THE CATHARS

The Inquisition of Southern France Cathars:

The Socio-Economic Pressures and Religious Obligation as Driving Forcebehind the Papal Inquisition against the Cathars and the Testimonies of the

Inhabitants of Southern France.

“The Penance of all the Cathari is, beyond all doubt, false, vain, delusive, and noxious. For in order to constitute true and fruitful penance, three things are required, namely, the contrition ofheart, the confession of the mouth and the satisfaction of works,”

Rainer Sacconi, a Catholic priest onCathars

In the year 1209, Arnauda da Lamotha of Montauban and

her sister Peirona arrived at the house of Raymond Aymeric

in Villemur, a region in the Midi-Pyrenees of southern

France. Both women were asked by Raymond to swear themselves

to God and the Gospel, and to refrain from eating meat,

eggs, and cheese. The women promised not to swear or lie,

not to give themselves to any passion and never to leave the

sect in fear of punishment. After reading a prayer together,

Raymond kissed both women on the mouth before witnesses

while the women stood together with their shoulders turned

sideways.1 The participants of this particular event were1 "Trial of Arnauda da Lamotha of Montauban (1244)," in Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society, ed. Michael Goodich (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 200. This case is one of the earliest surviving trial records by the inquisitor Ferrarius in 1244. Arnauda was a perfecta who lived a life of strict asceticism. The records

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 1

known as the Albigensians or Cathars. The ceremony performed

by Raymond was referred to as consolamentum, which was an

initiation ceremony for a widespread heretical sect in the

medieval Europe.2 From eleventh century onwards, Christian

Europe witnessed the growth of many forms of “religious

dissents” that threatened the stability of orthodox

Christianity. In particular, the sect of Catharism became

influential in northern Italy and southern France.3 The

first known site of Catharism in southern France was in the

region of Albi, thus the given name Albigensians. The

Cathars believed in the dualistic God of good and evil,

rejected the Old Testament, refused baptism by a priest, and

questioned the sanctity of marriage and confession in the

manner that it was imposed by the Catholic Church.4 By 1167,

Cathars had established churches or bishoprics in most of

the southern France regions that challenged the existence of

pretaining to the outcome of her trial has been lost.2 Michael Goodich, Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 198.3 Edward Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980), 103.4 Walter L. Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), 30-31. (Region of Albi was later called Languedoc).

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the orthodox Christian beliefs.5 Wakefield argues that in

the twelfth century, southern France flourished

economically, culturally, and intellectually, which resulted

in people disputing the socio-economic inequality and

“alienation” from the church.6 Catharism as an alternative

religious belief spread in the southern France, specifically

in Languedoc with the support of the counts and lords who

self-governed the towns and villages.7 The Catholic Church

responded first by sending missionaries to convert the

Cathars and then through a religious Crusade authorized by

Pope Innocent III in 1209, which took drastic measures from

punishments, to destruction of property and massacre of

thousands of Cathars in the span of twenty years in the

region of Albi (Languedoc). The Crusade formally ended in

1229, giving way to a mass of inquisitorial trials against

the Cathars.8 This essay will argue that the repressive

nature of the Papal Inquisition imposed religious

5 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 31.6 Ibid., 30, 53.7 Ibid., 50.8 Edward Peters, ed., Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980), 103 – 107 (the Inquisition against Cathars was refered to as the Papal Inquision).

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obligations and socio-economic pressures on the local clergy

and the inhabitants of southern France, forcing them to

accuse and prosecute the members of their own community as

heretics.

This project will focus on the decrees and statutes,

which the Catholic Church levied against the Cathars during

the Papal Inquisition. In addition, this essay will analyze

the Inquisition trial testimonies and confessions of the

inhabitants of the southern France towns and villages that

resulted in the prosecution of the Cathars in the thirteenth

and fourteenth centuries. The statutes are a collection of

rules, regulations, decrees and methods to facilitate the

Inquisition in order to obtain confessions and levy

sentences. In 1229 in a joint venture, the Catholic Church

and King Louis IX demanded that all “town governments”

include laws against heresy in their statutes. Within these

laws, both the lay and clergy were given lawful and

religious responsibility of removing the threat of “enemies

of peace” from their lands.9 Between 1179 and 1246, there9 Wakefield, “Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250,” 135 (LouisIX, king of France between 1214-1270).

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were various decrees pertaining to the obligations of the

authorities in charge as well as methods in searching and

prosecuting the Cathars. The first major source of analysis

is a document called Repressive Measures and Decrees: Promulgated

against the Cathars by Councils between 1179 and 1246, which was

produced by the secular and local church authorities in

different council gathering to deal with the matter of

Cathar heresy.10 I will concentrate on various statutes that

resulted from these council meetings. This particular list

of decrees came from the councils of Gascony in 1179,

Toulouse in 1229, Beziers in 1233, Arles in 1234, and

Norbonne in 1243. The purpose of these measures was to deal

with the appointment of authorities, secular and religious

against the Cathars as well as with punishment, imprisonment

and penance of the accused persons.11 The most significant

aspect of these measures are the drastic actions and the

10 "Repressive Measures and Decrees: Promulgated against the Cathars by Councils between 1179 and 1246," in Massacre at Montsegur: A history of the Albeginsian Crusade, ed. Zoe Oldenbourg, trans. Peter Green (New York: Pantheon Books, 1962), 377.11 Ibid., 377-382.

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authority bestowed upon these individuals in order to

effectively execute the imposed decrees.

Another similar source used for this project is a

document called Statutes Against Heresy, which was produced by

the Council of Toulouse in 1229 and authorized by Count

Raymond VII of Toulouse. This particular document deals

mostly with the matters of confiscation or destruction of

property for Cathars and their supporters in the County of

Toulouse. The measures also show the strict economic and

political pressure on the local lords and counts of Toulouse

in dealing with heresy.12 Raymond was defeated at the

Albigensian Crusade and was forced to sign the Treaty of

Paris in 1229, which ended the Crusade. In return he was

obligated to cooperate with the Catholic Church regulations

against the Cathars.13 As the counts of Toulouse were great

supporters of Cathars in this time period, it is likely that

Raymond was pressured to take measures against the residents

of his town after his defeat.

12 Michael Goodich, Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 195.13 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France, 72.

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The third significant source is Processus Inquisitionis or “A

Manual for Inquisitors”, which was written in 1248 by

Bernard of Caux and John of St. Pierre in Carcassonne. Both

were Dominican friars who were commissioned by Pope Innocent

IV and the archbishop of Narbonne to prepare this document

as a guideline for other friars on the procedures of the

Papal Inquisition. 14 This was the first manual of its kind.

Francois Balme, a historian of the Dominican Order,

discovered the only known manuscript of this document in the

late 1800s. The manual is a series of short, but descriptive

sections that deal with the initial calling of the

community, official appointment of inquisitors, commission

letters, interrogatory procedures, and punishments,

including property destruction and penance for abjured

heretics. 15 This particular manual was significant, because

it became the exemplary guideline for the statutes that

other local town governments and local bishoprics adopted.

14 "A Manual for Inquisitors," in Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, edited by Walter L. Wakefield (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), 250-258.15 Ibid., 250-258.

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The final major source that I will be drawn from are

the trial records and testimonies of the Papal Inquisition

during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries that took

place in various regions of southern France. Specific

concentration will be given to the Inquisition Records of Jacques

Fournier, who became the Bishop of Pamiers in 1317. During

his post in Pamiers, Fournier began a series of mass

inquisitions against Cathars in southern France. The

translated testimonies used here are mostly, but not

exclusively from the village of Montaillou in Ariege of

Midi-Pyrénées, which was one of the hotbeds of the Cathars

in this time period.16 Fournier conducted approximately five

hundred and seventy-eight interrogations over three hundred

days in Montaillou. In majority of the trials he was present

or was represented by Brother Gaillard de Pomies of the

Dominican Order. Le Roy Ladurie indicates that Fournier had

personally reviewed every statement after the scribe(s)

16 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose State University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/; Emmanuel Le RoyLadurie, Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French village 1294-1324, trans. BarbaraBray (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), xiv (The trials included 418 accused and 160 witness testimonies).

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recorded the procedures of each trial.17 The cases were

written in a Register of which two volumes have been lost.

The preserved volumes currently exist in the Vatican

library, which were stored by Fournier himself when he

became Pope Benedict XII in 1334.18 I have analyzed only

twenty-one of these records, which are testimonies and

confessions between 1318 and 1322 and they are translated in

English by Nancy Stork a professor in San Jose University.

Fournier compiled the records for the purpose of the trials

he conducted, however, a close examination of these

testimonies reveal important aspects of the Cathars’ daily

lives and their social interactions with the members of

their communities prior to and during the inquisitions.19

These records also demonstrate the execution of the laws and

regulations, which were imposed by Processus Inquisitionis and the

Repressive Measures and Decrees against the Cathars.

In the inquisitorial war against the Cathars, the local

17 Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, xiv, xvii (The trials included 418 accused and 160 witness testimonies).18 Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, xvii (Five individuals from the entire cases were burned at stake).19 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier," http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/.

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Dominican friars and the appointed laity played a

significant role in capturing heretics, obtaining

confessions and prosecuting them. In the towns and villages

of Midi-Pyrenees, Languedoc, and Alpes-Cote d’Azur in

southern France, during the twelfth century, the counts

self-ruled the regions, taxed inhabitants and made judicial

decisions without any interference of the Catholic Church.20

Church authorities faced uncooperative lords and nobility

during their missions against the Cathars. Subsequently, the

Third Lateran Council in 1179 issued this statement against

the above indicated regions, “We do pronounce an Anathema

against them, and against all who shall hence forward adhere

or defend their doctrines…the whole body of the Faithful

must fight this pestilence vigorously, and even at need,

take up arms to combat it.”21 This particular statement

shows the initial call to all believers to treat the

heretics and their followers as enemies. After 1229 this

Anathema became effective in commissioning clergy and laity

in the Papal Inquisition. While the Crusade did little to20 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern, 62.21 "Repressive Measures and Decrees," 377.

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eliminate the influence of the Cathars, it did remove the

nobility who supported the Cathars in the regions such as

Toulouse in Languedoc. Those who stayed in power were forced

to obey the regulations imposed by the Catholic Church

against the Cathars.22 For example in 1229 Count Raymond of

Toulouse who supported the Cathars during the Crusade

assigned barons, knights and bailiffs to “solicit” and

capture heretics in the County of Toulouse. This

responsibility had major economic and political consequences

for the officials who did not give up heretics. The

“[council] decided that [if] seneschals and bailiffs [did

not] act in faith will be removed without delay” from their

official positions”.23

Furthermore, the Processus Inquisitionis assigned specific

duties to the local bishopric clergy and Dominicans in order

to preach, invite confessions, give sermons, and other

pastoral actions to encourage witnesses to abdicate and give

22 Joseph R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades (Michigan: the University of Michigan Press, 1992),143-145.23 "Statutes Against Heresy (1229)," in Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society, ed. Michael Goodich (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 195-196; "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 378.

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up Cathars.24 Offering penance and indulgences was a

significant part of these sermons. In 1229 the Council of

Toulouse awarded protection and penance in a decree stating,

“Whosoever shall, according to the counsel of the Bishops,

take up arms against these heretics shall earn two years’

remission of penance, and shall be placed under the Church’s

protection, exactly like a Crusader.” 25 By changing the

phase of the inquisitions to a holy Crusade, the Papal

Inquisition used the village clergy as a tool in seeking

heretics. This method would have been successful in two

ways. In the first place the local clergy were more familiar

with the people in the community and may have had a better

knowledge of the Cathar locations. It must be noted that the

Cathars in southern France, prior to the Crusade, practiced

their faith free and openly.26 In the second place,

remission of penance would have been an attractive incentive

to reaching spirituality, especially in the periods prior to

24 "A Manual for Inquisitors," 251; Lambert, The Cathars, 128.25 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 377.26 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 52.

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reformation when indulgences through church was a common

practice.

In addition, in order to receive this penance, the

bishops, bailiffs, friars and any appointed laity by the

town bishopric, had to take an oath to perform their duties

in preserving the Catholic faith as stated by the Council of

Toulouse in 1229. This oath had to be renewed every two

years.27 Most likely it was easy for the inquisitors to

recognize Cathars in this process, because it was against

the Cathar doctrine to take an oath of this nature.28

Additionally, the Council of Beziers in 1233 stated that any

appointed members by the Papal Inquisition as well as

private persons had the right to arrest a heretic given that

they surrendered them to the local bishop’s office. The same

decree appeared later in Processus Inquisitionis, ensuring that the

Dominican friars in charge followed these procedures

effectively.29 The surviving trial records and chronicles of

local clergy during the Papal Inquisition attest to the

27 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 379.28 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 134, 136.29 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 379; "A Manual for Inquisitors," 252.

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commitment of the appointment clergy in executing these

regulations. Specifically, the two orders of the Dominicans

and the Cistercians were instrumental during the Crusade and

later in the inquisition of the Cathars.30 For instance, in

an infamous case that has survived from 1247 in Toulouse,

Friar William Garcias of the Dominican Order and his fellow

friars became witnesses against a Cathar named Peter

Garcias. Peter was from a noble family and a relative to

William who frequently visited him in the convent. During

one of his visits, he was having a conversation in the

common room (schola) with William. Assuming that they were in

private, Peter spoke about the myth of creation and the

nature of God’s role in creating the world. Without Peter’s

knowledge, William and few other friars who claimed they

overheard the conversation, reported and testified against

Peter.31 While it is possible that the other friars did not

hear the conversation as accurately as they described in the

30 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 89, 145, 148.31 "Testimony against Peter Garcias of Toulouse," in Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, edited by Walter L. Wakefield (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), 242 – 247.

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testimony, this case shows that the local clergy were

committed in searching and capturing heretics even if they

were their own relatives.

The Papal Inquisition doctrines also awarded

extraordinary power to the local bishops and the Dominican

friars in charge of the inquisitions. The early trials were

sporadic and were conducted with poor procedures and

registries, but by the year 1237 there was a structured

procedure in place, as well as the presence of official

notaries and registered files.32 The statutes under the

Promulgation against the Cathars between 1179 and 1246 authorized

the local agents, such as the bishop, bailiffs, lords and

the Dominicans to inspect homes, chambers, cellarage and

concealed places. If the suspicion had merit, they were

allowed to demolish those properties.33 The Council of

Toulouse in 1229 stated, “[. . .] property of those who are

heretics or will be in the future is to be confiscated and

occupied. Their children and other intestate heirs, even if

32 Lambert, The Cathars, 128; Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, 147 – 148.33 Goodich, Other Middle Ages, 195-196; "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 378.

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they are of the orthodox faith, may not inherit through the

sale or gift of said goods in any other way.”34 For example,

in 1329 the bishop of Realmont, a village in the region of

Midi-Pyrenees, ordered the demolition of four prominent

Cathar homes belonging to William Ademor, Raymond Fauret,

Raymond Aron and Peter de Medons. The inquisitorial court in

Languedoc proved that all four men had harboured and

supported Cathars. As a result, their houses were burned

down to ground along with all their belongings.35 In such

circumstances, the community was forbidden to build any

property on those grounds unless the Pope authorized the

rebuilding.36

In some cases, however, the town councils under the

Treaty of Paris in 1229, saw it beneficial to confiscate the

property of the Cathars for the benefit of the local

bishopric. This Treaty was signed between the Catholic

Church and secular powers in southern France to ensure their

loyalty to the Church in eliminating heresy. The Treaty also

34 "Statutes Against Heresy (1229)," 196.35 "Repressive Measures and Decrees," 384-385. 36 "Statutes Against Heresy (1229)," 196.

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contained many provisions pertaining to the rights of the

local clergy in the procedures of the Papal Inquisition.37

The Promulgation against the Cathars in 1229 as a result of the

Treaty of Paris indicated that, “furthermore, we decree that

the material stuff of the said houses shall be delivered to

the flames, unless it seem profitable to us, according to

our will, to employ the said material for pious ends.”38 For

instance, in a case belonging to a deceased heretic named

Guillaume Guilabert of Montaillou, in the region of Ariege,

the high inquisitor Jacques Fournier in 1322 ordered his

property to be confiscated from his heirs and to be handed

over to the inquisitorial court of Pamiers.39 It is

important to note that the Guilaberts were one the prominent

families of Montaillou and the confiscation of their

property would have brought significant amount of wealth to

the bishopric. In addition, the Council of Arles in 1234 in

37 Goodich, Other Middle Ages, 197.38 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 384-385. 39 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillaume Guilabert of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Guillaume%20Guilabert.pdf.

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the region of Languedoc awarded economic incentives to the

local bishops and clergy for their efforts during the

inquisitions of the Cathars. The decree stated, “Whosoever

remain for more than a month under the ban of

excommunication must, when he solicits absolution, pay fifty

solidi for each additional month of delay. Half of the fine is

to go to the penitent’s temporal lord, and half to his

Bishop for pious causes”.40 Similarly in 1229, Count Raymond

of Toulouse in Statutes Against Heresy demanded that “in whatever

land or district heretics may be found [. . .] the men of

the said city, village , or castle [. . .] should pay one

mark for every heretic found there”.41 The cases above and

the decrees show that it is likely that economic incentives

were an effective tool in capturing heretics during the

Cathar inquisitions. 42

The decrees, regulations and the repressive measures

against the Cathars and their supporters show that the role

of the local bishops, Dominican friars, bailiffs, knights

40 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 380.41 "Statutes Against Heresy (1229)," 196.42 Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, 144.

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and the appointed laity in charge of the Papal Inquisition

was significant in capturing the heretics, implementing

punishments and awarding penance. The extensive power and

financial rewards were the driving force behind the

Inquisition. The Crusade had weakened the power of the local

Counts and nobility by destroying their wealth and property.

This weakness forced the local aristocrats to become allies

with the local bishops in order to attack the communities in

southern France, a task that they could not perform alone.43

The change in the political setting of southern France would

have resulted in the community members to turn against each

other as pressure from the secular and religious authorities

increased. The next section will focus on the role of the

local inhabitants of the southern France villages in the

inquisitorial procedures and accusations against the

Cathars.

The Cathar trial records from the southern France

regions demonstrate the significant role neighbours and

relatives played during the inquisitions. The repressive

43 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 130.

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character of the inquisitorial procedures, social stigma,

economic pressure, and fractured communities resulted in

people becoming tools in the process of hunting Cathars. The

witnesses in the trial records were usually neighbours,

affiliates, or families of the accused. The testimonies and

confessions in many ways show that the witnesses prior to

the inquisitions had social relationships, engaged in

economic activities and communal gatherings, such as

religious masses, weddings and funerals with their Cathar

neighbours.44 For example, in Montaillou, women created

bonds of friendship in mills and market places by curiously

monitoring other people’s behaviours and gossiping. Men

bonded in taverns or in the fields during harvest and

ploughing seasons. These gatherings were between believers

and non-believers and brought people closer in the

community.45 In almost all of the twenty-one records from

Fournier’s Register, the witnesses and the accused refer to

the events that occurred many years prior to the

Inquisition, demonstrating that until the time of the44 Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, 251, 259, 266.45 Ibid., 251, 253, 254, 265, 266.

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inquisitions, relationships with the Cathars were seen as

normal. For example in 1319, Barthelemy de Lagleize, a

priest of Sorgeat in Ariege who testified against a Cathar

named Jacqueline den Carot states, “About 12 years ago, I

heard from a young girl [. . .], that the said Jacqueline

and Guillaume Caussou [. . .] exchanged words and Jacqueline

had said, ‘May God grant that we will see each other in the

other world and be in Paradise!’ ”46 This statement refers

to the Cathars’ belief in reincarnation of the body into

another soul. However what is significant to note here is

that this conversation took place twelve years ago. One can

argue that remarks such as this in years prior to the

Inquisition did not seem to be out of the ordinary even to a

Catholic priest.

Similarly, in her confession in 1320, a suspected

Cathar named Fabrissa den Riba of Montaillou, speaks of

being present in a funeral ceremony of another Cathar named

46 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Jacqueline den Carot of Ax," trans. Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine, http://web.archive.org/web/20071120005326/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/Fournier/dencarot.htm.

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Guillaume Benet that occurred twenty years ago.47 In another

example from the same records in December 5th, 1320, Arnaud

Cogul a Cathar from the region of Lordat in Ariege

confesses:

“About twenty years ago, … I was coming one day fromthe wood of Bannieres, in territory of Bestiac and Iwas with the late Arnaud Excalas of Lordat, who waswearing crosses for heresy…. He told me that one day hewas with his cows in the woods and Arnaud Record ofCaussou, the now-dead heretic, came by with anotherheretic, whom he did not name. And this Arnaud gavethese heretics something to eat. And for this he hadhad crosses imposed by the Inquisition.” 48

What Arnaud Cogul is referring to was the yellow

crosses heretics had to wear over their clothing in the

event that the inquisitorial court released them as abjured

heretics. Arnaud’s confession demonstrates that interacting

and sharing meals with Cathars were normal activities in the

villages of southern France. For instance, Arnaude de

Savinhan a Cathar inhabitant of Tarascon in the region of47 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Riba%2024.pdf. 48 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Witnesses against Arnaud Cogul de Lordat," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Arnaud%20Cogul%20de%20Lordat%20FINAL.pdf.

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Alpes-Côte d'Azur denies in April 1320, that he was a

Cathar. When the inquisitor Arnaude asks him why he took

part in heretical meeting if he were not a Cathar, he

indicates that he did not believe that he was committing a

sin by socializing with his neighbours until he was told by

the inquisitors.49 In another example, in 1320 Gaillarde, a

woman from Ornolac in the region of Ariege, was brought in

before the inquisitor for being present in the house of a

heretic named Guillaume Autast four years ago. When asked

why she did not speak of this matter earlier, she answers,

“I did not believe that it was as serious as it is, but this

year, urged on my conscious, I revealed this to Bernard

Peyreou, the priestof Orancle [. . .] and he told me to

reveal it to my lord the bishop of Pamiers.”50 Gaillarde

also confesses to knowing Guillaume’s family, stating that

she did not feel her association with them was wrong at the

49 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Witnesses against Arnaud deSavinhan of Tarascon," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessedFebruary 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Arnaud%20de%20Savinhan%20FINAL.pdf. 50 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillaume Autast bailiff ofOrnocle," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/guillaume%20autast%20FINAL.pdf.

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time.51 From the twenty-one records that I have examined

almost all Cathars and non-Cathars claimed that their

interaction was either out of ignorance or innocence, but in

the eyes of the inquisitors, even the slightest contact with

the Cathars was incriminating enough. The heretical thoughts

and events described by the witnesses were usually

insignificant or just a passing comment, but it was enough

for the inquisitorial court to summon the heretics. For

example, Guillaume Bertrand a witness from Goulier, in the

region of Ariege, in 1320 speaks of only one incident that

occurred nine years ago where he heard Bernard Franque an

inhabitant of Goulier say, “Indeed there were two gods, one

good and the other bad.”52 Another witness named Guillaume

Seguela of the same village against the same Bernard

indicates that four years ago a neighbour told him that

Bernard Franque believed in the existence of a dual god.53

In almost all of the testimonies the witnesses speak of

51 Ibid. 52 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Bernard Franque de Goulier," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Bernard%20Franque%205-4-09.pdf. 53 Ibid.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 24

something that they had heard once or were told by another

neighbour. It was possible that the Catholic inhabitants did

not like what they heard from their Cathar neighbours, but

what the Cathars said in public and what they practiced in

their own homes seemed harmless at the time. The Inquisition

provided people with a grace or indulgence period so that

they could either confess or testify against the Cathar

inhabitants.54 This would have been enough time for people

to come up with incriminating stories or recall events that

might save themselves from being punished.

At the same time the Council of Narbonne in 1243

indicated that, “the names of the witnesses [were] to be

kept secret. However, an accused person [could] list the

names of his enemies”.55 In this manner, the inquisitorial

court would have succeeded in finding other heretics through

these lists. Whether they were guilty or not was up to the

decision of the high inquisitor. This would have been an

effective tool, because people in the small communities

mostly likely knew each other very well and were aware of54 "A Manual for Inquisitors," 252-252.55 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 381.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 25

each other’s religious beliefs. For example, in Fournier’s

Register the names of the four prominent families in Pamier

seem to appear repeatedly in majority of the trial

records.56 The Guilaberts, the Clergues, the Benets and the

Tavernies were among the nobility of the Pamier region. The

Clergue family for example, prior to the Papal Inquisition

had a significant influence over the inhabitants of

Montaillou and practiced their faith without fear.57 For

instance, Fabrissa den Riba from Montaillou who was also a

cousin to Pierre Clergue, rector of the village at the time,

testified against him in 1320. She indicated that she had

confessed to Pierre about some heretical talks she heard

from Alazias Benet, anther Cathar. Fabrissa claimed that

Pierre said, “ Be quiet, be quiet, you do not know what you

are saying. There are no heretics in this regions, if there

were, [the inquisitors] would certainly find them.”58 While

56 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/. 57 Lambert, The Cathars, 262, 264.58 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Riba%2024.pdf.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 26

Fabrissa does not indicate her relations with Pierre,

another testimony by her daughter Grazide prior to

Fabrissa’s confession reveals that Fabrissa willingly

allowed Pierre to have carnal relationship with Grazida for

several years.59 She denies on the other hand and claims

that she instructed her daughter to stay away from Pierre

because he was a heretical priest.60 This case shows that

the fear of punishment and hardship of the inquisitorial

procedures pressured people to come forward even against the

members of their own family. Throughout her testimonies

Fabrissa refers to several ceremonies she attended in the

Clergue house and other prominent Cathar houses, like the

Benets, a possible indication that she was a Cathar, which

she denies fully. Fabrissa also provides a thorough list of

several individuals in these ceremonies, which most likely

59 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Grazide, widow of Pierre Lizier of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine, http://web.archive.org/web/20071107091822/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/Fournier/grazide.htm. 60 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Riba%2024.pdf.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 27

led Fournier in Pamier to summon the rest of her family

members.61

The Papal Inquisition created a social stigma against

the Cathars and resulted in frictions among the believers

themselves. There was a constant fear of being sought and

found by the authorities. Heretics and supporters were often

brought to the church between the masses and ridiculed by

the non-believers. The Council of Narbonne in 1243 stated

that the heretics and the abjured should be brought to the

local churches between the readings of the Epistle and the

Gospel in order to receive punishment by rod from the priest

or friar in charge.62 These heretics were the same people

that at one point in time freely joined the rest of the

community in the church masses and other neighbourhood

functions. Ladurie argues that even for the Cathars going to

church was a necessary community gathering even if it meant

giving “blank” confessions to the local priests.63 For

example, in 1319 Jean de Vienne a Cathar from a region in61 Ibid.62 "Repressive Measures and Decrees, 380.63 Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, 307.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 28

Rhone-Alps of southern France indicates that he often went

to masses. He believed that prayers given in masses for the

death would absolve the dead person’s sin. It must be noted

that Jean was a heretic who willingly confessed to believing

in Cathar faith and refused to take an oath. 64 Even for a

devoted Cathar, going to a local non-Cathar church was an

acceptable social practice, but the inquisitors viewed this

interaction as association of Christians with enemies of

faith. The Cathars on the hand saw themselves as Christians,

but rejected some of its doctrine.

It is possible that some previous friction or on going

community animosity gave people the opportunity to

incriminate their neighbours. Although both the Council of

Narbonne in 1243 and Processus Inquisitionis emphasised that,

“Only those depositions inspired by malice or personal

enmity are to be set aside as valueless,”65 this however,

64 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Jean de Vienne, a Vaudois heretic," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Jean%20de%20Vienne%20FINAL%20.pdf. 65 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 381; "A Manual for Inquisitors," 253.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 29

did not mean that witnesses did exactly as they were told.

Most of the families were related to each other. Despite

their active participation in the Cathar ceremonies, in some

testimonies the members of the family speak ill against each

other. For instance, Guillemette Clergue from Montaillou,

who was married to Pierre Clergue, was also cousin and

sister-in-law to Fabrissa den Riba, but accused her of being

an evil person during her testimony. In her confession in

1320, she indicates how her brother chased his wife,

Fabrissa, out of the house, because while “she was in the

house, the heretics could not meet there as they were

accustomed to do”.66 She also speaks of her uncle Prades

Tavernier, who was a Cathar parfait and how she did not like

to associate with him.67 Both the Clergues and the

Taverniers were active Cathars in Montaillou. Guillemette

herself was present in the ceremonies as per her

66 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillemette Clergue de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Guillemette%20Clergue%205-4-09.pdf. 67 Ibid.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 30

confession.68 This alone already made her a guilty heretic,

however, she still testified against her own family.

Guillemette Clergue was married to Pierre who was the

rector and priest in Montaillou and a known Cathar believer.

It would have been impossible for her not be labeled as a

heretic. Although my sources did not have Pierre’s own trial

and confession, his name appears in several testimonies as

well as in one of the infamous trial cases of Beatrice of

Planisolles, another Cathar in Montaillou whom was

interrogated extensively by Fournier himself.69 Lambart in

his history of Cathars indicates that it is possible that

despite people liking the Clergues, they did not favour

Pierre because of his ill behaviour in the community. For

instance, he was known to have taken bribes and manipulated

many women of the village to sleep with him. This may have

been one of the reasons that Fabrissa as discussed in the

previous section testified against him for taking advantage

68 Ibid.69 "Jacques Fournier: Inquision Records," in Readings in Medieval History: Churchand Society in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century, ed. Patrick J. Geary, 4th edition (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 482-501.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 31

of her daughter.70 For example, Fabrissa’s daughter Grazide

in 1320 confessed that, Pierre Clergue had carnal

relationships with her, even while she was married to Pierre

Lizier, another resident of Montaillou.71 Wakefield argues

that while the southern France aristocracy was known for

their vulgar sexual behaviours, they were not much different

from the nobility in other parts of France.72 For example

adultery and physical relationships between the women of the

villages and the local clergy, while not acceptable, did

occur. Similarly, while Grazide confesses that it was not a

sin to have a sexual relationship with a priest, Fabrissa

argues that, “[Pierre] told [her] that one woman was the

same as any other and he thought he sinned just as much with

70 Lambert, The Cathars, 262-264; Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Riba%2024.pdf.71 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Grazide, widow of Pierre Lizier of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine, http://web.archive.org/web/20071107091822/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/Fournier/grazide.htm. 72 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 56.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 32

one as with any other”, a heretical thought that Fabrissa

claims to have disliked.73

During the trials Cathars used these social animosities

to avoid punishment. For example, Beatrice of Planisolles

from Montaillou, in her testimony in June 1320 confesses

that she had sexual relationships with both Pierre Clergue

and Barthelemy Amilhac, who was another priest in

Montaillou. In Beatrice’s case her testimony against Pierre

was incriminating as she speaks of how Pierre convinced her

for years that carnal relationship in marriage was more

sinful than outside marriage. 74 Likewise, Barthelemy, in

his confession in 1320 admits to having sexual relationship

with Beatrice, but he later indicates that they had gone to

a notary and she has given him a dowry in return for his

73 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Grazide, widow of Pierre Lizier of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine, http://web.archive.org/web/20071107091822/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/Fournier/grazide.htm; " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier:Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Riba%2024.pdf.74 "Jacques Fournier: Inquision Records," 487-488, 498.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 33

companionship.75 The reference to the notary and indication

of dowry signified a marriage like relationship. It is

possible that Barthelemy wanted the inquisitors to believe

that his relationship was legitimate in the eyes of the

Catholic Church, because it was a known fact by the

inquisitors that the Cathars carried on sexual relationships

and saw them more legitimate than marriage.76 While Beatrice

changed her testimony several times to show that she

questioned these relationships, yet she continued with the

affairs and admitted that she was still in love with

Barthelemy.77 Beatrice by speaking of her conversation with

Pierre about rejecting the sanctity of marriage incriminates

herself and Pierre, even though she seems to be trying to

use this as a way to show her innocence.

In addition, the economic consequences and punishments

were significant enough to produce confessions. It is

75 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Barthelemy Amilhac, Priest, concerning his complicity in and concealment of heresy," trans. Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine, http://web.archive.org/web/20071120005321/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/Fournier/amilhac.htm. 76 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 33.77 "Jacques Fournier: Inquision Records," 483.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 34

possible that some people confessed in fear of losing their

property and belongings. Even the Cathars themselves changed

their testimonies several times given the circumstances

around their crimes. In the Statutes Against Heresy, authorized

by Count Raymond of Toulouse in 1229, the secular

authorities imposed strict economic punishments on heretics,

lapsed heretics, and those who aided them. For instance, “If

[people] refuse[ed] to swear loyalty to the Catholic faith

and to abjure heresy, they [would] be punished with

penalties laid down against heretics. If after having taken

the oath, persons who have aided and abetted the heretic and

have taken part in any way with them should be found, they

[would] be punished the same way”.78 The severity of these

measures may have prompted some people to testify. It is

possible that some Cathars may have concealed their faith so

that they wouldn’t lose their property. The Inquisition

ensured that these strict guidelines were enforced in order

for the people to understand the severity of their

affiliation with the heretics. For example, condemning

78 "Statutes Against Heresy (1229)," 197.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 35

heretics after death was a common practice during the

inquisitorial process.79 In a practice called exhumation,

the heretic’s corpse was dug out, dragged through out the

village and handed over to the local bishop’s office in

order to be burned publically. The local bishopric according

to the regulations under Processus Inquisitionis condemned the

memory and the body of the death heretic.80 The village

bishop also confiscated the property of the deceased and

donated to the local bishopric. An example can be read in

the chronicles of William of Pelhisson from the Dominican

Order. William wrote a chronicle of the events that occurred

in Toulouse during his post as an inquisitor and later as a

record keeper in the Dominican convent between 1230 and

1246.81 In the year 1235 he writes about the exhumation of a

heretic in Toulouse stating, “At that time the bodies of

certain deceased persons who had been hereticated, namely

Bertrand Peyrier and some others, were dragged through the

79 Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, 141.80 "A Manual for Inquisitors," 257.81 "The Chronicles of William Pelhisson," in Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250, ed. Walter L. Wakefield (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), 208-236.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 36

town and burned.” 82 He also states that people in Toulouse

protested against this spectacle in their town and went as

far as physically beating the friars who went to dug out the

body. In addition, the count of Toulouse denounced and

called the Dominican Friars enemies. William indicates that

the town bishop had to run away because no one would “break

bread” with him.83 Although this case shows that people,

including the Cathars and other inhabitants, did not support

this particular decree, we can deduce that despite the

opposition this practice was a necessary part of the

Inquisition.84

A similar example is recorded in the Register of

Fournier in 1321 in the village of Montaillou. Guillaume

Guilabert, son of Jean and Alamande Guilabert died when he

was sixteen years of age, according to his mother’s

confession in 1321.85 In the same year, Fournier sent

82 "The Chronicles of William Pelhisson," 217.83 Ibid, 216-217.84 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 378.85 "Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Alamande Guilabert of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Alamande%20Guilabert%20FINAL.pdf.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 37

letters to summon all relatives of Guillaume who inherited

his property, including his siblings and cousins who married

in the Clergue and the Benet families. The relatives of

Guillaume ignored the court’s summon and consequently, the

exhumation of his body was ordered in 1322 by Fournier. His

property and possessions were confiscated from his heirs

accordingly.86 In the same manner Guillaume’s brother-in-

law, Guillaume Fort who also lived in Montaillou was

convicted as a relapsed heretic in 1321. His body was burned

at stake and Fournier ordered to have his property

confiscated. Nancy Stork, in her translation of this

specific record, indicates that there were numerous

inquisitors present in addition to Fournier during the trial

of this case. In an unusual decision he expedited the trial

and the exhumation of the heretic.87 It is possible the

prominent families who were active Cathars faced strict

trial procedures due to the nature of their activities.

86 " Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillaume Guilabert of Montaillou," trans. Nancy Stork, San Jose University, accessed February 3, 2013, http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Guillaume%20Guilabert.pdf. 87 Ibid.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 38

These cases represent the significant hardship that economic

restriction brought on the heretics and their supporters,

especially for those from the wealthy families who lost

their possessions and status in the community. It would have

been a difficult task to prove their innocence, giving that

the local church benefited from the confiscation of these

properties. It is possible that many witnesses came forward

to avoid the harshness of these penalties such as financial

penance or imprisonment within the walls of Carcassonne

where some Cathar prisoners died from lack of food and dire

living conditions while waiting for the decision of their

trial.88 The Inquisition did not forgive any crimes due to

age, health or relationships. The only exception was given

if the absence of the parent would result in a child’s

death.89 In the later years of the inquisitions even the

relationships with the supporters worked against the Cathars

as most of them, especially the perfaits, were found through

the witness testimonies and trials of the Cathars who may

88 "Repressive Measures and Decrees,” 378 – 379.89 Ibid., 380-381.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 39

have confessed out of fear of punishment, social stigma or

economic hardships.90

Through close analysis of the decree and regulations of

the Catholic Church against the Cathars and the trial

records of the inquisitions in southern France regions, this

essay demonstrated that the political nature of the Papal

Inquisition awarded extraordinary authority to the local

village bishoprics, Dominican friars and the appointed

laity. The inquisitors had the power to seek, accuse and

punish heretics and their supporters at any cost if they

were seen as a threat to Catholic faith. The inquisitorial

agents also had the power to confiscate the property of the

heretics and their supporters whether they were dead or

alive. The local village clergy motivated people by

communion gatherings and sermons to show that the Cathars

and their supporters were the enemies of the Catholic faith

and threat to peace in their own towns. The economic

hardship and severe punishment of the heretics to the walls

of Carcassonne imposed psychological pressure on people to90 Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, 144.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 40

come forward and confess against the members of their own

community. The inquisition records from the Register of

Fournier showed that social stigma, punishment, animosity

against other inhabitants and economic restrictions

mobilized residents as well as family members against each

other. The trial documents demonstrated that prior to the

Papal Inquisition, the inhabitants of the southern France

villages had a normal life of social and religious

associations with their Cathar neighbours. The Inquisition

made the past interactions questionable to the non-Cathar

neighbours in the community and changed the socio-dynamics

of their relationships. The Cathars themselves incriminated

their own relatives and friends by providing names during

their testimonies. These testimonies and the list of names

provided by both the witnesses and the accused were key

tools for the inquisitors to arrest more heretics. In

short, the repressive nature of the Inquisition empowered

the local village clergy in putting significant pressure on

the community members to become rivals of their neighbours

and relatives. The Papal Inquisition fractured the bonds of

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 41

solidarity that existed among the community members

resulting in the break down of the Cathar influence in the

southern France villages by the late fourteenth-century. It

can be concluded that in a way the Catholic Church succeeded

more with the Inquisition than the Crusade itself. While the

Papal Inquisition had a less violent nature, the mechanisms

put in place were more effective in capturing heretics. It

is not surprising that the Catholic Church used these types

of measures again in an effort to distinguish other dissents

against the Christian thoughts in the early modern period.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 42

Bibliography:

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http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Alamande Guilabertof Montaillou." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Alamande%20Guilabert %20FINAL.pdf .

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"Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Bernard Franque deGoulier." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Bernard%20Franque%20 5-4-09.pdf .“Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Barthelemy Amilhac, Priest, concerning his complicity in and concealment of heresy." Translated by Nancy Stork. Internet Archives: Wayback Machine. Accessed February 13, 2013,

http://web.archive.org/web/20071120005321/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/F ournier/amilhac.htm .“Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Grazide, widow of Pierre Lizier of Montaillou." Translated by Nancy Stork, Internet Archives: Wayback Machine. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://web.archive.org/web/20071107091822/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/F ournier/grazide.htm .“Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Confession of Jeande Vienne, a Vaudois heretic." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Jean%20de%20Vienne% 20FINAL%20.pdf ."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Fabrissa den Riba de Montaillou." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Fabrissa%20den%20Rib a%2024.pdf .“Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillaume Autast bailiff of Ornocle." Translated by Nancy Stork. San JoseUniversity. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/guillaume%20autast%20 FINAL.pdf .

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“Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillemette Clergue de Montaillou." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Guillemette%20Clergue %205-4-09.pdf ."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Guillaume Guilabert of Montaillou." Translated by Nancy Stork. SanJose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Guillaume%20Guilabert. pdf ."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Jacqueline den Carot of Ax." Translated by Nancy Stork. Internet Archives: Wayback Machine. Accessed February 3, 2013.

http://web.archive.org/web/20071120005326/http://www.sjsu.edu/depts/english/F ournier/dencarot.htm ."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Witnesses against Arnaud Cogul de Lordat." Translated by Nancy Stork. SanJose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Arnaud%20Cogul%20de %20Lordat%20FINAL.pdf ."Inquisition Records of Jacques Fournier: Witnesses against Arnaud de Savinhan of Tarascon." Translated by Nancy Stork. San Jose University. Accessed February 3, 2013,

http://www.sjsu.edu/people/nancy.stork/jacquesfournier/Arnaud%20de%20Savin han%20FINAL.pdf . "Jacques Fournier: Inquision Record." In Readings in Medieval History: Church and Society in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century, 4th edition. Edited by Patrick J. Geary. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010."Repressive Measures and Decrees: Promulgated against the Cathars by Councils between 1179 and 1246." In Massacre at Montsegur: A history of the Albeginsian Crusade. Edited by Zoe

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Oldenbourg. Translated by Peter Green. New York: Pantheon Books, 1962."Statutes Against Heresy (1229)." In Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society. Edited by Michael Goodich. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.“Testimony against Peter Garcias of Toulouse." In Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250. Edited by Walter L.Wakefield. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974."The Chronicles of William Pelhisson." In Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250. Edited by Walter L. Wakefield. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974."Trial of Arnauda da Lamotha of Montauban (1244)." In Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society. Edited by Michael Goodich. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.

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Edward Peters, Edward. Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980. Goodich, Michael. Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of MedievalSociety. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.Lambert, Malcolm. The Cathars. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 1998. Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a Frenchvillage 1294-1324. Translated by Barbara Bray. New York: Vintage Books, 1979.

Strayer, Joseph R. The Albigensian Crusades. Michigan: Universityof Michigan Press, 1992.Wakefield, Walter, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974.

Arazoo Ferozan – McMaster University 46