMMUNICATION. It collocates with a number of nouns denoting various aspects of

speaking to fom compound verbs.

patil 'reply' + col > patil col 'reply'

poy 'lie' + col > poycol 'lie'

kuRai 'blame' + col > kuRaicol '

The folloing formations are listed in KTTA.

kuRRam 'blame' col > kuRRamcol 'blame'

kooL 'opinion' + col > kooLcol 'tell tale against someone'

caaTci 'evidence' + col > caaTcicol 'give tesimony or evidence'

col appears to be a less productive verbalizer.

7.5.22.Verbalization by taTTu

The verb taTTu as a main verb means 'pat; stroke; strike; tap, etc,'. It comes under the

semantic domain VERBS OF IMPACT. As a vebalizer it collocates with a few set of nouns to

form compound verbs. KTTA has listed the following as the verbs as they get lexicalized into a

simple unit.

acaTu + taTTu > acaTutaTTu 'look foolish'

uru + taTTu > uruttaTTu 'learn by rote'

260

karai 'bank' + taTTu > karaikaTTu 'run ground'

kuTal 'intestine' + taTTu > push the bowels into place by message'

kai 'hand' + taTTu 'clap'

caaNi 'cowdung' + taTTu > caaNi taTTu 'beat cow-dung into flat round cakes'

tarai 'land' + taTTu > taraitaTTu 'aground'

toTai 'thigh' + taTTu > toTaitaTTu 'get ready for fight with gusto'

jalraa + taTTu > jaalraa taTTu 'toady'

taTTu appears to form compound verbs with certain set of nouns denoting mental attitude.

aluppu 'tiredness' + taTTu > aluppu taTTu 'become bored'

aarvam 'interest' + taTTu > aarvamtaTTu 'develop interest'

veRuppu 'hatredness' + taTTu > veRuppu taTTu 'develop hatredness'

taTTu with nouns denoting food items which can be made by pating the dough, form compund

verbs which denote making of the concerned food items.

aTai 'rice cake' + taTTu > aTaitaTTu 'make aTai'

vaTai 'a kind of snack' + taTTu > vaTaitaTTu 'make vaTai'

7.5.23.Verbalization by paTu

paTu primarily means 'fall; touch'. It is used as a verbalizer in the sense of 'experience'.

paTu is a productive verbalizer as it can form a number of compound verbs with a set of nouns

denoting feelings, emotions or mental states. KTTA lists 58 compound formed by the berbalizer

paTu, out of which 55 are fomed by adding paTu to noun bases, 1 is formed by adding paTu to

the noun inflected for il-case and 2 are formed by adding paTu to the past pariciple form of

verbs.

N+ paTu

anniyam + paTu > anniyappaTu 'get alienated

iiTu + paTu > iiTupaTu 'engage'

N-il + paTu

kaNNil + paTu > kaNNil paTu 'catch one's attention'

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Vpp + paTu

azhindtu 'having runined' + paTu > azhindtu paTu 'go to rack and ruin'

iRandtu 'having died' + paTu > iRandtu paTu 'die'

paTu as a productive predictable verbalizer collocates with a set of nouns denoting feelings,

emotions, and the like to form compound nouns. Karthikeyan (1983) groups the nouns which

are collocated to paTu to form compound nouns into three: nouns denoting psychological states,

nouns denoting physical states and other nouns. He lists 65 compound verbs formed by adding

paTu to the nouns denoting psychological state, physical state and others/

1. Nouns denoting psychological states + paTu

aaccam 'fear' + paTu > accappaTu 'fear'

kavalai 'worry' + paTu > kavalaippaTu 'worry'

candtoocam 'happiness' + paTu > candtoocappaTu 'feel happy'

poRaamai 'jealous' + paTu > poRamaippaTu ' feel jealous'

2. Nouns denoting Physical states + paTu

kaLangkam 'blemish' + paTu > kaLangkappaTu 'be blemished'

kaayam 'wound' + paTu > kaayappaTu 'be wounded'

miccam 'remainder' + paTu > miccappaTu 'be surplus'

veTTu 'cut' + paTu > veTTuppaTu 'be cut'

3. Other nouns + paTu

akam 'inside' + paTu > akappaTu 'be caught'

kiizh 'below' + paTu > kiizhpaTu 'be controlled'

payan 'usefulness' + paTu > payanpaTu ' be useful'

puRam 'out side' + paTu > puRappaTu 'start'

7.5.24.Verbalization by paTuttu

paTuttu primarily means 'case to suffer; subject one to surrfe'. As a verbalizer it

collocates with a set of nouns by denoting meaing 'make;cause; transform;subject'. KTTA lists

56 compound verbs formed by the verbalizer paTuttu. which are lexicalized. Out of 56 only one

is formed by adding paTuttu to the infinitive form of the verb and rest are formed by adding

paTuttu to nouns.

262

Infinitive form of a verb + paTuttu

teriya 'to know' + paTuttu 'clarify'

N + paTuttu

atikam 'more' + paTuttu > atikappaTuttu 'increase'

kuNam 'cure' + paTuttu > kuNappaTuttu 'cure'

tanimai 'loneliness' + paTuttu > tanimaippaTuttu 'isolate'

ndinaivu 'thought' + paTuttu > ndinaivu paTuttu 'recollect'

paTuttu is the transitive form of paTu. Like paTu, paTuttu is also a producive verbalizer and

forms compound nouns when collocated with a set of nouns which denotes feelings, emotions

and the like. The nouns collocated with paTuttu can also be classified into two: nouns denoting

psychological state of mind such as feeling, emotions, etc. and nouns denoting physical state

size, countenance, strength, fertility, etc. Kartikeyan (1983) lists 81 compound verbs formed by

combining paTuttu with nouns denoting psychological and physical state.

1. A set of nouns denoting psychological state of mind such as feelin, emotions, etc.+

paTuttu

avamaanam 'shame' + paTuttu > avamaanappaTuttu 'disgrace'

koopam 'anger' + paTuttu > koopappaTutt 'make angry'

ndinaivu 'thought' + paTuttu > ndinaivu paTuttu 'remind'

payam 'fear' + paTuttu > payappaTuttu 'frighten'

2. A set of nouns denoting physical states

alngkoolam 'disorderliness' + paTuttu > alngkoolappaTuttu '

azhaku 'beauty' + paTuttu > azhakupaTuttu 'beautify'

tuuymai 'cleanliness' + paTuttu > tuuymaippaTuttu 'clean'

virivu 'expansion' + paTuttu > virivu paTuttu 'expand'

7.5.25.Verbalization by paNNu

The primary meaning of pNNu is 'do; perform'. It is generally used in colloquial speech.

It is synonymous with cey and so many of the nouns which collocates with cey to form

compound verbs will collocates with paNNu too to form compound verbs. The nouns which

collocates with paNNu are generally denote actions or performance. KTTA has listed 12

compounds of the type N+Verbalizer which are lixicalized to find their place in the dictionary.

263

kiraakki 'demand' + paNNu > kirakkipaNNu 'pretend to be busy'

taacil 'revenue' + paNNu > taacil paNNu 'be at the helm'

taajaa 'coaxing'+ paNNu > taajaapaNNu 'coax'

ndiccayam 'confirmation' + paNNu > ndiccayam paNNu 'confirm (a marriage allaince)'

Karthikeyan has listed 90 of them. Many of them are transparent i.e. their meaning can be had

from the constituents of the compound.

aRimukam 'introudction' + paNNu > aRimukam paNNu 'introduce'

aaraaiycci 'research' + paNNu > aaraaycci paNNu 'do research'

ottaacai 'help' + paNNu > ottaacai paNNu 'help'

kalyaaNam 'marriage' + paNNu > kalyaaNam paNNu 'marry'

paNNu, like cey, is also used with many English loans to form compound verb to fulfil the

immediate requirement of a speaker.

aTvais 'advise' + paNNu > aTvais paNNu 'advise'

areenj 'arrange' + paNNu > areenj paNNu 'arrange'

puk 'book' + paNNu > puk paNNu 'book'

maark 'mark' + paNNu > maark paNNu 'mark'

The use paNNu to form new verbs by collocating it with boath native nouns and English loans

promotes it a productive verbalizer.

7.5.26.Verbalization by paar

The parimary meaning of paar is 'see'. A set of nouns collocates with with paar forming

compound verbs. Karthikeyan has listed only 10 compounds formed by making use of the

verbalizer paar. He has classified the activities denoted by the compounds by taking into

account the parts of the body related to the activities.

Nouns related to eyes + paar

uLavu + paar > uLavu paar 'spy'

etir + paar > etir paar 'expect'

kuRi + paar > kuRipaar 'aim at'

264

veeTikkai + paar > veeTikkai paar 'see (carelessly)'

Nouns related to mouth + paar

ruci + paar > ruci paar 'taste'

patam + paar > patam paar 'try the tase; examine the fitness'

Nouns related to hands + paar

pazhutu + paar > pazhutu paar 'repair'

cari 'correctness' + paar > cari paar 'chek'

Nouns related to works

uttiyookam 'work' + paar > uttiyookam paar 'be employed'

veelai 'work' + paar > veelai paar 'work; be employed'

KTTA has listed 17 which are lexicalized to enter into the dictionary. Out of them 3 are formed

by adding paar to the pastparticiple form of a verb and rest are formed by adding paar to

nouns. Out of 14 N + paar combination, one is intervened by a case suffix.

N+ paar

aazham 'depth' + paar > aazhampaar 'gauge'

orukai 'one hand' + paar > orukaipaar 'deal with effectively'

ndaaTi 'pulse' + paar > ndaaTi paar 'see the pulse'

paTTi + paar > paTTi paar 'fill the holes, crevices in a surface before painting'

N + Case suffix + paar

kaNNaal + paar > kaNNaal paar 'see with one's own eyes (generally to despel

doubt)'

Past participle form of a verb + paar

eTTi 'having reached' + paar > eTTippaar ' pay a short visit'

ottu 'being in harmony' + paar > ottuppaar 'compare'

cuRRi 'having wandered' + paar > cuRRippaar 'inspect; sightsee'

265

It is not clear whether paar can be considered as a productive verbalizer. It is possible an N +

paar phrase or a Pastparticiple + paar phrase can be lexicalized to be listed in a dictionary due to

meaning specialization or extension or idiomatization.

7.5.27.Verbalization by piTi

piTi is primarily used with the meaning 'catch'. A set of nouns collocates with piTi to

form a number of compound verbs. Karthikeyan has listed 14 of them. According to him piTi

takes certain nouns denoting strong sentiments which are not decirable to form compound verbs.

aTam + piTi > aTam piTi ' be arrogant'

piramai + piTi > piramai piTi 'become mad'

muraNTu 'arrogance' + piTi 'be arrogant'

veRi 'madness' + piTi > veRipiTi 'become mad'

He further declares that there are certain nouns which when combined with the verblizer piTi, the

resulting actions of the compoun verbs indicate strong setntiments.

cineekam + piTi > cineekam piTi 'cultivate friendship'

caNTai 'quarrel' + piTi > caNTai piTi 'quarrel'

cuuTu 'hotness' + piTi > cuuTupiTi 'become hot'

miccam 'surplus;reminder' + piTi > miccam piTi 'save (as money) gradually'

KTTA has listed 20 compound verbs formed by the verbalizer piTi. Out of this 16 are formed by

N + piTi combination which are lexicalized to be entered in the dictionary and 4 are formed by

past participle form of a verb + piTi combination.

Pastparticiple form a verb + piTi

eTTi 'having reached' + piTi > eTTip piTi 'reach out'

kaTTi 'having tied' + piTi > kaTTip piTi 'hug'

kaNTu 'having seen' + piTi > kaNTu piTi 'invent'

viTTu 'having left' + piTi > viTTup piTi 'allow a person to have his own way'

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It is not clear whether piTi can be considered as a productive verbalizer. It is possible an N +

piTi phrase or a Pastparticiple + piTi phrase can be lexicalized to be listed in a dictionary due to

meaning specialization or extension or idiomatization.

7.5.28.Verbalization by puri

puri is primarily used with the meaning 'do; perform' . As a verbalizer, it combines a set

of nouns froming compound verbs. The use of puri as a vebalizer is restricted to written

language only. puri is synonymous with cey in this context. Karthikeyan has listed 18

compounds by collocating the verbalizer puri with a set of nouns.

aruL 'grace' + puri > aruL puri 'do grace'

aaTci 'rule' + puri > aaTci puri 'rule'

uuzhiyam 'service' + puri > uuzhiyam puri 'serve'

maNam 'marriage' + puri > maNam puri 'marry'

KTTA has listed only one compound verb formed by combining the verbalizer puri with a noun.

paNi + puri > paNi puri 'work'

It appears that the use of puri as a verbalizer is no longer in vogue. cey takes the place of puri

for forming new compound verbs.

7.5.29.Verbalization by peRu

The primary meaning of peRu is 'get'. Karthikeyan has listed 18 compounds formed by

combining peRu with a set of nouns. According to him the verb takes nouns denoting certain

states other than psychological states.

uru 'shape' + peRu > uruppeRu 'form'

pukazh 'fame' peRu > pukazh peRu

7.5.30.Verbalization by poo

The primary meaning of poo is 'go'. It comes under the semantic domain verbs of

movement. It collocates with a set of nouns forming compound verbs. With certain nouns poo

will imply loss of something. Karthikeyan has listed 6 compound verbs formed by the

verbalizer poo.

kaLavu 'stealing' + poo > kaLavu poo 'be stolen'

koLLai 'robery' + poo > koLLai poo 'be robed'

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cooram 'adultery' + poo > cooram poo 'commit adultery'

KTTA has listed 22 compound verbs formed by the verbalizer poo. Out of this 10 are

formed by N + poo combination which are lexicalized to be entered in the dictionary and 12 are

formed by past participle form of a verb + poo combination. Among the N + poo combination

some of them carries dative case marker.

N + poo

uyir 'life' + poo > uyir poo 'die'

kuTi 'settlement' + poo > kuTi poo 'move into a house'

tiruTTu 'theaft' + poo > tiruTTuppoo 'be stolen'

N + Dative case + poo

iraNTukku 'two_DAT' + poo > iraNTukkuppoo 'have bowl movement'

onRukku 'one_DAT' + poo > oRukkuppoo 'urinate'

kollaikku 'backyard-DAT' + poo > kollaikkuppoo 'defecate'

veLikku 'ouside_DAT' + poo > veLikkuppoo 'empty bowls'

Past partciple form + poo

aTipaTTu 'having beaten' + poo > aTipaTTuppoo 'pale into insignificance'

ottu 'having in harmony' + poo > ottuppoo 'be in agreement'

ooTi 'having run' + poo > ooTippoo 'run away'

keTTu 'have spoiled' + poo > keTTuppoo 'be lost'

It can be inferred from the above list that poo with certain nouns froms compound verbs and the

combination canmot be predicted. Similarly poo when cobine with certain past participle forms

of verbs get lexicalized due to meaning specification or idiomatization. It appears that poo is not

a productive verbalizer which can form nonce compounds with nouns. But the potentiality of

poo combining with pastparticiple form of a verb to form compound verb by meaning

specification and/or idiomatization cannot be set aside.

7.5.31.Verbalization by pooTu

pooTu primarily means 'put;drop'. Like English put, it is a neural verb and get meaning

specification only by combining with nouns appearing in the object slot. Rajendran has listed

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and classified the cominatory meanings of pooTu with different nouns. Not all can be taken as

compound verbs. For example,

malai 'garland' + pooTu > malaipooTu 'garland'

muTTai 'egg' + pooTu > muTTai pooTu 'lay egg'

patiayam 'seedling' + pooTu > patikam pooTu 'cultivate seedling'

taiyal 'stitching' + pooTu > taiyal pooTu 'stitch a torn part or wound'

But the following formation can be considered as compound formation.

kuuccal 'shout' + pooTu > kuuccal pooTu 'make moise'

caapam 'curse' + pooTu > caapam pooTu 'curse'

ooTTu 'vote' + pooTu > ooTTup pooTu 'vote'

eTai 'weight' + pooTu > eTai pooTu 'weigh'

Demarcating N + pooTu as a compound and a phrase is not easy. One can see a gradation of

formation from phrase to compound. Karthikeyan has listed 24 compounds of the verbalizer

pooTu. He has classified the resultant compounds of pooTu into those associated with noise and

speech acts, hands, body and mind.

Noise and speech act

ataTTal 'threatening' + pooTu > ataTTal pooTu 'threaten'

uttaravu 'order' + pooTu > uttaravu pooTu 'order'

cattam 'noise' + pooTu > cattam pooTu 'shout'

matippu 'evaluation + pooTu > matippu pooTu 'evaluvate'

Hands

ooTTu 'vote' + pooTu > ooTTup pooTu 'vote'

kuRi 'mark' + pooTu > kuRipooTu 'mark'

kumpiTu 'salute' + pooTu > kumpiTu pooTu 'salute'

pangku 'share' + pooTu > pangku pooTu 'share'

Body

aaTTam 'dancing' + pooTu > aaTTam pooTu 'dance'

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kummaaLam 'jumping and romping' + pooTu > kummaaLam pooTu 'jump and romp

about'

koTTam 'jumping and romping' + pooTu > koTTam pooTu 'jump and romp about'

Mind

tiTTam 'plan' + pooTu > tiTTam pooTu 'plan'

The classification the compounds as those related to hands, body and mind do not serve any

purpose, as many action can be associated with hands, body and mind. KTTA has listed 56

compounds formed by the verbalizer pooTu which find their way into the dictionary due to

specification or idiomatization of the resultant meaning. Out of them 8 are formed by the

combination of past partciple form of a verb with pooTu, one is formed by the combination of

infinitive form of a verb with pooTu and the rest 47 are formed by combining a noun with

pooTu. Among N + pooTu combination there are nouns carrying case suffixes, espcecially

locative il.

N + pooTu

acai 'move' + pooTu > acai pooTu 'cud chew'

aTi 'beat' + pooTu > aTi pooTu 'broach cleverly'

iTam 'place' + pooTu > iTam pooTu 'block a seat'

ilai 'leaf' + pooTu > ilaipooTu 'prepare to serve food'

N + case suffix + pooTu

uTaippu 'breach' + il + pooTu > uTaippil pooTu 'throw out'

kiTappu 'lying' + il + pooTu > kiTappil pooTu 'put in cold stroage'

N + case suffix + post position + pooTu

kaikkuL 'hand-DAT_in + pooTu 'have someone in one's pocket'

Past participle form + pooTu

eTTi 'having reached' + pooTu > eTTippooTu 'quicken (pace with long stepts)

cuRRi 'having rotated' + pooTu > cuRRippooTu 'ward oof the effect of evil eye'

taLLi 'having pushed' + pooTu > taLLippootu 'postpone'

tuukki 'having lifted' + vaari 'having scooped' + pooTu > tuukkivaari pootu 'be startled'

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Infinitive form + pooTu

aaRa 'to cool' + pooTu > aaRappooTu 'defer (something until the provlem loses its

uregency) '

The compounds of pooTu listed in KTTA reveal that a number of phrases got lexicalized due to

meaing change and idiomatization to find their place in the dictionary. pooTu appears to be a

potentential verbalizer as a number of compound verbs are formed by making use of it.

35 muuTTu - 2

36 vaa - 16

37 vaangku - 10

38 viTu 8 18

39 vai 7 19

7.5.32.Verbalization by muuTTu

The primary meaning of muTTu is 'make; cause'. Karthikeyan has not listed it as a

verbalizer. KTTA has listed only two compounds formed by the verbalizer.

kiccukkiccu 'tickling sensation' + muuTTu > kiccukkiccu muuTTu 'tickle'

kooL 'telling tale' + muuTTu > kooL muuTTu 'tell tale'

Though only two forms have been listed as compounds in KTTA, it appears that muuTTu has the

potnetiality to form compound verbs.

7.5.33.Verbalization by vaa

The primary meaing of vaa is 'come'. It falls under the semantic domain verbs of

movement. Karthikeyan does not list it as a verbalizer. KTTA has listed 16 compound verbs

formed by vaa. Some of them are formed by adding the compound verb koNTuvaa with N

inflected for dative.

N + vaa

kai + vaa > kaivaa 'be gifted with'

N + Dative + vaa

vayatukku 'age_DAT' + vaa > vayatukku vaa ' come to age as girls'

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vazhikku 'way_DAt' + vaa > vazhikku vaa 'confirm to one's ways'

Past partciple + vaa

koNTu 'having had' + vaa > koNTu vaa 'bring'

N + Dative + koNTuvaa

vazhikku 'way_DAT' + koNTuvaa > vazhikku koNTuvaa 'bring someone into line'

munnukku 'front_DAT' + koNTuvaa > munnukku koNTuvaa 'cause to come up'

N + koNTuvaa

veLi 'out side' + koNTuvaa ' bring out'

Past participle + koNTu vaa

parindtu 'having showed pity' + koNTu vaa > parindtu koNTu vaa offer one's sympathy'

paRRi 'having caught' + koNTu vaa > paRRikkoNTuvaa 'get enraged'

It appears that vaa is not a potential verbalizer. koNTuvaa appears to be a potential vebalizer.

7.5.34.Verbalization by vaangku

The primary meaning of vaangku is 'get'. Karthikeyan has not listed it under verbalizer.

KTTA has listed 10 compounds formed by vaangku. Two of them are formed by Past

participle + vaangku combination. Among compounds formed by N + vaangku combination,

some of the nouns carry the accusative case marker ai or locative canse marker il. The formation

of compound verbs from the phrases of the type N + case + vaangku is a process of lexicalization

due to meaing specification and idiomatization.

N + vaangku

kaaRRu 'air' + vaangku > kaaRRuvaangku 'enjoy fresh air'

vakkaalattu ' ' + vaangku > vakkaalattu vaangku 'hold a brief for'

N + Accusative + vaangku

uyirai 'life_ACC' + vaangku > uyirai vaangku 'take a toll of life'

talaiyai 'head_ACC + vaangku >

maanattai ' ' + vaangku > maanattai vaangku 'cause or bring disgrace'

N + Locative + vaangku

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kaatil 'ear_LOC' + vaangku > kaatil vaangku '

vangku does not appear to be a potential vebalizer capable of forming nonce compound verbs.

7.5.35.Verbalization by viTu

viTu primarily means 'let out; let to go; leave'. It collocates with a set of nouns forming

compound verbs. viTu gives different shades of meaning depending on the nouns with which it

collocates (Rajendran, 1978: 326-331).

iTam 'place' + viTu > iTam viTu 'leave space'

taNNiir 'water' + viTu > taNNiir viTu 'pour water'

ampu 'arrow' + viTu > amput viTu 'shoot an arrow'

muLai 'sprout' + viTu > muLai viTu 'sprout'

Karthikeyan has listed 8 compounds formed by the verbalizer viTu . According to him the nouns

which collocate with viTu to form compounds comprise of a set of nouns denoting

psychological actions, involving letting out of air, sound, etc and a set of nouns denoting speech

act such as invitation, announcement, etc.

Nouns denoting letting out of air, sound, etc. + viTu

eeppam 'belch' + viTu > eeppam viTu 'belch'

kuRaTTai 'snore' + viTu > kuRaTTai viTu 'snore'

muuccu 'breath' + viTu > muuccu viTu 'breathe'

ndooTTam 'sight' + viTu > ndooTTam viTu 'watch'

Nouns denoting speech act + viTu

azhaippu + viTu > azhaippu viTu 'invite'

aRikkai + viTu > aRikkai viTu 'announce'

eccarikkai 'warning; + viTu > eccarikkai viTu 'warn'

cavaal 'challenge' + viTu > cavaal viTu 'challenge'

KTTA has listed 27 compound verbs formed by this verbalizer. Out of this 18 are formed by the

combination type 'N + viTu', 8 are formed by the combination type 'Pastparticiple + viTu' and 1 is

formed by the combination 'Infinitive + viTu'.

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N + viTu

uyir 'life' + viTu >uyirviTu 'give up life'

katai 'story' + viTu > katai viTu 'spin a yarn'

kuLir 'coldness' + viTu > kuLir viTu 'outgrow fear'

Past partciple + viTu

eTuttu 'taving taken' + viTu > eTuttu viTu 'give an exaggerated account'

kai 'hand' + tuukki 'having lifted' + viTu > kaitukki viTu 'rescue from sinking'

koNTu 'having had' + viTu > koNTu viTu 'take someone to a place'

paarttu 'having seen' + viTu > paarttu viTu 'do something'

Infinitive + viTu

tavaRa 'to loose' + viTu > tavaRaviTu 'miss'

viTu appears to be a productive verbalizer as it is capable of forming nonce compounds to fill the

new requirement. Also certain Past patciple + viTu combination has the potential enough to get

lexicalized by meaning specification and idiomatization.

7.5.36.Verbalization by vai

The primary meaing of vai is 'put; place'. It collocates with a set of nouns forming

compound verbs. vai also is a neutral verb and it get its meaning specified when it collocates

wtih nouns which appears in its object slot (Rajendran, 1978: 323-326). Ofcourse, not all N+

vai combination can be taken as compound verbs.

taaTi 'beard' + vai > taaTi vai ' keep beard'

paasam 'love' + vai > paasam 'have love'

cooRu 'cooked rice' + vai > cooRu vai 'cook rice'

ceTi 'plant' + vai > ceTivai 'plant'

viiTu 'house' + vai > viiTu vai 'construct a house'

paaTTu 'song' + vai > paaTTu vai 'tune for song'

pangku 'share' + vai > pangku vai 'share'

tii 'fire' + vai > tiivai 'burn'

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Karthikeyan has listed 7 verbs formed by the verbalizer vai. A set of nouns which imply

'depositing as security for repayment' collocates with vai to form compound verbs.

aTamaanam 'pledge' + vai > aTamaanam vai 'pledge'

aTaku 'pawn' + vai > aTaku vai 'pawn'

iTTu 'pawn' + vai > iiTu vai 'pawn'

paNayam 'pledge' + vai > paNayam vai 'pledge'

KTTA has listed 35 compound verbs formed by the verbalizer vai out of which 19 belong

to the combination 'N + vai', 13 belong to the combination 'Pastpartciple form + vai', and 3

belong to the combination 'Intitive form + vai'.

N + vai

akala 'wide' kaal 'leg' + vai > akalakkaal vai 'stretch beyond one's means'

ulai 'vessel with water water on an oven' + vai > ulaivai 'set vessel of water on an oven'

kai 'hand' + vai > kaivai 'embezzle'

koLLi + vai > koLLi vai 'light a funeral fire'

Past participle form + vai

otukku 'having + vai > otukki vai 'exclude'

kaatil 'ear_LOC' + pooTTu 'having put + vai > kaatil pooTTuvai 'put in a word'

koTuttu 'having given' + vai > koTuttuvai 'merit something by one's past deeds'

ceerttu 'having joined' + vai > ceerttu vai 'reconcile'

Infinitive form + vai

takka 'to suit' + vai > takkavai 'retain'

paTikka 'to learn' + vai > paTikkavai 'educate'

paRRa 'to catch' + vai > paRRavai 'light'

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vai appears at the outset that it is not a productive vebalizer; but vai has the potential to form

nonce compounds when N + vai, Pastpartciple + vai and Infinitive + vai get lexicalized due to

meaning specialization and idiomatization.

7.7. Conclusion

Tamil builds up its stock of verbs, not by suffixation but by compounding a noun with a

verb, which can be called as a verbalizer. Suffixation which was a process in the formation of

verbs in the past is no longer in vogue now. Tamil has only a limited number of basic verbs or

simple verbs. During its days of contact with Sanskrit, Tamil was piling up its verb stock by

borrowing verbs from Sanskrit. It made use of a process of reduction and suffixation by which

it converted the Sanskrit nouns into verbs (Example: pirayanam ‘travel (N)’ + i > pirayani

‘travel’). When the borrowing from Sanskrit to Tamil is discouraged, Tamil resort to coin new

verbs by the process of compounding. The N + V combination is a productive process of

forming new verbs from the already existing stock of verbs and nouns. Interestingly, not all the

verbs can be used as verbalizers to form compound verbs. Tamil has made use of only a handful

of verbs, say nearly 40 verbs, as verbalizers. Some of verbalizers are productively exploited,

whereas some are not exploited to that extent. Generally the verbs of neutral type or unspecified

type such as cey ‘do’, ati ‘beat’, itu ‘put’ potu ‘put’, etc. are manipulated as verbalizers. Some of

the vebalizers are still used as verbalizers productively and some have ceased to be used as

verbalizers. The verbalizers come handy while making verbs from English. The degree by

which the nouns and verbs of N + V combination are cohesive vary from tightly held to loosely

held. The combination swings between a compound and a phrase. Most of the by-products of

this combination get lexicalized and thus find their way into a dictionary. The combinatory

meaning vary from transparent to idiosyncratic. The constraints involved in the combination are

difficult to be accounted by rules.

CHAPTER 8

FORMATION OF ADJECTIVES IN TAMIL

8.1. INTRODUCTION:

TRADITIONAL TAMIL GRAMMARS AND MODERN LINGUISTS ON ADJECTIVES

Linguists differ in their opinions in taking adjective as a grammatical category. Scholars like

Asher, Lehman and Kothandaraman take adjective as a grammatical category in Tamil. There is

a complete lack of agreement among grammarians whether to consider adjective as a form class

in Tamil. The difficulty in providing an operational definition for adjective crops up due to this

reason.Lehman takes adjective as a syntactic category only. According to Lehmann (1989:131),

"The lexical category of adjective is another syntactic category in Modern Tamil which has

evolved in a diachronic process". Adjective can occur as an attribute in pre nominal position as

modifier of a head noun in a noun phrase.

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The traditional grammars of Tamil talks elaborately about nouns and verbs only. It appears that

they have not treated adjectives and adverbs as separate categories in Tamil. They treat

adjectives as relative participial forms of appellative verbs (kuRippup peyareccam) and relative

participial forms of regular verbs (terindilaip peyareccam). The qualitative adjectives are

reconstructed as qualitative nouns.

ciRRaamal 'small lily' < ciRumai 'smallness' + aampal 'lilly'

peeraacai 'extreme eagerness' < perumai 'bigness' + aacai 'desire'

8.2. THREE TYPES OF CATEGORIZATING ADJECTIVES

There are at least three kinds of opinion regarding the categorization of adjectives:

1. Adjective is a separate grammatical category.

2. Adjective is not a separate grammatical category but a sub-category of noun or

verb.

3. Adjective is a mixed grammatical category

Adjectives come before a head noun as a modifier (ex. periya nduul 'big book'). It can be

followed a determiner (ex. indtaperiya puttakam 'this big book'). When adjective occupies the

predicate slot, it is pronominalized (ex. andta nduul periyatu'that book is a big one'). Adjectives

can be classified into simple adjectives (ex. ndalla 'good', periya 'big') and derived adjectives

(azhaku 'beauty' + aana > azhakaana 'beautiful', uyaram + aana > uyaramaana 'high'). There is

still some dispute over considering aana, uLLa, illaata the relativized forms of

verbs aaku 'become', uL 'be', ill 'not' as adjectivalizer or not. Both adjectives as well as relative

participle forms occur before a noun. But relative participle form of verbs co-occur with

adverbial elements like uTan 'immediately', pin 'after', piRaku 'after', pootu 'at that

time', mun 'before', maTTum 'up to', varaikkum 'up to' to form adverbial clauses

(ex. vandta uTan 'immediately after coming', vandta pin 'after coming', varum mun 'before

coming'). Adjectives (from appellative verbs) do not behave like this (Paramasivam, 1983:194).

Paramasivam includes relative participle forms of verbs, relative participle forms of appellative

verbs, negative relative participle forms of verbs and adjectives formed by the

adjectivalizer aana as adjectives. At the same time he identifies relative participle forms and

negative relative participle forms as phrases and appellative relative participle forms and

adjectives formed by the adjectivalizer aana as simple words.

Those who argue adjective as a word class points out the property of adjective not taking the

plural suffix kaL and case suffixes. Those who consider that adjective comes under nouns, take

adjectival forms as alternate forms of the concerned nouns. For example, in the

compound peeraapattu (< peer+ aapattu), the modifying element peer is considered as an

alternate form ofperumai and peeraapattu will be analyzed as perumai + aapattu. The

traditional grammars also carry the same opinion. There is no consistency in reconstructing the

adjectives into nouns. For example irumozhi 'two language' is reconstructed

as iraNTu +mozhi 'two language' and mummuurtti 'three gods' is reconstructed

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as muunRu + muurtti. There is no reason whey they cannot be analyzed

as irumai + mozhi and mummai + muurtti respectively. There is no valid reason

why perumai, ciRumai andndanmai are not derived from the adjectival roots

peer, ciRu and ndal by suffixing mai. Lakoff (1970) considers adjectives as verbs. There is

enough justification in considering peer, ciR, and ndal as adjective or as a word class different

form noun. In languages like English adjectives comes before a as a modifier and in where as a

complement after be-verbs (ex. She is a beautiful girl. The girl is beautiful). In

Tamil aaku/aay suffixed abstract nouns, which are in adverbial form and which come as

complement before the be-verb iru, function as adjectives modifying the noun in subject

slot apart form aana suffixed abstract nouns which function as adjectives before nouns under

modification.

Examples:

avaL azhakaana peN

she beautiful woman

'She is a beautiful woman'

andta peN azhakaaka/azhakaay iru-kkiR-aaL

that woman beautifully be_PRES_she

'That woman is beautiful'

The same N+aaka/aay form function as adverbial if the verb in predicate slot is not a be verb.

andta peN azhakaaka paaTu-kiR-aaL

that woman well sing_PRES_she

'That girl sings well'

aaka/aay added to abstract nouns denoting emotions also functions as adverbs when collocated

with be verbs such as iru and uL.

andta peN koopamaaka/koopamaay irukkiRaaL

that woman angrily be_PRES_she

'That woman is angry'

andta peN koopamaaka/koopamaay irukkiRaaL

that woman angrily be_PRES_she

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'That woman is angry'

Kothandaraman (1973:94-100) considers aaka as a case marker.

8.3. TESTS FOR FINDING OUT ADJECTIVES

Gopal (1981:88-93) following Quirk et al (1976:231-34) and Nadkarni (1971:187-193), lists four

tests to find out adjectives:

1. Intensifier rompa 'very' test.

2. Comparative test.

3. eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of' test.

4. Exclamation test.

Intensifier Test

The intensifier rompa 'very' can co-occur only with adjectives. If it is used with other attributes,

it will not produce acceptable phrases.

Examples:

rompa ndalla paiyan

'very good boy'

*rompa va-ndt-a paiyan

very come_PAST_RP boy

*rompa marap peTTi

very wooden box

*rompa andta paiyan

very that boy

*rompa cila paiyan

very some boy

*rompa iraNTu paRavaikaL

very two birds

*rompa iraNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

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very two times building

*rompa aaciriyar kaNNan

very teacher Kannan

Comparative test

Employing comparative test can identify adjectives. If the test is used with other attributes it will

produce only ungrammatical phrases.

avan-ai viT-a ivaL ndalla-vaL

he_ACC leave_INF he good_she

'He is better than her'

*avan-ai viT-a ivaL va-ndta-vaL

he_ACC leave_INF she came_she

*avan-ai viT-a ivarkaL cilar

he_ACC leave_INF they few

*avan-ai viT-a ivarkaL iraNTu paRavaikaL

he_ACC leave_INF two birds

*at-ai viT-a itu iraNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

that leave_INF two times building

avan-ai viT-a ivan aaciriyar

he_ACC leave_INF he teacher

Interrogative Test: eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of' test.

Adjectives can be identified from other attributes by employing interrogative test using the

interrogative word eppaTippaTTa 'what kind of'. By using the question word eppaTippaTTa,

we can get answers as given in the first two phrases and not as given in the rest of the phases

given below:

Possible answers

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ndalla manitarkaL

'good men'

azhakaana manitarkaL

'beautiful men'

Impossible answers

va-ndt-a manitarkaL

'come_PAST_RP men'

aaciriyar manitarkaL

'teacher men'

cila manitrakaL

'few men'

Similarly, the answers for eppaTippaTTa peTTi 'what kind of box' is:

Possible answers

ndalla peTTi 'good box'

paLuvaana peTTi 'heavy box'

Impossible answers

marppeTTi 'wooden box'

Exclamation test

Adjectives can be differentiated from other attributes by exclamation test employing the

exclamatory word evvaLavu 'how much'.

evvaLavu azhakaana paiyan!

how_much beautiful boy

'How beautiful boy he is!'

evvaLavu veekamaana kutirai!

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how much fast horse

'How fast the horse is!'

evvaLavu pazhu-tt-a pazham!

how_much ripe_PAST_RP fruit

'How much ripped the fruit is!'

This test cannot be successfully employed for relative participles, quantifiers, appositional

clauses and other noun phrases.

*evvaLavu va-ndt-a paiyan

how_much came_RP boy

*evvaLavu cila peer

how_much some persons

*evvaLavu iraNTu peer

how_much two persons

*evvaLavu reNTu maTangku kaTTiTam

how_much two times building

*evvaLavu aaciriyar kaNNan

how_much teacher Kannan

evvaLavu as an exclamatory word can successfully collocated with nouns as compound nouns,

but only to exclaim the quantity and not the quality.

evvaLau paiyankaL

'How many boys!'

evvaLavu marappeTTikaL

how_much wooden boxes

'How many wooden boxes!'

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8.4. ADJECTIVES AS A SEPARATE CATEGORY

Generally, adjectives in Tamil are taken as a separate category on the basis of their syntactic

behaviour and not from the point of view of their morphological features. But still they can be

treated as separate category from the point of view of their morphological behaviour too. The

adjectives of peer type (discussed in the later part) show some kind of morphological regularity.

This can be seen from the following information about peer type of adjectives. For

example, peer occurs as peer, perum and periya while function as adjectives (the details are dealt

in the later part of the paper). The adjectives with iya, aiyaand a as adjectival suffixes (dealt in

the later part of the paper) can be treated so on the following grounds.

1. They appear before nouns as modifiers.

umaa oru periya paaTaki

Uma one big singer

'Uma is a good singer'

2. The adjectives can be intensified by intensifiers such as mika.

umaa oru mikap periya paaTaki

Uma one very big singer

'Uma is a very good singer'

3. The adjectives can be modified by comparative propositions introduced by

the comparative elements such as viTa, kaaTTilum.

umaa raataiyai viTa mikap periya paaTaki

Uma Radha_ACC than very big singer

'Uma is very talented singer than Radtha'

4. If the adjectives function as predicates they occur in their pronominalized

forms.

paaTaki umaa raataiy-ai viTa mikap periya-vaL

singer Uma Radha_ACC more very talented_she

'The singer Uma is very talented than Radha'

5. The adjectives of the periya-type take pronominalizers such as atu, avai, etc.

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periya-tu 'big one', kariya-tu 'black one', ndalla-tu 'good one'

periya-vai 'big ones', kariya-vai 'black ones', ndalla-vai 'good ones'

periy-van 'big man', kariya-van 'black man', ndalla-van ' good man'

6. The stop consonants (k, c, t, p) of the nouns which follows the adjectival

suffix a of the adjectives of the periya-type do not geminate.

periya paiyan 'big boy'

ciRiya peTTi 'small box'

The first two statements are based on the syntax and the fourth and are based on morphology and

the sixth based on phonology.

8.5. ADJECTIVES AS A GRAMMATICAL CATEGORY

Adjectives in Tamil can be taken as a grammatical category on the basis of their syntactic

function. They come before the nouns to attribute them and they are not followed by a

postposition. Bhat (1991) argues in details how adjective establishes itself as a separate category

like noun and verb.

There is a pair of forms for a number of adjectives:

1. One is a bound form that has to be added immediately before a noun like a prefix.

Examples:

ndal 'good' found in the word ndalaaci ‘good wish’

2. The other is an a-ending form that is independent.

ndalla ‘good’ found in the phrase ndalla eNNam ‘good thinking’

We have at least three alternative solutions in dealing with the paired form.

1. The bound form can be taken as an allomorph of the a-ending forms.

2. The bound form can be considered as a reduced form of its counterpart, which is a

quality noun (ex. ndanmai‘goodness’ + eNNam > ndalleNNam, as proposed by the

traditional grammarians).

3. The bound form can be considered as a root or base from which the a-ending forms

are derived by the suffixation of the adjective maker -a.

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The third alternative is not fruitful and productive as far as Modern Tamil is concerned. The

second alternative indirectly supports the formation of a stem by truncation. The first alternative

holds well. But if we do not give categorical status to the bound forms, the relation between

many related forms will be denied. For example, the relation

between ndalla ‘good’, ndanku ‘well’,ndanRu ‘fine’ ndanmai ‘benefit’, ndalam ‘state of good

health' and ndalloor ‘great person’ cannot be established if these words are considered

monomorphemic. The denial of categorical status to the bound form probably needs rethinking.

8.6. WHETHER TO CONSIDER RELATIVE PARTICIPLE FORM AS ADJECTIVE OR

NOT?

There is not doubt that relative participle forms of verbs attribute the noun which follows

them. So naturally one may doubt whether to consider the relative participle form of a verb as

adjective or not. The difference between the adjectivalized forms suchperiya 'big', ciRiya 'small'

and koTiya 'cruel' of appellative verbs peri 'be big', ciRi 'be small', koTi 'be cruel' and the

adjectivalized forms (i.e. relaive participle forms) of the normal verbs is that the former is

adjectivalized at the lexical level and the latter is adjectivalized at the sentential level. The

adjuctivalization does not disturb the argument structure of the verb that is adjectivalized.

ndaan paLLiyil ndeeRRu paTitta paaTattai inRu avan paTittaan

I school_LOC yesterday studied_RP lesson today he studied_he

'He studied the lesson which I had studied in school yesterday'

Though adjectivalization changes the category of a verb into an adjective, it does not disturb its

argument structure and its characteristic feature of expressing tense or negative. There is no

need to give the adjectivalized forms of verbs in dictionary as their resultant meanings and

acquired syntactic characteristics can be predicted. KTTA has listed only those relativized forms

that are lexicalized into adjectives due to their idiosyncratic meaning.

8.7. POSITION OF ADJECTIVES IN NOUN PHRASE

The position of adjectives among the elements occuring in NP reveal that adjectives occur

inbetween the noun and the relative participle form. If the relative participle form occurs in an

NP, then the acceptable postion of adjective is after relative participle form.

va-ndt-a ndalla paiyan

come_PAST_RP good boy

‘the good boy who came’

ooTiya azhakaana kutirai

run_PAST_RP beautiful horse

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‘the beautiful horse ran’

*ndalla vandta paiyan

*azhkaana ooTiya kutirai

In the case of compound noun the adjective cannot immediately attribute the head noun (i.e. It

cannot occur inbetween the constituents of the compound noun.) The adjective precedes the

compound noun.

*mara ndalla peTTi

wooden good box

*pon azhakiya cankili

golden beautiful chain

ndalla marappeTTi

‘good wodden box’

azhakiya pon cangkili

‘beautiful golden chain’

The demonstratives generally precede the adjective.

andta ndalla paiyan

‘that good boy’

indta azhakiya ciRumi

‘this good girl’

?ndalla andata paiyan

good that boy

?azhakiya indta ciRumi

beautiful this girl

The qunatifiers like cila ‘few’, ovvoru ‘each’, iraNTu ‘two’, mutalaavatu ‘first’, etc. can be

interchanged with adjectives.

286

ndalla cila manitarkaL

‘good few men’

cila ndalla manitarkaL

‘few good men’

ndalla ovvoru manitarum

‘good each one of good men’

ovvoru ndalla manitarum

‘each one of good men’

ndalla iraNTu ciRumikaL

‘good two girls’

iraNTu ndalla ciRumikaL

‘two good girls’

ciRandta mutalaavatu paiyan

‘best first boy’

mutalaavatu ciRandta paiyan

‘first best boy’

8.8. GOPAL'S CONCLUDING REMARKS ON ADJECTIVES

Goapal’s concluding remarks on adjectives need to be explored here.

“The conclusion arrived at is that adjectives are not a separate part of speech and are only

separate category like that of infinitives and verbal participles. The various forms which

are considered to be adjectives in Tamil by various scholars which in reality are not

adjectives have been taken for study in detail ... and rejected as they do not account for

certain syntactic requirements. That is, the demonstratives, quantifiers, numerals,

nominal compounds, participles are not considered as adjectives. And certain syntactic

tests have been posited to identify adjectives. ... A constrictive study of English and

Tamil is undertaken ... in order to show adjectives in Tamil in the surface structure

behave differently from adjectives in English.... different forms of adjectives are taken up

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and it has been shown that the shape cannot determine an adjective and it must be treated

as a syntactic category rather than a morphological category.” (Gopal, 1981:246-247).

The need for positing adjective as a word class has been discussed below. Here we are going to

examine all the lexical items listed in kiriyaavin taRkaalat tamizh akaraati (KTTA) as adjectives

and extract the strategies involved in the derivation of adjectives as reflected from the dictionary.

Taxonomy of adjectival formation is aimed at in order to stream line our understanding of

adjectival formation.

8.9. TAXONOMY OF ADJECTIVAL FORMATION

Adjectives can be classified into three based of their structure and process of derivation:

1. Adjectives from nominal source

2. Adjectives from verbal source

3. Adjectives from a third source

8.9.1. Adjectives from nominal source

Certain nouns are listed as adjectives as they come before nouns functioning as adjectives

by attributing the nouns. They can be classified into two based on whether they are

phonologically changed or not. Thus we have two sets of adjectives in this type:

1. Phonologically unchanged denominal adjectives

2. Phonologically changed denominal adjectives

8.9. 2. Phonologically unchanged denominal adjectives

A set noun that are listed in KTTA as adjectives due do their semantic change and syntactic

function are incorporated here. These nouns are used as adjectives without any phonological

change. Based on their internal structure they can be classified as simple and compound.

Simple

a 'that' + karai (n) ' adjacent area; side' > akkarai (n) 'that side' > akkarai (adj) 'foreign'

iNai (n) 'parallel' > iNai (adj) 'joint; associate; co'

uumai (n) 'dump person' > uumai (adj) 'latent; without any outward sign'

kuNTu (n) 'ball like structure' > kuNTu (adj) 'fat'

koLLai (n) 'robbery; swindle' > koLLai (adj) 'much; enormous'

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talaimai (n) 'leadership' > talaimai (adj) `chief; main; head (adj)'

tiruTTu (n) 'theft; robbery' > tiruTTu (adj) 'illegal; illicit'

tii (n) 'fire' > tii (adj) 'evil'

tuNai (n) 'help; aid; act of abetting; company' > tuNai (adj) 'vice; deputy; assistant'

Compound

iRu 'end' + ayal (n) 'that which is next in place' > iRRayal (adj) 'penultimate'

uTan 'instant' + aTi (n) 'step' > uTanaTi (adj) 'immediate'

kiizh (n) 'bottom part' + taTTu (n) 'status' > kiizhttaTTu (adj) 'lower economic stratum'

taan 'self' + iyangki (n) 'that which operates' > taaniyangki (adj) 'automatic'

tinam (n) 'day' + cari (n) 'proper' > tinacari (adj) 'daily'

tinam (n) 'day' + paTi (n) 'step' > tinappaTi (adj) 'daily; day to day'

puujiyam 'zero' + sri 'mister' > puujiyasri (adj) 'his holiness'

maRai 'veda' + tiru 'mister' > maRaittiru (adj) 'reverend'

mun 'before; previous' + ndaaL (n) 'day'> munnaaL (adj) 'former; ex'

meel 'above' + paTi (n) 'step' > meeRpaTi (adj) 'given above; mentioned above'

The nouns listed as adjectives in KTTA are treated so, as they are lexically and syntactically

lexicalized as adjectives. Many nouns, which act as attributes, can come before nouns, which act

as heads. While doing so they may get lexicalized to become functionally adjectives exhibiting

semantic change. Numeral nouns as well as nouns denoting colours can come before nouns as

adjectives.

paccai (n) 'green colour' > paccai (adj) 'green'

civappu (n) 'red colour > civappu (adj) 'red'

iraNTu (n) 'two' > iraNTu (adj) 'two'

eezhai (n) 'poor' > eezhai (adj) 'poor'

It can be interpreted that nouns are capable of becoming adjectives. In other words, nouns are

sources from which adjectives can be formed when need arise.

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8.9. 3. Phonologically changed denominal adjectives

Phonologically changed denominal adjectives can be classified into two based on the type of

phonemic change:

1. Adjectives formed by the germination of the consonant of the final syllable of the

concerned noun

2. Adjectives formed by the deletion of m/n/r of the final syllable or am\an\ar of the

concerned noun

8.9. 4. Adjectives formed by the germination of the consonant of the final syllable of the

concerned noun

There are two types based on the internal structure: 1. simple and 2. compound.

Simple

ndaaTu (n) `country' > ndaaTTu (adj) `indigenous; country '

ndaaTTuc caaraayam 'country liquor'

veeRu (n) `different' > veeRRu (adj) `different (adj)'

Compound

pal 'several' + ndaaTu (n) 'country' > panndaaTTu (adj) 'multinational; international'

The potential forms such as the following that are not listed as adjectives in KTTA can be

equated with ndaaTTu 'country (adj)'.

acaTu 'fool' > acaTTu 'foolish'

kuruTu 'blindness' > kuruTTu 'blind'

muraTu 'roughness' > muraTTu 'rough'

kaaTu 'forest' > kaaTTu 'wild'

The test frame - X aaka irukkiRa Y 'X who/which is Y'- can be used to pick out a type of

adjectives.

acaTTup paiyan 'foolish boy'< acaTaaka irukkiRa paiyan 'the boy who is foolish'

kuruTTup paiyan 'blind boy'< kuruTaaka irukkiRa paiyan 'the boy who is blind'

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ceviTTup paiyan 'deaf boy' < ceviTaaka irukkiRa paiyan 'the boy who is deaf'

muraTTup paiyan 'rough boy' < muraTaaka irukkiRa paiyan 'the boy who is rough'

kaaTTup panRi 'wild pig'< *kaaTaaka irukkiRa panRi 'the pig which is forest'

ndaaTTup paN 'national song' < *ndaaTaaka irukkiRa paN 'the song which is national'

But as the test frame weeds out ndaaTTu (<ndaaTu) as well as kaaTTu (<kaaTu) from the

category of adjectives, we cannot fully rely on it.

8.9. 5. Adjectives formed by the deletion of m/n/r of the final syllable am\an\ar of the

concerned noun

Adjectives formed by the deletion of m

Forty-two adjectives of this type are listed in KTTA out of which twenty-seven are simple

adjectives and the rest of the fifteen are compound adjectives.

Simple

akilam `world (n) > akila (adj) `all '

?aatarcam (n)> aatarca (adj) 'ideal; perfect; model' ,

?eekam (n) > eeka (adj) 'large; a great deal of',

kaLLam (n) > 'cunning or deceitful nature' > kaLLa (adj) 'illicit; illegal; clandestine'

?kanishTam (n) > kanishTa (adj) 'last born'

?kiraamiyam (n) > kiraamiya (adj) 'of village or folk; rural'

kauravam (n) 'prestige; honour' > kaurava (adj) 'honorary',

?caastriyam (n) > caastriya (adj) 'classical'

?cuyam (n) > cuya (adj) 'self'

?cireeshTam (n) > cireeshTa (adj) 'eldest'

ciimantam (n) 'ceremony concerned with first pregnancy' > ciimandta (adj) 'first; eldest'

cuttam (n) 'cleanliness' > cutta (adj)'complete; utter; pure'

condtam (n) 'ownership; relationship'> condta (adj)'native; personal; private'

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tarmam (n) 'charity; alms giving' > tarma (adj) 'free of cast'

?taarmiikam (n) > taarmiika (adj) 'moral; righteous;just'

?ndikaram (n) > ndikara 'net'

ndittiyam (n) 'perpetuity'> ndittiya (adj) 'daily'

?piratamam (n) > piratama (adj) 'chief'

?puurvam (n) > puurva (adj) 'former; bygone; ancient'

pautikam (n) 'physics' > putika (adj) 'physical'

?mattiyam (n) > mattiya (adj) 'belonging to central'

?mattiyam (n) > mattiya (adj) 'of the centre'

marmam (n) 'secret' > marma (adj) 'suspense packed'

raajiyam (n) 'country' > raajiya (adj) 'diplomatic'

viceesham 'of special interest' > viceesha (adj) 'special'

?jeeshTam (n) > jeeshTa (adj) 'first born'

Compound

N + N

uur (n) 'village' + akam (n) 'inner; internal' > uurakam (n) > uuraka (adj) 'rural'

kuNam (n) + cittiram (n) > kuNaccittiram (n) > kuNaccittira (adj) 'character'

ndaTu (n) 'centre' + taram(n) 'quality' > ndaTuttaram (n) 'medium;

average'> ndaTuttara (adj) 'middle'

pakuti (n) 'part' + ndeeram(n) 'time' > pakutindeeram (n) > pakutindeera (adj) 'part-time'

N (with the deletion final m) + N

maatam (n) 'month' + andtaram/andtiram (n) 'withiness'

> mataandtaram/maataandtiram (n) >mataandtara/maataandtira (adj) 'monthly'

varuTam (n) 'year' + andtaram/andtiram (n) 'withiness'

> varuTaandtaram/ varuTaandtiram (n) >varuTaandtara/varuTaandtira 'anual; yearly'

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vaaraam (n) + andtiram (n) > vaaraandtaram/vaaraandtiram (n)

> vaaraandtara/vaaraandtira (adj) 'weekly'

Adj + N

carva 'all' + teecam(n) 'country' > carva teecam (n) > carvateeca (adj) 'international'

pan 'several' + mukam (n) 'face' > panmukarm (n)> panmuka (adj) 'multifaceted; varied'

mattiya 'central' + taram (n) 'quality > mattiya taram > mattiyatara (adj) 'middle'

muzhu 'full' + ndeeram 'time'> muzhundeeram (n) > muzhu ndeera (adj) 'full time'

muzhu 'full' + ndiiLam 'length' > muzhu ndiiLam (n) > muzhundiiLa (adj)'full length'

veku + janam (n) > vekujanam (n) > vekujana 'popular; public; mass'

Adj + aa + N

ndaal 'four' + aa + vitam (n) > ndaalaavitam(n) > ndaalaavita (adj) 'of all kinds or sorts'

ndaan 'four + aa + vitam (n) > ndaanaavitam (n)> ndaanaavita (adj) 'of all kinds or sorts'

[The nouns suffixed by the symbol "?" are not attested in KTTA as they do not occur

independently in those forms as nouns.]

Differentiating a noun which combines with a head noun to form a compound noun from a

denominal adjective which comes to attribute a head noun appears to be ad hoc in some cases.

Note that the following are listed as compounds in KTTA.

kaLLat tooNi 'boat used for illegal transport'

kaLLap paNam 'black money'

Adjectives formed by the deletion of n/r

Ten such adjectives are listed in KTTA.

Simple

acuran (n) 'one works with defatigable energy’ > acura (adj) 'tremendous'

islaamiyar (n) 'muslims' > islaamiya (adj) 'pertaining to Islam'

kattoolikkar (n) 'Catholics' > kattoolikka (adj) 'catholic'

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caNTaaLan (n) 'cruel person' > caNTaaLa (adj) 'wretched; heinous'

cakootarar (n) 'brother/sister' > cakootara (adj) 'fellow; co-'

paNTitan (n) 'man of erudition' > paNTita (adj) 'scholarly'

paraman (n) 'the Supreme Being' > parama (adj) 'top; great, etc.'

muuTan (n) 'stupid man' > muuTa (adj) 'absurd; foolish'

raaTcacar (n) 'giant; titan' > raaTcaca (adj) 'giant'

raaTcatar (n) 'giant; titan' > raaTcata (adj) 'giant'

Certain nouns ending in am, an, or ar have the tendency to function as adjectives attributing the

head noun which follow them. While doing so they drop their final consonant m/n/r and

thus assumes the shape of an adjectives ending in a. Due to lexicalization by semantic change

they get listed in the lexicon as adjectives. The formation adjectives of this type can be said as

analogical formation. A number of nouns ending in am/an/ar seem to behave like or function as

adjectives of this type though they are not listed in KTTA as adjectives.

kapaTam (n) 'deceit' > kapaTa (adj) 'deceitful'

kapaTa caamiyaar 'deceitful priest'

kapaTa ndaaTakam 'deceitful act'

ndirandtaram (n) 'permanence; consistency' > ndirandtara (adj) 'permanent'

ndirandtara veelai 'permanent job'

turitam (n) 'quickness' > turita (adj) 'quick'

turita veelai 'quick work'

apuurvam (n) 'that which is rare' > apuurva (adj) 'rare; unusual; novel'

apuurva manitatan 'unusual man'

apuurva ndikazhcci 'unusual incident'

It can be stated that certain nouns ending in -am/an/ar have the potentiality to form adjectives by

dropping the final consonantm/n/r.

8.9. 6. Adjectives from verbal source

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They can be classified into six types:

1. cey-type of non-finite forms as adjectives

2. ceyta-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

3. ceykiRa-type of relative participle forms adjectives

4. ceyyum-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

5. ceyyaata-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

6. ceyyaa-type of relative forms as adjectives

8.9. 7. cey-type of non-finite forms as adjectives

Verbal roots also can function as adjectives. (Compare them with appellative verbs of peer-type

which function as adjectives.) There are ten forms of this type listed in KTTA as adjectives out

of which five are simple forms and five are compound forms.

Simple forms

aTar 'concentrated'

taku 'worth of'

teLLu 'clear; impede'

vaRaTTu 'meaningless; unreasonable'

veLir 'light; pale'

Compound forms

N + cey-type of relative participle form

aruL 'grace; mercy' + miku > aruLmiku 'holly; merciful'

kaN 'eye' + kavar > kaNkavar 'fascinating; attractive'

maaNpu 'dignity; honour' + miku > maaNpumiku 'honourable'

mee + taku > meetaku 'excellency'

cey-type of RP form + cey-type of RP form

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viya + taku > viyattaku 'of amazing nature'

cey-type of relative participle form is considered by the traditional grammarians as tenseless

relative participle forms. They come in the form of the shape of the verbal roots/stems.

cuTu 'be hot'+ cooRu 'rice' > cuTu cooRu 'hot rice'

cuzhal 'whirl' + kaaRRu 'wind' > cuzhal kaaRRu 'whirl wind'

viicu 'blow' + tenRal 'gentle breeze' > viicu tenRal 'blowing breeze’

kal 'stone' + eRi 'throw' + tuuram 'distance' > kalleRi tuuram 'at a stone's throw'

Some of the modern Tamil grammarians consider this attributive forms as nouns. Many

compound nouns are formed in which the attributive element of the head noun is a relative

participle form of cey-type.

toTu 'touch + uNarvu 'sensation' > toTu uNarvu 'sense of touch'

putai 'burry' + kuzhi 'pit' > putai kuzhi 'pit for burial'

azhu 'cry' + muunjci 'face' > azhumuunjci 'sulky person'

eemaaRRu 'deceive' + veelai 'work' > eemaaRRu veelai ‘cheating’

taLLu + vaNTi > taLLuvaNTi ‘trolley’

8.9. 8. miku as adjectivalizer

miku, the cey-type of form of the verb miku 'exceed', function as an adjectivalizer forming

adjectives from a group of nouns.

karuNai 'mercy; grace' + miku > karuNaimiku 'merciful; graceful'

irakkam 'mercy' + miku > irakkamiku 'merciful'

matippu 'respect' + miku > matippumiku 'respectful'

perumai 'reputation' + miku > perumaimiku 'reputed'

8.9. 10. ceyta-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

Many Past Relative Participle (PaRP) forms of verbs have been listed in KTTA as adjectives as

obtaining idiosyncratic meaning lexicalized them. The form is made up of three morphemes- the

verb stem + past tense suffix + relative suffix. There are sixty- seven simple forms and fifty

compound forms of this type listed KTTA as adjectives.

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1. Simple forms

akaNTa (PaRP from of akaL 'widen') 'wide; expensive'

akanRa (PaRP form of akal 'become wider') 'broad'

aTarndta (PaRP form of aTar 'be close together') 'dense; thick'

aTutta 'next' (PaRP form of aTu 'go near') 'next'

aRRa (PaRP form of aRu 'be cut off; snap') 'without; less; beyond'

aazhndta (PaRP form of aazh 'be drowned') 'heart-felt; profound'

iruNTa (PaRP form of iruL 'become dark') 'dark'

izhindta (PaRP form of @izhi 'descend') 'degraded; low'

iRandta (PaRP form of iRa 'die') 'beyond'

ukandta (PaRP form of uka 'accept with pleasure') 'suitable; appropriate'

uyarndta (PaRP form of uyar 'raise; go up') 'highest; tallest'

uratta (PaRP form of @ura 'become intense or louder') 'loud'

uRRa (PaRP form of uRu 'happen; obtain') 'needed; trusted'

oTTiya (PaRP form of oTTu 'stick; become close') 'alongside; adjacent; preceding and

following'

orumitta (PaRP form of orumi 'unite') 'unanimous'

eekoopitta (PaRP form of @eekoopi 'unite') 'unanimous'

eeRRa (PaRP form of eel 'accept') 'agreeable; suitable; proper'

kaTandta (PaRP form of kaTa 'go past') 'past; last'

kaNTa (PaRP form of kaaN 'see') 'all and sundry; irregular; ill-chosen'

karutta ( PaRP form of @karu 'become black') 'black'

kanatta (PaRP form of kana 'be heavy') 'heavy build'

kuRitta (PaRP form of kuRi note-down') 'concerning; regarding; about'

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kuRukiya (PaRP form of kuRuku 'get shortened') 'narrow; short'

kuRaindta (PaRP form of kuRai 'come down; go reduced; lower; diminish' ) 'not high;

low; insufficient'

kuurtta/kuurnta (PaRP form of @kuur 'sharpen') 'sharp(intelligent)'

keTTa (PaRP form of keTu 'get affected; deteriorate')'harmful; bad'

kozhutta (PaRP form of kozhu 'grow fat; be plump') 'huge; big'

caanRa (PaRP form of @caal 'be abundant; be exquisite') 'having; being full of'

ciRandta (PaRP form of ciRa 'become eminent') 'eminent'

cemmaandta (PaRP form of @cemmaa 'be exalted') 'exalted'

cevviya (PaRP form of @cevvu 'excel') 'excellent; perfect'

cevviya (PaRP form of @cevvu become red') 'red'

cezhitta (PaRP form of cezhi 'flourish; grow well') 'thick; chubby'

cenRa (PaRP form of cel 'go') 'last; previous'

ceernta (PaRP form of ceer 'join') 'belonging to'

takundta (PaRp form of @taku 'be appropriate; be suitable') 'appropriate; suitable'

taTitta (PaRP form of taTi 'swell slightly; thicken') 'thick; heavy'

tazhuviya (PaRP form of tazhuvu 'embrace; hug') 'breadth and length of'

tazhainta (PaRP form of tazhai 'bring down') 'polite; soft'

taazhndta (PaRP form of taazh 'come down') 'low'

tiraNTa (PaRP form of turaL 'gather; come together; assemble') 'vast; gist; essential'

tiRandta (PaRP form of tiRa 'open') 'open'

teLLiya (PaRP form of teLLu 'to become clear') 'clear; limpid'

teerndta (PaRP form of teer 'atain proficiency') 'highly skilled'

ndiiNTa (PaRP form of ndiiL 'increase in length; lengthen) 'long'

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nderungkiya (PaRP form of nderungku 'near; approach) 'intimate'

parandta (PaRP form of para 'be spread') 'vast ;wide'

palatta (PaRP form of pala 'become heavy; grow severe') 'heavy; strong'

pazhutta (PaRP form of pazhu 'ripen') 'rich'

paRRiya (PaRP form paRRu 'hold; catch') 'concerning; regarding'

paartta (PaRP form of paar 'see') 'facing'

pindtiya (PaRP form of pindtu 'lag behind') 'later; latter'

perutta (PaRP form of peru 'grow thick; become stout; increase') 'immense; great'

porundtiya (PaRP form of porundtu 'fit; be joined') 'having'

poRutta (PaRP form of poRu 'bear; wait') 'depend on; concerned; pertains to'

pootiya (PaRP form of pootu 'be adequate or enough') 'adequate; sufficient'

poonRa (PaRP form of @pool 'resemble; be similar') 'like; such as'

poona (PaRP form of poo 'go') 'last; previous'

matartta (PaRP form of @matar 'flourish; be self-conceited') 'proud; strutting'

mikundta (PaRP form of miku 'increase') 'extreme; much'

mundtiya (PaRP form of mundtu 'go past; overtake') 'previous; pre-'

muutta (PaRP form of muu 'become old; age; grow in years') 'born first; elder/first;

senior'

vizhumiya (PaRP form of vizhumu ) 'excellent'

veeNTiya (PaRP form of veeNTu 'ask politely; entreat')

8.10. COMPOUND FORMS

7810. 1. N + ceyta-type non-finite form

N + aana

@appaTTam 'openness; obvious' + aana > appaTTamaana 'blatant'

299

@amukkam + aana > amukkamaana 'secretive'

@uruppaTi + aana > uruppaTiyaana 'constructive'

@eTuppu + aana > eTuppaana 'attractive'

@kaNakku + aana > kaNakkaana 'in the region of'

@kaNicam + aana > kaNicamaana 'considerable'

@kamukkam + aana > kamukkamaana 'secretive'

@kuur 'sharp tip' + aana > kuuraana 'pointed; sharp'

@metu 'slowness; unhurriedness+ aana > metuvaana 'slow; unhurried'

@meel 'being better; being superior' + aana > meelaana 'excellent; superior; better'

@leecu 'lightness' + aana > leecaana 'light'

N + paTTa

@appeer 'that name' + paTTa (PaRP form of paTu 'be acted upon; be affected;

experience') > appeerppaTTa 'such a kind of'

@aanaana + paTTa > aanaanappaTTa 'even the most powerful'

iTai 'middle' + paTTa > iTaippaTTa 'between'

ippeer 'this name' + paTTa > ippeerppaTTa 'such as'

uL 'inside' + paTTa > uTpaTTa 'below; within'

uTan 'being together' + piRandta (PaRP form of piRa 'be born) >uTanpiRandta 'born of

the same parents; related by blood'

uur 'village' + paTTa > uurppaTTa 'more than usual'

@eekam 'plenty' + paTTa > eekappaTTa 'excessive; enormous; innumerable'

onRu 'one' + paTTa > onRupaTTa 'united'

campandtam 'relevance; connection' + paTTa (PaRP form of paTu 'be acted upon; be

affected') > campandtappaTTa'connected; related; concerned'

tani 'separate; independent' + paTTa > tanippaTTa 'personal; individual'

300

ndaaL 'day' + paTTa > ndaaLpaTTa 'of a pretty long time; chronic; old'

paN 'fitness; good quality; suitbleness' + paTTa > paNpaTTa (PaRP form

of paNpaTu 'become cultivable or arable; get refined') 'cultured; cultivated; seasoned;

sophisticated'

pin 'back' + paTTa > piRpaTTa (PaRP form of piRpaTu 'lag behind (in time)') 'later'

meel 'top; above' + paTTa > meeRpaTTa 'more than'

mun 'front' + paTTa > ‘muRpaTTa (PaRP form of muRpaTu ‘initiate’) 'prior; pre-'

N+ iTTa

kuRippu 'note' + iTTa (PaRP form of iTu 'put') > kuRippiTTa (paRP of kuRippiTu 'make

a specific mention of; indicate') 'selected; specified'

kooTu 'line' + iTTa (PaRP form of iTu 'put' > kooTiTTa 'blank indicated by a line'

N+ aRRa

oppu 'equal; match' + aRRa (PaRP of aRu 'be cut off; snap') > oppaRRa 'peerless;

unique'

tikku 'direction' + aRRa (PaRP form of aRu 'be cut off; snap' > tikkaRRa 'with nobody to

support or nowhere to go; destitute'

maTTu 'limit' + aRRa (PaRP form of aRu 'be cut off') > maTTaRRa 'overwhelming;

limitless'

N+ keTTa

keeTu 'damage' + keTTa (PaRP form of keTu 'spoil; ruin') > keeTukeTTa 'wretched;

despicable'

taRi 'post; stake' + keTTa > taRikeTTa 'without restraint; uncontrollable'

N + other ceyta type of forms

orungku 'all together' + iNaindta (PaRP of iNai 'join') > orungkiNaindta 'integrated'

onRu 'one' + viTTa (PaRP of viTu 'leave') > onRuviTTa 'one generation removed'

kai 'hand' + kaNTa (PaRP form of kaaN 'see') > kaikaNTa 'efficacious; of proven effect'

kai 'hand' + teerndta (PaRP form of teer 'select') > kaiteerndta 'adept'

301

cekkar 'redness' + civandta (PaRP form of civa 'become red') > cekkaccivandta 'bright

red'

talai 'head' + aaya (PaRP form of aa 'become' > talaiyaaya 'foremost; principal'

tuppu 'ability; resource; competeness' + keTTa > tuppukkeTTa 'having no competence'

ndaaL 'day' + aarndta (PaRP form of aar 'to become full' > ndaaLaandta 'daily'

paaTal 'song' + peRRa (PaRP form of peRu 'get') > paaTal peRRa 'being the distinction

of being sung by'

pin 'back' + tangkiya (PaRP form of tangku 'stay') > pin tangkiya (PaRP form

of pintangku 'lag behind') 'backward'

peyar 'name' + peRRa (PaRP form of peRu 'get') > peyar peRRa 'renowned'

peyar 'name' + poona (PaRP form of poo 'go') > peyar poona 'renowned'

meel 'top; above' + kaNTa (PaRP form of kaaN 'see') > meeRkaNTa 'given above; cited

above'

meel 'top; above' + conna (PaRP form of col 'tell; mention') > meeRconna 'mentioned

above'

vilai 'price' + uyarndta > vilai uyarndta 'costly; expensive'

8.10. 2. Adj + N + ceyta-type of non-finite form

Adj + N + aana

There are four forms of this type listed in KTTA.

@oru 'one' + paTittu 'type' + aana > orupaTittaana 'homogeneous'

@oru one' + manatu 'mind' + aana > orumanataana 'unanimous'

@oru + muakam + aana > orumukamaana 'unanimous'

@perum + paal + aana > perumpaalaana 'majority of'

Adj + N + paTTa

pala 'many' + taram 'quality' + paTTa > palatarapaTTa'of all sorts; different kinds of'

302

pala 'many' + tiRam 'ability; capacity' + paTTa > palatiRappaTTa 'of all sorts; different

kinds of'

8.10. 3. N + N + ceyta-type of non-finite form

@aakkam 'constructiveness' + puurvam 'basis' + aana > aakkapuurvamaana 'constructive'

@aaNi + taram + aana > aaNittaramaana 'firm; emphatic'

@icai + keeTu + aana > icaikeeTaana 'awkward'

@kalai + puurvam + aana > kalaapuurvamaana 'artistic'

@cootanai + puurvam + aana > cootanaipuurvamaana 'experimental'

@tarkkam + riiti + aana > tarkkariitiyaana 'logical'

@potu + paTai + aana > potuppaTaiyaana 'general'

@manam + puurvam + aana > manappuurvamaana 'wholehearted'

muraN + paaTu + aana > muraNpaaTaana 'contradicting'

@meel + oTTam + aana > meelooTTamaana 'superficial'

@rattinam + curukkam + aana > rattinaccurukkamaana 'brief; precise; concise'

@vilaa + vaari + aana > vilaavaariyaana 'elaborate'

maacu 'dirt; dross; polution' + maRu 'spot; blemish'blemish'

+ aRRa > maacumaRuvaRRa 'blemishless; spotless'

8.10. 4. ceytu-type of non-finite form + ceyta-type of non-finite form

aaki 'having become' + vandta (PaRP form of vaa 'come') > aakivandta

'considered lucky

kaTaindtu 'having churned' + eTutta (PaRP form of eTu 'take') > kaTaindteTutta

'downright; out-and-out'

8.10. 5. N + ceytu-type of non-finite form + ceyta-type of non-finite form

cel 'termite' + arittu 'having eaten' + poona (PaRP form of poo 'go') >cellarittuppoona '

8.10. 6. ceyyatype of non-finite form + ceyta-type of non-finite form

303

taazhtta (PaRP form of taazh 'lower' + paTTa> taazhttappaTTa 'scheduled; backward'

ceyta-type of form is considered as past tense marked relative participle form by the traditional

grammarians. They are called relative participle form as they come before nouns to attribute

them. The relative participle formation is considered as a productive inflectional process and not

as a derivational process. But as developing some idiosyncrasy in their meaning lexicalizes

these forms, they are listed as adjectives in KTTA. Relative participle forms can be taken as

potential source from which adjectival forms can be formed when they develop some

idiosyncratic meaning. When we analyze the N + relaive participle form which have been

lexicalized as adjectives, we can infer that some of the relative participle forms have become

suffixal in nature. They areaana (the relative participle form of aaku 'become'), paTTa (the

relative participle form of paTu ‘suffer’, iTTa (the relative participle form of the

verb iTu ‘put’, aRRa (the relative participle form of al ‘be not’, keTTa (the relative participle

form of keTu‘become bad’ and enRa (the relative participle form of the verb en 'say'). So they

are dealt separately below.

8.11. aana as adjectivizlizer

KTTA has posited aana, which is a relative participle from of the be-verb aaku, as as

adjectivializer. aana forms adjectives when added to certain nouns. An appreciable number of

adjectives of this type are listed in KTTA, out of which simple forms exceed compound forms.

8.11. 1. Simple forms

N + aana

[Only as sample set of forms are given here.]

apacaaram (n) 'desecration' + apacaaramaana > 'desecrative'?

apattam (n) 'absurdity' + aana > apattamaana > absurd

aparimitam (n) 'enormity; excessiveness' + aana > aparimitamaana 'enormous;

excessive'

apaayam (n) 'danger' + aana > apaayamaana 'dangerous'

apuurvam (n) 'rarity' + aana > apuurvamaana 'rare; unusual'

ammaNam (n) 'nakedness' + aana > ammaNamaana 'naked'

amangkalam (n) 'that which is inauspicious' + aana > amangkalamaana 'inauspicious'

amarttal (n) 'thinly veiled manner' + aana > amarttalaana 'thinly veiled'

amarikai (n) 'modesty' + aana > amarikaiyaana 'modest'

304

amaiti (n) 'silence; peace' + aana > amaitiyaana 'silent; peaceful'

aritu (n) 'rarity' + aana > aritaana 'rare'

aruku (n) 'nearness' + aana > arukaana 'near'

aruupam (n) 'formlessness' + aana > aruupamaana 'formless'

alangkaaram (n) 'decoration' + aana > alngkaaramaana 'decorative'

alngkoolam (n) 'disorderliness' + aana > alangkoolamaana 'disorderly; unkempt'

alaTciyam(n) 'lacking in interest' + aana > alaTciyamaana

alaati (n) 'something unique or special' + aana > 'unique; special'

aluppu (n) 'boredom; tiredness' + aana > aluppaana 'uninteresting; tired'

avacaraam (n) 'haste' + aana > avacaramaana 'hasty'

avaciyam (n) 'necessity' + aana > avaciyamaana 'necessary'

avatuuRu (n) 'defamation' + aana > avatuuRaana 'defamatory'

avamatippu (n) 'disrespect' + aana > avamatippaana 'disrespectful'

avamariyaatai (n) 'disrespect' + aana > avamariyaataiyaana 'disrespectful'

avalaTcaNam (n) 'ugliness' + aana > avalaTcaNamaana 'ugly'

azhaku (n) 'beauty' + aana > azhakaana 'beautiful'

azhukku (n) 'dirt' + aana > azhukkaana 'dirty'

azhuttam (n) 'firmness' + aana > azhuttamaana 'firm'

aLavu (n) 'measure; limit' + aana > aLavaana 'limited'

anpu (n) 'affecton; love' + aana > anpaana 'affectionate'

an(ni)yoon(ni)yam (n) 'intimacy' + aana > an(ni)yoo(ni)yamaana 'intimate'

anukuulam (n) favourable' + aana > anukuulamaana 'favourite'

ajaakkiratai (n) 'carelessness + aana > ajaakkirataiyaana 'careless'

305

aacai (n) 'desire' + aana > aacaiyaana 'desiring'

aaTamparam (n) 'show' + aana > aaTamparamaana 'showy'

aaNavam (n) 'arrogance' + aana > aaNavamaana 'arrogant'

aatmaarttam (n) 'oneness of mind' + aana > aatmaarttamaana

aatarvu (n) 'support' + aana > aataravaana 'supportive'

aapaacam (n) 'salaciousness; lewdness' + aana > aapaacamaana 'salacious; lewd'

aayattam(n) 'readiness' + aana > aayattamaana 'ready'

aayaacam (n) 'tiredness' + aana > aayaacamaana 'tired'

aarppaaTTam (n) 'vain show' + aana > aarppaaTTamaana '

uNTu (n) + aana > uNTaana 'due; belonging'

urittu (n) + aana > urittaana 'characteristic or typical of'

cari (n) 'correct' + aana > cariyaana 'proper'

cematti (n) + aana > cemattiyaana 'severe'

cezhippu (n) + aana > cezhippaana 'flourishing'

tangkam (n) + aana > tangkamaana 'having a heart of gold'

tiruttam (n) 'correction' + aana > tiruttamaana 'flawless; clear'

tuTi (n) 'activeness'+ aana > tutiyaana 'active'

toTarpu (n) 'contact; relation' + aana > toTarpaana 'relating to'

ndiiLam (n) 'length' + aana > ndiiLamaana 'long'

pakkaa (n) 'extremeness' + aana > pakkaavaana 'perfect'

paTTavarttanam (n) + aana > paTTavarttanamaana

parval (n) 'spreading' + aana > paravalaana 'widespread'

pon (n) 'gold' + aana > ponnaana 'golden'

306

pootum (n) 'sufficient’ + aana > pootumaana 'adequate; sufficient'

makattu (n) + aana > makattaana 'impressive; grand'

malivu (n) 'cheap' + aana > malivaana 'cheap;

maaRu(n) 'opposite; the contrary' + aana > maaRaana 'different'

miitu (n) 'on' + aana > miitaana 'against'

mutal (n) 'from' + aana > mutalaana 'and the rest; etcetera; and each other'

muraN(n) 'contradiction; variance' + aana > muraNaana contradicting; varying'

mettakam (n) + aana > mettakamaana

mey (n) 'truth; fact' + aana > meyaana 'truthful'

moohanam (n) 'charm' + aana > moohanamaana 'charming; bewitching'

rammiyam (n) 'being pleasant' + aana > rammiyamaana 'pleasant; delightful'

ruci (n) 'taste' + aana > ruciyaana 'tasty;

laTcaNam (n) 'beauty; perfection' + aana > laTcaNamaana 'beautiful'

vakkaNai (n) 'esteem' + aana > vakkaNaiyaana 'tasty; skillful; smart'

vacati (n) 'means; amenity' + aana > vacatiyaana 'rich; commodious; convenient'

valu (n) 'strength' + aana > valuvaana 'strong'

vanmai (n) 'forcefulness' + aana > vanmaiyaana 'forceful'

vicittiram(n) 'strangeness; queerness' + aana > vicittiramaana 'strange; queer'

viceesham (n) 'speciality' + aana > viceeshamaana 'of special interest'

vittiyaacam (n) 'difference' + aana > vittiyaacamaana 'different'

vitam (n) 'variety; kind' + aana > viitamaana 'variety; kind'

vitaraNai 'adroitness; discernment; perceptiveness'+ aana > vitaraNaiyaana 'adroit;

discerning; perceptive'

vipariitam (n) 'disaster' + aana > vipariitamaana 'disasterous'

307

virakti (n) 'bitterness' + aana > viraktiyaana 'bitter'

viracam (n) 'vulgarity; obscenity' + aana > viracamaana 'vulgar; obscene'

virivu (n) 'extensiveness; elaborateness' + aana > virivaana 'extensive; elaborate'

viruppam (n) 'desire; wish' + aana > viruppamaana 'desirable'

vivaram 'information' + aana > vivaramaana 'informative'

viveekam (n) 'discretion; wisdom' + aana > viveekamaana 'clever'

vinayam (n) 'politeness; modesty' + aana > vinayamaana 'polite; modest'

vinootam (n) 'strangeness' + aana > vinootamaana 'strange'

vistaaram (n) 'spaciousness' + aana > vistaaramaana 'spacious'

vekuLi (n) 'innocence' + aana > vekuLiyaana 'frank and innocent'

veTTi (n) 'uselessness' + aana > veTTiyaana 'useless'

veLippaTai (n) 'openness; obviousness' + aana > veLippaTaiyaana 'blatant'

jampam (n) 'overweening pride; false prestige' + aana > jampamaana 'of overweening

pride; of false prestige'

jaaTai (n) 'gesture; resemblance' + aana > jaaTaiyaana 'indirect'

stiram (n) 'firmness' + aana > stiramaana 'firm; steady'

spashTam (n) 'clarity' + aana > spashTamaana 'clarify'

8.11. 2. Compound forms

8.11. 2. 1. Fully reduplicated noun + aana

Only one form is listed in KTTA

paTi (n) 'step' + paTi + aana > paTippaTiyaana 'step by step'

8.11. 2. 2. Partially reduplicated noun + aana

Three such forms have listed in KTTA

308

[viRu + viRuppu] > viruviRuppu 'quality of being lively and exciting' + aana >

viRuviRuppaana 'lively'

[vetu + vetuppu]> vetuvetuppu 'lukewarm state' + aana > vetuvetuppaana 'lukewarm'

[vev + veeRu] > vevveeRu 'state of being different' + aana > vevveeRaana 'different'

8.11. 2. 3. Rhyme motivated compound noun + aana

8.11. 2. 3. 1. N + N + aana

There are eight such forms listed in KTTA

arai (n) 'half' + kuRai (n) 'incompleteness' + aana > araikuRaiyaana 'incomplete'

azhuttam(n) 'firmness'

+ tiruttam(n) 'correction'> azhuttam tiruttam + aana > azhuttamtiruttamaana 'firm and

precise'

uruTci (n) 'being round' + tiraTci (n) 'plumpness'

+ aana > uruTci tiraTciyaana 'muscular'

8.11. 2. 3. 2. N + dative suffix + N

Only one such form is listed in KTTA.

eeRu + ukku + maaRu + aana > eeRukku maaRaana 'inconsistent'.

8.11. 2. 3. 3. Other types of compounds

8.11. 2. 3. 4. N + N + aana

There is sixteen of this type listed in KTTA.

avai (n) ‘assembly’ + aTakkam (n) ‘humility’ > avaiyaTakkam 'modesty; humility' +

aana> avaiyaTakkamaana 'modest; humble'

aataaram (n) 'origin' + puurvam (n) 'basis' + aana > aataara puurvamaana 'authentic;

authoritative'

viiram (n) 'braveness' + aaveecam (n) 'anger' + aana > viiraaveecamaana 'fiery'

8.11. 2. 3. 5. N + ceyta-type relative participle form + N + aana

There is only one form listed in KTTA.

309

meel (n) 'top part' + ezhundta 'that which rose'+ vaari (n) 'according to; wise'

+ aana> meelezhuntavaariyaana 'superficial'

The forms marked with "@" are listed in KTTA as adjectives and those which are unmarked for

"@" are listed as nouns and the possibility of deriving adjective form by adding the suffix -

aana is given in bracket.

8.12. paTTa and iTTa as adjectivalizers

The analysis of compound adjectives of the type N+paTTa/iTTa listed above reveals

that paTTa and iTTa could be potential adjectivalizers. The following could be possible

adjectives.

N+ paTTa

aacai ‘desire’ + paTTa > aacaippaTTa ‘desired’

palveeRu ‘defferent’ + paTTa > palveeRupaTTa ‘different kinds of’

viruppam ‘desire’ + paTTa> viruppappaTTa ‘desired’

N+ iTTa

kaappu ‘security’ + iTTa > kaappiTTa ‘insulated’

ndaaL ‘date’ + iTTa > ndaaLiTTa ‘dated’

muttirai ‘seal’ + iTTa > muttiraiyiTTa ‘sealed’

Ambedkar (1998: 78) claims that there are twenty-four adjectives of N+iTTa type.

8.13. aRRa and keTTa as adjectivalizers

The ceyta-types forms such as aRRa and keTTa combines with a number of nouns to form

compound adjectives. It appears thataRRa and keTTa can be used as adjectivalizers (like aana)

in the formation of adjectives from a set of nouns.

aaTamparam (n) ‘pomp’ + aRRa > aaTamparmaRRa 'simple'

azhaku (n) ‘beauty’ + aRRa > azhakaRRa 'ugly'

aRivu (n) 'knowledge' + aRRa > aRivaRRa 'foolish'

ozhukkam (n) ‘behaviour’ + keTTa > ozhukkangkeTTa 'imoral'

ndanRi (n) ‘gratefulness’ + keTTa > ndanRikeTTa 'ungrateful'

310

ndaati (n) ‘support’ + keTTa > ndaatikeTTa 'supportless'

paNpu (n) ‘culture’ + keTTa > paNpukeTTa 'imoral'

Though aRRa and keTTa can be considered as the negative equivalents of the positive adjectival

suffix aana, not all anna suffixed adjectival forms have the negative aRRa suffixed adjectival

forms.

N + aana N + aRRa

aaTamparamaana 'fancy' aaTamparmaRRa 'simple'

azhakaana 'beautiful' azhakaRRa 'ugly'

cariyaana 'correct' ?cariyaRRa

tangkamaana 'excellent' ?tangkamaRRa

illaata which is phrasal than suffixal is preferred to aRRa in spoken language.

azhaku 'beauty' + aRRa > azhakaRRa 'not beautiful'

azhaku'beauty' + illaata > azhakillaata ' not beautiful'

aRivu 'knowledge' + aRRa > aRivaRRa 'not clever'

aRivu 'knowledge' + illaata > aRivillaata 'not clever'

8.14. enRa as adjectivizlizer

enRa is ceyta-type relative participle form of the verb en 'say'. It is suffixed with words denoting

sound and feeling to form adjectives. KTTA has listed leven forms of this type as adjectives.

KTTA does not recognize as an adjectivalizer.

Sound/feeling word + enRa

cil + enRa > cillenRa 'chill'

kaNiir + enRa > kaNiirenRa 'clear and loud'

jil + enRa > jillenRu 'chill'

Fully reduplicated word denoting sound/feeling + enRa

kaTa + kaTa + enRa > kaTakaTa enRa 'without break, interruption or break'

kama + kama + enRa > kamakama enRa 'smelling pleasant'

toLa + toLa + enRa > toLatoLa enRa 'loose'

311

Partially reduplicated word denoting sound/feeling + enRa

eenoo + taanoo + enRa > eenoo taanoo enRa 'half-hearted; perfunctionary; indifferent'

kaca + muca + enRa > kacamuca enRa 'juicy; gossipy'

cekka + ceveel + enRa > cekkacceveel enRa 'ruddy'

paccai + paceel + enRa > paccaippaceel enRa 'lush green'

8.15. ceykiRa-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

There is only one form of this type is attested as adjective in KTTA.

talai 'head' + pookiRa (PaRP form of poo 'go' ) > talaipookiRa 'urgent; compelling'

talaipookiRa is an idiomatic usage. The rarity of the ceykiRa type of adjective shows us

that ceykiRa-type of non-finite forms are not productive source of lexical adjectives.

8.16. ceyyum-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

There are seven forms of this type that have been listed in KTTA as adjectives. Out of these

seven forms three are simple and four are compounds.

Simple

ndikazhum (from the verb ndikazh 'happen';literally means 'that which happens') 'current'

paazhum (from the verb paazh 'ruin'; literally means 'that which ruins') 'useless; wretched'

varum (from the verb vaa 'come') 'coming; next'

Compound

etir 'opposite' + varum (from the verb vaa 'come') > etirvarum (literally means 'that

which comes opposite') 'coming'

kiizh 'below' + kaaNum ( from the verb kaaN 'see') > kiizhkkaaNum (literally means 'that

which is seen below') 'the following'

ndaTam 'walking' + aaTum (from the verb aaTu 'move') > ndaTamaaTum (literally

means 'that which moves by walks') 'movable'

pin 'behind' + varum (from the verb vaa 'come'> pin varum (literally means 'that which

comes behind') 'following'

312

The rarity of lexicalization of ceyyum-type of forms as adjectives in KTTA shows that the non-

finite forms of this type are not a productive source for the formation of lexical adjectives.

8.17. ceyaata-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

There are twenty-three forms of this type which have been listed in KTTA as adjectives. Out of

twenty-four forms, eight forms are simple and the rest of the sixteen forms are compound.

Simple

aTaata 'improper; unbecoming'

allaata 'other than'

illaata 'of not being or existing'

innaata 'harmful; evil'

takaata 'improper'

taaLaata 'unbearable'

veeNTaata 'unnecessary’

Compound

N + ceyyaata-type non-finite form

iTai 'middle' + aRaata > iTaiyaRaata 'uninterrupted; without break; incessant'

iTai 'middle' + viTaata 'that which is not left' >iTaiviTaata 'uninterrupted; without

break;incessant'

iNai 'match; pair' + piriyaata 'that which is not separated' > iNaipiriyaata 'inseparable'

inam 'sort; kind; identity' + teriyaata 'that which is not known' > inamteriyaata

'inexplicable; unidentifiable; vague'

inam 'sort; kind; identity' + puriyaata 'that which is not understood' >

inampuriyaata 'inexplicable; unidentifiable; vague'

kaN 'eye' + kaaNaata 'that which is not seen' > kaN kaaNaata 'remote; far away'

kaN 'eye' + koLLaata 'that which is not taken in' > kaN koLLaata 'surpassing'

meel 'above' + paTaata 'that which is subjected to' > meeRpaTaata 'not exeeding'

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varalaaRu 'history' + kaaNaata 'that wich is not seen'

>varalaaRu kaaNaata 'unprecedented'

N + dat + ceyyaata-type of non-finite form

kavai 'forked stick' + kku + utavaata (negative relative participle form of utavu ‘help’

> kavaikkutavaata 'useless; worthless; futile'

N + N + ceyaata-type non-finite form

kaN 'eye' + maN 'earth' + teriyaata (negative relative participle form of teri ‘know’)

> kaNmaN teriyaata

tan 'self' + ndikar 'equality' + illaata > tannikarillaata 'matchless; peerless'

tan ‘self’ + ndirar ‘equality’ +aRRa > tannikaraRRa 'matchless; peerless'

mun 'front' + pin 'back' + teriyaata (negative relative participle form of teri ‘know’

> munpin teriyaata 'unfamiliar; unknown'

The verbs from which the simple forms have been formed are defective verbs. The scaling of the

lexicalization of the ceyyaata-type of relative participle forms as adjectives shows us that these

types of forms are potential source for the deverbal adjectivalization.

ceyaa-type of relative participle forms as adjectives

There are no simple forms of this type; only compound forms of this type have been listed in

KTTA as adjectives.

N + ceyyaa-type of relative participle form

iNai 'match; pair' + piriyaa (negative relative participle form of piri ‘separate’)

> iNaipiriyaa ‘inseparable’

kaN 'eye' + koLLaa (negative relative participle form of koL ‘possess’)

> kaNkoLLaa ‘surpassing’

maTTu 'limit' + illaa (negative relative participle form of il ‘be’

> maTTillaa ‘overwhelming’

N + N + ceyyaa-type of relative participle form

tan 'self' + ndikar 'equality' + illaa > tannikarillaa 'matchless; peerless'

Except maTTillaa, all the other forms of this type have equivalent ceyyaata-type of forms listed

in KTTA. Though all ceyyaata-type of forms can have equivalent ceyyaa-type of forms, only the

314

above listed forms are found in KTTA. It is to be noted thatceyyaa-type of forms belong to high

language variety.

8.18. ADJECTIVES FROM A THIRD SOURCE

Adjectives dealt under this heading are formed form a third source where most of the members

belonging to it cannot be categorized strictly as nouns or verbs. The adjectives that are classified

here can be equated with the relative participle forms of the verbs; they can be, in general, said as

the relative participle forms of the appellative verbs (in line with traditional

grammarians). (Though some of the forms are nominal, due their similarities with the majority of

the forms are grouped here.) The following classification is made taking into account different

forms of the appellative verbs that can attribute nouns.

1. peer-type of adjectives

2. peru-type of adjectives

3. perum-type of adjectives

4. periya-type of adjectives

5. ai-suffixed adjectives

6. ee-suffixed adjectives

7. Other types of adjectives

peer-type of adjectives

The words which are considered by traditional grammarians as appellative verbs and a few

others whose derivation cannot be linked elsewhere are taken here as adjective of this type.

Those ending in consonant

in 'delightful;sweet',

iir 'two',

eN 'eight'

eezh 'seven',

oor 'one',

kaar 'black',

315

caaTcaat, 'identical or exactly the same',

ten 'south',

tiTiir 'abrupt; sudden; unexpected',

tol 'ancient; old' ,

ndal 'good'

ndaal 'four'

nduN 'small; tiny; minute',

punar 're-',

peer 'great; immense'

The forms such as ndal, peer can be equated with the cey type of relative participle form of

verbs.

peru-type of adjectives

There are twelve adjectives of this type listed in KTTA. Out of which six are simple and six

are complex.

Simple forms

oru 'one'

iru 'two'

muu ‘three’

ciRu 'small',

maRu 'further; another; opposite; alternate',

muzhu 'whole; entire; full; complete; total', and

veRRu 'empty; bare; blank; useless' are the simple forms.

Complex forms

Reduplicated forms

316

ov + oru 'one' > ovvoru 'every'

cinnam + ciRu 'small' > cinnanjciRu 'very small; very young'

Compound forms

in + oru > innoru 'another; one more'

oor 'one' + iru 'two' > ooriru 'a few'

maR 'another' + oru 'one' > maRRoru 'another'

perum-type of adjectives

There are sixteen adjectives of this type listed in KTTA, out of which thirteen are simple forms

and three are complex forms

Simple forms

arum 'precious; important',

iLam 'young',

karum 'black',

kuRum 'short',

koTum 'terrible',

cem 'red',

tiim 'sweet',

ndeTum 'long',

pacum 'green; fresh',

pazham 'ancient' old; olden',

paazhum 'desolate; ruined; useless; wretched',

perum 'great; large; major; severe', and

veRum 'empty; bare; naked; mere'.

Complex

317

N + Adj > Adj

kaTTu + iLam 'young' > kaTTiLam 'strong and youthful; attractive and charming'

Adj + Adj

pazham 'old' + perum 'great' > pazhamperum 'veteran; seasoned'

mutu 'old' + perum 'great' > mutuperum > 'veteran; seasoned'

periya-type of adjectives

The adjectives of this type can be equated with the ceyta type of relative participle forms of the

verbs. These adjectives can be classified into three types:

1. a-suffixed adjectives

2. iya-suffixed adjectives

3. aiya-suffixed adjectives

4. attiya-suffixed adjectives

5. uLLa, uTaiya suffixed adjectives

a-suffixed adjectives

There are sixteen adjectives of this type listed in KTTA, out of which twelve are simple and four

are complex.

Simple

andt + a > andta 'that'

indt + a > indta 'this'

endt + a > endta 'what'

in + a > inna 'such'

uL + a > uLLa 'having'

uTai + a > uTaiya 'having'

cin + a > cinna 'small'

318

tak + a > takka 'suitable'

tii + a > tiiya 'bad'

tuuy + > tuuya 'pure'

ndal + a > ndalla 'good'

mik + a > mikka 'very; extreme'

Compound

aru + mandt + a > arumandta 'dear'

in + oor + an + a > innooranna 'similar; such'

inna + piR + a > innapiRa 'of similar; and so on'

Reduplicated

ciR + cil + a > ciRcila 'slight or minor'

aiya-suffixed adjectives

There are twelve adjectives listed in KTTA which can be analysed as formed by

adding a to the ai suffixed nouns.

[anRu 'that day' + ai] + a > anRaiya 'of the day; of those days'

[i + tak + ai] + a > ittakaiya 'of this kind or sort or nature'

[inRu 'this day' + ai] + a > inRaiya 'this day's; today's; of this present time'

[een + ai] + a > eenaiya 'all other'

[ndaaL + ai] > ndaaLai 'tomorrow' + a > ndaaLaiya 'of tomorrow; future'

[ndeeRRu 'yesterday' + ai] + a > ndeeRaiya 'yesterday's; of the past'

[paNT + ai] + a > paNTaiya 'ancient; olden; former'

[pazh + ai] + a > pazhaiya 'old'

[taRpootu + ai] + a > taRpootaiya 'existing; present'

[pindt + ai] + a > pindtaiya 'later'

319

[mundt + ai] + a > mundtaiya 'previous'

[mun + ai] + a > munnaiya 'previous'

iya-suffixed adjectives

There are twenty-three adjectives of this type listed in KTTA out of which twenty of them are

simple and the rest three of them are compound.

Simple forms

ar + iya > ariya 'rare; precious; valuable'

azhaku + iya > azhakiya 'beautiful; lovely; charming'

uyar + iya > uyariya 'noble'

ur + iya > uriya 'characteristic of'

in + iya > iniya 'delightful'

kuur + iya > kuuriya 'pointed; sharp'

koT + iya > koTiya 'cruel'

ciR + iya > ciRiya 'small'

ciir + iya > ciiriya 'excellent'

tiN + iya > tiNNiya 'strong; firm'

nduN + iya > nduNNiya 'small; tiny'

ndeT + iya > ndeTiya 'tall; high'

ndeer + iya > ndeeriya 'excellent'

pac + iya > paciya 'green'

put + iya > putiya 'new'

per + iya > periya 'big; large'

mutal + iya > mutaliya 'and the rest'

mut + iya > mutiya 'aged; old'

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mel + iya > melliya 'thin; slender'

vaR + iya > vaRiya 'poverty stricken; impoverished'

Compound forms

N + iya-suffixed form

aLappu 'measurement' + [ar + iya] > aLappariya 'innumerable; incredibly high'

Reduplicated Compound

puttam + [put + iya] > puttamputiya 'brand-new'

[N + Dat] + iya-suffixed form

[ceyal + ku] + [ar + iya] > ceyaRkariya 'extraordinary'

attiya-suffixed adjectives

There are five adjectives of this type.

kizhakku 'east' + attu + iya > kizhakkattiya 'eastern'

camiipam 'proximity' + attu + iya > camiipattiya 'recent'

teRku 'south' + attu + iya > teRkattiya 'southern'

meeRku 'west' + attu + iya > meeRkattiya 'western'

vaTakku 'north' + attu + iya > vaTakkattiya 'northern'

uLLa and uTaiya as adjectivalizer

uLLa which is the adjectival form of the root word uL and uTaiya which is the adjectival form

of the root word uTai are synonymous to aana in the formation of adjectives from certain

nouns. uLLa and uTaiya are not recognized as an adverbializer in KTTA.

azhaku 'beauty' + uLLa > azhakuLLa 'beautiful'

azhaku 'beauty ' + uTaiya > azhakuTaiya 'beautiful'

aRivu 'knowledge' + uLLa > aRivuLLa 'clever'

aRivu 'knowledge' + uTaiya > aRivuTaiya 'clever'

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While aana, uLLa and uTaiya are used for brining out the positive sense of the quality denoted

by the nouns. aRRa and illaatacan be considered as forms antonymous to the former three forms

which are used for bringing out the negative sense of the quality denoted the nouns which

precede them. ceyta-type of adjectival forms can be synonymous with forms derived by the

suffixation of adjectival suffixes aana, mikka, uLLa and uTaiya with nouns. The following table

will illustrate this point.

ceyta- type of adjectival forms The synonymous simple as well as

derived forms (formed by adjectival

suffixes aana, mikka, uLLa and uTaiya)

akanRa 'wide' akalammaana, akalamikka, akalamuLLa

aazhndta 'deep' aazhamaana, aazhamuLLa

izhindta 'low' izhivaana, izhivuLLa

uyarndta 'high' uyarvaana, uyarvuLLa

oTungkiya 'narrow' oTukkamaana

karutta/kaRutta ‘black’ kaar, karuppu, karum, kariya,karumaiyaana

kanatta 'heavy' kanamaana, kanamuLLa

kuRukiya 'narrow' kuRu, kuRum, kuRukalaana

kuRaindta 'low' kuRai, kuRivaana

kuurtta/kuurndta 'sharp' kuur, kuuriya, kuurmaiyaana,kuurmaimikka

keTTa 'bad' keeTu, keTutalaana ?

ciRandta 'eminent' ciRappu, ciRappaana, ciRappumikka

cemmaandta 'exalted' cem, cemaiyaaana

takundta 'sitable' taku, takutiyaana, takutimikka

taTitta 'thick' taTi, taTiya, taTippaana

tazhaindta 'soft' tazhaivaana

tiraNTa 'vast' tiraLaana

teLLiya 'clear' teLLu

nderungkiya 'intimate' nderukkamaana

parandta 'vast' paravalaana

pootiya 'enough' pootumaana

mikundta 'much' miku, mikka, mikutiyaana

The adjectivalizers antonymous to keTTa are aana, uLLa and uTaiya. Though uLLa and uTaiya,

as stated already, are synonymous with aana, aana cannot be always replaced

by uLLa and uTaiya and vice versa. Gopal (1981) in the appendix of his thesis gives a table in

which nouns are tabled against the adjectivalizers (uLLa, uTaiya, aana) they take. He lists 603

nouns and out of them 344 nouns are capable of forming adjectives by taking uLLa or uTaiya;

538 nouns are capable of forming adjectives by taking aana. According to his

table, uLLa and uTaiya adjectivalize the same nouns; aana, with the exception of few nouns

(ex. akkarai ‘interest’+uLLa > akkaraiyuLLa ‘interested’ akkarai ‘interest’ + uTaiya >

akkaraiyuTaiya‘interested’, akkarai+aana> *akkaraiyaana.), adjectivalize most of the nouns,

which undergoes adjectivalization by uLLa anduTaiya; it also adjectivalize a number of nouns,

which cannot be adjectivalized by uLLa and uTaiya. (It should be noted that KTTA allows the

formation of akkaraiyaana ‘having serious attention’.)

322

ai-suffixed adjectives

There only three adjectives of this type listed in KTTA.

paNT + ai > paNTai 'ancient; olden; former'

meel 'above' + ai > meelai 'western'

kiizh 'below' + ai > kiizhai 'eastern; oriental'

ee-suffixed adjectives

There is only one adjective of this type listed in KTTA.

oru 'one' + ee > oree 'one and only; the only; very same'

Other types of adjectives

Simple

itara 'other'

upa 'sub-; supplementary'

caataa 'plain'

makaa 'great'

maa 'large'

maaji 'former'

muu 'three'

vaTa 'north'

veeti 'chemical'

Reduplicated

toLatoLa 'loose; baggy'

8.19. REMARKS ON peer, peru, perum, periya TYPES OF ADJECTIVES

Tradtional grammars distinguish two types of verbs: terindilai vinaikaL, the verbs which are

capable of taking take tense markers and kuRippu vinaikaL ‘appelative verbs’, the verbs which

323

Most of the adjectives listed under peer, peru, perum, periya types of adjectives fall under

appellative verbs. Some of the root forms exist as attributes to nouns (ex. peer 'big', oor 'one' and

some of them do not exists in the shape posited here (for example tuuy, paNT, etc.). They are

posited to keep up with the uniformity in the formation of the concerned adjectives and the

posited forms can be justified diachronically. The traditional grammarians reconstruct the

appellative adjectives as nominal forms. For example, peer, peru and perum are reconstructed

by traditional grammarians as perumai. According to traditional

grammarians peer, peru, perum attributive forms of the noun perumai or forms derived

from perumai. They treat adjectival forms as forms deduced from the mai suffixed nominal

forms by sandhi change. The following examples will exemplify this.

perumai + azhaki > peerazhaki 'immensely beautiful woman'

perumai + veLLam > peru veLLam 'flood'

On the similar lines the traditional grammars deduce oor 'a'

from onRu 'one' and vaTa from vaTakku 'north'.

onRu 'one' + aayiram ‘thousand’> ooraayiram 'one thousand'

vaTakku 'north' + ticai 'direction' > vaTaticai 'northerndirection'

The rules of deduction by sandhi changes as envisaged by the traditional grammars appear to be

irregular. There is no justification for this type of traditional analysis as perumai itself can be

analysed as derived from the root peru by the suffixation of -mai. If we take adjectival forms as

alternants of nominal forms, then we have to posit adhoc morphophonemic rules to account for

the change of one form into another.

perumai 'greatness' + aapattu 'danger' > peeraapattu 'great danger'

iraNTu 'two' + aayiram 'thousand' > irraayiram 'two thousand'

teRku 'south' + ticai 'direction' > tenticai 'south'

More over prerumai 'greatness' comes as an attribute to aapattu, thereby exhibit the semantic

irregularity in interpreting the attributive meaning. So it is better for us to treat the alternant

forms such as peer, peru and perum as adjectives rather than deriving them from noun.

Regularity can be visualized if we derive the suffixed-forms from presumed root forms as given

in our analysis. It has to be noted that a root appellative adjective can have four forms as in the

case of peer - peer, peru, perum and periya. The first three forms are bound forms and the last

one is an independent forms. Some appellative root forms have all the four types of adjectival

forms and some may not have all the four forms, missing one or two. The following table stands

to testify this.

324

peer-type peru-type perum-type periya type Related

qualitative or

numeral noun

*andt/*a andta

*ar arum ariya arumai

azhakiya azhaku

itara

*indt/*i indta

In iniya inimai

*in inna

Iir iru iraNTu/irumai

upa

*uyar uyariya

*ur uriya urimai

*uL uLLa

*endt/*e endta

EN

*en enna

eezh ezhu eezhu/ezhumai

oor oru onRu/orumai

kaar ?karu karum kariya karumai

*kuR ?kuRu kuRum ?kuRumai

*kuur kuuriya kuurmai

*koT koTum koTiya koTumai

caaTcaat cataa

caataa

*cil ?cila

?ciR ciRu ciRiya ciRumai

*cin cinna

*ciir ciiriya

cem/*cev cevviya cemmai

*tiN tiNNiya tiNmai

*tii tiim

*tii tiiya tiimai

ten teRku

tiTiir

tol/ton tonmai

ndal/ndan ndalla ndanmai

ndaal/*ndaa ndaanku

nduN nduNNiya nduNmai

ndeT ndeTiya ndeTumai

*ndeer ndeeriya ndeermai

*pac pacum paciya paccai/pacumai

325

?pal/?pan pala panmai

paazh pazham pazha, pazhaiya pazhamai

?put ?putu putiya putumai

punar

peer peru perum periya perumai

makaa

*maR maRu maRRa/maRRaiya

maa

maaji

*mut ?mutu mutiya mutumai

*mutal mutaliya

*muzh muzhu muzhumai

muu/*mu muunRu/mummai

*mel/*men melliya menmai

*vaT vaTa vaTakku

*vaR vaRiya vaRumai

*veR veRRu veRum veRumai

["*" denotes that the item marked with * is not found in the dictionary or is not a dictionary

form. "?" indicates that the forms marked by it is possible but is not listed in KTTA as adjectival

form.]

The table shows us that the qualitative adjectives have two or three adjectival forms. All the

qualitative adjectives have mai-suffixed qualitative nouns. peer-type of adjectival form, peru-

type of adjectival form and perum-type of adjectival form can be considered to belonging to one

morpheme as they can be phonologically conditioned. peer-type of form is suffixed with nouns

beginning with a vowel; perum-type of form comes before nouns beginning with stop

consonants; and peru-type of forms comes before nouns beginning with non-stop

consonants; periya type of form is an independent form occurring before space juncture and thus

differing from the previously mentioned three bound forms.

peer ‘big’ + aapattu ‘accident’ > peeraapattu 'great accident'

peru ‘big’ + veLLam ‘water’ > peruveLLam ‘flood'

perum ‘big’ + pakuti ‘part’ > perum pakuti 'great part'

periya atikaari 'superior officer'

Actually -m has four alternant phonemes -ng occurring before nouns beginning

with k, nj occurring before nouns beginning with c, nd occurring before nouns beginning with t

and m occurring before nouns beginning with p.

perum ‘big’ + kaaRRu ‘wind’ > perungkaaRRu 'great wind'

326

perum + cirippu ‘laugh’ > perunjcirippu 'great laugh'

perum + taaTi ‘beard’ > perundtaaTi 'great beard'

perum + paavam ‘sin’ > perumpaavam 'great sin'

The generalized distribution based on phonology will not work when there is meaning or usage

difference between the individual forms of a set. For example kaar, which belongs to higher

variety of Tamil, can come before nouns beginning with both vowels and consonants.

kaar ‘black’ + kuundtal ‘hair’ > kaar kuundtal 'black hair'

kaar ‘black’ + iruL ‘darkness’ > kaariruL 'dark night'

The phonological distribution will be disturbed in the absence of one or more forms in a set. The

numeral nouns have one or two adjectival forms out of which the first one is peer-type of form

and the second one is peru-type of form. The numeral adjectives denoting 'one', 'two' and 'seven'

have two forms and those denoting 'three' and 'four' have one form each. The two forms of 'one'

and 'two' are phonologically conditioned - the peer-type of forms occur before nouns beginning

with vowel and peru-type of forms occur before nouns beginning with consonant.

oor ‘one’ + aayiram ‘thousand’ > oraayiram 'one thousand'

iir ‘two’ + aTi ‘step’ > iiraTi 'two steps'

oru ndaaL 'one day'

iru kaalkaL 'two legs'

Three and four have one more form for each mu and ndaa respectively which are not listed in

KTTA as they are not adjectival forms; [mu comes before patu 'ten' nduuRu 'hundred'as

muppatu mundnduuRu 'three hundred' and ndaa comes before nduuRu].

The demonstrative adjectives have only periya type of forms. The comes before nouns to

demonstrate them. The bound forms a, iand e can be visualized as alternants

of andta, indta and endta respectively.

andta paiyan / appiyan 'that boy'

indta paiyan / ippaiyan 'this boy'

endta paiyan / eppaiyan 'which boy'

The quantitative adjectives cila 'some' and pala 'many' have been listed in kTTA as nouns,

though their use as adjectives has been taken care of under the same lemas/citations. The

following examples will illustrate their use as adjectives.

327

cila tavaRukaL 'some mistakes'

pala iTangkaL 'many places'

pala has two bound alternants pal and pan.

pal ‘many’ + aayiram ‘thousand’ > pallaayiram 'many thousands'

pan ‘many’ + muRai ‘times’ > panmuRai 'many times'

pal and pan are not listed adjectives in KTTA as they are not productively used as attributes to

nouns.

8.20. CONCLUSION

The following table gives the statistical details of the types of adjectives found in KTTA.

Sl.

no.

Types of adjectives Number of forms

1 aana-suffixed adjectives 100+

2 enRa-suffixed adjectives 10+

3 cey-type adjectives 17+

4 ceyta-type adjectives 117+

5 ceykiRa-type adjectives 1+

6 ceyyum-type adjectives 7+

7 ceyaata-type adjectives 22+

8 ceyaa-type adjectives 4+

9 Phonologically unchanged denominal adjectives 22+

10 Adjectives formed by the germination of the consonant of

the final syllable of the concerned noun.

5+

11 Adjectives formed by the deletion of m/n/r of the final

syllableam\an\ar of the concerned noun

42+

12 iya suffixed denominal adjectives 13+

13 aiya suffixed denominal adjecives 20+

14 peer-type of adjecives 25+

15 peru-type of adjectives 12+

16 perum-type of adjceives 51+

17 periya-type of adjectives 51+

18 a suffixed adjective 16+

19 iya suffixed adjectives 23+

20 aiya suffixed adjectives 5+

A particular type of rule or operation is productive in the formation of words will be decided by

the fact that whether the word formation rule or operation is capable of forming new words or

not. There are different views regarding whether a particular wordformation rule or operation is

328

productive or not. The statistical information may be taken as a secondary support for a primary

decision. Based on the above discussions we can arrive at the following statements, though not

coclusively, tentatively at least.

There is no problem in considering all the above listed non-finite forms of verbs as

attributes to nouns and there by consider them as belonging to the syntactic category

called adjective. The issue here is whether to consider all these forms belonging to

the word class called adjective or not. As far as the function is concerned, there is no

differences between denominal adjectives, appellative deverbal adjectives and

deverbal adjectives. Traditional grammars consider the relative participle forms as

non-finite forms that occur before nouns and thus differentiate them from other non-

finite forms that occur before verbs.

Nouns have the tendency of being used as adjectives if they stand to denote certain

qualities that are attributive in nature. So nouns that denote some abstract sense have

the likelihood of being used and/or lexicalized as adjectives.

The use of appellative relative participle forms as adjectives seems to be a

traditionally established function. Even traditional grammarians consider the root of

these forms, which do not inflect for tense as verbs, but take finite PNG (person-

number-genedrer) syffix as kuRippu vinaikaL 'appellative verbs'. The adjectival

forms of this type are very much lexicalized and are closed sets. The use of relative

participle forms adjective is also a traditionally established function. As these forms

are considered as non-finite forms of verbs, they are not assigned to a separate

grammatical category (or word class) called adjective.

Listing all the relative participle forms of verbs that occur before nouns as

adjectives in a dictionary is not economical. KTTA has listed only those forms that

are lexicalized at the semantic level as adjectives.

aana seems to be a productive suffix in the formation of lexical adjectives, though

there are controversies in taking it as a derivative

suffix. uLLa, uTaiya koNTa, mikka, aRRa and enRa can also be manipulated for the

formation of adjectives in a restricted way.

Lexicalization of the relative participle forms of verbs listed above into adjectives

gives us the clue that they form the rich source from which adjectives can be formed

by lexicalization as the semantic level.

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CHAPTER 9

FORMATION OF ADVERBS

9.1. Introduction

Except certain adverbs like angku `there', ingku `here', and engku `where', other adverbs

are different forms of nouns and verbs. They are produced as the function and/or meanings of

the nouns and verbs and their inflected forms are changed and a few are lexicalized as adverbial

suffixes. As this is the case, adverbs can be considered as a secondary formation due to change

in the function of the inflected and non-inflected forms of nouns and verbs and not as a separate

class of words. One can raise doubt about the productivity in the formation of adverbs too. A

better understanding of the adverbial formation can be evolved by analysing the words declared

as adverbs in dictionaries. With this in mind an attempt is made here to pick out the adverbs

lited inkiriyaavin taRkaalat tamizh akraaati (KTTA) and analyse them so as to get a clear picture

of the adverbial formation. A taxonomy of adverbial forms will be aimed at in order to stream

line our understanding of the adverbial formation.

Adverbs cannot be identified by their shape. That is, they cannot be identified by their

morphemic structure. There is no special suffix which can tell us that a particular form is an

adverb and nor there is any particular inflection meant only for adverbs. Only syntactic features

can tell whether a particular form is an adverb or not. But even here, the line of demarcation

between certain inflected forms of nouns and adverbs as well as that between inflected forms of

verbs and adverbs is blurred. One may have to look into adverbs form the diachronic point of

view. Advebs can be broadly divided into two: unanalysable and analyzable

adverbs. ndeeRRu `yesterday', ndaaLai `tomorrow' can be given as examples of the former type

and ipootu `now', appootu `at that time' can be given as examples of the latter type.

Even neeRRu `yesterday' and ndaaLai `tomorrow' can be further broken down, but that will be

moving towards etymology, which is not our intention.

9.2. Taxonomy of formation of adverbs

The following is the taxonomy of the formation of adverbs.

1. Adverbs not formed from nonfinite forms of verbs

a. Adverbs formed from casal forms of nouns

b. Adverbs which are not casal forms of nouns

2. Adverbs formed from nonfinite forms of verbs

9.2.1. Adverbs not formed from non-finite forms of verbs

9.2.1.1. Adverbs formed from casal forms of nouns

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Certain sets of nouns, which are inflected form cases, get lexicalized as adverbs. They can be

classified into 5 types based on the case suffixes.

1. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ukku

2. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ooTu

3. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix uTan

4. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix il

5. adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix aal

9.2.1.1.1. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix -ukku

There are simple as well as compounds. Following are the sub types of this formation.

1. noun + ukku > adverb

appootai + ukku > appootaikku 'at they time'

ammaTtu + ukku > ammaTTukku 'that much'

anRai 'that day' + kku > anRaikku 'that day'

ippootai `at this time' + ukku > ippootaikku `now'

inRai + ukku > inRaikku 'today'

peyar `name' + ukku > peyarukku `for name sake'

tarmam + ukku > tarmattiRku 'free of cost'

2. N + N + ukku

cakaTTu + meeni + ukku > cakaTtu meenikku 'excessively'

tan + camayam + ukku > taRcamattiRku 'immediately'

peyar + aLavu `measure' + ukku > peyar aLavukku `for name sake'

3. Adj + N + ukku

oor + aLavu + ukku > ooraLavukku 'to some extent’

oru + peeccu + ukku > oru peeccukku

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4. ceytu of verbal participial form + N + ukku

keTTa + keeTu + ukku > keTTa keeTTukku

kaNTa + meeni + ukku > kaNTameenikku

The lexical items inflected for dative ukku appear have been reconstituted as adverbs as they are

assigned new function as adverbs. Not all the forms which are inflected for dative ukku do not

function as adverbs. But it can be stated that the dative inflected forms are capable of being

reconstituted as adverbs when the formation leads to meaning change.

9.2.1.1.2. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix ooTu

A few nouns, both simple and compounded, inflected for the case suffix ooTu have been

lexicalized as adverbs as they have assigned themselves adverbial function.

1. Noun + ooTu > adverb

aTi `foot'+ ooTu > aTiyooTu `completely'

1. Adj + N + ooTu > adverb

muzhu `full' + manam `mind' + ooTu > muzhumanattooTu `whole heartedly'

ooTu as a case suffix denote different case relations depending on the context

1. Accompaniment

avan tan manaviyooTu cenRaan 'He went with his wife'

2. Association

avan peenaavooTu puttakam vaangkinaan 'He bought a book along withe a pen'

2. Conjoining

avan toocaiyooTu cappattiyum caappiTTaan 'He ate tosai along with chapatti'

3. Place: path

avan teruvooTu ndaTandtaan 'He walked along the road'

4. Inclusion

ciittirai maatattooTu tamizh aaNTu toTangkukiRatu

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'Tamil years starts with/from Cittirai month'

5. Limitation

raamanukku oru kuzhandtaiyooTu cari

'Raman has only one child'

The examples taken form KTTA shows that certain nouns inflected for the case suffix get

lexicalized as adverbs due to their idiosyncratic meaning. As change of meaning can lead to

change of grammatical function, ooTu inflected nouns are capable of being lexicalized as

adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning.

9.2.1.1.3. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix uTan

A few nouns inflected for uTan ‘with’ inflected have been lexicalized as adverbs as they have

assigned themselves adverbial function.

1. N + N + uTan

meeLam `drum' + taaLam `beatings' + uTan > meeLataaLattuTan `with pom and show'

2. Adj + N + uTan

muzhu `full' + muccu `breath' + uTan > muzhumuccuTan 'with full effort'

uTan, like ooTu gives sociative meaning.

avaL tan kaNavanuTan uurukkuc cenRaan

'She went to the village along with her husband'

The uTan-inflected forms listed in KTTA as adverbs are lexicalized as they have attained

idiosyncratic meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function. uTan-inflected form appear

to be not a productive source for the formation of adverbs.

9.2.1.1.4. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix il

Many il-inflected nominal forms have been listed as adverbs in KTTA as they have

attained idiosyncratic meaning by assigning themselves adverbial function.

1. N + il

camayam `time' + il > camattil `in time'

ndeer 'straight' + il > ndeeril ' in person'

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caarpu 'leaning' + il > caarpil '

veLi 'ouside' + il > veLiyil 'outside'

2. N1 + N2 + il

kaalam `time' + pookku `passing' + il > kaalappookkil 'in course of time'

turitam 'quickness' + kati 'pace' + il > turitakatiyil 'at a fast pace'

kuuTiya `to be possible' + viraivu `speed' + il > kuuTiyaviraivil `as soon as possible'

ndaTu 'centre' + vazhi 'way' > ndaTuvazhyil 'midway'

peyar 'name' + aLavu 'qunantity' > peyaraLavil 'in name only'

3. Adj + N + il

oru 'one' + vakai 'type' + il > oruvakaiyil 'from one angle'

oru 'one' + vitam 'type' + il > oruvitattil 'in a way'

perum 'great' + aLavu 'quantity' + il > perumaLavil 'to a great extetnt'

muzhu 'full + viiccu 'swing' + il > muzhuviccil 'in full swing'

6. Adj + ee + N + il

oru 'one' + ee + muuccu 'breath' + il > oreemuuccil 'by one stretch'

7. N1 + aam + N1 + il

kaalam 'time' + aam + kaalam 'time' + il > kaalaakalattil 'in time'

8. N1 + aam + N2 + il

ndaaL 'day' + aam + vaTTam 'circle' + il > ndaaLaavaTTattil ' in course of time'

9. ceyta type of relative participle form + its vebal noun + il

eTutta 'that which is taken + eTuppu 'taking' + il > eTutta eTuppil 'straight away'

10. N1 + ceyta type of relative participial form + N1 + il

ndeeram 'time' + keTTa 'bad' + ndeeram 'time' + il > ndeeram keTTa ndeerattil '

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il is a locative case suffix. It gives different sense based on its collocation with nouns and verbs.

It denotes location in space and time.

1. Location in space

kaNNan ndaaRkaaliyil uTkaarndaan

'Kannan sat in the chair'

2. Location in time

kaNNan oru vaarattil varuvaan

'Kannan will come in a week'

3. Extension of time

kaNnan oru vaarattil puttakam paTittaan

'Kannan read the book in a weeks time'

kaNNan aangkilattil peecinaan

'Kannan talked in English'

The il-suffixed forms listed in KTTA are lexicalized forms. As the number of such forms are in

considerable number it can be presumed that il-suffixed forms are capable of being lexicalized as

adverbs if they attain idiosyncratic meaning by assuming adverbial function.

9.2.1.1.5. Adverbs from forms inflected for case suffix aal

A few nouns inflected for aal are listed in KTTA as adverbs as they assume adverbial function

due to their presumed idiosyncratic meaning.

1. N + aal

peyar `name' + aal > peyaraal 'by means of name'

2. N + N + aal

candtarppam `chance' + vacam `side' + aal > cantarppavacattaal 'due to circumstance'

aal to assume different casal relations based on its collocation with nouns and verbs.

1. Instrument

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avan pazhattai kattiyaal veTTinaan 'He cut the fruit by knife'

2. Material

avan marattaal meejai ceytaan 'He made the table with wood'

3. Reason

mazhai peytataal kuLangkaL nirampina 'The ponds are filled as it rained'

Only few aal suffixed forms have been listed in KTTA as adverbs. So the possibility of aal-

suffixed forms becoming adverbs appears to be less compared to il-suffixed froms.

9.2.1.2. Adverbs formed by other process

The items which can be listed under this heading can be further classified into ten groups:

1. Adverbs from adding a set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and manner

2. Adverbs from mun/pin

3. Adverbs from forms suffixed by meel

4. Adverbs formed from forms suffixed by varai

5. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ee

6. Adverbs from forms suffixed by um

7. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ellaam

8. Adverbs from reduplicated nouns

9.2.1.2.1. Adverbs formed from a set of nominal forms which denotes place, time and

manner

Certain set of adjectives which includes demonstrative adjectives such as a, i, e and

numeral adjective oru , and certain adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set of nouns which

denote place, time and manner to form adverbs. They are grouped into three:

1. Demonstrative adjectives + nominals denoting place, time and manner

2. Adjectival forms of verbs + nominals denoting place, time and manner

1. Numeral oru + nominals denoting place, time and manner

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2. Demonstrative adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’

3. Adverbial form of a verb + varai ‘limit’

9.2.1.2.1.1. Demonstrative adjectives + nominals denoting place, time and manner

The demonstrative and interrogative bound morphemes such as a, i, e as well as the

adjectives maRu ‘again’ and tan ‘now’ combine with certain bound forms which are nominal in

their origin such

as pozhutu ‘time’ pootu ‘time’ paTi `manner', aaRu `manner' iTam `place', ndeeram `time', paal `

place', puRam `back', vaNNam `manner' forming adverbs. It should be noted here that the above

mentioned forms reinforce adverbial processes of manner, place and time. The following are the

list of forms of adverbs listed in KTTA which have been decomposed into morphemes to suit our

purpose.

a/i/e + pozhutu/pootu

a + pozhutu 'time' > appozhutu 'at that time'

a + pootu > appootu 'at that time'

i + pozhutu 'time' > ippozhtu 'in this period; now; at this time

e + pozhutu > eppozhutu 'when; at what time'

e + pootu > eppootu ' when; at what time'

tan + pozhutu/pootu

tan 'one's + pozhutu > taRpozhutu 'at present; now'

tan + pootu > taRpootu 'at present; now'

a/i/e + paTi

a + paTi 'in the manner of' > appaTi 'in the way or mannerstated'

i + paTi > ippaTi 'in the way or manner; thus'

e + paTi > eppaTi 'in what way; in what condition; by what what manner; how'

a/i/e + aaRu

a + aaRu 'in the manner' > avvaaRu 'in the specified or required or desired manner; like

that'

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i + aaRu > ivvaaRu 'in the manner; like this'

e + aaRu > evvaaRu 'in what manner'

a+ iTam

a + iTam > avviTam `there'

a + ndeeram/paal/puRam/vaNNam

a + ndeeram > anneeram `at that time'

a + paal > appaal `afterwards'

a + puRam > appuRam `afterwards'

a + vaNNam > avvaNNam `as such'

Adj + paTi

maRu 'next' + paTi > maRupaTi 'again'

The demonstrative adjectives such as a, i, e are capable of forming adverbs when suffixed

to the nouns meaning ‘time’. They can form adverbs with nouns such as ndeeram ‘time’,

camayam ‘time’, kaalam ‘period’ etc. Though the formation is restricted to only to a set of

nouns meaning ‘time’, the adverbial formation seems to be a potential one.

a + ndeeram > andndeeram ‘at that time’

a + camayam > accamayam ‘at that time’

a+ kaamal > akkaalam ‘on that period; olden day’

It should noted here that not all the first set of forms combine with all the second set of

form or vice versa. Even forms like angku 'there' , ingku 'here' and engku 'where' can be

decomposed into a/i/e + ngku, though the decomposition is not economical form the point of

view of word formation.

a/i/e + ngku

a + ngku > angku 'there'

i + ngku > ingku 'here'

e + ngku > engku 'where'

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a/i/e + nRu

a + nRu > anRu 'that day'

i + nRu > inRu 'today'

e + nRu > enRu 'which day'

a/i/e + ngkanam/ngnganam

a + ngkanam > angkanam 'in that manner'

a + ngnganam > angnganam 'in that manner'

i + ngkanam > ingkanam 'in this manner'

i + ngnganam > ingnganam 'in this manner'

e + ngkanam > engkanam 'in which manner'

e + ngnganam > engnganam ' in which manner'

9.2.1.2.1.2. Adjectival forms of verbs + nominals denoting place, time and manner

ceyta and ceyyum type of adjectival forms of verbs combine with a set of nominals

denoting manner forms adverbs.

ceyta-type of verb form + paTi

kaNTa (past adjectival participle form of the verb kaaN'see') + paTi > kaNTapaTi

'without observing any norm or standard or rule; without restraint'

kaNTa + paTi > kaNTapaTi `aimlessly'

N + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi

manam + poona (past adjectival participle form of the verb poo 'go') + paTi >

manampoonapaTi 'without restraint;without self-control'

N + il + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi

vaay 'mouth' + il (locative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa

'come') + paTi > vaayilvandtapaTi 'without restraint'

N + ku + ceyta-type of verb form + paTi

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vaay 'mouth' + ukku (dative case suffix) + vandta (past adjectival form of the verb vaa

'come') + paTi >vaaykkuvandtapaTi 'without restraint'

N + + ceyyum-type of verb form + aaRu

pin + varum (future adjectival from of the verb vaa 'come') + aaRu > pinvarumaaRu

paTi as a postposition functions as adverbializer with certain sets of nouns. After noun or

pronoun it is used in the sense ‘as per’ or ‘according to’. After the adjectival forms of verbs it

used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in the manner of’. Thus paTi can function as an adverbializer with

certain set of nouns and adjectival forms of verbs.

avar miitu caTTap-paTi ndavaTikkai eTukkappaT-um

he on law_as per action be taken_FUT

‘Action will be taken on him as per law’

ndaan co-nn-a-paTi cey

I say_PAST_RP_as do

‘Do as I said’

The nominal forms suffixed with paTi and the relative participle form suffixed with paTi are

capable of getting lexicalized as adverbs. So paTi can be considered as a potential adverbilizer.

Its synonyms aaRu and vaNNam the adjectival forms of verbs it used in the sense of ‘as’ or ‘in

the manner of’. vaNNam after past relative participles is used to indicate the unceasing,

uninterrupted nature of the action specified.

avan ndaan connavaaRu cey_t-aan

he I say_PAST_RP act_PAST_he

‘He acted as I told him’

avar ndeeRR-ilirundtu azhu-t-a vNNam iru-kkiR-aar

he yesterday_from weep_PAST_RP as be_PRES_he

‘He keeps on weeping since yesterday’

So aaRu and vaNNam can be considered as potential adverbializers.

9.2.1.2.1.3. Numeral oru + nominals denoting place, time and manner

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The combination of numeral adjective oru 'one' with a set of nouns denoting place, time

and manner gives rise to adverbs. The following are attested in KTTA.

oru + veeLai ‘time' > oruveeLai `sometimes'

oru + kaal ‘time' > orukkaal `sometimes'

oru + taTavai `time (frequency)' > orutaTavai `once'

oru + maatiri ‘manner' > orumaatiri ‘somehow'

oru + ciRitu > oruciRitu `a little'.

9.2.1.2.1.4. Demonstrative adjectives + nominal denoting time + varai ‘limit’

Demonstrative adjective + ndaaL 'day' + varai ‘limit’

itu `this' + ndaaL `day' + varai > itu ndaaL varai `till today'

9.2.1.2.1.5. Adjectival form a verb + varai

ceyya type of adjectival form + varai

kuuTiya `to be possible' + varai > kuuTiyavarai `as for as possible'

varai is a temporal particle. This will denote limitation with reference to place and time. The

compounds such as ituvarai, itundaaL varai are listed in KTTA as adverbs as they are

lexicalized due to meaning change. The past participle form

of iyal and muTi, iyanRa and muTindta combine with varai to form compounds such

as muTindavarai and iyanRavarai which can also be considered as

adverbs. kuuTiyamaTTum, iyanRamaTTum, aanamaTtum can also be taken as adverbs. It

appears that the relative participle form of a closed set such

as aana, kuuTiya,iyanRa, muTindta combines with varai adverbs. The question before us is

whether to take those formations as derived from rules or as lexicalized unanalysed forms. If the

formation is productive, then it is better for us to consider them as derived by WFR.

9.2.1.2.2. Adverbs from forms derived from mun/pin

mun `front' and pin `back' combine with the non-productive suffixes such as -ar, -aal, -

aaTi, -pu forming adverbs.

Ex.

mun + ar > munnar `before'

mun + aal > munnaal `before'

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mun + aaTi > munnaaTi `before'

mun + pu > munpu `before'

9.2.1.2.3. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ee

The clitic -ee combine with a set of lexical items such as anku `there', appaTi` that

way', meel `above', pin `back', uTan, `with' and muRai `term', and also with the non-finite verbs

forms such as terindtu `having known', munkuuTTi `having added before', eeRkena `take-as said'

forming adverbs.

angku + ee > angkee `there'

meel + ee > meelee `above'

uTan + ee > uTanee `immediately'

9.2.1.2.4. Adverbs from forms suffixed by um

The clitic um combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming

adverbs.

engku `where' + um > engkum `everywhere'

muzhutu `full' + um > muzhutum `fully'

cuRRu `surroundings' + il + um > cuRRilum `around'

meen + mel `above' + um > meenmeelum `continuously'

oru `one' + kaal `time' + um > orukkaalum `never'

miiNTu `having come back' + um > miiNTum `again'

9.2.1.2.5. Adverbs from forms suffixed by ellaam

The ellaam `all' combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming

advebs.

Deverbal nominal form of the type ceytatu + dative kku + ellaam

ex. eTuttatu `that which is taken' + ukku + ellaam > eTuttataRkellaam `for everything'

eTuttatu 'that which it taken', toTTatu 'that which is touched' are deverbal nominal forms

of ceytatu type; kku is a dative suffix; ellaam means 'all'. eTuttataRkellaam

and toTTataRkellaam are synonyms as they can be interchangeable. The

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forms eTuttatu, toTTatu have been lexicalized due to meaning change. As the formation

appears to be not productive the resultant forms can better be listed in the lexicon.

9.2.1.2.6. meel-suffixed adverbs

meel combine with a set of items as shown in the following examples forming adverbs.

ini `after' + meel `above' > inimeel `after that'

kai `hand' + meel `above' > kaimeel `as a consequence'

ini is an adverb whereas kai is a noun. meel is a particle. The forms derived from

them inimeel and kaimeel are not formed by productive WFR. So the formation cannot be

considered as a WFR for adverbial formation.

9.2.1.2.7. Advebs from reduplicated nouns

Formation of adverbs by reduplication appears to be initiated by a productive WFR.

1. Reduplicated word + noun

akkam + pakkam `near'> akkam pakkam `around/ at the neighbourhood'

ndeer `opposite' + ukku + ndeer > ndeerukku neer `directly'

2.Repetition of noun intervened by dative ukku

aTi 'step' + ukku + aTi 'step' > aTikkaTi 'oftern'

uTan 'at once' + ukku + uTan > uTanuukuTan 'immediately'

uL 'inside' + ukku + uL > uLLukkuL 'inside’

ndeer 'straight' + ukku + ndeer 'face o face'

3. Echoword + ukku + echo word

eeRu + ukku + maaRu > eRukku maaRu ‘contradicatorily’

The formation in which the reduplicated forms are intervened by ukku appears to be a productive

formation. We have forms of the following:

patil 'reply' + ukku + patil > patilukku patil ‘retaliatorily’

vaarttai 'word' + ukku + vaarttai > vaarttaikku vaarttai ‘repeatedly’

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pazhi + kku + pazhi > pazhikuu pazhi patil ‘retaliatorily’

9.2.2. Adverbs formed from non-finite forms of verbs

There is no dispute that the verbal participle forms come to modify the verbs and so

function as adverbs. As some of them attained idiosyncratic meaning they have been liste in

KTTA as adverbs. They can be classified into there are three types according to their form.

1. Adverbs from forms with non-finte form as suffix

2. Adverbs from forms with non-finite form as post-position

3. Adverbs from non-finite forms

9.2.2.1. Adverbs from forms with non-finite form as suffix

There are three types based on the kind of suffix.

1. Adverbs from forms suffixed with aaka

2. Adverbs from forms suffixed with enRu

3. Adverbs form forms suffixes with ena

9.2.2.1.1. Adverbs from forms suffixed with aaka

aaka `to become' is a ceyya-type of non-finte form of the verb aaku `become' which is

lexicalized as an adverbial suffix.

1.N + aaka

alaTciyam `disrespect' + aaka > alaTciyamaaka `disrespectfully'

kaTTaayam 'compulsion' + aaka > kaTTaayamaaka 'compulsorily'

kuRippu 'particularity' + aaka > kuRippaaka 'particularly'

tavaRutal 'wrong' + aaka > tavaRutalaaka 'worngly'

2.N1 + N2 + aaka

akkini 'fire' + caaTci 'evidence' + aaka > akkini caaTciyaaka 'in the presence of sacred

fire'

kaal 'leg' + ndaTai 'walk' + aaka > kaalndaTaiyaaka 'on foot'

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cukku 'dried ginger' + nduuRu 'hundred' + aaka > cukku nduuRaaka 'in pieces'

valu 'strength' + kaTTaayam 'certainty' + aaka > valukaTTaayamaaka 'compusorily'

3.N1 + N1 + aaka (Rhyme motivated by repetition)

kaalam 'time' + kaalam + aaka > kaalam kaalamaaka 'for ages'

paTi `step' + paTi + aaka > paTippaTiyaaka `gradually'

mutal 'first' + mutal + aaka > mutalmutalaaka 'at first'

malai 'hill' + malai 'hill' + aaka > malaimalaiyaaka 'in great heaps'

4.N1 + N2 (Rhyme motivated)

azhuttam + tiruttam + aaka > azhuttam tiruttamaaka 'firmly and clearly’

5.Rhyme motivated compounds by echoing + akka

icaku + picaku `wrong' + aaka > icakupicakaaka `unexpectedly'

ekka + cakkam > ekkacakkam + aaka > ekkacakkam aaka 'in a fix'

caaTai + maaTai > caaTaimaaTai + aaka > caaTaimaaTaiyaaka 'indirectly'

karaTu + muraTu 'roughness' > karaTumuraTu + aaka > karaTu muraTaaka 'ruggedly'

6.Phrasal noun + aaka

ilai maRaivu 'hiding of leaf' + kaay maRaivu 'hiding of fruit'

+ aaka > ilamaRaivu kaaymaRivu aaka '

7.N1 + um + N2 + um + aaka (rhyme motivated compound nouns formed by conjoining

two nouns by um)

etir 'opposite' + um + putir 'mystery' + um + aaka > etirum putirumaaka 'facing each

other’'

kai `hand' + um + mey `body' + um + aaka > kaiyyum meyyumaaka `with clear

evidence'

tappu 'wrong' + um + tavaRu 'wrong' + aaka > tappum tavaRumaaka 'faultily'

muukku 'nose' + um + muzhi 'eye' + aaka > muukkum muzhiyumaaka 'with well

pronounced features'

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8.Adv + um + Adv + um

angku 'there' + um + ingku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'up and down/back and forth'

ingku 'here' +um + angku + um > ingkumangkumaaka 'up and down/back and forth'

9. N1 + dative ukku + N2 + aaka (rhyme motivated)

eeRu + ukku + maaRu + aaka > eeRukku maaRaaka 'inconsistently'

10.N1 + sociative ooTu + aaka > aatiyooTandtamaaka 'from beginning to end’

11.N1 + ukku + N2 + N3

mun 'front' + dative ukku + pin 'back' + muraN '+ aaka > munnukku pin muraNaaka

'controversely’

12. Negative participial form of verb + N + aaka

teriyaa 'not knowing' + tanam + aaka > teriyaattanamaaka 'unknowingly'

veeNTaa 'not requiring' + veRuppu 'hatred' + aaka > veeNTaaveRuppaaka 'unwillingly'

viTaa 'not leaving' + piTi 'hold' + aaka > viTaapiTiyaaka 'tenaciously'

12.Adj + ee (clitic) + N + aaka

oru + ee + muuccu + aaka > oreemuuccaaka 'at one stretch’

oru + ee + aTi + aaka > oreeyaTiyaaka ‘excessively’

13. N1 + ceyta type of non-finite form + N2 + aaka

meel 'on' + ezhunda 'rising' + vaari 'wise' + aaka > meelezhundta vaariyaaka

‘superficially’

14. ceyat type of non-finite form + N + aaka

aTutta 'being near' + paTi 'step' + aaka > aTutta paTiyaaka 'next'

aaka has an alterenent form aay. The ceyya type of form of the verb aaku is aaka,

whereas the ceytu type of form is aay. Both are used as adverbilaizers. Annamalai (198) and

Lehman (1989) do not consider aaka/aay as verbalizers. We cannot say that aaka/aay will form

adverbs when suffixed with all the nouns. Only a set of nouns gives adverbial meaning

when aaka/aay is added to them. Lehaman does not consider aaka/aay as verbalizer. But he

states that the forms suffixed by aaka can be considered as adverbs from the point of view of

346

syntactic function (Lehman 1989:146). He points out how aaka behaves as a case marker and

gives the different semantic interpretations (140-146):

1.Manner

umaa aatiramaakap peecinaaL 'Uma talked angrily'

2. Role

ippootu un mutalaaLiyaakap peecavillai. un appaavaakap peecukiReen 'I don't talk

now as a proprietor, but as your father'

3. Result (change of state)

kaNNan payittiyakkaaranaaka maaRiviTTaan 'Kannan has become mad'

itai iraNTaaka veTTu 'Cut it into two'

kumaar taNNiirai panikkaTTiyaaka aakkinaan

'Kannan made water into ice'

4. Comparison

oru maatam oru ndimiTamaakap pooyiRRu

'One month passed as if it was a minute'

kaNNan peTtippaampaaka aTangkinaan 'Kannan became calm as a snake kept in a

box'

5. Indefinite location

kaNNan caayangkaalamaakap pooyviTTaan 'Kannan went around eventing'

kaNNan katavooramaaka uTkaarndtaan 'Kannan sat near the door'

6. Comitative

kaNNan pencilum peenaavumaaka vandtaan

'Kannan came with pencil and peena'

7. Purpose

kaNNan oru veelaiyaak vandtaan

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'Kannan came for a work'

8. Duration of time

KaNNan cennaiyil ndaanku varuTamaaka irukkiRaan

'Kannan is in Chennai for four yerars'

9. Self reference

(kaNNan) kaNNanaaka andta ndaavalai ezhutinaan

'Kannan himself wrote that novel'

10. Quantity

andta kiraamattil paNakkaararkaLaaka irukkiRaarkaL

'There are a lot of rich people live there'

11. Gradualness

kaNNan ovvonRaakat tinRaan 'Kanna ate one by one'

12.Momentariness

kaNNankku aattiramaaka vandtatu 'Kannan was angry'

12. Repetition

kannan vaacalukkum truvukkumaaka ndaTndaan 'Kannan walked back and forth

from entrance to street repeatedly'

13. Alternation

kaNNan ezhutuvadtum paTippatumaaka irukkiRaan

'Kannan is writing and reading alternatively'

14. Focus

peritaaka iraNTu maampazham vaangku

'Buy two mangoes'

348

It can be interpreted from the above examples that aaka does not always function as an adverb

with all nouns or noun phrases. Pointing out that aaka can be added to noun phrase which

function as subject and object, Lehman argues that depending upon the context aaka can be

analysed as a bound postposition or clitic.

KTTA has listed many nominal forms which are suffixed with aaka as adverbs. The

idiosyncratic meaning acquired by these forms leading to their reoriented function of modifying

the verbs has found them a place in the dictionary as adverbs. It can be interpreted that the

nouns suffixed with aaka are capable of being converted as adverbs by the idiosyncratic meaning

they may attain in course of time. So it is economical for us to consider aaka as an adverbializer

which has the potentiality to convert a noun into adverb and incorporate the following as WFR

rule to complement a lexicon or dictionary.

N + aaka > [N-aaka]Adv

The formation of adverbs by above mentioned WFR appears to be a productive process. In you

go through the statistics of the aaka suffixed adverbs found in KTTA, it be revealed

that aakasuffixed simple adverbs are more in number than aaka suffixed compound adverbs.

The rhyme motivated aaka suffixed compound verbs comes next in number of formation. Next

comes the rhyme motivated aaka suffixed reduplicated compounds. It appears that the formation

of rhyme motivated compounds is a productive formation as many forms which are not listed in

KTTA are found in usage. The formation of nonce adverbs by adding aaka after N + N

compounds and Adj + noun compounds are also found in usage. The overall picture make us to

conclude that the formation of adverbs by addition of aaka followed by lexicalization is a

productive process.

Kothandaraman (1973:94-100) considers aaka as a case marker. He points out the

following points to establish his idea.

1. aaka is synonymous with the case suffix ooTu 'with'.

Ex.

avar enniTam anpaakap pazhakinaar

'he behaved with me well'

avar enniTam anpooTu pazhakinaar

'he behaved with me well'

2. Similar to the locative case marker il, aaka establishes a state.

Ex.

vaLavan viiTTil irundtaan

349

'Valavan was in the house'

vaLavan aracanaaka irukkiRaan

'Valvan is a king'

vaLavan koopamaaka irukkiRaan

'Valavan is angry'

vaLavan anpaakp pazhakukiRaan

'Valavan is behaving with kindness'

3. As the a case marked noun occurs as head of an NP, aaka suffixed noun also occur as a

head of an NP.

Even then, it appears that a set of aaka suffixed nouns can be considered as adverb as the are

listed in a dictionary as adverbs.

9.2.2.1.2. Adverbs from forms suffixed with enRu

enRu (`having said') is a ceytu-type of non-finite form of the verb en `say' which is

lexicalized as an adverbial suffix. enRu form advers when suffixed with words symbolizing

sound or feeling. The following are the different types of formation:

1.Simple sound/feeling symblizer + aaka

akkaTaa + enRu > akkaTavenRu 'leisurely'

kup + enRu > kuppenRu 'gushingly'

catak + enRu > catakkenRu 'forcefully'

veRic + enRu > veRiccenRu 'wearing a desolate look'

2. Reduplicated onomatopoeic word + aaka

2.1.Reduplicated morpheme + aaka

2.1.1. Full reduplicated morpheme + aaka

kaTa + kaTa + enRu > kaTakaTavenRu 'fast'

paLic+ paLic + enRu > paLic paLiccenRu 'in bright flashes'

350

toLa + toLa + enRu > toLa toLavenRu 'losely'

ndeTu + ndeTu + enRu > ndeTundeTuvenRu 'very tall'

2.1.2.Partical reduplicated morpheme + aaka

kaca + muca + enRu > kacamucavenRu '

kannaa + pinnaa + enRu > kannaapinnaavenRu 'without order'

tattu + pittu + enRu > tattupittenRu 'babblingly'

taaTTu + puuTTu + enRu > taaTTupuuTTenRu ' blustering out'

3.Reduplicated word + enRu

3.1. Partial reduplicated word + enRu

acaTTu 'foolishness' + picaTTu + enRu > acaTTupicaTTenRu 'foolishly'

enoo 'why'+ taanoo + enRu > eenoo > taanoovenRu 'half heartedly'

kuyyoo + muRaiyoo 'proper_interrogation' + enRu > kuyoomuRaiyoovenRu 'complaining

loudly'

kannam 'dark' + kareel + enRu > kannangkreelenRu 'in a jet black manner'

cekka 'red' + ceveel + enRu > cekkacceveelenRu 'ruddy'

enRu the past participial form of the verb en 'say' has various functions. This function as a

complementizer embedding a sentence as shown in the following examples.

kaNNan tanakkut tapaal vandatu enRu connaan

'Kannan said that a letter was delivered to him'

kaNNan ndallavan enRu ndinaitteen

'I though that Kannan was a good person'

enRu also function as a complementizer of a direct speech.

kaNNan "ndaan ndaaLai kalluurikku varamaaTTeen," enRu kuuRinaan.

'Kannan said,"I will not come to college tomorrow."

351

The function of enRu as a complementizer of a direct speech is extended to the level of

embedding sound symbolizers. Many such symbolizers get adverbilaized by enRu and find their

place in the dictionary. enRu thus comes to function as an adverbializer.

The sound/feeling symbolizers can be classified as follows:

1.Speed

kapakapa, kupuku, cuRucuRu, tiTutiTu, timutimu, pakapaka, parapara, maLamaLa

2.Wetness

kacakaca, kuzhakuzha, koLakoLa, cotacota, ndacandaca, picupicu, potupotu,

pottupottu.

3.Sound

karakara, kapakapa, kaTakaTa, kalakala, kicukicu, kilukilu, kucukucu, caracara,

caLacaLa, ndaRandaRa, paTapaTa, muNumuNu

4. Flowing without stop

kaTakaTa, caracara, taratara, maTamaTa

5.Shivering

kiTukiTu, veTaveTa

5. Anger

ciTuciTu, puspus

6. Touch

cilucilu, kiLukiLu, kuzhukuzhu, parapara

7. Hardness

coracora, poruporu, moTamoTa, kaTukaTu

These enRu suffixed adverbs can be classified according to the verbs to which they are

collocated.

Ex.

kalakalavenRu ciri 'laugh heartily'

352

kaTakaTavenRu ciri 'laugh without break'

paTapaTavenRu peecu 'speak excitedly'

kucukucuvenRu peecu 'speak with whispering voice'

kicukicuvenRu peecu 'speak with whispering voice'

kaTakaTavenRu peecu 'speak speadily'

vaLavaLavenRu peecu 'speak pointlessly'

tarataravenRu izhu 'drag forcibly along the ground'

veTaveTavenRu ndaTunku 'shiver markedly'

It should be noted most of the sound symbolizers themselves function as verbs

(ex. kalakala 'produce rattling sound', 'kiTukiTu 'shake; tremble'). So the adverbs gets the

meaning of the verbs which form the base for suffixing enRu.

There are many nonce formations which are not listed in KTTA found in Tamil texts. So

it can interpreted that enRu is a productive adverbalizer adhering to the following WFR.

Sound/feeling symbolizer + enRu > [Sound symbolizer-enRu]Adv

9.2.2.1.3. Adverbs from forms suffixed with ena

ena (`to say') is a ceyya-type of non-finite form of the verb en `say' which is lexicalized

as an adverbial suffix.

veL + ena > veLLena `clearly'

Only a few adverbs of this type is found in KTTA. In many cases enRu can be replace by ena.

So ena can also be considered as a productive adverbailizer forming adverbs adhering to the

following WFR.

Sound/feeling symbolizer + ena > [Sound/emotion symbolizer-ena]Adv

9.2.2.2. Forms with non-finite form as post-position

The postpositions, pool and poola which are non-finite forms of the verb pool `become'

combine with a set of ceytaal-type of verb forms forming adverbs.

1. ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola

aTuttaal 'if come near' + poola > aTutttaaRpoola 'next; adjacent to'

353

etirttaal `if opposed' + poola > etirttaRpoola `opposite'

2. Noun + ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola

ndaRukku `cutting' + teRittaal `if flown away' + poola >

ndaRukkutteRittaaRpoola `cut-shortly'

3.ceytu type of verbal participial form + ceytaal type of verbal participial form + poola

colli 'having said' + vaittal 'if kept' + poola > collivaittaaRpoola 'as if agreed

upoun'

The particles pool and poola are derived from the verb pool 'be similar'. pool is the root form

and poola is the ceyya type of form of pool. They can come as post positions after nouns

(ordinary as well as atu-suffixed verbal nouns) to denote similarity.

umaa kalaavaip pool/poola azhakaanavaL

'Uma is beautiful like Kala'

kaNNan varaindtau poola raajaavum varaindtaan

'Raja draw similr to Kannan'

pool/poola like enRu and aaku, functions as complementizer too.

kaNNan ndallavan pool/poola tonRukiRatu

'It looks as if Kannan is a good person'

mazhai varum pool/poola teirikiRatu

'It appears as if it is going to rain'

pool/poola can complement a conditional clause with past participial (ex. connaal 'if said') and

present participial (colkiRaal 'if say') forms. The conditional form complemented

by pool/poolacan come can be subordinated by verbs such as teri 'appear', toonRu 'appear'. They

can give adverbial meaning of manner or comparison.

mazhai varukiRaaR poolat terikiRatu/tonRukiRatu

'It appears as if it is going to rain'

ndaan colkiRaaR poolac cey 'Do what I say'

ndaan connaaR poolac cey 'Do what I said'

354

keTTa kanavu kaaNkiRaaR poolac kaNNan ndaTungkinaan

'Kannan shivered as if he has seen a bad dream'

The conditional forms aTuttaal, etirttaal, ceerndtaal and toTarndaal with poola get

lexicalized and listed in KTTA. There are similar types of forms which are not listed in KTTA

are in use.

kaNNan aTittaaR poolat tuungkukiRaan

'Kannan is sleeping deeply'

kaNNan kuTittaaR poolap peecukiRaan

'Kannan is talking incoherently'

kaNNan maTai tiRandtaaR poola paaTalai oppittaan

'Kannan recited the poem fluently'

umaa viTindtaaR poola varuvaaL

'Uma come early in the morning'

In the above sentences aTittaal literally means 'as if beaten'; kuTittaal literally means 'as if

drunk; maTai tiRandaal 'if the channel is opened'; viTindaal 'if it dawns'. In all these sentence a

comparative construction introduced by the comparative element pool/poola express an adverbial

meaning. Though an amount of transparency is there with regard to these constructions, it likely

that in course of time this transparency will be lost and they may get lexicalized to find their

place in a dictionary. In that case the comparative element poola can be considered as a

productive adverbilaizer and the following WFR can be considered as a productive rule of

adverbial formation. It is not clear how for this can be considered as a word formation rather

than a phrase formation. The temptation to take the poola suffixed construction as a single unit is

instigated by the fact that the resultant meaning is unanalysable.

aal suffixed conditional form of a verb + poola > [aal suffixed conditional form of a

verb-poola]Adv

With certain nouns poola gives a kind of adverbial meaning.

avan tan viruppam poolac caappiTTan

'He ate well'

avan tan viruppam poola varuvaan

355

'He will come as he decides'

avan caayangkaalam poola varuvaan

'He will come around evening'

viruppam poola (<viruppam 'desire' + poola) literally means 'as per ones desire'.

9.2.2.3 Adverbs form non-finite verbal forms

There are 5 types of non-finite verbal forms which are lexicalized as adverbs and find

their place in the dictionary under analysis.

1. Adverbs form ceyya type of non-finite verbal forms

2. Adverbs form ceytu type of non-finite verbal forms

3. Adverbs from ceyaamal type of non-finite verbal forms

4. Adverbs from ceyaatu type of non-finite verbal forms

5. Adverbs from ceytaal type of non-finite verbal forms

9.2.2.3.1. Adverbs from ceyya-type of non-finite verbal forms

Many ceyya-type of non-finite verbal forms are lexiclaized to be listed as adverbs in

KTTA. Both simple and compound adverbs of this type are found.

1. Simple ceyya type of adverbials

akal 'leave' + a > akala 'wide'

eTTu 'reach' + a > eTTa 'away'

kiTTu 'get' + a > kiTTa 'near'

ndiRai 'fill' + a > niRaiya `fully'

2.Compound adverbs

2.1.Partial reduplicated compounds

para + (para 'be spread' + a>) parakka > parapara 'be in hurry'

2.2.Full reduplication

356

(koTTu 'bat eye lid' + a >) koTTa + koTTa > koTTakoTTa 'wide awake'

(ciRu 'become small' + a>) ciRuka + ciRuka > ciRukaciRuka '

(poo 'go' + a >) pooka + pooka > pookapooka 'as times goes by'

(vaa 'come' + a>) vara + vara > varavara 'as times goes by'

2.3.Rhyme motivated compounds

arakka + parakka > arakka parakka 'in haste'

aaRa 'to cool down' + amara 'to sit' > aaRaamara 'leisurely'

teLLa + teLiya 'to clear' > teLLat teLiya 'very clearly'

viyarkka 'to sweat' + viRuviRukka > viryarkka viRuviRukka 'in extreme hurry'

2.4.ceytu type of non-finite form + ceyya type of infintive form

cuRRi 'having rotated' + vara 'to come' > cuRRivara 'around'

2.5.N + ceyya type of non-finite form

kaN 'eye' + aara 'to satisfy' > kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'

tiRam 'capability' + paTa 'to suffer' > tiRampaTa 'effectively'

2.6. Adj + ceyya type of non-finite form

oru 'one' + ceera 'to join' > oruceera 'jointly'

pala 'many' + paTa 'to sffer' > palapaTa 'in a variety of ways'

The ceyya type of non-finite forms of a verb always function as an adverb before a finite verb.

This adverbial function can be distinguished into the following categories:

1.Aim

kaNNan ennaaip paarka vandtaan 'Kannan came to see me'

2.Reason

kaNNan kallaal aTikka paanai uTaindtau

'As Kannan hit the pot with a stone, it broke'

357

3. Time

KaNNan tuungka raajaa paTittaan

While Kannan was sleeping, Raja was studying'

4. Result

kaiyilirundtu rattam vara kaNNan raajaavai aTittaan

'Kannan beat Raja till blood came from the hand'

The function of ceyy-type of verb forms as adverb is quite usual. But KTTA has listed a number

of these forms adverbs as they are lexicalized due to their acquired idiosyncratic meaning. The

compound forms of this type of adverbs exceed in number from the simple adverbs. The

compounds of N + ceyya type of verbal forms exceeds the other compound forms. It is possible

to consider the lexicalization of ceyya type of nonfinite forms of verbs into adverbs appears to be

a productive process. Any ceyya type of nonfinite form can find their place in the lexicon as

adverbs when they acquire some idiosyncratic sense. Compound adverbial formation due to

reduplication and rhyme motivation appears to be a productive process as a number of nonce

formations can be seen in the language use.

avan vara vara celavazhittaan 'He spends as money starts comming'

avan iraikka iraikka ooTivandtaan 'He came breathing heavily'

avan cezhikka cezhikka caappiTTaan 'He ate lavishly'

The lexicalization of N+ ceyya type of verbal forms into adverbs too appears to be productive.

Certain ceyya type of verbal forms are productive used for the formation of adverbs. For

example paTa and aaRa appears to be productive adverbializers forming adverbs with a certain

set nouns.

N + paTa

veLi + paTa > veLippaTa 'plainly'

kaatu + paTa > kaatu paTa 'with one's own ears'

arttam + paTa > arttam paTa 'meaingfully'

N + aara

kaal + aarra > kaalaara 'with one' own legs'

kaN + aara > kaNaara 'with one's own eyes'

358

manatu 'mind' + aara > manataara 'whole heatedly'

9.2.2.3.2. Adverbs from ceytu-type of non-finite verbal forms

A number of ceytu-type of nonfinite verbal forms are lexicalized to get entered in KTTA

as adverbs.

1. Simple ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms

ayarndtu `deeply', kuurndtu `carefully', ndookki ' toward; paRRi 'about'

2. Compounds

2.1.N + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms

aTi 'foot' + oRRi 'having touched' > aTiyoRRi 'following the foot steps of'

captam 'noise' + pooTTu 'having put' > captampooTTu 'loudly'

manam 'mind' + tiRandtu 'having opened' > manam tiRandtu 'open heatedly'

mun 'front' + ndookki 'having seen' > munnookki 'thrusting forward'

2.2.N + accucative case + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms

kai 'hand' +( ai) + viTTu 'having left' > kaiyaiviTTu 'from one' own pocket'

2.3.N + N

ciram 'head' + meel 'above' + koNTu 'having held'> cirameeRkoNTu 'with utmost respect'

2.4. Adj + N+ + ceytu type of nonfinite verbal forms

oru 'one' + manam 'mind' + paTTu 'having experienced' > orumanappaTTu 'unanimously'

2.5. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form ( Reduplicated compound)

paTittu 'having studied' + paTittu 'having studied' > paTittu paTittu 'over and over again'

maaRi 'having changed' + maaRi 'having changed' > maaRimaaRi 'alternately'

vikki 'having hiccuped' + vikki 'having hiccuped' > vikkivikki 'with hiccup-like sobs'

vizhundu 'having fallen' + vizhundtu 'having fallen > vizhundu vizundtu ' to an excess'

2.5. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form (Rhyme motivated compounds)

359

aTittu 'having beaten' + piTittu 'having caught > aTittuppiTittu 'struggling hard'

tappi 'having slipped' + tavRi 'having committed mistake' > tappittavaRi 'by accident or

chance'

2.6. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form

kaTTi 'having tied' + koNTu 'having held' > kaTTikkoNTu 'clinging to'

kuuTTi 'having joined' + koNTu 'having held' > kuuTTikkoNTu 'together with'

piyttu 'having torn' + koNTu 'having held' > piyttukkoNTu 'with full force'

2.7. N + (accusative case) + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form

kaNNai + muuTi 'having closed' + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaimuuTikkoNTu 'blindly'

kai 'hand' + kaTTi +having folded' + koNTu 'having held' > kaikaTTikkoNTu 'doing

nothing'

2.8. ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form + ceytu type of form

alaRi 'having made noise' + puTaittu 'having bulged out' + koNTu 'having held' >

alaRippuTaittukkoNTu 'agitatedly'

pataRi 'having + aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' > paTaRi aTittukkoNTu 'in

disorderly haste'

vaari 'having scooped' + curuTTi 'having rolled' + koNTu 'having held' >

vaariccuruTTikkoNTu 'in haste'

vizhundtu 'having fallen + aTittu 'having beaten' + koNTu 'having held' >

vizhundtaTittukkoNTu 'in great hurry'

The non-finite form occurring before a verb can be distinguished into two: affirmative and

negative forms. The morphological structure of non-finite form of ceytu type of from is Verb +

Past + participle suffix.

The past participle suffix is taken together as a single suffix, verbal participle suffix, as

the past tense meaning is not carried by the past tense suffix before participle suffix u or 0. The

tense is conveyed by the main verb in finite form. The participle suffix does not show explicitly

the relation between the ceytu type of non-finite form and the finite verb. The meaning can be

interpreted as per the context. Three kinds of situation can be noted:

1. Coordinating complementizer

360

kaNNan ingkee vandtu ennaik kuuppiTTaan

'Kannan having come here called me'

2. Verbal participle form

2.1. Adverb of time/reason

aindtu ndaaTkaL kazhindtu kaNNan ingku vandtaan

'Kannan came here after ten days'

kaNNan ingku vandtu muunRu aaNTukaL aakinRana

'Three years have passed after Kannan visted here'

mazhai peytu payirkaL ndanRaaka vaLarndtatu

'The crops grew well as it rained'

2.2. Adverb of manner

kaNNan tan paNattaik kuTittup paazhaakkukiRaan

'Kannan is wasting his money by drinking'

3. Verbal complementizer

kaNNan indtap puttakattaip paTittu ippootu muTittaan

'Kannan completed reading this book now'

At least two types of interpretations are possible regarding the past participle forms of

verbs:

1. The ceytu type of forms are nothing but adverbs as they function always as adverbs

and so the formation of ceytu type of form is a derivation and not an inflection. That is,

the verbal participle suffix u ~ 0 is an adverbializer

2. The ceytu type of forms are inflected forms of verbs. That is, the verbal participle

suffix u ~ 0 is an inflectional suffix

Arguments can be had in support of both these stands. Anyhow, KTTA has listed a considerable

number of ceytu type of forms as adverbs as they acquired idiosyncratic adverbial meanings. As

there is always a possibility of the ceytu type of forms to acquire idiosyncratic adverbial

361

meanings, it can be interpreted that the ceytu type of forms are rich resource for the formation of

adverbs.

meel 'above' + ndookki 'having seen' > meelndokki 'aiming above'

kiizh 'below' + ndookki 'having seen' > kiizhndookki 'aiming down'

The formation of adverbs by reduplication of ceytu type of forms appears to be productive as

nonce forms can be found elsehwere.

kuzhaindu 'having fawned on' + kuzhaindtu 'having fawned on' > kuzhaindtu kuzhaindtu

'obediently'

vaLaindu 'having bent' + vaLaindtu 'having bent' > vaLaindtu vaLaindtu 'with bends'

Among the formation of adverbs by compounding of ceytu type of forms, formation of adverbs

by adding koNTu to the ceytu type of forms appears to be a productive formation.

kaNNai 'eye_ACC' + aTaittu 'having closed + koNTu 'having held' > kaNNaTaittuk

koNTu 'blindly'

vaayai 'mouth_ACC + potti 'having closed' + koNTu > vaayaip pottikkoNTu 'calmly'

9.2.2.3.3. Adverbs form ceyyaamal-type of non-finite verbal forms

The ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms of a verb has the following morphological

structure:

Verb + Negative suffix + Verbal participle suffix

cey + aa + mal

Both simple and compound ceyaamal type of non-finite forms are listed in KTTA as adverbs.

1. Simple ceyyaamal type of forms as adverbs

aRi 'know' + aaml > aRiyaamal `unknowingly'

ooy 'cease' + aamal> oyaamal 'continuously'

tavaRu 'miss' + aamal > tavaRaamal 'without fail'

peecu 'speak' + aamal > peecaamal 'with any deliberation'

2. Compounds

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2.1. N + ceyaamal type of form

iTai 'middle part' + aRu 'cut' + aamal > iTaiyaRaamal 'continously'

iTai 'middle part' + viTu 'leave' + aamal > iTaiviTaamal 'continuously'

iNai 'couple' + piri 'separate' + aamal > iNaipiriyaamal ' inseparable'

oocai 'sound' + paTu 'experience' + aamal > oocaipaTaamal 'without making a noise'

2.1. N + N + ceyaamal type of form

kaN 'eye' + maN 'earth' + teri 'be visible' + aamal > kaNmaN teriyaamal 'riclessly'

mun 'front' + pin 'back' + yooci 'think' + aamal > munpin yoocikkaamal 'thoughtlessly'

2.2. ceyta type of verbal form + N + ceyaamal type of verbal form vaitta 'that which is

put' + kaN 'eye' + vaangk 'get' + aamal > vaitta kaN vaangkaamal ' gazing fixedly at'

2.3. ceytu type of verbal form + um + ceyaamal type of verbal form

kaNTu 'having seen' + um + kaaN 'see' + mal > kaNTum kaaNaamal 'turning a blind eye'

2.4. ceyaamal type of verbal form + ceyaamal type of verbal form

ooy 'cease' + aamal + ozhi 'cease' > ooyaamal ozhiyaamal 'always'

We have noted elsewhere that the nonfinite forms before a finite verb can be distinguished into

three:1. ceyya type of non-finite form

2. ceytu type of non-finite form

3. ceyyaamal / ceyyaatu type of non-finite form

The ceytu type of non-finite form denotes affirmation and ceyyaamal type of non-finite form

denotes negation. There exists a few semantic relation between ceyyaamal type of non-finite

forms finite verbal forms. They are listed below:

1. Coordination

kaNNan ennaip parkkaamal viTTukkup poonaan

'Kannan wen home without seeing me'

2. Simultanity

363

kaNNan oru vaarttaiyum collaamal angkee ninRaan

'Kannan stood without uttering a word'

3. Reason

mazhai ndiiNTa ndaaL peyyaamal payir vaaTippooyiRRu

'As it did not rain for a long time, the crops dried'

4.Purpose

kaNNan kuzhndataiyai azhaamal paarttukkoNTaan

'Kannan looked after the child so that it did not cry'

As in the case of ceytu type of non-finite forms, ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms can also be

seen either as a derivation or inflection. That is aamal can be considered as an inflectional suffix

leading to the formation of negative verbal participle form or as an adverbializer leading to the

formation of adverbs. KTTA has listed a number of ceyyaamal type of non-finite forms as

adverbs due to their acquired idiosyncratic meaning. So, we can consider ceyyaamal type of

non-finite forms as a rice source for the formation of adverbs as these forms are capable of

acquiring idiosyncratic meaning.

9.2.2.3.4. Adverbs form ceyyaatu-type non-finte verbal forms

ceyyaatu type of non-finite forms are having the following morphological structure;

Verb + negative suffix + verbal participle suffix

cey + aat+ u

KTTA has listed only the following ceyyaatu type of forms as adverbs.

ooy 'cease' + aatu + ozhi 'cease' + aatu > ooyaatu ozhiyaatu 'without stop'

aamal and aatu are synonymous suffixes but the second one is used only in the higher variety.

aRiyaamal ~ aRiyaatu 'unknowingly'

tavaRaamal ~ tavaRaatu 'without fail'

9.2.2.3.5. Adverbs form ceytaal-type of non-finite forms

The ceytaal type of non-finite form has the following morphological structure:

364

Verb + past tense suffix + conditional suffix

cey + t + aal

The past tense suffix loses its tense denoting function when it occurs before the conditional

suffix aal.

KTTA has listed only a few conditional forms as adverbs.

1. Simple forms

en 'say' + R + aal > enRaal (used as a conditional form)

2.Compound forms

2.1.N + ceytaal type of non-finite form

muNuk (an onomatopoeic word) + enRaal > muNukkenRaal 'at the slightest

provocation'

2.2.ceyya type of non-finite form + ceytaal type of non-finite form

curungka 'to shorten' + connaal 'if said' > curungkacconnaal 'in brief'

colla 'to say' + poonaal 'if went' > collappoonaal 'in fact'

2.3.ceytu type of non-finite form + ceyaamal type of non-finite form

minci 'having remained' + poonaal 'if went' > mincippoonaal `if exeeded'

The clause with ceytaal type of verbal form is in conditional relation with the verb in finite

clause.

kaNNan vandtaal raatai varuvaaL

'Radhai will come, if Kannan comes'

The ceytaal type of conditional forms are also lexicalized as adverbs as they have acquired

idiosyncratic meanings. ceytaal type of conditional forms also can form a source for the

formation of adverbs; but KTTA has listed only five such forms as adverbs. So, it appears that

the possibility of ceytaal type of form getting lexicalized as adverbs is very less.

9.3. Conclusion

365

The data taken form KTTA depicts how nouns and verbs and their inflected forms come

to be lexicalized as adverbs. The following table gives the number of forms listed in KTTA

under each type of formations:

Type of formation Number of forms

1 a/i/e-prefixed adverbial forms 27

2 oru-prefixed adverbial forms 5

3 ee-suffixed adverbial forms 25

4 um-suffixed adverbial forms 22

5 varai-suffixed adverbial forms 3

6 ellaam-suffixed adverbial forms 2

7 meel-suffixed adverbial forms 2

8 reduplicated adverbial forms 8

9 ukku-suffixed adverbial forms 27

10 ooTu-suffixed adverbial forms 7

11 uTan-suffixed adverbial forms 2

12 il-suffixed adverbial forms 45

13 aal-suffixed adverbial forms 3

14 aaka-suffixed adverbial forms 150+

15 enRu-suffixed adverbial forms 107

16 ena-suffixed adverbial forms 1

17 poola-suffixed adverbial forms 6

18 ceyya-type of non-finite adverbial forms 77

19 ceytu-type of non-finite adverbial forms 87

20 ceyyaamal-type of non-finite adverbial forms 19

21 ceyaatu-type of non-finite adverbial forms 1

22 ceytaal-type of non-finite adverbial forms 5

The prefixes like a/i/e and oru and the suffixes like ee, um, varai, ellaam, and meel cannot be

taken as adverbial formative affixes. The case-suffixed forms as well as the non- finite forms

(which can occur before verbs) could be potential resource from which adverbs can be pumped

in by lexicalization at the meaning level.

CHAPTER 10

CONCLUSION

The wordformation process in Tamil must be a productive process as the languge is a living one

requiring great many vocabulary items to express itself. In the advent of use of Tamil for

expressing different types of discourse which includes scientific and technical discourse, Tamil

makes use of its wordformation process to coin new words.

366

Tamil makses use of both derivation process and compounding to form new words from the

exising ones Compounding appears to be most productive way of forming new words compared

to derivation.

Nouns are derived from nouns, verbs and adjectives.There are a variety of suffixes used in Tamil

to nominlize a verb root. But not all these are productive, only a few are productive. But tht does

not negativize nonce formations using unused suffixes. The verbal noun formation leads to the

formation of both abstract nouns and concrete nouns. But the formation of abstract nouns from

verbs appears to be productive and predicatable process. A great deal of irregularity and

unpredictability is reflected in the nominalization of verbs by nominaizers. The nominalization

on relative participle stems of verbs is a productive process and the nominalization by the

pronominalizers is predictable and transparent. Nominalization on pure adjectival stem is

productive. The relative participle as well as adjectival stems leads to the formation of

pronominalized nouns. Formation of new verbs by suffixation is not a productive process. Of

course, a good number of verbs are derived from the already exisiting verb by suffixation or stem

modification. For example, the derivation of transitive stems from intrnstive stems or causative

stems from transitive stems are by the process of stem modification and/or suffixation.

Formation of adjectives and adverbs from nouns by making use of the bound forms aana and

aaka respectively, strictly speaking is not a derivation process but compounding; these verbal

forms now come to exist as derivative suffix as aana and aaka used respectively as adjectivizer

and adverbilizer. But one cannot deny the fact that they bring in adjectival sense and adverbial

sense when added to a set of nouns.

Compounding is one of the wordformation strategies Tamil employs to form new words out of

the existing words in order to enrich and updatet its lexicon. It is essentially an arbitrary

mechanism, that Tamil prefers over corresponding phrasal or calusal constructions. Compounds

are economical, in that they use fewer number of morphemes, when compared to phrases or

clauses. They are unambiguous because of the fiexed word order, and unique in the sense that

they acauire specialized meaning and hence form the immediate choice of the native speakers of

Tamil.

Compounding is a productively and frequently observed phenomenon in Tamil, because Tamil

exhibit great majority of complex words which are compounds. The frequency of

compouningalso resultsfromthe fact that compounds are lexical filters. The lexical gaps that may

arise in Tamil as a result of the import and development of science and technology, change in

cultural concepts etc cannot be effectively served by the existing words, and therefore Tamil

overcome this difficulty by resorting to mechanisms like compounding, which facilitate the

formation of new words out of the existing words.

Compounds are distinguished form proper derivatives, i.e. affixal words, on the basis of the

lexical formatives involved in their composition. While affixal derivation consists of a base and

an affix, compounds are composed of more than one word or nucleus. Compounds can be

formed either by repeating or duplicating a word or a lexeme. Various types of compounds are

distinguished on the basis of lexical formatives involved in compound formation.

367

Though compounds and phrases are similar in respect to their composition in that both of them

consists of more than one simple or complex words, they differ on various counts. Compouds are

generally characterized by the following properties which distinguish them from phrases.

1. Semantic non-compositionality

2. Fixed word order

3. Supression of inflectional morphology on the non-head constituent

4. Non-interruptability of the constituents

5. Irreversibility of the constituents

6. Referential opacity

Though it is possible to distinguish between a compound and a phrase on the basis of these

criteria yet there is no clear cut demarcation between them due to several language specific

reasons. Compounds can be divided into various types on their structure and semantics.

There are a good number of nominal compounds in Tamil and some of them are lexicalized to

find their place in the lexicon. There are nominal compounds whose formation is predictable and

whose resultant meanings are transparent and so not listed in the lexicon. Similarlty Tamil builds

its verbal stock only by compounding verbalizers with nouns. Some of them find their way into

lexicon as they attain idiosyncratic meanings. Those whose formation as well as the resultant

meaning is predictable are not entered in the lexicon.

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