Post on 20-Jan-2023
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UNIVERSITY OF CHICHESTER
Accredited by the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON
Department of Sport Development and Management
EXPERIENCES OF PHYSICAL ACTIVITY IN LATER LIFE:
Making Sense of Embodiment, Negotiating Practicalities, and the Construction of
Identities in Rural Spaces
by
Bethany Adela Joanna Simmonds
Thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
This thesis has been completed as a requirement for a higher degree of the
University of Southampton
August 2011
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON
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ABSTRACT
DEPARTMENT OF SPORT DEVELOPMENT AND MANAGEMENT
Thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy
EXPERIENCES OF PHYSICAL ACTIVITY IN LATER LIFE:
Making Sense of Embodiment, Negotiating Practicalities, and the Construction of
Identities in Rural Spaces
by Bethany Simmonds
Gerontologists have promoted positive representations of ageing to challenge stereotypes of
degeneration and decline, in order to change social practices and to encourage wellbeing
(Featherstone and Hepworth, 1995). Subsequently, a range of 'active ageing' policy
frameworks, in which physical activity has been a key component, have been promoted (see
British Heart Foundation, 2007a; Department of Health, 2004a). However, instead of
promoting wellbeing in older age, the positive / successful ageing discourse has created, by
default, binary subject positions which most older people largely embody: the „good‟, fit, slim,
third ager and the „bad‟, sedentary, overweight, fourth ager. This is partly due to the
unproblematic assumption that people are able, have the resources, and want to be
physically active in later life (Wearing and Wearing, 1990). This thesis explores the
experiences of physical activity amongst older people in rural West Sussex, examining the
factors that affect their ability to be physically active, their preferences for physical activities
and the reasons for their choices. A narrative inquiry was the chosen research design,
triangulating focus groups, narrative interviews, activity diaries and re-interviews, using
visual elicitation. Findings indicate that a number of corporeal, socio-cultural and discursive
factors affect older people's ability to be physically active in rural West Sussex. Furthermore,
this thesis makes a number of social policy recommendations, including the importance of
promoting socially-centred physical activity, and tailoring health and wellbeing social policy in
later life to the local area. Finally, the theoretical framework contributes to Frank‟s (1991)
theory of the body, by introducing a spatial component to understand corporeal identity.
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LIST OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ii
LIST OF CONTENTS iii
AUTHOR’S DECLARATION ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x
GLOSSARY xi
ACHRONYMS xxiii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
1.1) Why research ageing? 1
1.2) Research rationale 1
1.2a) Physical activity in later life 2
1.2b) The rural focus 3
1.3) The research approach 3
1.3a) Understandings of age 4
1.3b) The language of later life 5
1.3c) Unpacking social class 6
1.4) Research aim and objectives 6
1.5) Conclusion and outline of thesis 7
Chapter 2: Active ageing and healthy ageing policy 8
2.1) Introduction 8
2.2) Active ageing 9
2.2a) Neo-liberalism, the Third Way and beyond 10
2.2b) Quality of life / wellbeing rationale 11
2.2c) The economic rationale 11
2.2d) National healthy ageing policy 12
2.3) Benefits of physical activity 13
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2.4) Barriers to physical activity 14
2.5) The rural context 15
2.6) Conclusion 16
Chapter 3: Narratives of identity 18
3.1) Introduction 18
3.2) Narratives of ageing / disability 19
3.2a) Mind / body dualism 20
3.2b) Bio-medical 20
3.2c) ‘Dis’ability and dependency 22
3.3) Narratives of gender 24
3.3a) Double jeopardy 24
3.3b) Leisure – what leisure? 25
3.3c) Empowering social networks 26
3.4) Narratives of rurality and ethnicity 27
3.4a) Community 27
3.4b) ‘Othering’ and invisibility 28
3.5) Conclusion 29
Chapter 4: Theorising the ageing body 30
4.1) Introduction 30
4.2) Theories of the (ageing) body 30
4.2a) Bourdieu’s body 31
4.2b) Foucault’s body 33
4.2c) Foucauldian Feminist theories of embodiment 35
4.2d) Additional feminist theories of embodiment 35
4.3) Theoretical framework: Foucault, Bourdieu and Feminism 37
4.3a) The theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces 37
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4.3ai) Discourse and institutions 39
4.3aii) Corporeality situated in social space 40
4.3b) The commensurability of theories 40
4.4) Conclusion 42
Chapter 5: Methodology and methods 43
5.1) Introduction 43
5.2) Methodology: narrative inquiry 43
5.2a) Introducing the research population 47
5.2b) Sampling and access 48
5.3) Methods and data collection 49
5.3a) Focus groups 50
5.3b) Narrative interviews 52
5.3c) Activity diaries 53
5.3ci) Reflections on diary use 56
5.3d) Semi-structured re-interviews with visual elicitation 57
5.4) Data analysis: an analysis of narratives 58
5.4a) The analysis process 59
5.5) Judging qualitative research 61
5.5a) Trustworthiness, credibility and dependability 61
5.5b) Authenticity: giving voice and enabling change 63
5.5c) Ethical considerations 65
5.5d) Generalizability or transferability 66
5.6) Conclusion 67
Chapter 6: Making sense of ageing embodiment 68
6.1) Introduction 68
6.2) Experiences of frailty 69
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6.2a) Ageing habitus: shared corporeal experiences of ageing 70
6.2b) Chronic illness, medicalisation and immobility: a series of individual stories
76
6.2bi) Arthritis – Victoria 76
6.2bii) Heart problems – John 78
6.2biii) Diabetes – Hannah 79
6.2biv) Mis-diagnosis – Elizabeth 80
6.2bv) Immobility - Harry 81
6.2c) Preventing poor mobility 83
6.2d) Border crossing / epiphany – from the third to the fourth age 84
6.3) Emotional responses, ageing narratives and positioning 88
6.3a) Cartesian dualism 88
6.3b) Narratives of decline and loss 89
6.3c) Narratives of risk and vulnerability 93
6.3d) Narratives of obligation and resistance 94
6.4) Conclusion 103
Chapter 7: Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus 105
7.1) Introduction 105
7.2) Practical factors: enabling and restricting participation 106
7.2a) The use of space and the physical environment 106
7.2b) Transport and mobility 108
7.2c) Weather, wellbeing and safety 111
7.2d) Economic capital 115
7.2e) Cost of transport, physical activity and social groups 117
7.3) Tailoring physical activity services and information 119
7.3a) Physical activity preferences in later life: themes and diversity 120
7.3b) Experiences of the receiving and giving of physical activity information 124
7.3c) Responses to images of active older people 129
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7.3ci) The promotion of sex as a physical activity 133
7.4) Conclusion 136
Chapter 8: The construction of ageing identities in rural space and the influence of
capital 138
8.1) Introduction 138
8.2) The construction of rural social space 139
8.2a) Insiderness 139
8.2b) Outsiderness 142
8.3) Family: gendered physical activity habitus 148
8.3a) The socialisation of tastes and preferences 149
8.3b) Family networks: gendered social capital 151
8.4) Marriage and widowhood: gendered experiences 154
8.4a) Marriage: a gendered institution 155
8.4b) Widowhood: an experience of social isolation 160
8.5) Friendship: choosing social and cultural capital 166
8.5a) Older people’s priority in later life: maintaining social capital 167
8.5b) The benefits of socially centred physical activity 169
8.6) Conclusion 173
Chapter 9: Findings and reflections 176
9.1) Introduction 176
9.2) Findings and implications 176
9.2a) Making sense of ageing embodiment 176
9.2b) Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus 177
9.2c) The construction of ageing identities in rural space and the influence of
capital 179
9.3) Suggested further research 180
9.4) Reflections on the theoretical framework and research limitations 181
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9.5) Reflections on methodology, methods and the research journey 182
APPENDICES: 187
APPENDIX 1: Biographical sketches 187
APPENDIX 2: Research process timeline 195
APPENDIX 3: Topic Guide for Focus Groups Versions 1 and 4 196
APPENDIX 4: Semi-structured / Narrative interview guide (Version 4) 202
APPENDIX 5: Diary instruction schedule 206
APPENDIX 6: Unstructured diary insert 208
APPENDIX 7: Structured diary insert 210
APPENDIX 8: Visual props – healthy living leaflets 213
APPENDIX 9: Re-interview semi-structured interview topic guide 217
APPENDIX 10: Pre-data collection reflexive interview - 11th January 2008 218
APPENDIX 11: Additional signposting information 233
APPENDIX 12: Informed consent form 235
APPENDIX 13: Thematic framework 237
APPENDIX 14: Statement of Ethical Practice for The British Sociological Association
238
REFERENCES 246
Diagram 1: The theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces (adapted from
Frank, 1991). 38
Diagram 2: The theoretical – conceptual - methodological links 44
Table 1. Sample population demographic information presented by data collection
method 47
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AUTHOR’S DECLARATION
I, Bethany Adela Joanna Simmonds declare that the thesis entitled „EXPERIENCES OF
PHYSICAL ACTIVITY IN LATER LIFE: Making Sense of Embodiment, Negotiating Practicalities,
and the Construction of Identities in Rural Spaces‟ and the work presented in the thesis are
both my own, and have been generated by me as the result of my own original research. I
confirm that:
this work was done wholly or mainly while in candidature for a research degree at this
University;
where any part of this thesis has previously been submitted for a degree or any other qualification at this University or any other institution, this has been clearly stated;
where I have consulted the published work of others, this is always clearly attributed;
where I have quoted from the work of others, the source is always given. With the
exception of such quotations, this thesis is entirely my own work;
I have acknowledged all main sources of help;
where the thesis is based on work done by myself jointly with others, I have made clear exactly what was done by others and what I have contributed myself;
none of this work has been published before submission
Signed: ………………………………………………………………………..
Date:…………………………………………………………………………….
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I want to give a huge thank you to my twenty participants without whom
this study would not be possible, they put their trust in me and I hope I have done their
stories justice, as this has been my driving force throughout the research process. I would
also like to thank my supervisors, Elizabeth Pike, Gill Clarke, Pete Green and Heather Clark,
for their continued support and guidance. The British Sociological Association has provided
much needed financial support and social networking opportunities, which are greatly
appreciated. Thank you to Ian Hague and Beverley McAlpine who have proof read and
provided an invaluable service to me and to Katherine Bond for her help with my reflective
interview. Finally, I would like to say a massive heartfelt thank you to my Mum, Dad, Sister,
Brother, Grandparents and countless friends for their unwavering support over the last four
years; they have always believed in me, when sometimes I did not, thus, this thesis would
have been impossible without them helping me along my journey.
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GLOSSARY:
Abductive research strategy: when a researcher is involved in a dialectical process of
interpreting data with existing theory and generating theory through the analysis of data
(Blaikie, 2000).
A bio-politics of the population: refers to the regulation of the social body, particularly
focussing on matters of procreation, life expectancy, health and longevity, examining the link
between resources and inhabitants (Foucault, 1978).
Active ageing: “the process of optimising opportunities for health, participation and security
in order to enhance the quality of life as people age” (WHO, 2002: 12).
Activity theory of ageing: proposes that the more activity that takes place, the more
successful the ageing is (Longino and Kart, 1982).
Age: assumes a chronological definition, ignoring the social, biological and subjective age
conceptualisations (Kastenbaum, 1979); age is a relative concept, which is socially and
historically constructed through discourse (Phillipson, 1998; Estes, 1998).
Ageing habitus: “[a]ge cohorts, like social classes, do experience particular conditions of
existence, which, fashion a distinctive age habitus […] It accounts for the processes of
transformation of the aging view of the world, new relations to the body, adaptive strategies
of the old, salience of embodiment in aging, the differentiation process towards younger age
groups and power relations between them” (Dumas and Turner, 2006:151).
Ageism: when an individual is discriminated against, either directly or indirectly, based on
their socially, biologically, chronologically and psychologically constructed age identity.
Age-ordering: is the adoption of different forms of dress at different ages according to
moral constructions of what is „appropriate‟ (Twigg, 2007).
An analysis of narratives: thematic analysis takes places across all narratives, rather than
an in-depth analysis of an individuals‟ narrative (Polkinghorne, 1995).
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Anatomo-politics of the body: refers to the power exerted on individual bodies to fashion
them into efficient, economic docile bodies (Foucault, 1978).
Androcentricism: theoretical approaches which start by theorising about men‟s experiences
and then apply those concepts to women, or where women‟s experiences have been absent
from discussion altogether (Harding, 1987).
Authenticity: emerged out of discussions in qualitative paradigms about alternative
concepts to replace the positivistic notion of validity (Denzin and Lincoln, 2008).
Agency: the capacity of individuals to act independently and autonomously and to make
their own choices and decisions.
Archaeology / genealogy: Foucault‟s (1972) work sought to uncover the layers of
discourse in history which produced different types of subjects or individuals, which he called
the „genealogy‟ or archaeology of knowledge.
Bio-politics: a concept that was developed through historical analysis of the seventeen
century, when the state‟s power changed from control over life or death, to a control over life
(Foucault, 1978).
Caring habitus: repetitive physical practices like caring inscribes the body and forms a
caring habitus, through which people who have cared for others, share a common experience
of embodiment.
Collective agency: is based on the empowerment of older people when they feel they
belong to and participate in a wider community (Wray, 2004).
Conceptual narratives: social scientific explanatory narratives (Somers, 1994).
Credibility: is linked to the idea of trustworthiness but it effectively replaces the concept of
reliability in the positivistic paradigm (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).
Cumulative epiphanal events: where a combination of reactions to several different
experiences occurs over a period of time (Denzin, 1989b).
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Cultural capital: the power people accumulate through education and family background
(Laberge and Kay, 2002).
Deduction: a scientific theory is „tested out‟ in the field to establish to what extent it can be
said to be true.
Dependability: evaluates whether a systematic approach has been taken to the research
process (Patton, 2002).
Disability: “The International Classification of Functioning (ICF) defines disability as the
outcome of the interaction between a person with impairment and the environmental and
attitudinal barriers he/she may face” (Disabled Peoples‟ International, 2005:1).
‘Dis’ability: conceptualises „dis‟ability not as a category into which people are put, but,
instead, a continuum of ability where people are placed according to their different level of
ability throughout their life, through periods of dependency, disablement, ageing, illness and
injury (Hughes, 1998).
Double jeopardy: the compounding of both ageism and sexism and older women experience
two kinds of discrimination (sexism and ageism) (Chappell and Havens, 1980).
Doxa: what is thinkable and sayable (Bourdieu, 1977).
Discourse: according to Foucault (1972), discourse is a framework of language which
constructs reality.
Disengagement theory: a functionalist theory that proposes ageing is a natural inevitable
process of withdrawal from society into retirement, beneficial for both society and the
individual (Turner, 1987).
Endurance exercise: forty-five minutes of running [or a similar aerobic activity], four times
a week, at eighty per cent of maximum heart rate (Coggan et al., 1992)
Ethnicity: is an ambiguous term which refers, broadly, to experiencing a shared culture,
whereby the individual and the group have a distinct identity and perspective on life in
comparison with the rest of the world (Bradley, 1996).
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Experts: macro (state) and micro (individual) power relations are linked through „experts‟
who utilise expert discourses and reinforce notions of „normality‟ and „abnormality‟ (Pickard,
2009).
Field: an „arena of production‟, or a space, where individuals invest and compete for
resources (Bourdieu, 1984).
Feminisation of ageing: due to life expectancy, the percentage of older women outweighs
the number of older men (Office of National Statistics, 2001; WHO, 2002).
Feminist empiricism: does not just question the underlying malestream scientific principles,
but, also the methods used in feminist research (Letherby, 2003).
Feminist praxis: “feminism is both „theory‟ and „practice‟. Feminist researchers start with
the political commitment to produce useful knowledge that will make a difference to women‟s
lives through social and individual change. They are concerned to challenge the silences in
the mainstream research both in relation to the issues studies and the ways in which study is
undertaken” (Letherby, 2003: 4).
Feminist postmodernism: denounces the need for grand narratives, because it argues that
grand theories privilege one truth over another; instead, the creation of knowledge and small
truths is local and specific.
Feminist research approaches: advocate egalitarian relationships between the researcher
and the researched, in opposition to knowledge-power assumptions common to malestream
scientific research, which can be considered exploitative (Letherby, 2003).
Feminist standpoint epistemologies: promoted methods that include women and
additionally, argues that malestream scientific principles, such as objectivity is invalid and
that subjectivity through women‟s experience provides a more accurate basis for knowledge
because it comes from the viewpoint of the oppressed (Letherby, 2003).
Feminist standpoints: an attempt to avoid essentialism and deconstructionism,
highlighting, instead, women‟s commonalities and differences (Letherby, 2003).
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Foreclosure narrative: when individuals have accepted their declining corporeality and thus
have foreclosed on their narrative fate (Freeman, 2003).
Gatekeepers: have access to a desired population and informally regulate who has contact
with them (Abercrombie et al., 2000).
Gaze: disciplinary institutions, such as the church, medicine and the family, regulate
subject‟s behaviour towards the norm (Foucault, 1991; Conrad, 1992).
Gendered habitus: men and women experience their embodiment differently, due to
different physical and social practices expected of them and how these are then embodied
and experienced (Bourdieu, 1984).
Gentrification: the migration of middle classes to village communities (Little, 1987).
Habitus: an interactive relational phenomenon which according to Bourdieu (1984) provides
a framework within people‟s consciousness through which they make sense and react to the
world around them.
Healthism: an argument that responsibility for health has shifted from the state to the
individual (Crawford, 1980).
Heterodoxa: only comes to light when an alternative discourse is presented (Bourdieu,
1977).
Induction: when scientific theory is developed from the data collected.
Insiders: when individuals have been integrated as an insider to village life based on their
classed and gendered status (Newby et al., 1987).
Intimacy at a distance: refers to generational links that have been stretched across further
distances, due to social mobility and the impact of divorce (Bond et al., 1993).
Lifestyle: is determined by levels of capital; those with the most capital are situated at the
top of the hierarchy in social space, while those at the bottom have the least access to power
(Bourdieu, 1984).
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Major epiphanal moment: is when an event occurs which impacts every part of one‟s life
and from which there can be no return (Denzin, 1989b).
Malestream: feminist critique of science for “inaccurate interpretation and over-
generalisation of findings – including the application of theory to women from research on
men” (Letherby, 2003: 68).
Medicalisation, of ageing: when healthy older populations are defined as being „at-risk‟ of
illness, thus legitimising the increasing, prevailing surveillance, with frequent screening
(Hardey, 1998).
Member checking: transcripts are checked with the participants to ensure the transcripts
accurately reflected the interview or focus group (Riessman, 1993).
Metanarratives: overarching narratives embedded in our consciousness, like Capitalism
(Somers, 1994).
Methodological triangulation: uses different methods to enrich knowledge and transgress
the limited epistemological potentials of each individual method (Flick, 2006).
Modernity: the cultural, political and intellectual milieu that encompasses The
Enlightenment, out of which Gerontology, Sociology and modern day science was born (Hall
and Gieben, 1992).
MotorVate: a health centre based in Rivendale which targets women over 40 years, people
who are overweight or younger women who do not have time to do longer workouts.
Narrative identity theory: Somers (1994) linked notions of identity with narrative and
constructed a four-tiered theorisation of narrativity. These layers of narrativity are
conceptualised as: ontological narratives, public narratives, metanarrativity and conceptual
narratives (Somers, 1994).
Narrative inquiry: is a particular type of qualitative methodological approach is essentially
based on a fundamental interest in a person‟s story as they tell it (Chase, 2005).
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Neo-liberalism: a political ideology that has been dominant since the 1980s and has
emphasised lifestyle as the solution to the individual‟s health problems (Crawford, 2006).
Nudging: nudging populations into healthy lifestyles (Houlihan and Green, 2009).
Older people: a term that takes account of the relative nature of ageing and avoids
pejorative connotations.
‘Older people-friendly’ transport services: availability, accessibility, acceptability,
affordability and adaptability being tailored to older people‟s needs (Eales et al., 2008; Dobbs
and Strain, 2008).
Ontological narratives: constructions of self-identity, situated in other layers of narrativity
(Somers, 1994).
Outsiders: those who lack cultural resources, are not as quickly integrated into rural village
life and become outsiders (Newby et al., 1978).
Panoptican: (all-seeing) design of prison by Bentham was being used to extend the
surveillance and disciplinary powers of observation (Foucault, 1991).
Participatory model of research: facilitates the empowerment of participants in the
research process by breaking down masculine hierarchical power relations and, instead,
mutually constructing a joint reality (Oakley, 1981).
Patriarchy: the gendered power relations that are ingrained in both discourse and social
structures.
Physical Activity: 30 minutes of at least moderate activity… this can be continuous activity
or intermittent throughout the day… [e]xamples include walking or cycling… active hobbies
and leisure pursuits such as gardening and sporting activities… [it] can be lifestyle activity…
[which] means activities that are performed as part of everyday life, such as climbing stairs
or brisk walking (Department of Health, 2004a: 2-3).
Physical capital: the loss of corporeal aesthetic, strength, vitality and, ultimately, power
(Dumas and Turner, 2006).
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Place: has a fixed geographical location, a shaped material form, which is invested with
meaning (Gieryn, 2000).
Positioning: people demonstrate their agency by locating themselves in different public
narratives of ageing, at different times, with different audiences, to create different ageing
identities appropriate for different times and spaces (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994).
Public narratives: the cultural, media and institutionally constructed stories present in
everyday rhetoric (Somers, 1994).
Purposive (non-probability) sampling: when the chance of selecting each individual in
the population is unknown, as the aim is of the research is to generate theory and understand
wider social processes and / or individuals‟, therefore, the representation of the sample is of
less importance (Gilbert, 1993).
Quality of life: an attempt by researchers to measure quantitatively a subjective concept of
wellbeing that is culturally constructed.
Quantity of life: the length of time a person lives, measured through survival rates.
‘Race’: a social constructionist critique of essentialist or biologically deterministic definitions,
asserting, rather, that race is a socially and historically constructed (Denzin, and Lincoln,
2008).
Reflexive bracketing interview: the researcher‟s involvement and motivations to do the
research are reflected upon to consider how this may affect the research process (Gearing,
2004).
Reflexivity: is demonstrated when researchers acknowledge, consider and accept the vital
part they play in constructing and shaping the research design, data and knowledge.
Regimes of truth: systems of knowledge operate by differentiating between what is true
and false, resulting in the truth yielding to the effect of power (Foucault, 1980).
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Restitution narrative: when individuals try to restore their bodies to their former
predictability and stable sense of self and view their body as something that can be worked
on and fixed (Frank, 1995).
Retirement: a „border crossing‟ (Tulloch and Lupton, 2003) from a productive member of
society to being perceived as an economically dependent older person (Vincent, 2003).
Rurality: The Commission for Rural Communities (2006) “identifies settlements with
populations of below 10,000 people as rural” (p8).
Technologies of the self: refers to the ways in which subjects can produce new self-
identities (Foucault, 1985; 1986), by understanding themselves through discourses and using
this knowledge to act upon themselves as both an object and a subject (Markula and Pringle,
2006).
Technologies of power: an attempt to control people‟s bodily activities to produce docile
bodies; “a „normalising‟ power whereby individuals are morally regulated into conformity”
(Williams and Calnan, 1996:1610).
The gendered division of social space: a private versus public divide, whereby women‟s
activities are based on caring for and maintaining the family in the nearby locality, and men‟s
activities are located in the public sphere of paid employment (Garmarnikow et al., 1983;
Lewis, 2001).
Theoretical triangulation: several theoretical frameworks are triangulated to open up new
possibilities for producing knowledge (Denzin, 1989a).
Theoretical sampling method: sampling concludes when theoretical saturation is reached
and no new analytical insight is being collected (Gilbert, 1993).
The Third Way: an attempt to blend social democracy, which previously dominated the
Labour party, characterised by values such as egalitarianism and collectivism and a strong
commitment to the welfare state (Giddens, 1998), with some elements of neo-liberalism
(Eatwell and Wright, 1999).
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Transferability: “is achieved when the researcher provides sufficient information about the
self (the researcher as instrument) and the research context, processes, participants and
researcher-participant relationships to enable the reader to decide how far the findings may
transfer” (Morrow, 2005: 252).
Sexual division of labour: men participate in paid employment whereas, women are
expected to provide unpaid emotional and physical labour and which is exploitative
(Firestone, 1972).
Social capital: resources based on social connections and maintaining memberships of social
groups (Bourdieu, 1977; 1987).
Social class: according to Bourdieu (1984), social classes are not real groups mobilised for
social struggles. Rather, classes are defined from a cultural and relational standpoint; for
Bourdieu, a social class refers to a group of social agents who share the same social condition
of existence, interests, social experience and value system, and who tend to define
themselves in relation to other groups of agents (Laberge and Kay, 2002).
Social convoys: friendship networks within which people of a certain era experience life at
the same time together (Ajrouch et al., 2005).
Social democracy: a political ideology characterised by values such as egalitarianism and
collectivism and a strong commitment to the welfare state (Giddens, 1998).
Socially-centred physical activity: where social activity is central to physical activity
participation.
Social space: according to Bourdieu (1984), is where agents‟ habitus are created based on
their position and thus their points of view within objective space.
Social stratification, theory of ageing: an obverse functionalist analysis of ageing
proposing that people in society are allocated appropriate positions through meritocratic
processes and, when time signifies an end to relative productivity, allocation is replaced by a
withdrawal process (Davis and Moore, 1945).
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Space: is produced through gendered, raced, ethnicised, sexualised, classed social power
and political relationships; it is fluid, reproductive and subject to change through contest and
counter-narratives (Lefebvre, 1991).
Stagna: means „power‟, „force‟, in Bosnian and has a positive connotation like „vigour‟ in
English (Vincent, 2003).
Structuration Theory: a critique of the structure-agency dichotomy which attempted to
blend a phenomenological and structural theory (Bourdieu, 1984).
Successful ageing: based on the individual‟s ability to adapt to changes in the body, mind
and / or have a positive attitude regardless of access to capital to support them through life-
changing events (Wray, 2003).
Symbolic capital: the individual‟s legitimate demand for social recognition (Laberge and
Kay, 2002).
The Mask of Ageing: when older people compare the ageing experience to wearing a mask;
they feel disconnected and do not identify themselves with their ageing body (Featherstone
and Hepworth, 1991).
Thematic frameworks: are ways of organising data and drawing out key themes to produce
an inter-related network (Attride-Stirling, 2001).
The Third Age: is characterised where individuals are relatively free from work and family
responsibilities giving more time for physical activity and active engagement in social
networks to take place (Laslett, 1989).
The Fourth Age: the fourth age is a life stage characterised by dependency and decline
(Laslett, 1989).
Time bomb, theory of ageing: proposes that individuals reach a certain time in their life
cycle that triggers the ageing process, like a ticking clock (Vincent, 2003).
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Triple jeopardy: minority ethnic older groups experience inequalities with their health and
wellbeing, due to cultural barriers that intrinsically exist, making access to the dominant
cultures, policies, practices and services much more difficult (Norman, 1985).
Trustworthiness: is essentially the willingness of stakeholders to make changes in policy as
a result of the findings or, in other academic approaches, the question of whether the
academic community feels secure to act on them (Denzin and Lincoln, 2008).
Visual elicitation: is very similar to photo elicitation, where photos are introduced into the
interview to stimulate discussion and memories (Harper, 2002). Visual elicitation, though, is a
broader concept that includes any type of visual stimulus, which, in this case, was healthy
living leaflets, targeted at older people.
Voice: hearing other people (and the author) speak in the text presenting the other‟s self in
the text (Denzin, and Lincoln, 2008).
White space: residents with a particular white Christian English ethnicity demarcate their
space in rural communities (Frankenberg, 1997).
Wear and tear, theory of ageing: a biological theory that argues that individuals age
gradually over time as the body wears out (Vincent, 2003).
Wellbeing: an individual and subjective understanding of life satisfaction (Smith, 2001;
Strathi et al., 2002).
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ACHRONYMS
BSA: British Sociological Association
ESRC: Economic and Social Research Council
NHS: National Health Service
PA: physical activity
RCUK: Research Council United Kingdom
WHO: World Health Organisation
UK: United Kingdom
UN: United Nations
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Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1) Why research ageing?
1.2) Research rationale
1.2a) Physical activity in later life
1.2b) The rural focus
1.3) The research approach
1.3a) Understandings of age
1.3b) The language of later life
1.3c) Unpacking social class
1.4) Research aim and objectives
1.5) Conclusion
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1) Why research ageing?
To grow old is to grow common. Old age equalizes... we are aware that what is
happening to us has happened to untold numbers from the beginning of time. When we
are young we act as if we were the first young people in the world (Hoffer, 1982: 20).
Ageing is a universal experience which everyone has experienced; from the moment people
are born, ageing takes place (Johnson and Bytheway, 1993). Further, age can be used to
discriminate against anyone and it is the most common form of discrimination (Age Concern,
2006). Yet, ageism, as opposed to sexism and racism, has received less attention from
researchers (Banton, 1977; Miles 1989). In Britain, age discrimination is compounded as the
years pass and the level of ageism increases, like a „hierarchy of ageism‟ (Itzin, 1986). As life
expectancy rises in western societies, people experience greater longevity and they are likely,
more than ever, to reach older age and experience ageism. As such, it is everyone‟s interests
to tackle ageism and ensure the wellbeing of all, both in later life, and throughout the life-
course. Researching ageing is a vital component of this process, ensuring the voices of older
people are heard and empowering them in their chosen life experiences. This is my
inspiration for carrying out this research.
1.2) Research rationale
In outlining the rationale for this research, I firstly explain why qualitative research exploring
physical activity in later life is vitally important in western societies, in particular Britain.
Secondly, the rationale for a rural focus in West Sussex is presented.
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1.2a) Physical activity in later life
Physical activity participation statistics currently held on older people reveal that, in most
western societies, participation in general decreases with age (Maguire et al., forthcoming).
This is not the case, however, in all western countries. For example, in Sweden and Finland,
participation in competitive, organised sport actually increases with age (Department for
Culture Media and Sport / Strategy Unit, 2002), demonstrating that a decline in physical
activity in western society is not inevitable and is, instead, a product of a particular culture.
In Britain, bio-medical corporations have commodified „youth‟ through various invasive and
external products, such as hair dye, diet regimes, plastic surgery and, of course, exercise
regimes, in order to resist the ageing process (Pike, 2010). This resistance to the ageing
process reflects ways in which social bodies are constructed in culture and how value is
subsequently attached. As Shilling (2003:31) points out:
The young, slim and sexual body is highly prized in contemporary consumer culture,
whereas ageing bodies tend to be sequestrated from public attention.
Older people‟s bodies are rarely on public display, but, if they are, images are invariably
linked to negative stereotypes (Laker, 2002). Although successful and positive ageing
narratives have attempted to provide a more positive outlook on ageing, they have, in fact,
achieved the opposite, and in many cases contributed further to the prejudice of older people
and hegemonic ageism in society (Bytheway, 1995; see Chapter 3; Chapter 7, Section 3b).
Moreover, the commodification of ageing has a disproportionate and deleterious effect on
women and minorities (Estes et al., 2003). According to Itzin (1990), patriarchal society
attributes age-appropriate roles to men and women throughout their lives; male roles are
linked with occupation and female roles are linked with reproduction. As women are valued
according to their sexuality, remaining youthful is a significant pressure for women as they
grow older (Ginn and Arber, 1993). Nevertheless, despite the British government targeting
women through sponsoring charities, such as the Women‟s Sports and Fitness Foundation,
women‟s participation in physical activity remains lower than men‟s:
45% of women aged 16 and over in England (9 million) took part in some sport or
physical activity in the previous four weeks for at least 30 minutes, compared with
57% of men (10.6 million) (Women‟s Sports and Fitness Foundation, 2006:1).
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Women‟s participation slowly decreases until the age of 45, when a large reduction occurs; at
the age of 85 years, a mere 6% of women are involved in any sport and active recreation
(Women‟s Sports and Fitness Foundation, 2006). Although western culture is dominated by a
consumer culture obsessed with youth and beauty, some countries have succeeded in
encouraging older people to be physically active in public spaces, because this is not
something that happens in Britain, I wanted to find out why this is so. Additionally, older
women are even less likely to be present in physical activity spaces in Britain and, again, I
wanted to investigate the reasons for this. However, whilst doing initial research into this
area, what was even more unclear and under-researched was the effect of living in rural
communities on physical activity participation in later life.
1.2b) The rural focus
According to Le Mesurier (2004), Murakami et al. (2008) and Wenger (2001), rural areas
have higher populations of older people than urban areas in the United Kingdom. The
Commission for Rural Communities (2006) “identifies settlements with populations of below
10,000 people as rural” (p8). Previous research has examined the wellbeing of older people in
rural communities generally (Collins and Kay, 2003; Commission for Rural Communities,
2006; Department of Work and Pensions, 2005; Le Mesurier, 2004; Peace et al., 2003; Social
Exclusion Unit, 2006; Wenger, 2001), but there has been only one qualitative study in Britain
of rural physical activity participation experiences in later life (see Douglas and Careless,
2005). Furthermore, while conducting preliminary research and networking with organisations
that work with older people in West Sussex, it became apparent that older people‟s
participation in physical activity in rural areas of West Sussex represents a significant gap in
the research. West Sussex is a county with 24% of its population living in rural wards and, in
these rural areas, the population is older on average than the rest of West Sussex (Ecotec,
2006). Although some statistical information examining physical activity participation in West
Sussex has been carried out (Canning and Clay, 2006), there were no qualitative studies
examining experiences of physical activity in rural areas in later life, which was why this was
chosen as the research focus.
1.3) The research approach
This study is an example of feminist research practice insofar as: my active role within the
research process is acknowledged, the research objectives are change-orientated and the
research is executed in a non-hierarchical manner (Kelly, 1988; Letherby, 2003). Indeed, in
keeping with a feminist approach, the first person will be used when referring to the
researcher, to acknowledge my voice and active involvement in the research process
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(Letherby, 2003). Moreover, understandings of age and social class, which were integral to
the research, were deconstructed using academic literature and explored as subjective
concepts with my participants, to, firstly, explore the various academic approaches to these
concepts and, secondly, to examine what age and social class meant to the older people
themselves (see Appendices 3 and 4). This is also in keeping with a feminist approach which
acknowledges the role that participants play in constructing knowledge (Oakley, 1981; see
Chapter 5; Section 2).
1.3 a) Understandings of age
Age is a relative concept, which is socially and historically constructed through discourse
(Phillipson, 1998; Estes, 1998). Discourses of age change according to time and place;
therefore, meanings attributed to ageing and age are not universal (Katz, 1996). For
example:
In Bosnia it was widely stated that ageing could be detected by loss of „stagna‟.
„Stagna‟ is a difficult word to translate. It means „power‟, „force‟, but it has a positive
connotation such that perhaps „vigour‟ might be an appropriate translation into English
(Vincent, 2003:15).
Furthermore, in China, elders are well respected and thought more capable of important
decision making, whereas western reports on members of the Chinese government are
considered to be ageist in comparison with the Chinese media:
Ageism in the context of modern China is most apparent in the ways in which western
diplomats and political commentators associate the failings of the leadership with their
age (Bytheway, 1995:48).
This cultural difference in the hermeneutics of ageing has been historically constructed.
Research suggests that in Britain, between 1850 and 1950, the modern rigid chronological
and standardised definition of old age developed; prior to this, conceptions of old age were
individual and flexible (Vincent, 2003). The development of a more rigid definition coincided
with the Industrial Revolution, Modernity and the Capitalist mode of production. A number of
studies have shown that retirement and the spread of pensions were stimulated by demands
for greater efficiency and productivity in the workforce (Phillipson 1982; Fennell et al., 1988).
Thus, in this new historical context of Modernity, the most important indicator which marked
the transition into old age was retirement from paid employment (Vincent, 2003). In western
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capitalist societies, when a person reaches retirement age, they are perceived as a less
productive member of society (Vincent, 2003). Subsequently, retirement age for many people
can be a significant point in their lives, a „border crossing‟ (Tulloch and Lupton, 2003) from a
productive member of society into being perceived as an economically dependent older
person.
Nonetheless, this „border crossing‟ (Tulloch and Lupton, 2003), is becoming increasingly
blurred. For example, in October 2006, the Employment Equality (Age) regulations came into
force in Britain, making it illegal for anyone to be discriminated against when in employment
on the basis of their age. Furthermore, New Labour were considering abolishing retirement
ages altogether by 2011 (Department for Trade and Industry, 2005) to utilise people‟s skills
and abilities throughout their life, regardless of age. This policy is being continued by the
coalition government (see Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2011). Thus, the
economic construction of older age, based on retirement age is set to mirror average life
expectancy rates, which continue to rise in Britain and internationally (see Chapter 2, Section
1). Additionally, due to the subjective conceptualisation of ageing, culturally and historically,
the language with which to identify people in later life has been similarly contentious.
1.3b) The language of later life
The language used to discuss „older people‟ has changed over time and this can be seen to be
culturally and historically specific (Derrida, 1976). For instance, „the elderly‟, a phrase which
was frequently used in the 1990s (Abrams, 1990; Mobily et al., 1993; Nies, 1992), was
considered inappropriate in the 2000s to use in everyday language, due to the condescending
connotations and implication of physical frailty. Similarly, discrete terms tend to rigidly
categorise people. For example, „the retired‟ defines older people in relation to their economic
status; „the aged‟ implies a pejorative permanent end state. However, phases such as the
„greying‟ or „grey‟ population reduce ageing to biological processes (see Chapter 3, Section
2b). „The over 60s‟ is a term which is relatively acceptable. However, it does assume a
chronological definition of age, which has been critiqued for ignoring social, biological and
subjective age conceptualisations (Kastenbaum, 1979; Arber and Ginn, 1998), whereas the
term, „older people‟, has come to be relatively acceptable in the 2000s and 2010s, as it takes
account of the relative nature of ageing and avoids pejorative connotations. Therefore, this
term has been used in my research project to describe people in later life; nonetheless, the
problem remains that whatever term is used to describe people who are older, it inevitably
assigns a label, which attaches a set of characteristics and, thus, assumes homogeneity.
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1.3c) Unpacking social class
There is a multitude of ways to define social class, but, according to Bourdieu (1984), social
classes are not real groups mobilised for social struggles. Rather, classes are defined from a
cultural and relational standpoint; for Bourdieu, a social class refers to a group of social
agents who share the same social condition of existence, interests, social experience and
value system, and who tend to define themselves in relation to other groups of agents
(Laberge and Kay, 2002). This definition of social class is a radical departure from the
classification systems which are used to quantitatively measure class (see Goldthorpe, 1987).
Instead, Bourdieu (1984) critiqued Marx‟s central themes of exploitation and ideology as
economically deterministic and, instead, attempted to blend phenomenologist and
materialistic approaches, placing human consciousness in a physical reality central to his
theory of social class. Bourdieu (1984) saw that social class consisted of many different forms
of power (capital) in society, which was not just economic, but cultural and social (see
Chapter 4, Section 2a). This theory of power and social class is more meaningful to social
groups, such as older people, the majority of whom had retired. Furthermore, older women
in this study who were born between the 1920s and the 1940s were expected to be
homemakers and, therefore, occupational based social class measures are meaningless.
Subsequently, in this study, a Bourdieusian theory of social class was employed to
understand older people‟s experiences of physical activity, notwithstanding a consideration of
other identities which impacted physical activity experiences in later life, as outlined further in
the research objectives.
1.4) Research aim and objectives
The project‟s overall aim:
To investigate experiences of physical activity in later life and influences
on older people‟s ability and inclination to be physically active in rural
areas of West Sussex.
The project‟s objectives:
To present older people‟s lived physical activity experiences in association
with how they made sense of these experiences.
To identify the social and practical resources that constrained or enabled
older people‟s participation in physical activity.
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To examine how different identities mediated older people‟s experiences
of physical activity, with particular reference to gender, social class and
rurality.
1.5) Conclusion and outline of thesis
This chapter has firstly explained why researching ageing is important to me as a younger
researcher (discussed further in Chapter 9, Section 4), why it was and still is important to
carry out research into physical activity experiences in later life and, more specifically, why
this research project had a rural focus. Secondly, this chapter has explained why I chose to
approach the research in the way I have and how this has impacted upon my understandings
of the concepts of age and social class. Furthermore, this chapter demonstrates how the
approach and research rationale have been reflected in the research aim and objectives.
Chapter 2 critically examines active ageing policy and its application to older people in a rural
context. Chapter 3 introduces the narratives of identity that shape older people‟s physical
activity experiences. Chapter 4 critically analyses theories of the (ageing) body and presents
my developed theoretical framework, which combines the theoretical perspectives of
Bourdieu, Foucault and Feminism. Chapter 5 describes how the theoretical framework has
influenced the research design, data collection and analysis. Chapter 6 focuses on older
people‟s lived experiences of embodiment whilst being physically active and the narratives
used to make sense of their experiences. Chapter 7 examines the practical factors that people
negotiate in order to be physically active in later life. Chapter 8 presents the identities that
enable and inhibit physical activity participation through the relative accumulation of capital in
a rural space. Finally, Chapter 9 reflects upon my findings and their implications for social
policy, reflects upon my developed theoretical framework, methodology, methods and
research journey, and makes suggestions for further research and considers the limitations of
this study.
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Chapter 2: Active ageing and healthy ageing policy
2.1) Introduction
2.2) Active ageing
2.2a) Neo-liberalism, the Third Way and beyond
2.2b) Quality of life / wellbeing rationale
2.2c) The economic rationale
2.2d) National healthy ageing policy
2.3) Benefits of physical activity
2.4) Barriers to physical activity
2.5) The rural context
2.5) Conclusion
2.1) Introduction
The United Nations (UN) has reported an unprecedented international demographic shift, with
numbers of those over 60 years set to more than treble between the years 2002 and 2032
(2002:1). Furthermore, in Britain, between 1975 and 2005, the percentage of people aged 65
years or over has increased from 13% to 16% of the overall population (Office of National
Statistics, 2005). Predictive research indicates that this trend is set to rise (Office of National
Statistics, 2002). Moreover, the Chichester Local Authority exceeds national trends, with
26.4% of the population over retirement age (Office of National Statistics, 2001). These
demographic changes bring both opportunities and challenges on an international, national
and regional level (World Health Organisation (WHO), 2002).
This chapter defines „active ageing‟ and the political ideology (neo-liberalism) that has
underpinned the social policy at the time and location of this research project (with some
projections into the future), in addition, I analyse the two underlying rationales for the
benefits of physical activity: quality of life / wellbeing, and the economic rationale, and
consider how subsequent health policy has developed on an international and national level.
The physiological, psychological and social benefits of physical activity will also be outlined
and the barriers to physical activity presented. Finally, I examine how rural social space
affects both notions of quality of life / wellbeing and barriers to physical activity participation.
Crawford (1980) and Foucault (1978) proposed the concept of „healthism‟ and „bio-politics‟
respectively (see Chapter 4, Section 2b for fuller definition) encapsulate a shift of
responsibility for health from the state to the individual and these key concepts are used to
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analyse both the rationales for active ageing schema and the subsequent healthy ageing
social policy at a national level. Neo-liberal political ideology has been dominant in western
societies since the 1980s and has emphasised lifestyle as the solution to the individual‟s
health problems, instead of examining access to the state‟s provision of health services
(Crawford, 2006). During this thesis, the affect that neo-liberalist health policy and the
promotion of an active ageing agenda at a national level have had on an ageing population is
uncovered throughout the discussion chapters 6, 7 and 8.
2.2) Active ageing
At the second UN World Assembly on ageing, in Madrid, in 2002, the first objective identified
physical inactivity as a major known risk to older people‟s health (UN, 2002). A number of
strategies were put forward to address the risks and challenges that lay ahead, which were
that better information and education for older people about physical activity must be
provided, conducive environments should be made more accessible for older people to
participate in physical activity and better support should be provided for groups that promote
regular, moderate exercise (WHO, 2002). According to the WHO, these policies and strategies
need to be part of a paradigm shift, which should aim to move away from the culture of
prejudice and discrimination which currently exists around older people. Internationally, the
WHO has led the way on policy promoting the inclusion of older people. Pivotal to this has
been the active ageing framework, which is defined as “the process of optimising
opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance the quality of life as
people age” (WHO, 2002:12).
Active ageing policy frameworks have been promoted at a national level by organisations
such as the Economic Social Research Council (Dean, 2007) and, more recently, the United
Kingdom‟s Research Council‟s (RCUK) New Dynamics of Ageing (2009 cited Pike, 2011a), the
British Heart Foundation (2007a), who promoted 30 minutes of moderate activity a day, and
the government, who commissioned Opportunity Age (Department for Work and Pensions,
2005). The concept of active ageing projects a holistic understanding of health and wellbeing;
however, physical activity regimes have been promoted as a key ingredient for preventative
health approaches (Grant, 2002; O‟Brien Cousins and Horne, 1999). The British Heart
Foundation (2007b:11) states that:
...current policies consistently emphasise the need for strategies to promote successful
ageing, which will enable older people to maintain their capacity to undertake all the
activities of daily living and to maintain their social networks.
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Thus, functional mobility of the ageing body is seen as key to maintaining independence and
a good „quality of life‟ in older age and achieving „successful ageing‟ (see British Heart
Foundation, 2007b). Nevertheless, this need to prevent a reduction in mobility in older age
can be seen as an attempt to resist the ageing process and thus confirms ageing as a
negative outcome, to be avoided. Furthermore, Lupton (1995) and Nettleton and Brunton
(1995) state that the use of healthy living messages has been seen as a regulation of not
only people‟s bodies but also of populations generally. According to Hepworth (1995), as a
key population, older people have been targeted with health promotion policies. Moreover,
successful ageing policies emphasise the individual‟s responsibility and overlook ability,
inclination and opportunity (Wearing and Wearing, 1990). Indeed, a relationship between
lifestyle and preventing unsuccessful ageing has been established through the discourse of
positive ageing (Hepworth, 1995; Chapter 3, Section 2c and Chapter 6, Section 2 for further
discussion).
2.2a) Neo-liberalism, the Third Way and beyond
When New Labour led the British government in 1997 and developed its Third Way policies, it
was at the time of the rise and popularity of neo-liberal thought. The Third Way was an
attempt to blend social democracy, which previously dominated the Labour party,
characterised by values such as egalitarianism and collectivism and a strong commitment to
the welfare state (Giddens, 1998), with some elements of neo-liberalism (Eatwell and Wright,
1999). For example, the social democratic element, evident in New Labour‟s key priorities,
aimed to eradicate social exclusion through reform of public services, such as the health
service (Office of Deputy Prime Minister, 2006). However, there was also a strong rhetoric
promoting independence in older age (Department of Health, 2005). Furthermore, New
Labour intended to reform and modernise public services by mixing public and private
markets. Abercrombie et al. (2000) note that there have been some problems with
implementing New Labour‟s pragmatic, „what works‟, pick and mix style policies because of
the contrasting neo-liberal and social democratic philosophies. However, New Labour did
show signs of investing in public services. Nevertheless, The National Health Service (NHS)
Confederation (2009) predicted cuts of between eight to ten billion pounds over three years
from 2011; there is substantially more uncertainty about how the new coalition government,
who came into power in 2010, will address health policies concerning older people, whilst
implementing funding cuts to the NHS and public spending, more generally. These cuts will
not only impact local government, but, also, third sector organisations, who are substantial
providers of services for older people. Nevertheless, New Labour‟s rationale to promote active
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ageing was twofold: to improve older people‟s quality of life and to provide an economic
rationale to save the government money.
2.2b) Quality of life / wellbeing rationale
Active ageing policy frameworks used universal notions of „quality of life‟ as a rationale for
physical activity participation. However, the Health Education Authority (2000) acknowledged
the methodological problems with trying to measure someone‟s quality of life. Quantity of life
can easily be measured through survival rates. However, measuring quality of life is difficult
and sometimes impossible. Many researchers have debated its definition of objective
measurement (McKevitt et al., 2007; Fisher et al., 2002). The Economic and Social Research
Council (ESRC) have funded a plethora of research in an attempt to establish and measure
older people‟s quality of life (Blane, 2002; Bowling et al., 2009; ESRC, 2007a; b; Robertson
et al., 2007; Scharf et al., 2003), these various studies sought to measure the benefits of
physical activity, including the assessment of „access to social or leisure facilities‟, and the
effect on their quality of life (ESRC, 2007c). However, the ERSC have also acknowledged the
problems with trying to measure quality of life objectively and admitted it is, in part, a
subjective concept, owing to the variety of ways in which the term can be interpreted. For
example, according to McKevitt et al. (2007), older individuals have very different
understandings of what quality of life means which may not conform to accepted professional
definitions. This is partly because quality of life is culturally constructed; for example,
different ethnic groups have different understandings of what it comprises (Wray, 2010). It
also relates to different cultural experiences and religious beliefs (Fisher et al., 2002). Older
people are not a homogeneous group and gerontological approaches have largely made
„invisible‟ these divergent cultural and ethnic identities in older age (Wray, 2003). Rather, the
emphasis should be on „wellbeing‟, which allows for individual and subjective understanding
of life satisfaction (see Smith, 2001; Strathi et al., 2002). For example, Peace et al. (2003)
evaluated the wellbeing of their older participants in relation to whether key foci had been
reached at the right level for that individual which allowed for self actualisation to occur. A
subjective and flexible understanding of wellbeing is more applicable to this study, as the
literature examining rural communities indicates that specific factors contribute to older
people‟s wellbeing (see Section 2.5 for further discussion).
2.2c) The economic rationale
In contrast to the quality of life rationale, the economic rationale proposes that the positive
ageing discourse has been appropriated by governments in order to promote active ageing
(McPherson, 1994), as an attempt to reduce spending on older people‟s health and social care
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(Hargreaves, 1994). According to the Department of Health (2004a:iii), if major chronic
diseases were prevented, over ten billion pounds would be saved every year. “As our society
ages, the costs of the failure of services to meet these challenges will be too big to ignore”
(Office of Deputy Prime Minister, 2006:9). However, health promotion discourse makes the
assumption that older people are or will be dependent on the health service; “[t]he debate
reflects oversimplified stereotypes and fixed age categories leading to „worst case‟ scenarios
of the economic burden” on health and social care (Thornton, 2002: 308). New Labour took a
preventative approach which was described as „Inverting the triangle of care‟ (Local
Government Association, 2003); in the past, „Acute Care‟ has been at the top of the triangle,
receiving the most funding, whereas preventative policies and community strategy at the
bottom of the triangle are given less funding. “Future services need to reverse this trend by
inverting the triangle so that the community strategy and promotion of the wellbeing of older
people is at the top of the triangle and the extension of universal services for all older people
is seen as crucial to all agencies” (Local Government Association, 2003:9). This trend is likely
to be magnified under the coalition government who are implementing major cuts to public
services and the NHS.
2.2d) National healthy ageing policy
New Labour implemented policies which attempted to encourage older people to participate in
sport and physical activity. For example, they devised a national strategy entitled Game Plan
(Department for Culture Media and Sport / Strategy Unit, 2002), which identified older people
as an economically disadvantaged group and set objectives to recruit older people and
encourage them to participate in grassroots level sport and physical activity. Sport England
(2004) operationalised Game Plan and the „ageing population‟ was identified as a target
population to be encouraged to participate in sport and physical activity. However, it was less
clear how this would be achieved. New Labour recognised that older people are a
disadvantaged group, economically, socially, culturally and politically prone to social exclusion
(Department of Health, 2004b; Health Education Authority, 2000; Office of Deputy Prime
Minister, 2006) and highlighted the need to tackle the increasing prevalence of „pensioner
poverty‟ (Office of Deputy Prime Minister, 2006). New Labour attempted to reverse this trend
by implementing social inclusion policies such as A Sure Start to Later Life (Office of Deputy
Prime Minister, 2006), which sought to tackle social exclusion in later life. Subsequent related
policies aimed to further operationalise the Third Way mix of social justice, social
responsibility, individualism and choice, in the fields of Health (Department of Health, 2004a,
Department of Health, 2004b), Health Education (Health Educational Authority, 2000), Social
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Exclusion (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2006) and Work and Pensions (Department for
Work and Pensions, 2004; Department for Work and Pensions 2005).
Although New Labour promoted these policies on the principle of choice, the overall tone of
the policies emphasised individual responsibility. For example, in 2004, the Department for
Health stated: “Being active is no longer simply an option – it is essential if we are to live
healthy and fulfilling lives into old age” (Department of Health, 2004a:iii). This paternalistic
sentiment is paradoxically coupled with New Labour‟s commitment to enable choosing of
healthy lifestyles. For example, they also stated in 2004:
We believe the right approach is to empower people, support people when they want
support and to foster environments in which healthy choices are easier (Department of
Health, 2004b:15).
New Labour‟s policies can be seen to be replete with contradiction suggesting on the one
hand that individuals should be responsible for their own health and that the government‟s
role is purely a supportive one, whilst also prescribing that all age groups should participate
in exercise to the extent to detailing how many times a week this should take place
(Department of Health, 2004a). Foucault (1978) referred to this shifting of health
responsibility from the state onto the individual under a veil of choice rhetoric, as a form of
bio-politics, whereby the intention was to control the social and individual body. These
techniques used to regulate the health of the social body, can also be seen as an example of
„nudging‟ populations (in this case, specifically older people) into healthy [successful ageing]
lifestyles (Houlihan and Green, 2009).
2.3) Benefits of physical activity
There is compelling evidence from academic sources to suggest that physical activity benefits
older people physiologically, psychologically and socially. While a loss of muscle mass is
associated with ageing, research with older populations has found that strength training,
balance and stability exercises increases muscle mass and strength (Narici, 2000; Province et
al., 1995; Wang et al., 2004). According to Stewart et al. (2005), physical activity is a major
protector against coronary heart disease, chronic illness and being overweight. Kelly and
Goodpaster (2001) and Singh (2002), also reveal that physical inactivity is a risk factor for
Type-two diabetes. A reduction of abdominal and overall body fat is linked to lowering the
risk of chronic illnesses such as coronary heart disease and diabetes (Stewart et al., 2005).
Physical activity can psychologically benefit older people by improving their emotional and
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mental wellbeing and helps to prevent depression (Paluska and Schwenk, 2000). Physical
activity may also improve cognitive functioning, which encompasses mental processes of
perception, memory, judgement and reasoning (Spirduso et al., 2005). Moreover, older
people are said to benefit socially from maintaining an active lifestyle. For example, being
able to maintain mobility into older age encourages the maintenance of daily routines and
subsequent social and community interaction (Finch, 1997).
Active ageing frameworks are based on the premise that the decline in physical fitness is not
a biological inevitability but is learned through a dominant sedentary discourse (Tulle, 2008).
Singh (2002) argues that physical decline in later life is a combination of „usual‟ ageing and
older people refraining from extending themselves to „maximal effort‟. However, according to
Clements (2005), the cause of ageing still remains unknown and the evidence suggests that
only the engagement in long-term endurance exercise has a beneficial effect on aerobic
fitness. Long term endurance exercise has been defined as forty-five minutes of running, four
times a week, at eighty per cent of maximum heart rate (Coggan et al, 1992), and yet this
does not match the guidelines laid out in active ageing frameworks (British Heart Foundation,
2007a; Department of Health, 2004a). Moreover, according to Williams and Wood (2006),
age-related weight gain occurs for even the most active older people and, in order for the
most active to maintain their weight, they must increase vigorous activity substantially,
notwithstanding the fact that not all sport and physical activity positively affects overall
health and some physical activity can actually negatively impact on overall health and
mobility (Waddington, 2004; White, 2004). Nevertheless, because interventions that aimed to
increase older people‟s participation have not lead to substantial or long-term change (Van
der Bij et al., 2002), the notion of „barriers‟ to older people‟s non-participation in physical
activity has been constructed (see Lees et al., 2005).
2.4) Barriers to physical activity
Time, cost, information and motivation, as well as gaps in provision, are identified as the
main barriers experienced in the general population to non-participation in physical activity
(Department for Culture Media and Sport / Strategy Unit, 2002). Indeed, specific barriers to
physical activity have also been identified for older people, such as health and safety
concerns, the competency of physical activity leaders, transport and the weather (British
Heart Foundation, 2007c). However, active ageing policies that promote resistance to the
ageing process do not adequately address social barriers (Baltes and Cartensen, 1996).
Cultural ageist attitudes in society (Audit Commission, 2004), the provision of facilities, the
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built environment and transport are all significant social barriers to older people‟s
participation in physical activity.
According to Waaler Loland (2004), structural and cultural factors, such as the physical and
social environment, lack of facilities and physical activity opportunities, have a large part to
play in explaining the inactivity of older age groups. Indeed, the built environment can be
disabling for older people as it forces them to be dependent upon others (Thornton, 2002).
According to Bowling (2005), less than fifty per cent of participants rated the bus service as
above average and, thus, transport can inhibit rather than facilitate older people‟s
participation in society. Furthermore, participants in Bowling‟s (2005) study gave low ratings
for social and leisure facilities for older people in their areas. This lack of tailoring of social
and leisure facilities is an important social barrier for older people who have restrictive
movement. Heath and Fentem (1997, cited in British Heart Foundation, 2007a) state that
adaptations should be made to structured exercise programmes for older people with medical
conditions and impairments. Research shows that older people are more likely to have
medical input in their lives because of the higher incidence of chronic illness in people over
seventy years of age (Baltes and Mayer, 1999). Medical interventions that cause health
problems can seriously affect overall physical activity levels amongst older people who like
walking (Dawson et al., 2007). Therefore, the ageing body itself is a barrier to participation in
physical activity, if the built environment, facilities and transport are not older-people-friendly
(Eales et al., 2008).
2.5) The rural context
The majority of leisure centres in West Sussex are not in rural areas (Ecotec, 2006) and,
consequently, older people in this study who did not drive, found it difficult to access physical
and social activities located in urban areas. According to the Department for Environment,
Food and Rural Affairs (2004:68), forty per cent of people aged seventy-five years or over
who are living in rural areas do not have access to a car. Therefore, accessing services such
as leisure, health and physical activity clubs or facilities becomes more difficult for those with
no access to a private car (Dobbs and Strain, 2008). The Department for Work and Pensions
(2005) suggests that older people should be involved in the planning of local transport
services and that free, off-peak, local bus services should be provided to this group. This is
particularly the case for older people in rural areas, where the bus service is the only form of
transport available to them, due to their no longer being able to drive (Dobbs and Strain,
2008). However, reliability of services varies according to area and, in rural areas, services
can be limited (Department for Work and Pensions, 2004). According to Dobbs et al. (2004),
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older people most frequently rated public transport in their rural area as poor. The frequency
of the service is a problem in rural areas where service providers have sparsely populated
areas over which the service is spread (Dobbs and Strain, 2008). More „older people-friendly‟
(Eales et al., 2008) transport services are needed to bridge the gap in rural areas. For older
people on low incomes who live in rural areas, the cost of transport can have a significant
effect on accessing facilities and social networks (Scharf and Bartlam, 2008). According to the
Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2006), not accessing social networks has serious
negative consequences for health and wellbeing. For example, the incidence of depression
and loneliness is high in rural areas, in comparison with some urban areas, which can be
attributed to poor transport, lack of financial resources, living alone, lack of local services,
geographical isolation, ongoing poor health and gender / marital status, with men being more
likely to feel isolated than women (Social Exclusion Unit, 2006). Furthermore, older people in
rural areas make up the lowest income group in Britain (Wenger, 2001). Although there is no
data available smaller than county level from the Online National Statistics, there is evidence
to suggest that the most deprived wards in West Sussex are those with sparse populations
(Ecotec, 2006). Thus, the rural context brings its own set of specific social factors which
affects the access to physical activity services in later life.
Similarly, the meaning of wellbeing is also contextually defined according to the social space
in which older people live. For example, social isolation in rural communities is most common
in those groups who are older, live alone, have health or mobility problems, do not have
access to a car and whose family networks are at a distance (Commission for Rural
Communities, 2006). Wenger (2001) found that more people in rural areas live alone and feel
lonely, which impacts on their sense of wellbeing (Bernard et al., 2004). However, belonging
to social networks in rural areas increases individuals‟ likelihood to be physically active and
reverses this sense of loneliness (Peace et al., 2003). Therefore, although there are generic
barriers and benefits of physical activity for both the general population and for older people,
specifically, what people feel improves their wellbeing and the factors that influence them
achieving this depend on the social spaces being inhabited.
2.6) Conclusion
The demographic trend in Britain is that older people are becoming an ever-growing
percentage of the overall population. This brings opportunities and challenges (WHO, 2002).
Physical inactivity has been identified as being a major risk to the health of older people (UN,
2002). Numerous benefits of participating in physical activity in later life have been identified.
New Labour‟s government articulated two main rationales for promotion of active ageing
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schema: quality of life / wellbeing and economic benefits. However, questions remain over
the actual physiological benefits that exercising “30 mins a day anyway” (British Heart
Foundation, 2007a) actually provides, with regard to aerobic fitness and weight loss (see
Clements, 2005; Williams and Wood, 2006). Moreover, the rationales provided by
governments such as New Labour for nudging populations into physically active lifestyles
(Houlihan and Green, 2009) and finding „barriers and benefits to participation‟ make two
underlying assumptions about the populations: firstly, that people want to be physically
active and, secondly, that older people have the ability to be physically active (Wearing and
Wearing, 1990). This same criticism can be levelled at Laslett‟s (1989) concept of the „Third
Age‟, which is firstly reliant on people having the material resources to retire, secondly, that
they have the physical capital to actively participate in society, and finally, it assumes this is
what people want to do in later life. For example, older people living in rural spaces have
context-dependent ideas about their wellbeing and physical activity may not be their priority
in later life (see Chapter 8, Section 5). Furthermore, older people in rural spaces are not only
affected by factors affecting physical activity that the general population also experience, but,
additionally, have lived experiences that are specific to older people (see Chapter 6, Section
2). Furthermore, the rural context brings its own practical and identity based issues that are
particular to physical activities which could result in older people not being able to be
physically active (see Chapter 7, Section 2 and Chapter 8, Section 2), notwithstanding the
effects of other identities, such as gender, ethnicity and social capital, which represent double
and triple jeopardy for people who want to access physical activity in later life (see Chapter 3,
Section 3a, Section 5b). Thus, it is my contention that neo-liberal governments, like New
Labour, appropriated active ageing schema as part of a successful ageing narrative, using a
quality of life rationale to nudge older people into more active lifestyles, primarily to make
economic savings. Narratives of ageing / disability, as well as other narratives of identity,
such as, gender, social class and rurality and ethnicity will be explored further in the next
chapter.
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Chapter 3: Narratives of identity
3.1) Introduction
3.2) Narratives of ageing / disability
3.2a) Mind / body dualism
3.2b) Bio-medical
3.2c) ‘Dis’ability and dependency
3.3) Narratives of gender
3.3a) Double jeopardy
3.3b) Leisure – what leisure?
3.3c) Empowering social networks
3.4) Narratives of rurality and ethnicity
3.4a) Community
3.4b) ‘Othering’ and invisibility
3.5) Conclusion
3.1) Introduction
In the previous chapters, the social, cultural and policy context of physical activity in later life
has been outlined. This chapter presents the identities that have shaped older people‟s
narratives concerning their physical activity experiences. Conceptualising identities, as
opposed to inequalities, in this study, reflects sociologists‟ thinking since the 1990s, which
has critiqued stratification theory for attempting to reduce all struggles against subordination
to theories of social class (Bradley, 1996; Gilroy, 1987). Moreover, use of the term, identities,
as opposed to inequalities, is recognisant of the rejection of grand narratives, primarily
Marxism and homogeneity of experience within social groups (Bradley, 1996). For example,
Somers (1994) argues that categories such as „race‟, gender and class, reify characteristics
attributed to each category and are then universally applied to everyone in that social group.
Gilligan‟s (1982) theory of gender, for instance, aimed to challenge androcentricism, but,
instead, acted to denigrate individuals‟ other identities, such as class, ethnicity, sexual
identity and age, as secondary to gender (Somers, 1994). Instead, Somers (1994) argues
that identities are situated in time, space and relationality. Identities are constantly changing
and being reconstituted, as a consequence of changing power relations in discursive space
and over time (Somers, 1994). Somers (1994) also linked notions of identity with narrative
and constructed a four-tiered theorisation of narrativity. These layers of narrativity were
conceptualised as: ontological, public, metanarrativity and conceptual narratives (Somers,
1994). She defined ontological narratives as constructions of self-identity, situated in other
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layers of narrativity (Somers, 1994). Public narratives refer to the cultural, media and
institutionally constructed stories present in everyday rhetoric and metanarratives as the
overarching narratives embedded in our consciousness, like Capitalism (Somers, 1994).
Finally, conceptual narratives are social scientific explanatory narratives (Somers, 1994).
Thus, individuals construct their identities by locating themselves or being located in the
multiple social, public and cultural narratives that are available to them at that time in that
space (Somers, 1994). Additionally, I argue that these layers of narrativity are inextricably
linked and mutually constructing, in that conceptual narratives influence metanarratives and
public narratives and vice-versa. Thus, in this chapter, relevant public narratives,
metanarratives and conceptual narratives will be discussed, together with reference to age /
disability, gender, social class, and ethnicity / rurality. The narratives presented were deemed
relevant because they were located within participants‟ personal stories or, as Somers (1994)
would say, their ontological narratives (see Chapters 6, 7 and 8).
3.2) Narratives of ageing / disability
Narratives of ageing and disability have been dominated by the influence of bio-medical
conceptual narratives. Although it is acknowledged that ageing and disability are not mutually
inclusive, in this thesis, these identities are shown to have significantly overlapped and, in
many ways share similar experiences of corporeal restriction within interacting with the built
environment, accessing facilities and services (see Chapter 7, Section 2a). Subsequently,
narratives of ageing and disability are presented here together, as both of these narratives
emerged in Modernity, which is the cultural, political and intellectual milieu that encompasses
The Enlightenment, out of which Gerontology, Sociology and modern day science was born
(Hall and Gieben, 1992). The discipline of gerontology was based on positivistic methods and
tried to emulate the natural sciences (Achenbaum, 1997). Social gerontology developed
within Gerontology as a multi-disciplinary field and has attempted to provide alternative, if
sometimes conflicting, conceptual narratives to bio-medical theories of ageing.
Similarly, there are two significant narratives of disability, the first being bio-medical,
dominant in bio-medical and legal discourse surrounding disability. The second is the social
narrative of „dis‟ability, which conceptualises „dis‟ability not as a category into which people
are put, but, instead, a continuum of ability where people are placed according to their
different level of ability throughout their life, through periods of dependency, disablement,
ageing, illness and injury (Hughes, 1998). Therefore, „dis‟ability has been written in this
format to emphasise that social theorists argue it is not a category, but a continuum. This
section begins with a discussion of two narratives which are embedded into the western
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consciousness as mind / body dualism. It proceeds to discuss bio-medical, risk and
vulnerability, dependency and „dis‟ability and successful / resistant narratives of ageing.
However, what underpins all narratives of ageing and disability is theorising in terms of a
mind / body dualism.
3.2a) Mind / body dualism
Historically, a gendered Cartesian theorisation has separated the mind and body. The body
has been associated with emotions, subjectivity and femininity, whereas the mind has been
seen as rational, conscious and masculine (Valentine, 2001). This separation between body
and mind is reflected in the work of Featherstone and Hepworth (1991), who found that older
people have compared the ageing experience to wearing a mask, „the mask of ageing‟; they
feel disconnected and do not identify themselves with their ageing body. Furthermore, in the
social world, their ageing body attracts a bombardment of pejorative stereotypes, which
constrain and restrict their everyday lives, and impact deleteriously on their health, as many
may become anxious and depressed (Featherstone and Hepworth, 1995). Moreover, the
dichotomy between mind and body is also relevant to agency and resistance, insomuch as
notions of healthy ageing separate out the „active mind‟ and „busy body‟ (Paulson and Willig,
2008). This detachment is conceptualised within a discourse of decline, to distance and
distract the individual from their ageing body (Katz, 2000). Contrastingly, the social model of
disability has also been criticised for furthering the dualistic argument about the body and
mind for taking a purely social constructionist stance (Twigg, 2006). Proposing the body as
purely constructed through discourse is denying the corporeal experience of everyday
experiences of pain or suffering (Barnes and Mercer, 2003; Twigg, 2006).
3.2b) Bio-medical
Bio-medical discourse in the 20th century dominated social knowledge and has been used to
assess the economic efficiency of the workforce. Concepts of illness and disease have become
part of a wider structure, controlling and regulating vulnerable groups in society (Foucault,
1978). As Vincent (2003:138) notes:
Professional knowledge and expertise with which to explain and control the status of
old age passed from pastor and priest to doctor and geriatrician... Old age became an
object of scientific and rational knowledge controlled by experts.
The medicalisation of older populations has increased in intensity; healthy populations have
been defined as being „at-risk‟ of illness, thus legitimising the increasing, prevailing
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surveillance, with frequent screening (Hardey, 1998). The concept of ageing has become
synonymous with illness and disease and, therefore, has been treated as such, with bio-
medical interventions, such as hormone replacement therapy, for women reaching the
menopause (Turner, 2000).
Bio-medical narratives of ageing developed within a bio-medical scientific discourse and have
been controversial because they reduce ageing to biological processes and do not consider
the social context (Vincent, 2003). There are many biological theories of ageing, the most
prevalent being the „wear and tear‟ argument and the „time bomb‟ theory. Both theories of
ageing suggest that the ageing process is an inevitable, gradual or sudden process (Vincent,
2003). Thus, for these theorists ageing can only be prevented with genetic engineering to
stop the clock from ticking and lengthening life.
Bio-medical theories of ageing have been criticised for being biologically deterministic and
reducing ageing to biological processes, ignoring the many social and technological factors
that restrict older people when trying to achieve a full and active life (Vincent, 2003).
Moreover, using purely biological theories to account for an ageing population can be
dangerous in other ways. If ageing is reduced to biological decline, this argument can be
exploited and used to marginalise older people in policy (Vincent, 2003). For example, if
ageing is an inevitable process, the temptation is that older people‟s health needs are
disregarded and poor health in old age is normalised. Indeed, their health would not benefit
from participating in physical activity.
Legal definitions of disability are inextricably linked to the bio-medical discourse. The disabled
or „normal‟ categorisation is based on the bio-medical model of disability which has been
implicit in maintaining the hegemony of the bio-medical narratives of disability (Hughes,
1998). The main focus of the bio-medical model of disability is people‟s functional limitation
for which the individual is responsible (Hyde, 2000). There has been extensive criticism of
this model. For instance, it takes the notion of „normality‟ for granted as something that is
fixed and it fails to recognize the social restraints that prevent social advantage and focuses
on the impairment, ignoring the social prejudice (Hyde, 2000). For example, the definition of
impairment is the bio-physiological limitations, or „defects‟ of an individual, as determined by
bio-medical experts (Barnes and Mercer, 2010). However, impairment and disability are not
mutually inclusive, according to the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and
Health (Barnes and Mercer, 2010:39); disability is the experience of both physical and social
barriers to participation in „normal‟ life. Therefore, an individual could be classified as having
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an impairment but not experience social barriers and, therefore, would not be considered
disabled (Barnes and Mercer, 2003). Thus, although the bio-medical profession has moved to
an impairment - based approach, ambiguity remains, particularly when referring to whether
chronic illnesses and diseases are considered impairments (Barnes and Mercer, 2003).
Narratives of chronic illness and disease have also shifted from the „mechanics of functional
limitations and activity restrictions‟ to exploring people‟s understanding of illness and
impairment (Barnes and Mercer, 1993). For example, Corbin and Strauss (1985) suggest that
people perform a positive capable self to resist feeling „dis‟abled and dependent.
3.2c) ‘Dis’ability and dependency
Social narratives of disability draw upon the social construction of disability which has been
central to the disability debate (Barnes and Mercer, 2003). Proponents argue that the ways
impairment and disability are defined in society leads to the marginalisation, discrimination
and oppression of disabled and impaired people (Hyde, 2000). The separation of impairment
and disability has been said to be a pragmatic attempt by the founders of the social model to
address issues through collective action and not through bio-medical intervention (Oliver
1996). The political activist stance to disability in Britain evolved out of a resistance to a
narrative of impairment (Barnes and Mercer, 2003). Moreover, the bio-medical model has
been heavily criticised when looking at mental disability with regard to the way that „expert‟
knowledge has come to be realised through bio-medical constructions and interventions
(Hughes, 1998). According to research, this pervasive understanding of disability has led to a
number of negative stereotypes which are portrayed in the media:
1. Pitiable and pathetic
2. Sinister and evil
3. Incapable of taking part in the everyday
(Hyde, 2000)
Older people are also constructed as „sick‟ and dependent on others. For example, ageing is
constructed as a process of inevitable biological decline and older people as an undeserving
population and a problem for society (Vincent, 2003). Such connotations lead to the prevalent
use of inaccurate stereotypes, including the patriarch, the grandmother, the poverty stricken
pensioner, the senile, the sexually active older woman and the spiritual older woman
(Vincent, 2003).
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Social theories of ageing have been critiqued for constructing a dependency narrative of
ageing. For example, disengagement theory is based on a functionalist understanding of
efficiency and the division of labour, and proposes that ageing is a natural inevitable process
of withdrawal from society into retirement, which is beneficial for both society and the
individual (Turner, 1987). This fails to acknowledge the differences between individuals and
the possibility that withdrawal from society for some older people is unwanted and
detrimental to their wellbeing. Social stratification theory, however, puts forward an obverse
functionalist analysis of ageing (Davis and Moore, 1945). It proposes that people in society
are allocated appropriate positions through meritocratic processes and, when time signifies an
end to relative productivity, allocation is replaced by a withdrawal process and older people
are then hidden from society (Elias, 1985) (see Section 3.2b). Critique of these theories
draws attention to the lack of acknowledgement of older people‟s ability to withdraw into a
comfortable and satisfying retirement (Turner, 1987). Moreover, these theories combine an
economic deterministic understanding which reduces older people‟s value to their economic
productivity, which, together with a bio-medical reductionist understanding of ageing as a
process of inevitable decline, results in older people becoming dependent on the state. For
instance, writers such as Estes (1979), Townsend (1981) and Myles (1984) have questioned
the assumption of „natural withdrawal‟ in bio-medical and social theories in gerontology and,
instead, argue that dependency is socially constructed through systematic inequality endemic
within division of labour (Walker, 1981; Townsend, 1981). Walker (1981) and Townsend
(1981) suggested that dependency is a result of forced retirement policies, marginalisation,
poverty and institutionalisation. This argument is furthered by Estes (1979), who argues that
older people have been commodified, segregated, stigmatised and isolated from society. This
has lead to an over-reliance on the burdening ageing population narrative, the disregard for
former identities in older age and the continuation of segregating welfare policies (Phillipson,
1998). The dependency narrative, however, has been criticised for being overly structurally
deterministic, in suggesting that older people have little agency in resisting the state
(Phillipson, 1998). Thus, many have called for gerontology to have an emancipatory role,
transcending this narrow view of retirement by providing new and positive opportunities
(Moody, 1988). Activity theory was, arguably, the first alternative gerontological theory of
ageing to resist the dependency narrative, proposing that the more activity that takes place,
the more successful the ageing is (Longino and Kart, 1982). However, it has also been
criticised due to its middle class-based bias, inasmuch as, activity in older age is argued to be
a continuation of previous patterns of behaviour and is usually a reflection of relative
inequality, such as social class, and makes little allowance for ethnic, cultural or age diversity
(Turner, 1987). In addition, Goodwin (1991) considers the way in which proponents have
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equated unsuccessful or detrimental behaviour in old age with abnormality, which takes no
account of the restrictions of the ageing body (see Chapter 2 for fuller discussion of
successful / positive ageing). Furthermore, successful / positive ageing narratives do not
adequately acknowledge gendered identities of physical activity behaviour.
3.3) Narratives of gender
Historically, women have had fewer opportunities to participate in sport and physical activity,
due to Social Darwinist and biological reductionist theories (Hargreaves 1994; McCrone,
1988). Feminist theorists have argued since that the differential physical activity and leisure
participation are a result of gendered power imbalances which operate at every level of
society from childhood (Bradley, 1996). Furthermore, this power imbalance is doubled when
women age.
3.3a) Double jeopardy
Although the gap is narrowing, due to life expectancy, the numbers of older women
outweighs the number of older men (Office of National Statistics, 2001); this trend is known
as the „Feminisation of Ageing‟ (WHO, 2002). The implications of this are far reaching but,
essentially, although women are living longer, they are more at risk of becoming morbidly ill;
that is they experience both a high quantity of life with a low quality of life (Arber and Ginn,
1998; Health Education Authority, 2000). There is nonetheless evidence to suggest that the
differential rates of morbidity in the different genders could be due to higher reporting rates
among women (Arber & Ginn, 1991; ESRC, 2007c). However, according to Arber and Ginn
(1991), there are still substantial differences between male and female functional ability. The
gendered experience of ageing is arguably the most divisive inequality in older age (Arber
and Ginn, 1998; Arber, 2005). This compounding of both ageism and sexism is also known as
the „double jeopardy‟, when women who are older experience two kinds of discrimination
(sexism and ageism) (Chappell and Havens, 1980). As women are valued according to their
sexuality, remaining youthful is a significant pressure for woman as they grow older (Ginn
and Arber, 1998).
The double jeopardy narrative is also present in economic discourse. For instance, when
retired, widowed or divorced, women‟s roles become redundant and they may become
financially unstable (Ginn and Arber, 1993). Moreover, both state and private pensions are
dependent on earnings to date which, due to child care duties, are usually limited for women,
with an increased likelihood of them being in poverty in later life (Arber, 2005). Division of
labour is dominated by men, who on average receive higher earnings than women (Bradley,
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1996). The fact that women tend to earn a lower income impacts on women‟s leisure
activities, both in frequency and types of activities participated in (Women‟s Sport and Fitness
Foundation, 2006). These differences are especially true for women born in the 1930s, 40s
and 50s. Moreover, although it has been claimed that relationships between men and women
are becoming more equal, surveys have shown that, in terms of the domestic division of
labour, women continue to carry out the majority of the housework, which ultimately impacts
heavily on their ability to participate in leisure activities (Jowell et al., 1992).
3.3b) Leisure – what leisure?
For feminist researchers of key concern are the gender roles that men and women are
socialised into fulfilling within families. More specifically, the „male breadwinner / female
housewife-carer model family‟ has been promoted as the ideal type and it is only since the
second quarter of a century that women have questioned the assumed caring role and the
financial dependency this entails (Lewis, 2001). The work of Arber and Ginn (1991), Arber et
al. (2003) and Arber (2005) work has been helpful in connection to this and highlights that,
due to working patterns throughout life, women are more likely than men to experience the
death of their significant other; therefore, older age and widowhood is gendered. Moreover,
because of the financial dependency of women in the male breadwinner family, if women
experience widowhood or divorce, they are more likely to experience poverty in later life
(Arber et al., 2003; discussed further in Chapter 7, Section 2d). A number of other feminist
writers who have been helpful in understanding heterosexual marriage relations in rural
settings have recognised historically and culturally embedded gender inequalities, which
result in differential distribution of social and domestic labour (Davidoff and Hall, 1987; Little,
1987; Faulkner and Jackson, 1993; see Chapter 8, Section 4).
In post-war Britain, women‟s lives were located in the domestic private sphere; caring for the
family, including the husband, was the priority and their own needs or wants with regards to
a career, leisure or physical activity were secondary (Green et al., 1990; Lewis, 2001). A
woman‟s role was to reproduce the patriarchal mode of production by using her body as an
instrument of labour to serve her husband, so that he could undertake paid work (Walby,
1992). Furthermore, women‟s roles were considered to be based on caring for the men in the
family and this continues to be evident throughout the life-course into older age (Arber and
Ginn, 1998; Social Exclusion Unit, 2006). Doing manual work, like caring, negatively
influences women‟s inclination to be physically active in their leisure time (Dumas and
Laberge, 2005).
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According to Lewis (2001), older men and women have separate social and economic
spheres, with women‟s activities being formed around caring for and maintaining the family in
the nearby locality. This gendered division of social space is a private versus public divide
(Garmarnikow et al., 1983) and attempts to curtail women‟s movement and the construction
of their identities independent of men (Massey, 1994). Women‟s unique experiences of leisure
activities and their use of social space in later life have been further explored through the
work of Green et al. (1990), Talbot (1988) and Horne et al. (1999), who examine the
domination of communal (public) space by men and the presence of gender prejudice on
sporting premises. Limiting women‟s movement in public spaces restricts their opportunities
to develop leisure and work identities away from the domestic sphere (Green et al., 1990;
Rosaldo and Lampher, 1974). Moreover, notions of respectability are particularly influential in
policing women‟s behaviour (Mitchell et al., 2004). Women‟s bodies are scrutinised and
subjected to the male gaze in public spaces (Scraton and Watson, 1998), either as a young
sexually attractive woman or an older woman whose presence is out of place. Moreover, as a
result of western public health promotion, women‟s bodies and leisure behaviours have been
scrutinised and evaluated using biomedical notions of risk (Wray, 2010). Nevertheless, there
is also some evidence to suggest that women resist narratives that work to restrict leisure
and sporting behaviour (see Dionigi and O‟Flynn, 2007; Tulle, 2008; and Chapter 8, Section
4b).
3.3c) Empowering social networks
Douglas and Carless (2005) found that women were motivated to participate in physical
activity not to improve future physical health and function but, rather, to maintain social
relationships, which had an immediate effect on their wellbeing. Women prioritised the
immediate maintenance of their social networks over and above possible future
improvements to their functional health (Douglas and Carless, 2005). Friendship networks
can help individuals to be active in an informal way, which, according to Rainey (1998), is
something that reduces people‟s feeling of reliance on formal organisations and contributes to
a sense of empowerment and belonging to the community (Fast and de Jong Gierveld, 2008).
Ajrouch et al. (2005) describe friendship networks as „social convoys‟, because people of a
certain era experience life at the same time together and these connections are made entirely
by choice (Baltes and Baltes, 1986), as opposed to being determined by family and
community networks.
Wray (2004) argues that an ethnocentric western conceptualisation of agency focuses on an
expression of individuality, choice and autonomy and is inadequate to account for the
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experiences of all women. Instead, older people draw upon friendship networks to access
resources and engage in society, which brings a sense of „collective agency‟ (Wray, 2004).
For example, social networks help people in later life overcome major epiphanal moments
(Denzin, 1989a), like retirement, bereavement, chronic illnesses and / or accidents. The
sharing of positive coping narratives amongst widows or widowers is a potent mechanism for
maintaining physical activity post-bereavement (Douglas and Carless, 2005). Thus, physical
activity can give older people a chance to meet new people with whom they can exchange
support (Strathi et al., 2002). Friendship not only encourages physical activity, but
contributes to the wellbeing of older people‟s lives in a way that leads to a feeling of greater
affinity with the social world (Gross, 2000). A feeling of inclusion into friendship networks
depends not only on an older person‟s gendered identity, but also on an older person‟s ethnic
identity.
3.4) Narratives of rurality and ethnicity
The construction of rurality in villages is closely linked with discourses of order and
traditionalism, creating ethnicised subject positions of „Englishness‟ and „the other‟ (Neal and
Agyleman, 2006). Ethnicity as a concept is difficult to define, but is essentially refers to a
group with a shared sense of culture who have a different individual and collective sense of
the world in comparison with the rest of society (Bradley, 1996). Thus, in this section, rurality
and Englishness ethnicity are presented as inextricably intertwined as the countryside
encapsulates what is quintessentially English. The English countryside is racially coded and
evinces nostalgic and traditionalist tones, which reference an idealised discourse of rurality
(Tyler, 2006).
3.4a) Community
Contemporary research has focussed on deconstructing the cultural meanings and
understandings of rurality. Indeed, has been growing recognition that there are multiple
cultural meanings which are ascribed to rural space (Philo, 1992). The rural landscape of
West Sussex is famous for the South Downs and renowned for its beauty. This type of English
countryside brings connotations of traditional close-knit communities which are timeless and
unchanging (Valentine, 2001). According to Bell (1992), rural society is characterised by a
strong sense of community; it is less focused on status and competitiveness and has a slower
pace. The „Golden Age‟ was when rural communities were spaces where people knew each
other and had a rapport and rurality became a strong sense of their identity (Rowles, 1983).
According to Rowles (1983), older people who lived in rural communities had an „insiderness‟,
from years of following shared routines, and felt their environment had begun to fit them „like
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a glove‟. However, according to Valentine (2001), this simplistic notion of rurality is outdated
and exacerbates the dichotomy between the urban and the rural, which is becoming
increasingly blurred. As a result of social migration patterns, the urban and the rural are no
longer two demarcated and discrete spaces (Bell 1992). Moreover, according to Little and
Austin (1996), the defining characteristic of rural life, the „community‟, is gendered and
structured by women‟s work, for example, arranging activities such as fetes, the church,
mother and toddler groups and the parish council. Volunteering can be a way of being
accepted within the church community (Countryside Agency / Age Concern, 2005, cited in
Murakami et al., 2008) and is a way in which isolated older people can be physically active
(Murakami et al., 2008). However, people living in rural communities can be categorised by
longevity of residence, leading to the classification of insiders and outsiders (Newby et al.,
1978), where the established group stigmatises the „others‟, who are the newer members of
the village community (Elias and Scotson, 1993).
3.4b) ‘Othering’ and invisibility
According to Neal and Agyleman (2006), ethnicity is constructed in rural villages creating an
„other‟ subject position in relation to the heterogeneous white, middle class, English ethnicity
of the residents. The issue of ethnicity can be an emotive topic for discussion and one which
Blakemore (1993) conceptualises in terms of cultural forms of identity and representation.
However, the rural village is said to have become the platform upon which white, middle class
English ethnicity is performed and reproduced (Tyler, 2006). Incomers to rural villages, who
move to be closer to public services, due to their health (Wenger, 2001), face encounters
with residents with a particular white Christian English ethnicity, who have demarcated their
„white space‟ (Frankenberg, 1997). Furthermore, minority ethnic older groups experience
further inequalities with their health and wellbeing, due to cultural barriers that intrinsically
exist, making access to the dominant cultures, policies, practices and services much more
difficult, an experience known as triple jeopardy (Norman, 1985).
Becoming old means, to a greater or lesser degree, adding to the loss of power and the
uncertainties that go with minority status. What the minorities illustrate particularly
well, therefore, is the importance of power in the relationship between a dominant
ethnic and racial majority (which defines „acceptable‟ ways of growing old and, among
other things, the kinds of social or health services available for older people) and
subordinate minority groups (Blakemore, 1993:74).
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Furthermore, according to Frankenberg (1997), ethnicity, class and gender interweave in a
complex way to produce insiders and outsiders at different times in different social spaces.
Class tensions and dynamics are also said to be present and have been expressed using the
term „gentrification‟, which is said to be the migration of middle classes to village
communities (Little, 1987). The demarcation of insiders and outsiders, based on ethnicity and
class, in rural village space, is complex but, in essence, is a process of exclusion and
maintaining the status quo.
3.5) Conclusion
This chapter presented a range of narratives of identity which have been identified in
participants‟ accounts around four main themes: ageing / disability, gender, social class, and
rurality and ethnicity. The layers of narrativity (public, metanarratives and conceptual)
(Somers, 1994) were presented together as to separate these into the different layers would
have been counterproductive to communicating the story. Additionally, as I have argued
these layers are mutually constructing and are therefore virtually impossible to present
separately. The ways in which older people have used these narratives to construct their
ontological narratives are presented in Chapters 6, 7 and 8. How older people position
themselves within the narrative to demonstrate their agency is outlined in my theoretical
framework in Chapter 4 Section 2c, 3aii and Chapter 6, Section 3. Finally, my theoretical
framework, which is discussed in the next chapter, draws upon a range of influences,
including feminist theories of gender, like Somers‟ (1994), Foucauldian notions of discourse
and subjectivity, and Bourdieu‟s Structuration theory.
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Chapter 4: Theorising the ageing body
4.1) Introduction
4.2) Theories of the (ageing) body
4.2a) Bourdieu’s body
4.2b) Foucault’s body
4.2c) Foucauldian feminist theories of embodiment
4.2d) Additional feminist theories of embodiment
4.3) Theoretical framework: Foucault, Bourdieu and Feminism
4.3a) The theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces
4.3ai) Discourse and institutions
4.3aii) Corporeality situated in social space
4.4b) The commensurability of theories
4.4) Conclusion
4.1) Introduction
The previous chapters provided the social context to the thesis and an overview of relevant
literature. This chapter begins by outlining the foundations of Bourdieu‟s theory of
embodiment and Foucault‟s conceptualisation of the body, followed by Foucauldian feminist
theorisations and other feminist approaches to the body. Finally, the theoretical framework,
including Bourdieusian, Foucauldian and Feminist theory, is presented in order to provide a
coherent and more complete understanding of the ageing body. This theorisation also
integrates Somers (1994) and Phibb‟s (2008) work, which explores the relational, temporal
positioning of identity within layers of narratives as a form of agency construction.
4.2) Theories of the (ageing) body
The (ageing) body is central to understanding ageing experiences, especially when examining
physical activity experiences. The body has generally been neglected from sociological
accounts of ageing and it has only been since the late modern period that theorists have
started to write about the sociology of the body. Corporeality has been described as being
simultaneously present and absent from the minds of sociologists (Shilling, 2003). It is
present, in that individuals are enabled and constrained by their bodies, but the actual
subject matter of the body was not considered appropriate material for sociologists to
examine. There are historical reasons for this; sociology intended to differentiate itself from
psychology and the natural sciences, which tend to reduce human behaviour to biological
processes (Shilling, 2003). Classical sociologists, such as Durkheim, Marx and Weber, viewed
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this distinction dualistically; the natural sciences and psychology explored nature, whereas
sociology explored society. Bodies were seen, at best, as an uninteresting condition of social
action (Shilling, 2003). Until recently, this has resulted in the neglect of the importance of the
body in social theory. Sociologists such as Bourdieu (1988), Foucault (1978; 1991) and
feminist writers, Rose (1993) and Longhurst (1997), were among the first to look at the way
bodies mediate our experience of social life. In addition, Frank (1991; 1995) has developed a
theoretical approach to include the ways in which the body can be understood simultaneously
in several different spheres of discourse, institutions and corporeality. In my study, the work
of the aforementioned theorists has been integrated, to enable a holistic understanding of the
ageing body. The first theory of the body to be considered is Bourdieu‟s.
4.2a) Bourdieu’s body
As a critique of the structure-agency dichotomy, Bourdieu (1984) attempted to blend a
phenomenological and structural theory into „Structuration Theory‟, developing concepts of
habitus, capital and field, which have been particularly useful in this study.
The first of Bourdieu‟s (1984) concepts to be discussed is „habitus‟. According to Bourdieu
(1984), early socialisation is responsible for the structuring of tastes and preferences for
sport and physical activity in later life. These tastes and preferences are embodied through
social practices that take place in institutions, such as the family and, at the same time, they
shape our preferences and practices in the wider social world (Laberge and Kay, 2002). This
is an interactive relational phenomenon that Bourdieu (1984) called habitus. According to
Bourdieu (1984), habitus provides a framework within people‟s consciousness through which
they make sense and react to the world around them. Bourdieu‟s (1984) concept of habitus
was subsequently developed by Dumas et al. (2005) and Dumas and Turner (2006), who
applied it to the experience of ageing, to develop the notion of „ageing habitus‟, which they
describe in the following way:
[a]ge cohorts, like social classes, do experience particular conditions of existence,
which, fashion a distinctive age habitus […] It accounts for the processes of
transformation of the aging view of the world, new relations to the body, adaptive
strategies of the old, salience of embodiment in aging, the differentiation process
towards younger age groups and power relations between them (Dumas and Turner,
2006:151).
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Additionally, Bourdieu (1984) earlier developed the concept of „gendered habitus‟, which
outlines how men and women experience their embodiment differently, due to different
physical and social practices expected of them and how these are then embodied and
experienced.
Bourdieu‟s (1984) concept of field refers to an „arena of production‟, or a space, where
individuals invest and compete for resources, thus allowing for agency to take place, but it is
also affected by wider power fields which can affect the internal dynamics of the field itself
(Laberge and Kay, 2002). Within these fields or social spaces, individuals can exert different
levels of power based on their possession of a variety of different resources, giving access to
goods (Bourdieu, 1986). These powerful resources or „capital‟ come in different forms:
economic, cultural, symbolic, social and physical capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Dumas and Turner,
2006). Cultural capital refers to the power people accumulate through education and family
background and symbolic capital refers to the individual‟s legitimate demand for social
recognition (Laberge and Kay, 2002). Social capital refers to resources based on social
connections and maintaining memberships of social groups (Bourdieu, 1977; 1987). Finally,
Dumas and Turner (2006) applied Bourdieu‟s concept of capital to the ageing body and
developed „physical capital‟, whereby a reduction in physical capital refers to the loss of
corporeal aesthetic, strength, vitality and, ultimately, power. As a result of different levels of
capital, lifestyles, according to Bourdieu (1984), are hierarchically situated in social space;
those with the most capital are situated at the top of the hierarchy while those at the bottom
have the least access to power.
Although Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory of embodiment is useful, his concept of habitus has been
critiqued for being overly deterministic, inasmuch as, it does not allow for the ways in which
people may be creative and be able to change their habits (Shilling, 2009; Tulle, 2008). The
transformation of bodies is restricted by the unconscious and ingrained characteristics of
habitus (Shilling, 2009). This is why I have used Foucault‟s later work (1985; 1986) to
critique Bourdieu and to theorise ways in which individuals can resist and transform their self
- identities, through technologies of the self (Markula and Pringle, 2006). So, although
Bourdieu‟s theory of embodiment has been vital to understanding older people‟s lived
experiences of physical activity, Foucault‟s conceptualisation of subjectivity and concept of
„technologies of the self‟ have been essential in examining how macro and micro level power
relations construct and shape the ageing body, inasmuch as, macro power relations within
discourse shape subject positions into which older people are placed (Foucault, 1978) and
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micro power relations can be used to resist and change dominant discourses (Markula, 2003;
Theberge, 1991).
4.2b) Foucault’s body
Foucault‟s (1972) work sought to uncover the layers of discourse in history which produced
different types of subjects or individuals, which he called the „genealogy‟ or archaeology of
knowledge. The topics that Foucault examined included mental illness, medical discourse,
disciplinary practices and sexuality (Lement, 1993). According to Foucault (1972), discourse
is a framework of language which constructs reality. In Foucauldian theory, power is central
to the production of knowledge and discourse, through which the individual is shaped.
Foucault was concerned with the interdependent relationship between everyday micro-power
relations and systems of knowledge (Sarup, 1993). Systems of knowledge help to construct
networks of power, whilst, simultaneously, networks of power shape systems of knowledge.
According to Foucault (1980), systems of knowledge are also known as „regimes of truth‟, as
they operate by differentiating between what is true and false, resulting in the truth yielding
to the effect of power. This concept has been used when referring to understandings of
obesity and how bio-medical knowledge generated truths that claim obesity to be „bad‟ and
slimness to be „good‟ (Wright, 2009; and see Chapter 7, Section 3b). Foucauldian theory has
been used in this thesis to understand how subjectivities within social space are produced
through power relationships, by racialised, classed and gendered discourses (see Chapter 8,
Section 2b). For example, what can be seen and understood as rural is shaped through the
English narrative, characterised by social order and tradition (Neal and Agyeman, 2006).
Foucault‟s conceptualisation of power is ubiquitous, fluid and multi-directional. For example,
institutions can hold and exert power on the subject, but, wherever there is power, there is
the possibility for resistance by the individual (Sugden and Tomlinson, 2002; and Chapter 6,
Section 3d). In this way, Foucault‟s conception of power is not necessarily negative; by
exerting resistance, oppressive systems can be transformed and new identities can be
produced (Sarup, 1993). This section, gives an overview of the Foucauldian concepts used in
this thesis: surveillance, bio-politics, expert knowledge, self-discipline, and technologies of
the self.
According to Foucault, „technologies of power‟, attempt to control people‟s bodily activities to
produce docile bodies; “a „normalising‟ power whereby individuals are morally regulated into
conformity” (Williams and Calnan, 1996:1610). The most intensive form of these disciplinary
practices could be seen in the prisons themselves where the „panoptican‟ (all-seeing) design
of prison by Bentham was being used to extend the surveillance and disciplinary powers of
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observation (Foucault, 1991). The concept of surveillance and the production of docile bodies
which conform with normalised bodily ideas has been applied in this study to female bodies in
rural social spaces and the ways in which the „male gaze‟ and notions of respectability act to
regulate women‟s bodily moments (Mitchell et al., 2004; see Chapter 8, Section 3b). The
gaze of disciplinary institutions, such as the church, medicine and the family, regulate
subject‟s behaviour towards the norm (Foucault, 1991; Conrad, 1992; see Chapter 8).
Foucault‟s (1991) concept of docile bodies has been used to understand how ageing bodies
are regulated in public spaces more generally, through discursive self-fulfilling narratives on
dependency (see Chapter 7, Section 2a). However, Foucault‟s (1978) theories of
normalisation and the internalisation of disciplining practices into everyday life have also been
useful when understanding why older people continue to resist inactivity in later life (see
Chapter 6, Section 3d). For example, „technologies of the self‟, refers to the ways in which
subjects can produce new self-identities (Foucault, 1985; 1986), by understanding
themselves through discourses and using this knowledge to act upon themselves as both an
object and a subject (Markula and Pringle, 2006). This process requires self-restraint, self-
discipline and self-mastery. Technologies of the self have been particularly useful when
examining participants‟ resistance to their ageing bodies and the ways in which they work on
themselves to create new younger identities (see Chapter 6, Section 3d).
Foucault‟s (1978) theorisation of „bio-power‟ was developed from his analysis of practices in
the seventeen century, when the state‟s power changed from control over life or death, to a
control over life. He split bio-power into two levels; the „anatomo-politics of the body‟ referred
to the power exerted on individual bodies to fashion them into efficient, economic docile
bodies and „a bio-politics of the population‟ which referred to the regulation of the social
body, particularly focussing on matters of procreation, life expectancy, health and longevity,
examining the link between resources and inhabitants. This shift in focus onto the control of
life, led to a proliferation of institutions such as schools, universities and barracks, which
disciplined individual docile bodies (Rainbow, 1984). Under the proviso of the scientific
endorsement, health educators were able to, firstly, diagnose pathologies (Armstrong, 1995).
Macro (state) and micro (individual) power relations were linked through „experts‟, who
utilised expert discourses and reinforced notions of „normality‟ and „abnormality‟ (Pickard,
2009). For example, medical practices worked to individualise bodies, illnesses and ageing in
disciplinary spaces, such as hospitals, doctor‟s surgeries or in rehabilitation (Hewitt, 1983). In
this study, the concepts of bio-politics and experts have been useful when examining the
reception of health promotion messages from medical practitioners and in health living
leaflets (see Chapter 7, Section 3).
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Although Foucault‟s concepts and theories of the body have been particularly useful, much of
the criticism of Foucauldian and social constructionist theory of the body has been aimed at
how the lived experience of embodied action has not been acknowledged (Shilling, 2005).
Bodily experience does not have an ontological presence in Foucauldian theory (Shilling,
2005), which became problematic in my project when trying to make sense of my
participants‟ lived experiences of being physically active. This is why I also decided to use
Bourdieusian and Feminist theory to help illuminate that lived experience.
4.2c) Foucauldian Feminist theories of embodiment
The appeal of Foucauldian epistemology for me and other feminists (Markula, 2003;
Therberge 1991; Tamboukou, 2003) is the comprehensive theorisation of power and the
potential this provides for women and other disempowered groups, such as older people, to
resist patriarchal and ageist discourses through feminist praxis. Nonetheless, it is not a
panacea. I recognise that, while some writers have adapted and blended Foucault‟s work with
feminist approaches (Markula, 2003), other feminists have argued that Foucault did not
address gender power imbalances, which existed in notions of femininity, with a consequent
effect on embodiment (Bartky, 1988). However, Bartky (1988) and a number of other
Foucauldian Feminist theorists have sought to address this gap by extending and
appropriating his work to examine the contemporary disciplinary practices which produce
what is known as the „feminine body‟ (also see Markula, 2003; Markula and Pringle, 2008;
Theberge, 1991). Furthermore, the emancipatory potential of Foucault‟s theories in providing
an alternative conceptualisation of power, which women can use to resist patriarchal
discourses through bodily practices, has also been highlighted and utilised with some success
by feminist researchers, such as Harding (1997; and see Chapter 6, Section 2biv), who
examined the medical surveillance of women having hormone replacement therapy and
convincingly linked the concepts of risk, medicalisation of ageing and surveillance of older
people. In this thesis, another way in which older people empower themselves by
demonstrating their agency is by positioning themselves in different public narratives of
ageing, at different times, with different audiences, to create different ageing identities
appropriate for different times and spaces (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). As a consequence,
I argue that positioning is a form of agency construction, which draws upon Foucauldian
feminist theories of empowerment.
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4.2d) Additional feminist theories of embodiment
Foucault theories of the body, like Bourdieu‟s work has also been applied by feminist writers
to explain the unequal distribution of power that contributes to the unique experiences of
women‟s embodiment and how social spaces create and reproduce hierarchies based on
levels of capital (Dumas and Laberge, 2005). Moreover, Bourdieu (1984) himself discusses
gender in his work, although it is seen as a secondary differentiating factor to social class
(Laberge and Kay, 2002). However, both Bourdieu and Foucault have been critiqued by
feminist writers for not adequately acknowledging and challenging the gendered power
relations that are ingrained in both discourse and social structures, thereby contributing to
the reproduction of androcentricism. Furthermore, some radical feminist approaches (see
Heritier-Auge, 1989) critique both Foucault and Bourdieu for not identifying men‟s domination
of women‟s bodies as the central principle of social world organisation. Heritier-Auge (1989)
argues that women‟s fertility, not sex per se, is what men exploit and use to control women.
Thus, by giving primacy to the body, feminists counteracted male sociology, where the body
was naturalised and used to legitimise unequal power relations between the sexes (Frank,
1991). Subsequently, the giving of empirical status to the body as worthy of scientific
research is in itself a feminist approach to research.
There are many different epistemological approaches to feminist theory. For example,
feminist empiricism, does not question the underlying malestream scientific principles, but
also the methods used in feminist research (Letherby, 2003). Feminist standpoint
epistemologies, promote methods that include women and additionally, these argue that
malestream scientific principles, such as objectivity are invalid and that subjectivity through
women‟s experience provides a more accurate basis for knowledge because it comes from the
viewpoint of the oppressed (Letherby, 2003). Feminist postmodernism denounces the need
for grand narratives, arguing that grand theories privilege one truth over another; instead,
the creation of knowledge and small truths is local and specific. Letherby (2003) critiques the
aforementioned feminist theories and, instead, develops „feminist standpoints‟ which attempt
to avoid essentialism and deconstructionism, highlighting, instead, women‟s commonalities
and differences. Nonetheless, what is central to all theories of gender is the concept of
patriarchy. Patriarchy refers to the ways in which men dominate society; this can be
interpreted on many different levels, depending on the feminist epistemological position taken
(Letherby, 2003). For example, radical feminists, such as Dobash and Dobash (1979), argue
that patriarchal systems in society produce relationships whereby women are victims of
physical violence and men are physically powerful and controlling. This conceptualisation of
patriarchy has been used in this thesis to highlight how men‟s physical domination can affect
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participation in physical activity. Brackenridge (2001; see Chapter 7, Section 2c) highlighted
how „child abuse‟ has affected the physical activity preferences of a woman throughout her
life. Additionally, Connell (2005; see Chapter 6, Section 3d) understands patriarchy
hegemonically and utilised this to understand how hegemonic conceptualisations of
masculinity can affect the ways in which men make sense of their ageing bodies as a loss of
their gendered self. Finally, the work of classical feminists such as Firestone (1972), Millet
(1970), Mitchell (1971) and Oakley (1972), were employed to critique patriarchal family
types as the site of women‟s subordination and exploitation of women‟s unpaid emotional and
physical labour through the sexual division of labour.
4.3) Theoretical framework: Foucault, Bourdieu and Feminism
Due to the limitations of theorising about the ageing body with any one theoretical
perspective, Bourdieu, Foucault and Feminist theories have been triangulated in this study to
illuminate the experiences of physical activity in later life. The benefit of triangulating
theoretical perspectives is that this uses several theoretical frameworks, which act to open up
new possibilities for producing knowledge (Denzin, 1989a). The previous section discussed
the strengths and weaknesses of Foucauldian, Bourdieusian and Feminist theories of
embodiment. This section argues that a combination of all three as a theoretical framework
provides a more robust way of making sense of the body. What follows in diagrammatic
format is my developed theoretical framework with an accompanying textual explanation.
4.3a) The theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces
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InstitutionsCorporeality
Discourse
Social space
Diagram 1: The theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces (adapted from
Frank, 1991).
The model in Diagram 1 has been adapted from Frank‟s (1991) theory of the body and has
been applied to the ageing body for this study. Frank (1991) further develops his previous
typology of the body (1990), Feher‟s (1989) organisational scheme, and Turner‟s (1984)
typology. According to Frank‟s (1991) analysis, Turner (1984) provides an understanding of
the societal tasks of the body in time and space, and within internal and external parameters.
However, Frank (1991) critiques Turner‟s (1984) view of the body as being functionalist in its
approach, seeing the body as performing tasks for society, and is framed as a problem for
society. Feher (1989), nonetheless, takes a more hermeneutic approach, seeing the body as
a constantly changing meaning-making process, which moves between oppositional dualisms,
such as male and female. Frank (1991) combines these two approaches and examines the
connections between the body, self and society, arguing that the body is constructed within
three plains: in discourses, in institutions and corporeally. According to Frank (1990), bodies
are inscribed by discourses which limit ways in which the body can be known to the
parameters of normality; however, discourses can only be spoken or enacted, whereas,
although institutions are constructed by discourse, they are a physical presence in time and
space. Nonetheless, according to Frank (1991), bodies do not emerge from institutions or
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discourses, but from women‟s embodiment. Therefore, bodies are material, although they are
also understood through discourses such as physiology. While Frank‟s (1991) understanding
of the body is helpful, it fails to fully acknowledge that bodies are also constructed in social
spaces (a claim to be substantiated later in Chapter 8). Using Bourdeusian, Foucauldian and
Feminist theory, the following is a commentary on my theoretical interpretation of the
(ageing) body, adapted from Frank‟s (1991) model.
4.3ai) Discourse and institutions
According to Foucault (1972), scientific discourses are historically and culturally constructed
through networks of power, present in particular times and places. These networks of power
restrict and enable certain scientific knowledge frameworks to form, which shape institutions
(Foucault, 1978; 1991). As mentioned in Section 4.2b, Foucault (1978) theorised that
political „disciplines‟ emerged which observed the birth rate, including longevity, housing and
migration, attempting to control the social body through institutions such as the family or
work and pensions. An application of this theory to ageing has been completed by Katz
(1996), who explored the ways in which disciplinary practices and discourses have affected
the older social and individual body. For example, he examined how the discourses
surrounding pensions constructed older people as „needy, dependent and unproductive‟ but
also provided them with subject positions from which they could exert their power as a
legitimate social group (1996, p.67). In response to these negative discourses of inevitable
degeneration and dependency, positive or successful ageing discourses were created to
counteract and resist ageism in society (Dionghi and O‟Flynn, 2007). However, these
discourses have had an unintended consequence of creating binarily opposite moral subject
positions that serve to reproduce inequalities such as age, social class and gender
(Featherstone and Hepworth, 1995; see Section 7.3c). For example, those older people, who
do not have the physical or material resources to fill a successful ageing subject position, thus
fall within the binarily opposite subject position: an unsuccessful ager. This is partly
attributable to the ways in which this discourse has been used by neo-liberal governments
within active ageing schemas as part of preventative health policies, to shift the responsibility
for health from the state onto the individual (see Chapter 2). I have earlier argued that neo-
liberals have appropriated positive and successful ageing narratives as part of a healthism
agenda (Crawford, 1980; see Chapter 2). As a result, neo-liberal preventative health policies
have attempted to influence institutions such as the health service, reproducing an aged
social class and gendered hierarchies. For example, in the discussion chapters I argue that
those older people with resources are more likely to be men who are middle-class, in the
third age, and, therefore, more able to age successfully than those who are women, from a
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working class and in the fourth age. Positive and successful ageing discourses inadvertently
construct hierarchical identities. Older people are placed into aged, gendered and racialised
hierarchical subject positions, which denote their relative accumulation of cultural and social
capital, according to their position within the social hierarchy (Bourdieu, 1984). Therefore,
this section argues that the discourses of ageing construct and shape institutions such as the
health service, which then operationalise certain politically motivated discourses, which, in
turn, create hierarchies through which capital is accumulated and inscribed on the body.
4.3aii) Corporeality situated in social space
Section 4.2a demonstrates that social, cultural and economic capital is embodied (Bourdieu,
1984). Embodied realities are shaped by different levels of capital, situated in a specific field
or social space (Bourdieu, 1984; and Chapter 8, Section 2). However, the possible subject
positions that older people can occupy within these social spaces are shaped by and
positioned within discursive narratives of ageing used by certain political groups at different
times for different agendas (see Phibbs, 2008; and Chapter 3, Section 1). For example,
through bio-medical discursive narratives of ageing / disability, older people are positioned as
„normal‟ or „abnormal‟ (see Chapter 3, Section 2b; and Chapter 7, Section 3b). Furthermore,
individuals make sense of their own embodied realities and position themselves within
discursive narratives available at that time and in that space (see Phibbs, 2008; and Chapter
3, Section 1; Chapter 6, Section 3). However, any social policy that aims to address older
people as a collective will be limited, as the identities of older people who live in rural
communities, for example are shaped by localised cultural discursive narratives of tradition,
respectability and Englishness (Neal and Agyeman, 2006) (see Chapter 3, Section 4 and
Chapter 8, Section 2). These cultural discursive narratives are relational and situated in social
space. Discourses, however, can be changed, as they exist through language and embodied
practiced (Frank, 1991, see 4.2a). Therefore, by capturing experiences of corporeality and
bodily practices that resist current discourses [of ageing], new knowledge and discourses can
be formed (Markula, 2003; Theberge, 1991). Individuals in this research created new
identities by positioning themselves within different narratives, at different times, for different
purposes (see Phibbs 2008; Somers, 1994; and see Chapter 6, Section 3). Additionally, older
people demonstrated their agency as a group, when they came together collectively for social
and / or physical activities (see Wray, 2004; and Chapter 8, Section 5).
4.3b) The commensurability of theories
Bourdieu described his epistemological perspective as constructivist structuralism (Bourdieu,
1987). In contrast, Foucault avoided self-categorisation (Markula and Pringle, 2008).
Page | 41
Nonetheless, others have placed him within a social constructionist epistemological approach
to the body (Tulle, 2008; Shilling, 2005). Bourdieu argues that agents are both classifiers and
are classified through structure and that they in turn construct (Bourdieu, 1987), whereas,
Foucault theorises how bodies are shaped through discourse and are also shaped through
self-disciplinary practices (Kendle and Wickman, 1999). Both Bourdieu and Foucault have
created epistemological approaches to the body which can be considered commensurate
paradigms, as they both stipulate that reality is constructed, either by the individual or by
discourse. In addition, Bourdieu wanted to overcome the binary agency / structure,
subjective / objective theoretical conceptualisations with his theory of Structuration (Laberge
and Kay, 2002), whereas, Foucault refused to engage in dualistic discussion of structure /
agency (Sarup, 1993). Furthermore, Bourdieu (1977) developed the concept of doxa as a
discourse that has been taken for granted and only comes to light when an alternative
discourse or heterodoxa is presented. These concepts appear similar to Foucault‟s
theorisation of discourse, which is central to his work. Bourdieu (1977) described doxa as
what is thinkable and sayable, and Foucault theorises that discourses both limit and open up
what kind of statements people are able to make (Foucault, 1972). Similarily, Foucault
considers how discourses inscribe individual‟s bodies (McLaren, 2002), which, complements
Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory of embodiment, with particular reference to habitus. As a result,
Foucault and Bourdieu‟s theoretical approaches to the body are commensurate. Whilst
focusing on different aspects of embodiment, Bourdieu offers a comprehensive theory of
embodiment and Foucault‟s approach focuses on how the body is constructed through
discourse.
Further to this, as discussed in Section 2d, feminist theory encapsulates a number of
epistemological perspectives: feminist empiricism, feminist standpoint and poststructuralist /
postmodernist feminism (Letherby, 2003). Thus, whether feminist theory is commensurable
with Bourdieusian and Foucauldian theory depends on the particular feminist epistemology
adopted. However, what does unify feminist theory and the way it has been used in this
thesis is the provision of a critique of androcentric theoretical approaches which start by
theorising about men‟s experiences and then apply those concepts to women, or where
women‟s experiences have been absent from discussion altogether (Harding, 1987; see
Section 2d). Indeed, I have drawn significantly upon Foucauldian Feminist theory, which
develops Foucault‟s theories of power, by probing about the empowerment of women, rather
than power relations more generally applicable to men (see section 4.2c). Other feminist
theories have been employed to provide a more materialist / embodied perspective of
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women‟s experiences of ageing, which has greater commensurability with Bourdieusian
theories of the body (see section 4.2d).
4.4) Conclusion
Having outlined the theoretical perspectives that have influenced the theoretical framework of
the ageing body that I have developed and presented my theory of the ageing body itself, the
chapter that follows explains how the research project was designed and executed.
Additionally, it provides an overview of the relationship between Foucauldian, Bourdieusian
and Feminist theoretical perspectives and how key concepts therein have influenced my
choice of methods and the analysis of data, thus linking the theoretical framework with the
chosen methodology.
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Chapter 5: Methodology and methods
5.1) Introduction
5.2) Methodology: narrative inquiry
5.2a) Introducing the research population
5.2b) Sampling and access
5.3) Methods and data collection
5.3a) Focus groups
5.3b) Narrative interviews
5.3c) Activity diaries
5.3ci) Reflections on diary use
5.3d) Semi-structured re-interviews with visual elicitation
5.4) Data analysis: an analysis of narratives
5.4a) The analysis process
5.5) Judging qualitative research
5.5a) Trustworthiness, credibility and dependability
5.5b) Authenticity: giving voice and enabling change
5.5c) Ethical considerations
5.5d) Generalizability or transferability
5.6) Conclusion
5.1) Introduction
The previous chapters provided an overview of relevant literature, and presented the
developed theoretical framework which combines the work of Bourdieu, Foucault and
Feminism. This chapter, however, has a different focus; it explains how my developed
theoretical framework has shaped the research design, (narrative inquiry), how the data was
collected using different methods and how it was analysed. Taking into consideration the
paradigmatic location of my research, the penultimate section of this chapter details how this
research should be judged.
5.2) Methodology: narrative inquiry
There are a variety of different ways in which the narrative inquiry has been used in the study
of ageing (Phoenix et al., 2010). Nonetheless, a narrative inquiry can be seen as a particular
type of qualitative methodological approach which has been influenced by a number of
different diverse disciplinary approaches and is essentially based on a fundamental interest in
Page | 44
a person‟s story as they tell it (Chase, 2005). Foucauldian, Feminist and Bourdieusian theory
all influenced the choice of this methodology and Diagram 2 (overleaf) gives an overview of
the theoretical-conceptual-methodological links, illustrating how each theoretical perspective
and relevant concept has influenced the choice of methods and analysis, which has
culminated in my theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces. Chapter 4 (theorising the
ageing body) and this chapter (methodology and methods) are encapsulated in Diagram 2.
The legend provides a key to the relationships between theory, concepts, method and
analysis, with the solid lines indicates a direct relationship and the dotted lines represent that
the theoretical perspective has influenced the methods chosen. Producing diagram 2, was
useful in clarifying how the different theoretical perspectives, key concepts and theories have
influenced my choice of methods and analysis. The theoretical perspectives however, are not
mutually exclusive or discrete; they merge and have influenced each other‟s theorisations of
the ageing body. For example, Foucauldian theory has inspired Foucauldian feminist theory
and feminist theory has been influenced by Bourdieusian concepts and vice versa. Thereby,
some of the concepts are interlinked between different theoretical perspectives and the
methods chosen have in most cases been influenced by a blend of different theoretical
perspectives. Similarily, the analysis strategy was also influenced by a number of theoretical
perspectives, but, in the diagram below, I have tried to draw out the main lines of affect.
Diagram 2: The theoretical – conceptual - methodological links
Page | 45
Narrative interviews and
diaries.
Narrative interviews and
semi-structured interviews
with the aid of visual
elicitation.
Voice, empowerment,
resistance and change (Harding,
1997; Markula, 2003; Theberge,
1991 et al..).
Levels of capital, determined by fields
are embodied and produce classed,
gendered and aged habitus (Bourdieu,
1984; Dumas and Turner, 2006;
Laberge and Kay, 2005).
Bourdieusian theory (Section
4.2a)
Foucauldian Feminist theory
(Section 4.2c)
Theory
(Chapter 4)
Concepts
(Chapter 4)
Methods
(Chapter 5)
Analysis
(Chapter 5)
Narrative interviews and
diaries.
Representing individuals’ stories,
along with, thematic analysis of
narratives to identify shared
experiences such as ephiphany
moments.
Thematic analysis of narratives to
identify how individuals used
dominant narratives or discourses
of ageing.
Thematic analysis of
narratives to identify the
subject positions constructed
by representations of the
ageing body.
Feminist theory
(Section 4.2d)
Participatory model (Oakley,
1981) and feminist approaches to
research (Letherby, 2003).
Gendered roles, patriarchy and
experience (Arber and Ginn ,
1991; Arber et al., 2003;
Brackenridge, 2001; Lewis, 2001;
Massey, 1994 et al.).
The research approach
and choice of methods:
focus groups, narrative
interviews, diaries and
semi-structured re-
interviews with the aid of
visual elicitation.
Thematic analysis of women’s
narratives, identifying shared
experiences of women’s
corporeality. For example, how
women's’ bodies are constructed in
social spaces.
Historically situated discourses
of ageing (Katz, 1996). Bio-
politics shape individuals’
subjectivities (1978).
Foucauldian theory (Section
4.2b)
Theorisation of the ageing body in social spaces (Chapter 4, Section 3)
The theoretical
perspective
influenced the
choice of method
The theoretical
perspective
developed the
concepts directly
Diagram 2 Legend
Page | 46
In this study, (Foucauldian) feminist theory offered the potential for voice, empowerment and
change. For example, Chase (2005) proposes narratives can be used as a form of verbal
action:
... when someone tells a story, he or she shapes, constructs, and performs the self,
[their] experience and reality (p. 657).
Also, more generally feminist theory was influential in developing counter-narratives to the
androcentric historical accounts of women‟s lived experiences (Chase 2005; see Tamboukou,
2005). Additionally,
[the] narrative approach sees fact as secondary to an exploration of the ongoing
construction of an individual‟s unique standpoint, [it] uses life or family stories, and
emphasises interplay between the interviewer and the interviewee in structuring reality
(Miller, 2000:10-14).
The emphasis on the interplay between the researcher and participant in the construction of
reality and the subjective interpretation of the individual‟s life fits with a participatory model
of research, advocated by feminists such as Oakley (1981). The participatory model facilitates
the empowerment of participants in the research process by breaking down masculine
hierarchical power relations and, instead, mutually constructing a joint reality (Oakley, 1981;
see section 5.5a for further details). Moreover, feminist researchers are given a voice within
narrative research and are acknowledged as integral to the research process (Denzin and
Lincoln, 2000).
Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory of embodiment and Structuration theory (1968) has also influenced
the choice of inquiry. This is because I was not only interested in capturing participants‟
subjective experiences of their corporeality, but, also, examining the shared experiences of
embodiment and exploring the influence that different types of capital had on their
experiences and ability to be physically active. An analysis of narratives (Polkinghorne, 1995)
enabled the identification of shared experiences of ageing and the influence of social, practical
and physical resources on the older people‟s ability to participate (see Chapters 7 and 8).
Additionally, since the 1970s, postmodernists critiqued grand narratives and emphasised the
importance of individual accounts (Roberts, 2002). Therefore, in order to avoid presenting
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older people as one homogenous group, the personal stories of older people‟s lived
experiences have also been represented (see Chapter 6, Section 2b). Nonetheless, for the
purposes of this study, „older people‟ as a research population needed to be defined and this
is detailed in the next section.
5.2a) Introducing the research population
The chosen definition of older people was the age of retirement (60 years for women and 65
years for men) operating prior to the Employment Equality (Age) Regulations (Great Britain,
2006) came into force. Although retirement age has been chosen in this study as the point at
which people are classified by the state as being older, there is much diversity within this
categorisation. With life expectancy set to rise for those born in 2008 to 88.6 years for men
and 92.2 years for women (Office of National Statistics, 2009), a larger age range means a
greater heterogeneity of experiences within people considered to be older (see Chapter 1,
Section 3a). To acknowledge this heterogeneity within age, participants were selected from a
broad range of ages (see Table 1). Furthermore, because this study had a rural focus (see
Chapter 1, Section 2b), eighty five per cent of the research population consisted of older
people who lived in rural communities in West Sussex (see Table 1). Additionally, as previous
physical ability levels affect physical activity participation in later life (Office of Deputy Prime
Minister, 2006), a range of participants with different physical abilities participated in this
study (see Table 1 for more details). Two very active and physically able participants self
selected into the study, as a result of the advertising of the research in a number of public
places, such as village halls and shops, and they both completed all phases of the data
collection. The remaining population were accessed through social groups for older people
with no explicit physical activity focus. Eighteen of the focus group attendees consented to a
narrative interview, of whom sixteen took part in the activity diary writing, and seventeen
participated in the semi-structured re-interviews (see Appendix 2 for the research timeline).
The next section discusses how the population was sampled in more detail.
Table 1. Sample population demographic information presented by data collection
method
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5.2b) Sampling and access
Older people in rural communities can be isolated and excluded from public spaces (Collins
and Kay, 2003). This could have presented a challenge when trying to access these groups.
However, contact was made with the gatekeepers of rural voluntary organisations in the
Rivendale District, who worked with older people. These gatekeepers had access to a desired
population and informally regulated who had contact with them (Abercrombie et al., 2000).
Initial contact was made via focus groups held at the pre-formed lunch and social meetings of
a number of rural voluntary organisations.
Through the gatekeepers, a purposive (non-probability) strategy and a theoretical sampling
method were used. A purposive sampling strategy was employed because the aim of this
Data
collection
method
Number of
participants
Age
range
(years)
Average
age
(years)
Number of
participants
over 75
years
Gender
ratio
men:
women
Numbers
living in
rural
location
Numbers
regularly
active
Numbers
with
chronic
illness
Focus
groups
(n=7)
33 60-90
Narrative
interviews
(n=20)
20/33 63-90 76.1 10 1:3 17 10 10
Activity
diaries
(n=16)
16/20 63-90 75.3 8 5:11 13 8 9
Semi-
structured
re-
interviews
with
visual
elicitation
(n=19)
19/20 63-90 76.3 10 5:14 16 10 9
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research was to explore experiences and generate theory by interviewing a small-scale group
(Gilbert, 1993). I was concerned with understanding the social processes by which this group
of older people came to understand and make sense of their experiences (Gilbert, 1993). The
choice of a qualitative, non-positivistic, narrative research approach resulted from the
influence that feminist theory has had on social researchers and social research more
generally. Feminists have critiqued positivistic research for being sexist, hierarchical and for
ignoring subjectivity-based research (Jayaratne and Stewart, 1991). Rejecting the idea of
objectivity and bias does not mean that accounts should not be accurately and authentically
represented (Elliott, 2005). Instead, I share the aim of feminist qualitative researchers, which
is to provide an in-depth, rich and authentic account of meanings that are attributed to the
social world. As well as using a non-probability or purposive sampling strategy, a theoretical
sampling method was utilised, to further theoretical understanding by collecting information,
which deepens understanding of the previous accounts (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Sampling
concluded when theoretical saturation was reached and no new analytical insight was being
collected (Gilbert, 1993). This sampling method was applied to both focus group and
narrative interview participants.
As a result of Bourdieu‟s (1984) critique of objective measures of social class, participants
were asked, in their interviews, which social class they most strongly identified with, if any
(see Chapter 1, Section 3c); their self-selected social class was collected together with other
personal information and presented in biographical sketches (see Appendix 1). Table 1
provides an overview of the sample‟s demographic information. Although there are no specific
sections in the analysis chapters outlining the influence of identities such as gender, ethnicity,
social class, and ability levels on physical activity experiences, they were considered
throughout the research process and woven into the discussion, to avoid needless
fragmentation of the participants‟ narratives.
5.3) Methods and data collection
When facilitating the fieldwork, an inclusive definition of physical activity was provided to the
participants to prevent underreporting; as this was a problem identified in previous research
exploring physical activity with older people (see Canning and Clay, 2006). How to define
physical activity and its related physical health benefits on ageing populations is contentious
(see Chapter 2, Section 3). Nonetheless, the definition decided upon for this study was based
on the guidelines from the Department of Health, which are as follows:
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Since 1996 the Department of Health‟s advice for physical activity has been that
adults should aim to take 30 minutes of at least moderate activity… this can be
continuous activity or intermittent throughout the day… [e]xamples include
walking or cycling… active hobbies and leisure pursuits such as gardening and
sporting activities… [it] can be lifestyle activity… [which] means activities that
are performed as part of everyday life, such as climbing stairs or brisk walking
(Department of Health, 2004a: 2-3).
This definition was helpful insofar as I wanted to explore how participants experienced and
benefited from New Labour‟s conceptualisation of physical activity, which was promoted as
part of active ageing frameworks (see Chapter 2, Section 2d). Accordingly, at the beginning
of the focus groups, narrative interviews and the diary briefing sessions, the above definition
was articulated using a range of lifestyle activities (housework, gardening, brisk walking and
dancing) in addition to structured physical activities (exercise classes, attending a gym and
playing sport), as physical activity examples.
5.3a) Focus groups
Although there are no feminist methods per se, the way research has been carried out can be
considered to be consistent with feminist approaches (Letherby, 2003). This section, firstly,
explains why focus groups were chosen as a method, and, secondly, explains why the
manner in which focus groups were approached could be considered feminist.
Focus groups were selected overwhelmingly for practical reasons: to access a relatively large
group of people who share something in common, which was, in this case, that participants
were aged over 60 years old. In addition, focus groups are a way in which discussion can take
place in a more familiar environment and access the participants‟ every-day interactions
(Flick, 2006). Because I wanted to access participants with a variety of physical activity
levels, pre-existing groups, such as lunch clubs, were selected, whose main focus, was not
physical activity. Seven mixed focus groups took place, with between three and eight in each
group, with a total of thirty three participants, in January and February 2008 (see Appendix
2).
A feminist approach to research was utilised when implementing the focus groups insofar as I
ensured that open-ended discussion occurred in a non-authoritarian manner, and thereby
facilitated the expression of emotional and personal experiences (Oakley, 1981; see Diagram
2 and Section 5.7b for more details). This method was useful in stimulating memories and
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discussion between groups of people, which may not have occurred in a one-to-one interview
situation (Flick, 2006). A topic guide was developed with a variety of questions on subjects
including retirement, physical activity experiences, living in a rural community, other factors
affecting participation and their opinions about the facilities on offer for older people in rural
communities (see Appendix 3). These questions intended to explore the aims of the project at
this preliminary stage and to help to orientate the researcher to the field, as a recognised
way of using focus groups (Flick, 2006). Moreover, in this question guide, the emphasis
placed on personal experiences is compatible not only with feminist research practice, which
values personal experience above objective detachment (Oakley, 1981), but, also, with
exploring the lived experiences of embodiment (which are inherently personal), influenced by
the work of Bourdieu (1984), who places subjective experience at the heart of this theory of
embodiment. The topic guide was piloted with two focus groups, with the wording and
prompts adjusted accordingly and minor changes made (see Appendix 3 for the first and final
version of the focus group topic guide).
According to Morgan (1988), generating group interaction is the hallmark of the focus group
method. Thus, I employed a variety of styles of questioning in order to generate informal
discussion without lapsing into unrelated topics (Puchta and Potter, 2004). A variety of
different questions designed to elicit opinions and values were used to investigate what older
people thought about experiences such as old age, physical activity and the meaning of
retirement (see Questions 1, 2, 3, 5 and 7, Appendix 3). Questions exploring participants‟
feelings were asked to discern how older people felt about living in a rural community (see
Question 4, Appendix 3). A sensory question tried to evoke how participants envisaged older
people being physically active (see Question 6, Appendix 3) (Patton, 2002). In addition, a
number of non-verbal cues were used such as making eye contact, nodding the head, making
encouraging utterances and being silent to let discussion flow (Patton, 2002). The verbal and
non-verbal social techniques adopted in the focus groups were vital to building a sympathetic
relationship, a feature that is central to feminist approaches to research (see Oakley, 1981).
Furthermore, I recognised that in a focus group, it is also important to mediate between
louder and quieter members to encourage participation through attributing value to
contributions from all members (Flick, 2006).
The focus group transcripts were analysed by me repeatedly reading them and also listening
to the recordings and picking out the common themes. These became the basis of the
narrative interview topic guide (Flick, 2006; see Appendix 4). Additionally, the verbatim focus
group transcripts were analysed alongside the narrative interview transcripts, diary entries
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and research journal entries and presented in the analysis Chapters (see Section 5.6 for
further details). The next phase of this research project sought to deepen my understanding
of older people‟s lived experiences, using narrative interviews.
5.3b) Narrative interviews
The three theoretical perspectives (Foucault, Feminism and Bourdieu) influenced my choice of
narrative interviews (see Diagram 2). Foucauldian theory was important because, although I
was not concerned with analysing data at micro level, I was interested in not only the content
of the story being told, but also how it was being told. For example, it was important to
consider how social and cultural narratives limited and enabled their stories (Riessman,
2008). Secondly, narrative interviews are an interactive process where meaningful reality is
constructed between the researcher and the participant (Mishler, 1986). This fitted with a
participatory model of feminist research, which aims to jointly construct knowledge together
by breaking down hierarchical relationships between the researcher and the researched
(Reinharz, 1983; see Section 5.5 for more details). Thirdly, Bourdieusian theory influenced
the choice of narrative interviews, as choosing narrative interviews enabled me to focus on
and draw out very specific experiences (the subjective and corporeal experience of physical
activity) amongst all other lived experiences the participants had gained throughout their
lives.
As previously stated, although there are no feminist methods per se, I took a feminist
approach to research, through which I valued the personal and private experiences of
participants and I tried to develop more equal power relations with my participants (Reinharz,
1983). Therefore, whilst carrying out twenty in-depth interviews in participants‟ homes, I
made sure they were comfortable, relaxed and felt at ease, which encouraged the collection
of rich in-depth data. This was achieved by asking biographical questions to begin with to,
firstly, build trust and, secondly, clarify and elicit contextual information about their lives from
the past up to the present. The collection of biographical information over time is a distinctive
feature of a narrative interview (Riessman, 1993) and also helped to build rapport with my
participants. The remainder of the interview schedule was of a similar structure to a semi-
structured interview as it focused on a particular aspect of the participant‟s life (Chase, 2005)
which was, namely, the lived experiences of physical activity in later life. As previously
mentioned, this interest in the subjective and corporeal experiences of physical activity in
later life was influenced by Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory of embodiment, which indicated that
subjective experience is vital to understanding how social structures impact on individuals‟
daily lives and physical practices (see Diagram 2). The interview structure also allowed each
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participant to give their account and enabled their voice to be heard during the interview
(Mishler, 1986). This is linked to (Foucauldian) feminist concepts of empowerment and voice
(see Diagram 2, Section 5.5a and 5.5b for more details). Using narrative interviews enabled
me to explore the themes that had emerged from the focus groups, while, at the same time,
gave freedom to the participant to actively shape and expand upon the research agenda
(Holstein and Gubrium, 1995). For example, some interviews were over three hours long
because the participants narrated in great detail the stories they felt were important to tell.
In total twenty narrative interviews took place between February and April 2008 (see
Appendix 2).
As with the focus groups, a number of questioning styles were employed, such as opinion and
value questions (Patton, 2002), exploring what the participants thought the role of a physical
activity organiser to be (see Question 2, Appendix 4), the effect that being part of a religious
organisation had on physical activity participation (see Question 3, Appendix 4) and other
factors that may affect physical activity participation, such as the weather, relationships, their
body and financial resources (see Questions 4, 5, 6, and 10, Appendix 4). Additionally,
questions about the issues of whether they had thought about changing their bodily
appearance and what social class meant to them (see Questions 9 and 11, Appendix 4) were
asked. A feeling question (Patton, 2002) was employed to explore how their ageing body
made them feel (see Question 6, Appendix 4). Finally, sensory questions (Patton, 2002) were
asked to explore what their ideal body looked liked and whether they would like to have seen
their body differently (see Questions 7 and 8, Appendix 4). As with the focus groups, the
verbal and non-verbal social techniques adopted in the narrative interviews were essential to
building a sympathetic relationship and central to the collection of subjective experiences in
feminist research approaches (see Oakley, 1981). The narrative interviews were digitally-
recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed with the aid of NVivo Version 8 (discussed
further in Section 5.4a). Following the narrative interviews, participants were asked to
continue to the next stage of the research, which was keeping an activity diary.
5.3c) Activity diaries
When considering the use of diaries as a method, Plummer (2001) identified two different
ways of collecting narratives: interviews and diaries. Unlike narrative interviews, diaries
provided a way for participants to narrate their experiences as they happened, day by day,
rather than all at once (Plummer, 2001). The choice of using diaries was partially affected by
Bourdieu‟s theories of embodiment (1984) and Structuration (1968; see Diagram 2); I
wanted to capture the subjective accounts of their everyday lived experiences in addition to
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exploring the social and cultural capital that influenced their corporeal experiences. Moreover,
diaries were a useful tool for identifying patterns of behaviour that [older] people displayed
and considering how they interpreted different situations, as well as for examining the
meanings ascribed to their experiences and fluctuations in their emotions (Alaszewski, 2006).
Diaries were also especially useful for the collecting of data which was sensitive or difficult to
observe (Robson, 2002), such as the effect that bereavement had on physical activity
participation (see Chapter 8, Section 3). The ability of this method to capture emotional and
sensitive data was attractive to me, as a feminist researcher, as I feel that capturing
emotional experience is essential to understanding subjectivity (Harding, 1987). In addition,
diaries enabled participants to record both qualitative and quantitative data when desired,
which provided a greater understanding of activity levels and experiences. For example, some
participants wanted to record the distance walked, as well as how they experienced the
physical activity itself, and this method allowed them to do so.
There are several different types of diaries that could have been employed but, for this study,
pen and paper diaries were chosen as most appropriate and cost effective for the research
population (Bolger et al., 2003). However, the use of diaries more generally as a method did
have drawbacks, as it put considerable responsibility onto the participants (Robson, 2002),
which was evident in some of their reflections on diary use (see Section 5.3ci). Further, the
use of diaries as a method carries the problem of low completion rates, as control is handed
over to the participant to fill in as much or little as they want (Robson, 2002). Moreover, the
accounts are subjective (Robson, 2002). However, a feminist approach to research values
participants‟ reflexive and subjective experiences (see Diagram 2) and I wanted to empower
participants in the research process, by giving them direct control over their narratives
(Letherby, 2003; see Appendix 3). Low completion rates were not a problem in this study.
Out of the twenty original participants, eighteen agreed to participate in the diary writing
phase of this research as two declined due to time constraints. Nevertheless, two lost the
diaries the six months, therefore, sixteen diaries were returned in total, which had been
completed between the months of February and October 2008, with no incentives given (see
Appendix 2). All diary participants were given a verbal briefing at the end of the first wave of
interviews which explained the purpose of the diaries, what they would be used for and the
overall aims of the project (see Appendix 5). The diary used an event-based design (Bolger et
al., 2003), where participants were asked to complete a detailed diary entry every time they
felt they had participated in physical activity, including how this made them feel about
themselves (social, individual identity) and their body (corporeal identity). Inside the diary,
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guidance was inserted, outlining the purpose of the study and giving examples of the types of
information that they could write about, in two different formats (see Appendices 6 and 7).
The first format was unstructured and gave an example entry (Appendix 6). The second
format was a structured set of questions, which could be followed if wished and, again, these
were purely example questions (Appendix 7). The first set of instructions was inserted into
half the diaries and the second set inserted into the remaining half. The insertion of the two
sets of instructions attempted to see if there was a relationship between the type of
instruction (structured or unstructured) and the quality and volume of data collected.
In order to encourage and ensure that participants continued to complete the diaries,
personal contact was maintained, so that participants felt their contribution was valuable, as
well as providing clarity on the purpose and the aims of the research (Robson, 2002).
Therefore, monthly contact over the telephone continued throughout the diary data collection
phase. During this time a relationship of trust and reciprocity was further built up (see
Section 5.5b).
When the diaries were returned, there was little correlation in terms of volume or quality of
data and the instructions given (structured or unstructured). Nine out of sixteen participants
wrote every day. Half of these had been given unstructured guidance. Twelve out of sixteen
wrote in detailed prose, of which five out of twelve had been given structured guidance and
seven out of twelve had been given unstructured guidance. However, all participants
attempted to fill in the diaries. The fact that the instructions did not have an effect on their
narrative writing provides some evidence that the diaries gave participants autonomy to write
their narratives in their chosen style and to the extent they felt necessary. Thus, the use of
diaries in this way helped to empower the participants by giving them a voice and by
contributing directly to knowledge construction (see Section 5.5b for further details).
Furthermore, some accounts contained very detailed and subjective corporeal experiences of
physical activity. This data was extremely rich and useful as it gave insights into their daily
lives and how they struggled with a range of factors that restricted physical activity, such as
public transport being ill-suited to ageing bodies, chairs and seating being inappropriate for
their needs, feelings of vulnerability, experiences of taking medication and how experiences
of physical activities, such as gardening, changed over time.
The diary data was entered into the NVivo Version 8 qualitative research package verbatim,
and analysed together with interview transcripts. The diary data was not changed or edited,
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to ensure the authenticity of participants‟ original entries; accordingly, some grammatical
errors from the participants‟ original entries are in evidence.
5.3ci) Reflections on diary use
When the diaries were collected, I encouraged participants‟ reflections on the diary writing
process. This decision was influenced by a feminist approach to research that values
reflexivity as a resource (see Macintyre, 1993). Moreover, there has been very little
information collected about the way diary completion affects participants (Bolger et al.,
2003). Eighteen participants, who were given the diaries, were re-interviewed and asked to
reflect upon the process. Some participants found that writing in the diary was beneficial to
them as it gave them something to do, it clarified their thoughts and feeling on issues
concerning them and they were surprised about the volume of activity they participated in:
Oh I didn‟t mind writing in it, sometimes I think I shall sit down and bring it up
to date and I am going to say this, this, this and this, and I could have written a
book, and then I sit down and think oh! I did try and clarify some of my feelings
and how I was going up and down, I mean and also, it did surprise me when I
looked in it to think, when I say how much of it I do, I mean it might be
something mundane like going to the hairdressers every week but, I do try and
go out once a week. [Margaret, aged 64, I]
Another participant talked about how it made her reflect on her corporeality when she was
physically active:
It made me a bit more aware of how I was feeling because, normally I go to the
gym and feel oh god you know, well it‟s not really a waste but I think ah, I don‟t
really want to make an effort but, it made me aware sometimes that I felt better
afterwards. The idea of the gym you just have this veil down over you and you
just think oh exercise, and it did made me think because, when I was writing
that down afterwards I was more aware of how I felt when I came out. [Victoria,
aged 63, I]
In total, seven people said they benefitted in some way from completing the diaries.
However, other participants found it a chore, repetitive and difficult to remember, not
uncommon when using diaries (Bolger et al., 2003). For example, one participant said it was:
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A bloody nuisance, I kept on forgetting and my wife said „what did you do?‟ and
we sort of went back for a week, what we did do and when we did it. [Luke,
aged 76, I]
However, those participants still completed them, probably, in part, due to the relationship I
had built with them:
I can honestly say that I didn‟t write in it because I wanted to; I wrote it in to
oblige you. [John, aged 78, I]
Interviewer: Ok thank you. I do appreciate all your hard work.
This extract reflected and endorsed the relationship that I had built up with the participants
through the data collection process. However, it does also raise some difficult ethical
questions. Informed consent was obtained at all stages of data collection, in adherence to the
British Sociological Association (BSA) guidelines for ethical practice (BSA, 2002; see Appendix
14). This included reminding participants of their right to withdraw, resulting in two people
choosing not to participate in this diary data collection phase. This reflection upon diary use
highlights that the power relations within research are important, with researchers needing to
strike a balance between building trusting relationships and avoiding compromising
participants‟ right to refuse. Moreover, having taken a feminist approach to this research, the
power relations between the interviewer and interviewee is something I have thoroughly
considered, including the impact upon the participants (see Section 5.5b and 5.5c).
5.3d) Semi-structured re-interviews with visual elicitation
The inclusion of visual elicitation in this semi-structured re-interview was influenced by
Foucauldian theory, insomuch as Foucault theorised that discourses construct subject
positions through which identities are assigned to individuals (see Section 4.2b and Diagram
2 for more details) and I was interested in exploring the effect, if any, that positive and
successful ageing discourses had on older people‟s subjectivity. Therefore, in the semi-
structured re-interviews (see Appendix 2), participants were asked a series of questions
which explored how and if successful or positive ageing discourses affected them, with the aid
of healthy living leaflets as visual prompts (see Appendix 8). They were also asked about
their experiences of receiving health information from friends, family and medical
professionals (see Appendix 9). The interview schedule was piloted on one participant and
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adjusted to ensure clarity of questions in lay English instead of being overly theoretically
worded (Elliot, 2005).
Visual elicitation is very similar to photo elicitation, where photos are introduced into the
interview to stimulate discussion and memories (Harper, 2002). Visual elicitation, though, is a
broader concept that includes any type of visual stimulus, which, in this case, was healthy
living leaflets, targeted at older people. The visual stimuli used worked well in discussions
because the images conveyed representations of [older] people in a succinct manner (Harper,
2002). The use of visual prompts evoked emotional responses and elicited discussions on
sensitive topics such as sexual activity in later life (see Chapter 7, Section 3c). This was a
strength of using visual elicitation in that it can be used to broach taboo topics that are
sensitive in nature. Additionally, this was particularly useful for [older] people who have had a
limited voice in society, as it de-centred the focus from the researcher to the image and thus
empowered the participant to reflect and respond accordingly (Liamputtong, 2007). By
shifting the focus onto the participant to respond to the image in their own time, the
participant is empowered within the research process, complementing feminist research
approaches, insomuch as it captures personal and emotional data, while simultaneously
equalising power relations between the participant and researcher (Reinharz, 1983; see
Diagram 2).
5.4) Data analysis: an analysis of narratives
There are several ways in which narratives can be analysed in ageing studies (see Phoenix et
al., 2010). The most widely used form of analysis within narrative inquiry is called narrative
analysis and examines the structure of each narrative, drawing out the plot lines, characters
or genre (Plummer 2001). This can be very useful for small numbers of detailed case studies
but “is not suitable for large samples” (Riessman, 2008:103). With a sample size of twenty
participants, I decided that such narrative analysis would not only be overly time consuming,
but, also, more importantly, inappropriate for this research design. In addition, although it
was considered important to represent the participants‟ stories so that the reader could
engage with the thick descriptions of their lived experiences and how resources affected
ability (see Chapter 6, Section 2b), it was also vital to draw together the commonalities and
differences of the experiences that participants had because I wanted to explore whether my
participants had any shared or divergent subjective experiences of their ageing bodies. This
interest in possible shared corporeal experiences was a result of reading Dumas and Turner‟s
(2006) concept of ageing habitus, adapted from Bourdieu‟s (1984) concept of habitus, which
proposed that older people have a common corporeal existence and interaction with the social
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world and I wanted to investigate this in the analysis (see Diagram 2). Feminist theory also
influenced the analysis process as I wanted to explore themes in women‟s narratives and
identify their shared corporeal experiences (see Diagram 2). In addition, Foucauldian Feminist
theory affected the choice of analysis, as I wanted to identify how individuals used dominant
narratives or discourses of ageing in their narratives (see Diagram 2). Finally, I was
interested in the effect that successful and positive ageing discourses had on older people‟s
subjectivities, which was influenced by the work of Foucault and his conceptualisation of
discourse and subjectivity (see Diagram 2 and Chapter 4, Section 2b). The consideration of
whether discourses shape subject positions, such as „a guilty older person‟ or „a successful
ager‟ essentially concerned an analysis of the common subject positions within participants‟
narratives, having been shown images of active older people (see Appendix 8), also lent itself
to thematic analysis. Therefore, a thematic analysis of narratives, as opposed to narrative
analysis (Polkinghorne, 1995), was chosen as a more appropriate and useful analytical
strategy. Instead of analysing every individual narrative, examining its structure and form, I
identified the themes that were present across all twenty narratives (Polkinghorne, 1995),
with the aid of NVivo Version 8 qualitative software package.
5.4a) The analysis process
The analysis process started with data collection, by making notes on possible emerging
themes in my research journal and beginning to develop theoretical ideas, and then, in the
data transformation stages, I was re-living the interview (Kvale, 2006). After three months,
the focus groups and narrative interviews had been transcribed and transferred into the
qualitative data analysis software programme (NVivo Version 8). The diary entries were
entered directly by hand into NVivo Version 8, which took over six weeks.
The use of computers in qualitative analysis has become more popular with the increasing
speed at which technology has developed (Flick, 2006). However, it is a common myth that
computer-aided qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS) carries out the analysis for the
researcher; instead, it is usually used as a data management tool to aid the analysis of large
amounts of data (Flick, 2006). NVivo Version 8 was used to manually code, retrieve and
develop conceptual analysis framework. A paper that was particularly useful at this stage in
the research process was Attride-Stirling‟s (2001) overview of how to develop thematic
frameworks using CAQDAS. Thematic frameworks are ways of organising data and drawing
out key themes to produce an inter-related network (Attride-Stirling, 2001). The process
outlined has been adapted from Attride-Stirling‟s (2001) article and I have explained, under
each step, the analysis process that I went through:
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‘Step 1: coding the material’: All data was coded into meaningful text segments. A coding
framework was developed partly based on theoretical concepts and partly on emerging data.
This is known as an „abductive research strategy‟ (Blaikie, 2000), where the researcher is
involved in a dialectical process of interpreting data with existing theory and generating
theory through the analysis of data.
„Step 2: identify themes’: Once the text had been coded, themes were developed from the
coded text, by re-reading the text segments under a specific code. These themes were then
refined to ensure they were discrete and not repetitive and, yet, also encapsulated more than
one text segment.
‘Step 3: constructing thematic networks’: The themes were then arranged into networks
or hierarchies. The basic themes were at the bottom of the hierarchy, the organising themes
grouped the basic themes under subheadings and global themes denoted the overarching
concept, forming the themes of the analysis chapters. This step was time consuming and
several thematic structures were trialled before the final framework took shape. Then further
refining and verifying of the themes took place within the thematic structure (see Appendix
13 for one example version of the thematic framework).
‘Step 4: describe and explore the thematic networks’: At this stage, the themed
analysis network was downloaded into a word document. Each theme was then described
using the text segments to support each description (see Appendix 13). At the same time, I
was looking for underlying patterns, such as the differences between genders, social classes,
abilities and ages. These patterns became the argument or underlying discussion within each
theme.
‘Step 5: summarise the thematic network’: The underlying patterns were summarised
and made explicit using empirical examples to support interpretations.
‘Step 6: interpret patterns’: The interpretation of underlying patterns was carried out
alongside Step 5. I summarised and described the underlying patterns within each theme,
such as identifiable similarities and differences between accounts and individual stories which
had a particular salience, whilst simultaneously using theoretical frameworks and literature to
illuminate the underlying patterns emerging from the data.
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Although the analysis process was long and painstaking (over a year from start to finish),
using Attride-Stirling‟s method (2001) and CAQDAS meant that the analysis was systematic,
rigorous, robust and thorough (Flick, 2006). In the next section, I outline the criteria most
suitable for evaluating a qualitative research project and its findings.
5.5) Judging qualitative research
The narrative turns and wider paradigmatic shifts away from positivist to non-positivist
approaches have influenced the growing popularity of qualitative research methods (Lincoln
and Guba, 2003). Furthermore, feminists‟ critique of objective, value-free, unbiased research
has also contributed to this shift (Letherby, 2003). The use of positivistic criteria, such as
validity and reliability, are claimed to be inappropriate because philosophical underpinnings of
positivism and non-positivist paradigms are incommensurable (Lincoln and Guba, 2003).
Subsequently, different criteria, including trustworthiness, credibility and dependability, have
been developed for judging qualitative research (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). However, some
researchers have stipulated that certain criteria are applicable to specific paradigms (Morrow,
2005). Others have challenged the use of criteria to judge qualitative research altogether
(see Schwandt, 1996). Therefore, there is no clear consensus on which or whether criteria
should be used to judge qualitative research (Lincoln and Guba, 2003). However, it was felt
to be important to demonstrate, for the purposes of this thesis, the „goodness‟ of this
research (Morrow, 2005). Consequently, I have chosen criteria suggested by Patton (2002)
as being appropriate for research located in the social constructionist / constructivist
paradigm and it is a discussion of these which follows in the remainder of this section.
5.5a) Trustworthiness, credibility and dependability
As a result of a crisis of legitimacy within non-positivistic paradigms, Lincoln and Guba (1985)
devised a set of trustworthiness criteria which, they argued, would increase the credibility of
qualitative research findings. Linked to the idea of trustworthiness is the concept of
credibility, which effectively replaced reliability in the positivistic paradigm. Trustworthiness is
essentially the willingness of stakeholders to make changes in policy as a result of the
findings or, in other academic approaches, the question of whether the academic community
feels secure to act on them (Denzin and Lincoln, 2008). Patton (2002) developed Lincoln and
Guba‟s (1985) notions of trustworthiness and credibility, using, instead, the concept of
dependability, to evaluate whether a systematic approach has been taken to the research
process. There are a number of ways in which this research project and its findings can be
said to be trustworthy and dependable.
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Firstly, this research is credible because of the employment of methodological and theoretical
triangulation (Flick 2006). Methodological triangulation uses different methods to enrich
knowledge and transgress the limited epistemological potentials of each individual method
(Flick, 2006). Furthermore, theoretical triangulation was also used (see Chapter 4, Section 3),
which refers to the opening up of theoretical possibilities, by utilising several theoretical
frameworks to extend the possibilities of producing knowledge (Denzin, 1989a). Secondly,
these research findings are dependable, in part, because of the use of NVivo Version 8
qualitative software package and the systematic method used to analyse the data (see
Section 5.4a). All the data collected was transcribed in full, entered and coded the same way
and carefully refined to ensure no vital data was omitted. Thirdly, the employment of the
member checking the research findings can be said to be trustworthy (Lincoln and Guba,
1985). The type of member checking employed was where the transcripts were checked with
the participants to ensure the transcripts accurately reflected the interview or focus group
(Riessman, 1993). No changes of content were made to the transcripts by my participants. In
addition, following analysis of the focus group transcripts, the thematic categories were
explored with the participant in the narrative interviews, to gain insight on the emerging
themes (Riessman, 1993). Additionally, I utilised Gearing‟s (2004) conceptualisation of a
reflexive bracketing interview, based on a phenomenological philosophy of „bracketing out‟
personal assumptions from the research process. However, being critical of the any
researcher‟s ability to achieve this, I adapted this tool into a pre-data collection reflexive
interview, which purpose was to record account of my thoughts and feelings prior to the
research and reflect upon these at the end of the research process (see Appendix 10 and
Chapter 9, Section 4). This significantly improved the trustworthiness of my findings, as I was
asked about my involvement and motivations to do the research, to reflect upon my social
background, feminist values, and identities as a young, middle class, woman and to consider
how this would affect the research process and was aware of some potential issues, such as,
my ability to empathise with people over twice my age at the time of data collection, and my
feelings of wanting to support them outside the research context (see Appendix 10). The
strength in transparently and overtly declaring my involvement in the research, considering
the effect this on the research design, process, analysis, chosen theoretical framework, is
that it increases the transferability of my research findings (see Section 5.5d).
Traditionally in qualitative research, the role of the researcher was to remain objective and
detached, whilst, at the same time, empathising and building rapport with the participant
(Oakley, 1981). There has been a shift more recently to viewing the researcher as having
more of a collaborative and reflexive role (Roberts, 2002). Being reflexive as a researcher is
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essential when taking a feminist approach to research (Macintyre, 1993). Reflexivity is
demonstrated when researchers acknowledge, consider and accept the vital part they play in
constructing and shaping the research design, data and knowledge. Feminists rightly argue
that the researcher is an active and pivotal part of the research process. Thus, the researcher
must be value-explicit (Morley, 1996). There is, however, a balance to be struck, for, if too
much of the personal life of the researcher enters the text, there is a danger that this could
be viewed as self absorption or narcissism (Sparkes, 1994). Nonetheless, it can also be
argued that we all have stories to tell and that to situate the researcher within the research is
to acknowledge this (Roberts, 2002). Being a feminist researcher, I considered the effect I
had on my research in both the pre-data collection reflexive interview (see Appendix 10) and
my research journal. I anticipated that my social background, gender and age would greatly
influence the research process and this is explored in more depth in Chapter 9, Section 4.
5.5b) Authenticity: giving voice and enabling change
Like trustworthiness and credibility, authenticity emerged out of discussions in qualitative
paradigms about alternative concepts to replace the positivistic notion of validity (Denzin and
Lincoln, 2008). For example, Richardson (1997) uses the metaphor of a crystal to
encapsulate validity, not as a triangle, but as a multi-dimensional refractor of light, enabling a
deep, meaningful, yet, partial understanding of our participants. Guba and Lincoln (1989),
however, have produced various criteria located within the social constructionist /
constructivist paradigm which attempt to establish the extent to which the participants
engaging with the research were given a voice, whether as a result of the issues explored in
the research where the research enabled change amongst the research group, or if the
research itself facilitated change (Denzin and Lincoln, 2008). This research project was
designed to engage directly with older people through regular face-to-face and telephone
contact over a nine-month data collection period. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985), if
trust is established and maintained, participants are more likely to reveal their lives and
feelings, increasing verstehen or deep understanding (Patton, 2002). During this study,
participants discussed personal and sensitive issues, which occurred because of their
engagement and trust. Thus I felt an intense need to accurately represent their stories to the
best of my ability (see Appendix 10), which kept me motivated through more difficult times of
the research process. Moreover, if participants were not engaged in the research, they would
not have completed the diary-writing phase (see Section 5.3c). Participants desired change in
their local area and for more physical activity opportunities to be available to them. For
example, I wrote in my research journal (RJ):
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When I got to Age Concern today the people I spoke to were very forthcoming and as
we started going through the questions, it became clear that everybody wanted to
have some activities but the organiser was using different reasons for stopping them
taking part... They wanted to know if I knew of anyone who could come in and provide
yoga classes, as they did have a yoga teacher but she died. [RJ, 25th January 2008]
This was a difficult negotiating process between, the responsibility I felt to my participants in
raising the topic and thus the need to take action, and being reticent in getting too personally
involved in their plight for change and risk compromising my role as a researcher, or, in other
words, an involvement / detachment dilemma (Elias, 1987). This was another issue that I
had foreseen in my pre-data collection reflexive interview (see Appendix 10). As the research
process progressed, I liaised with West Sussex County Council about ways to empower the
members of this specific group to bring about change and improve the physical and social
activities within the organisation:
Spoke to the Age Concern group today and they have made ground within the
organisation by getting new members onto the committee. Sharon from the council
was there with a voluntary advocate who is going to find out about some activities that
can take place like seated aerobics and perhaps get a grant to do it which is positive.
[RJ, 21st August 2008]
Although this was not user-led research, it can partly be seen as emancipatory research,
attempting to empower participants with the help of external organisations, such as West
Sussex County Council, (Beresford, 2002). More generally, this research was emancipatory
because it presents the voices and experiences of older people (mostly women) on topics
where their voices have previously been silent, which was my underlying and initial interest in
researching people‟s lived experiences in later life (see Appendix 10). Researchers have
started to move away from detached representations of participants and, instead, seek to
present the voices of participants in the text (Denzin and Lincoln, 2008). For this reason, I
kept the diary entries in their original form (see Section 5.3c).
One of the aims of this study was reciprocity, to give something back to the participants for
contributing (Cresswell, 1998). Once this project is finished, I intend to provide feedback on
the findings of this study to West Sussex County Council, as I wish to try and improve the
lived experiences of older people in West Sussex. In addition, during the process of
participating in the study, participants became more aware of both their own physical activity
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capabilities and how they experienced them (see 6.5b). For example, some participants
became more aware of the role that volunteers played in enabling to or restricting them from
participation in activities at a local Age Concern centre:
I feel with the volunteers or helpers it is a case that they are coming to do their little
stint. But it‟s a case of when they say „oh so what are you doing?‟ „Oh I am a volunteer
at Age Concern‟... there is a little bit of prestige there... „I am the chairman‟, „I am the
this‟ and „I am the that‟. It is just prestige, „give me some more marks?‟ As far as
doing the jobs concerned, one person in particular at that place... is all like that, and
she does nothing (FG, Percy, aged 84 years).
Questioning the role of the volunteers is just one example of how awareness had been raised
amongst the participants of this study about social and practical factors that affected their
participation in their local areas. The emphasis on individual and social change for the
participants in this study, facilitated by both the way this research has been carried out and
its findings, is pivotal to feminist research approaches (Kemp and Squires, 1997). Another
key element of a feminist approach to research is ethical considerations and it is to these that
I now turn.
5.5c) Ethical considerations
Feminist research approaches advocate egalitarian relationships between the researcher and
the researched, in opposition to knowledge-power assumptions common to malestream
scientific research, which can be considered exploitative (Letherby, 2003). As a feminist
researcher embarking on this project, I wanted to ensure that any potential negative
consequences to my participants were mediated; this issue was highlighted in my pre-data
collection reflexive interview (see Appendix 10). Therefore, strategies were put in place to
prevent any harm to the participants in this study and the BSA (2002; see Appendix 14)
guidelines were adhered to throughout the process. The expectations of my participants were
managed by providing full informed consent forms, which included my role in the project, the
institution the research was connected to, the aims of the study, the data collection methods
and the right to refusal or withdrawal at any stage (Christians, 2000; see Appendix 12).
Participants‟ consent forms were signed and returned. All information was written in
accessible language, printed on cream paper in Ariel type font in font size 14, which is an
accessible format for many people with visual impairments (Action for Blind People, 2009).
After each interview, an information sheet was given to indicate external organisations, which
could give specific advice, guidance or advocacy (see Appendix 11).
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The anonymity, privacy and confidentiality of all participants were protected at all times
(Christians, 2000). Interviews took place at mutually agreed dates and times, in relaxed
neutral, private and informal locations to prevent compromising the participants‟ anonymity.
Participants were reminded prior, during and after the interviews of their full anonymity and
confidentiality (see Appendices 3, 4 and 5). Pseudonyms were used when direct references
were made to both the names of people and places. The primary data is coded to indicate the
different data collection methods in the following way:
I =Interview transcript D=Diary data RJ=Research journal FG =Focus group
This coding system was developed to indicate that the errors of grammar, sentence
construction and spelling in the diaries are retained from the original; it was felt this
contributed to the study‟s authenticity. All transcripts, analyses and information, both on
paper and disk, regarding the interviewees, have remained confidential and stored in a secure
manner, and will be destroyed once used, in accordance with the Data Protection Act.
Finally, full ethical clearance was gained from the University of Chichester. A Criminal Records
Bureau check was successfully completed (available upon request). In addition, I followed the
safety guidelines for social research, which outlines how risks to researchers can be avoided
through the taking of precautions, such as leaving a research itinerary with a designated
person to maintain contact throughout the research process (Craig et al., 2000). The next
section of this chapter examines the notion of generalizability, which is now more often
referred to as „transferability‟, within non-positivistic paradigms.
5.5d) Generalizability or transferability
The situation in the 1990s is seen by Denzin and Lincoln as the fifth moment:
narratives have replaced theories, or theories are read as narratives. But here we learn
about the end of grand narratives that fit specific, delimited, local, historical situations,
and problems (Flick, 2006:19).
The generalizability of qualitative research findings has been problematised and questioned
by researchers, such as Denzin and Lincoln, because of the failings and mistrust of
overarching metanarratives. This stance is also supported by feminist researchers who have
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critiqued malestream science for “inaccurate interpretation and over-generalisation of findings
– including the application of theory to women from research on men” (Letherby, 2003:68).
Therefore, in order to make specific authentic statements that are situated within particular
social contexts, the ability to generalise must be abandoned (Flick, 2006). However, Lincoln
and Guba (1985) discussed, instead, the ways in which results can be compared to different
social contexts, known as „transferability‟.
This [transferability] is achieved when the researcher provides sufficient information
about the self (the researcher as instrument) and the research context, processes,
participants and researcher-participant relationships to enable the reader to decide how
far the findings may transfer (Morrow, 2005:252).
Detailed evidence has been provided in this chapter concerning the processes and journey I
have undertaken and the integral place my participants have had within the research process
in jointly constructing knowledge, including the effect that our identities have had on the
research process, more generally (also see Appendix 10). The research context has been
identified and explored in Chapters 1, 2 and 3. Finally, the relationship between me, as a
researcher, and my participants is outlined specifically in 5.5a and 5.5b, and reflected upon in
Chapter 9, Section 4. To summarise, the transferability of these findings is limited to similar
populations to the one researched in this study: a rural population, over sixty years, with
mixed gender and ability levels, of similar social class and ethnic ratios, in a western society.
5.6) Conclusion
In conclusion, this chapter has presented my research journey, which has been long and, at
times, difficult, but an overwhelmingly rewarding one (see Chapter 9, Section 4 for more
details). As a researcher, I have been greatly influenced by feminist approaches to research,
notwithstanding the influence that Bourdieusian, Foucauldian and Feminist theoretical
perspectives have had on my research focus, design, methodology, methods and analysis.
This chapter, though, has provided an outline of how and why the research has been
designed and executed. Additionally, the theoretical framework, discussed in Chapter 4, and
the developed methodology provide a coherency to the research project and thesis, which
enables the findings and its contribution to knowledge to be understood clearly. Importantly,
this chapter has grounded the research findings outlined in the analysis Chapters (6, 7 and 8)
within a wider epistemological and theoretical context. It is to the developed analysis in
Chapter 6, which I now turn.
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Chapter 6: Making sense of ageing embodiment
6.1) Introduction
6.2) Experiences of frailty
a) Ageing habitus: shared corporeal experiences of ageing
b) Chronic illness, medicalisation and immobility: a series of individual stories
i) Arthritis – Victoria
ii) Heart problems – John
iii) Diabetes – Hannah
iv) Mis-diagnosis - Elizabeth
v) Immobility - Harry
d) Preventing poor mobility
e) Border crossing / epiphany – from the third to the fourth age
6.3) Emotional responses and ageing narratives
a) Cartesian dualism
b) Narratives of decline and loss
c) Narratives of risk and vulnerability
d) Narratives of obligation and resistance
6.4) Conclusion
6.1) Introduction
In this chapter, older people‟s corporeal and emotional experiences of physical activity in later
life are presented as both the shared experiences of physical activity in later life and
individuals‟ particular and unique personal stories (see Chapter 5, Section 2). Additionally,
the developed social theory of the ageing body (see Chapter 4, Section 3) will be applied
throughout the discussion of both personal and ageing narratives. Thus, three main social
theories will be used, which include Bourdieu‟s (1984) theoretical framework, theories of
gender and the work of Foucault (1978, 1991). More specifically, Bourdieu‟s concept of
lifestyle, and the development of the concept of habitus, by Dumas et al. (2005) and Dumas
and Turner (2006), who applied Bourdieu‟s concept of habitus to the experience of ageing
(see Chapter 4, Section 2a for a more detailed explanation), will be explored. Bourdieu‟s
(1984) concept of gendered habitus has also been used to understand how men and women
experience their embodiment differently (see Chapter 4, Section 2a). Furthermore, the work
of Connell (2005) and Harding (1997) has also been helpful in making sense of the differing
ways in which men and women experience their embodiment. Foucault‟s (1978, 1991)
theories of discipline and resistance will be employed to understand narratives of ageing.
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The chapter is divided into two sections; the first discusses the corporeal experience of the
ageing body when physically active and questions the extent to which the experience of
frailty is the result of ageing habitus or a result of older people‟s lifestyles. In seeking to
answer this question, the participants‟ everyday experiences of ageing are examined, within a
series of individual stories, which encapsulate chronic illness, mis-diagnosis and immobility,
accounts of epiphanal moments (Denzin, 1989b) and experiences of changing mobility. The
second section examines older people‟s emotional responses to their corporeal experiences
and locates these responses in a number of ageing narratives: de-civilising narratives, decline
and loss, risk and vulnerability, obligation and resistance. Additionally, this includes
discussion of how older people demonstrate their agency by positioning themselves in
different ageing narratives in different social contexts (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994; see
Chapter 3 for further details). Furthermore, the idea of demonstrating agency through
positioning oneself in narratives links with Feminist and Foucauldian feminist notions of
empowerment (see Chapter 4, Section 4c).
6.2) Experiences of frailty
Although sociological researchers have been critical of medicalising the ageing body and
conflating ageing with illness and disease (Hardy, 1998; Turner, 2000) (see Chapter 3,
Section 2b), when participants were asked about their corporeal experiences of ageing and
physical activity, the frailty of the ageing body emerged as a theme in their narratives. In
addition, although ageing is itself not a disease, the likelihood of illness and disease increases
over seventy years of age (Baltes and Mayer, 1999; see Chapter 2, Section 4). In this study,
seventy-five per cent of the research population were over seventy years of age. Therefore,
chronic illness and disease had a significant effect on the majority of the participants‟
experiences and, consequently, their ability to be physically active. Some of their accounts
include experiences of medical intervention and this reflects the extent to which issues of
„health‟ more generally have become inextricably linked to biomedicine (Crawford, 1980).
Moreover, as personal narratives are located within public narratives which individuals draw
upon to make sense of their lives (Somers, 1994), the dominance of biomedical narratives, in
both the shared and individual stories, is evidence that the biomedical narrative remains a
dominant resource for older people in western societies (see Chapter 3, Section 2b for a more
detailed discussion of the biomedical narrative of ageing and see Section 6.3c for a more
detailed discussion on how this narrative is used by participants).
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Shared experiences that were identified in participants‟ narratives were of aches, pain,
gaining weight, tiredness and slowing down, which evidences a shared experience of ageing
embodiment (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006, see Chapter 4, Section 2a for
more details). Chronic illnesses, such as arthritis, heart problems and diabetes, were also
discussed and are presented in this chapter as a series of individual stories. This section is
followed by an individual story capturing the impact of a medical intervention on the physical
activity experience of one participant. One final individual story illustrates the impact that
sporting and physical activity practices have on mobility. Experiences of epiphanal moments
(Denzin, 1989b), such as an accident(s) and / or trauma(s), are then discussed using the
analogy of the crossing of a border from the third to the fourth age, inasmuch as an
epiphanal marks the passing from a period of relative physical activity to relative physical
inactivity. This section is followed by an exploration of issues of mobility in older age and
finishes by discussing the extent to which experiences of corporeality and physical activity
support the concept of ageing habitus (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006) and
the extent to which lifestyles of older people differentiate experiences of ageing corporeality
over years of participating in certain physical practices (Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 4 for a
fuller discussion of these concepts). In other words, to what extent can experiences of frailty
and a lack of physical capital be attributable to individual lifestyle or is it, in fact, an integral
part of a shared experience of ageing habitus? This discussion will be linked to notions of
healthism, which highlight the ways in which national health policies have shifted
responsibility for health from the state onto the individual, reflecting the neo-liberal political
ideology dominant since the 1980s, which has emphasised lifestyle as the solution to the
individual’s health problems (Crawford, 2006; see Chapter 2 for a fuller discussion).
Foucault‟s (1978) concept of bio-politics is also applicable here, with the advent of political
disciplines which observed the relationship between resources and controlling the population
to be more economic docile bodies. Indeed, healthism can be seen as a political technique to
nudge the older population into compliance with the economic priorities of the state (see
Chapter 2).
6.2a) Ageing habitus: shared corporeal experiences of ageing
The everyday corporeal experiences of aches, pains, stiff joints, weight gain, tiredness and
slowing down were prevalent in the narratives of the participants in this study. These shared
experiences of ageing substantiate Dumas et al. (2005) and Dumas and Turner‟s (2006)
theory of an ageing habitus (see Chapter 4, Section 2a for more details). Moreover, having
aches and pains was accepted by participants as an inevitable part of experiencing an ageing
body and evidences the dominance of the bio-medical public narrative of ageing (see Chapter
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3, Section 2b). For example, Hannah (aged 78) dismisses her aches and pains when asked if
it constrains her physical ability:
Yes. But you get used to it. [I]
And Margaret (aged 64) attributes her experiences of aches and pains to the ageing process:
…I think all my friends are my age and we have all got aches and pains… [I]
According to Morris (1991a), old age is tantamount to a never-ending sea of chronic pain.
Furthermore, pain is understood through a social, historical and cultural lens. Biomedicine, for
example, has exerted a „powerful‟ influence on discourse of pain and has, in recent years,
taken precedence over competing explanations provided by literature, philosophy and religion
(Morris, 1991a). Therefore, although participants experienced everyday pain, it is the current
western cultural discourse of ageing that naturalises it to be synonymous with the ageing
process (Morris, 1991a) and this bio-medical discourse subsequently frames how older people
make sense of their experiences of ageing as an inevitable process of decline (see Chapter 3,
Section 2b for further details). However, in one narrative, Margaret (aged 64) questions the
existence of her pain:
Rainbow Day at Pretty Park organised by hospice. Fill in card for loved one and they
are assembled to form a rainbow. Fill one in for Glen and send with cheque. Intend to
go but think I will be uncomfortable because of standing and walking.
Is this genuine or am I just using it as an excuse. Certainly know it hurts in just a short
time of doing something. [D]
The pain Margaret feels is chronic and ongoing. Questioning the authenticity of her pain
reflects upon the invisible nature of chronic pain in the social world (Morris 1991a; Kotarba,
2004). Nonetheless, although Margaret feels pain after being physically active, because other
people cannot witness the experience, only her narrative expresses its existence (Kotarba,
2004). Margaret, like others who suffer from chronic illness, could be seeking „recognition‟ for
the pain experienced to confirm its existence through narratives (Frank, 1991:87). For
instance, participants utilised several different narratives of pain according to different social
contexts (see Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). For example, when participating in face-to-face
interviews, participants underplayed their experiences of aches and pains; however, when
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alone, participants, such as Tracey (aged 72), wrote regularly of how aches and pains
restricted the physical activities she wished to do:
Weekly shopping in the morning and in the afternoon put some plants in my tubs. Just
wish my joints didn‟t ache so much. Then could keep going but have to pack up after
an hour or so - tired. Went to bed early. [D]
This was in contrast to interview data in which aches and pains were largely de-emphasised.
According to Kleinman (1988), „the process of narratization‟ is essential for the
communication of the uncertainty and loss that results from corporeal betrayal, when the
body can no longer be relied upon to perform basic daily tasks. The diaries used in this study
gave participants an opportunity to create their own corporeal narrative of pain, in order to
evidence the effect this pain has on their social lives and on their capacity for physical
activity. In addition to the experience of chronic pain with age, joints were also experienced
to be stiffer. For example, Harriet (aged 75) states:
Well I do find with gardening now… that it is a bit harder to get down and get up, and
get on with the garden, but I still do it. And I mow the lawn… Well I suppose I am
getting a bit old and I am getting a little bit stiffer, but um, basically I feel quite active
and supple; not too bad. [I]
Nonetheless, the experience of aches and pains were present in every narrative as something
that restricted physical activity and thus supports Dumas and Turner‟s (2006; see Chapter 4,
Section 2a) concept of ageing habitus. Another commonly shared experience of ageing is the
issue of weight gain. In England, seventy-five per cent of men and sixty-six per cent of
women, aged sixty-five to seventy-four years, are overweight (British Heart Foundation,
2007b). A reduction of abdominal and overall body fat is linked to lowering the risk of chronic
illnesses such as coronary heart disease and diabetes (Stewart et al., 2005; see Chapter 2,
Section 3), and higher levels of energy expenditure reduce the risk of mortality among older
adults (Manini et al., 2006; see Chapter 2, Section 3). Furthermore, weight gain can also
impact upon arthritis, which results in participants, such as Victoria (aged 63), experiencing
aches and pains in her joints:
I know that I am overweight, I would like [not] to be… so heavy because I think maybe
I wouldn‟t be so tired. I [would] find things easier to do if I wasn‟t so heavy… and I
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also think… that it would help my joints; if I wasn‟t so heavy [my joints wouldn‟t]… be
so painful… [I]
Victoria‟s experience of living with arthritis is explored further in Section 6.2bi, as an
individual story which illustrates, in more depth, how it impinged upon her mobility.
According to Arthritis Care (2007), being overweight stresses the knee joints, which results in
the experience of pain and, when overweight people with arthritis lose weight, every pound of
weight lost has a fourfold reduction of impact on the knee. Victoria did try and lose weight by
attending a gym regularly:
Gym this morning. I have an appointment at the dentist, (Rivendale) so have to leave
lunch-time to get there so I went in the car about 8.30am. Because I was able to get
onto a machine as soon as I arrived I asked if I could have an assessment today rather
than leave it until the end of the month. WOW! In the last 3 months I've lost 6lbs and
another 6 1/2 ". This makes me want to go! Makes all the effort of going and hard
work there, worth it. [D]
Nonetheless, older people in this study did find keeping weight off very difficult with age and
that included Victoria who, despite losing six pounds while attending a gym for three months,
did not report any physical benefits to her knee or mobility. Luke (aged 76) also found the
maintenance of his weight difficult in older age and commented:
The last year I have put on weight, when I was rowing as a young man I was eleven
and a half stone and then I have put on a bit and I really must be careful now and I in
fact weigh fourteen stone now which is really too much, but I find it very difficult to
lose weight actually and even when observing what I ate with some rigour… I still
didn‟t lose any weight, so I suppose it is creeping up and my joints are getting more
creaky but I haven‟t yet been stopped doing what I like doing I have to say, by my
body. [I]
Thus, even those who have been physically active throughout their lives (like Luke, for
example) find it hard to maintain their weight in later life. According to Williams and Wood
(2006; see Chapter 2, Section 3), age-related weight gain occurs for even the most active
older people and, in order for the most active to maintain their weight, they must
substantially increase vigorous activity. This evidence of experience of weight gain in later
life, regardless of lifestyle factors, further contributes to evidence of the shared experience of
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ageing embodiment (Dumas and Turner, 2006), further supported by interviewees such as
Frances (aged 75), who felt that, during ageing, muscle was lost and was harder to
regenerate:
Well I think they [older people] should have a certain amount of weight which is partly
muscle and to get muscle you have to keep active, keep the body working, once you
stop and that muscle turns to fat, as you get older you can‟t regenerate it. [I]
While a loss of muscle mass is associated with ageing, research with older populations has
found that strength training increases muscle mass and strength (Narici, 2000). However,
Frances was unaware that muscle mass could be maintained in older age. In addition to
muscle mass, the maintenance of physical fitness and high energy levels were also difficult
for older people in this study. For example, Victoria (aged 63) wrote in her diary about how
tiredness restricted her participation in physical activity:
I must get and do something in the front garden. I cut […] front side of the hedge -
cleared up and could do no more! My wrist is really hurting and I feel exhausted
Had the grandchildren today. The youngest nine year old, said when I was drinking a
glass of water. 'Why are you shaking your water Grandma?' I hadn't realised but my
wrist was still shaky from cutting the hedge. I still feel tired from Thursday. Oh how I
wish I was able to do things like I used to. [D]
Victoria‟s diary extracts illustrate that, at her current age of sixty-three, participating in
physical activities results in tiredness; this was not always the case when she was younger.
This changing bodily experience was reflected in other participants‟ narratives and they
described how their bodies are slowing down, as they get older. Evidence of tiredness further
contributes to the evidence that people share corporeal experiences of ageing (Dumas et al.,
2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006). Nevertheless, whether a change in physical fitness is due to
age or a lack of physical activity is hard to determine (Taylor et al., 2004). For example,
when asked about physical restrictions, Joanne (aged 68) attributed them to a lack of
physical activity and pushing oneself:
[T]o do with my back, I can‟t garden, because I can‟t dig anymore, so I can‟t garden
like I used to and I can‟t reach up and cut things back like I used to because when I do
I injure myself, I have had trouble with my shoulders and all sorts of things from doing
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things that I know I shouldn‟t because I am physically fit, so yes, it does restrain what
you can do. I think too the less you do, the [... more] you get into a sort of rut of not
doing things… [I]
Singh (2002) argues that physical decline in later life is a combination of „usual‟ ageing and
older people not pushing themselves to „maximal effort‟ and can be improved upon with
perseverance rather than resting and accepting decline (see see Chapter 2, Section 3;
Section 6.3c for a fuller discussion). Yet many of my participants indicated that ageing is why
they feel they have slowed down physically and can no longer perform physical activities in
the same amount of time as they used to. A discussion about the changing corporeal
experience took place between a number of participants, during a focus group session:
Percy (aged 84)… the only thing sometimes is that my knee is swollen up and you have
got to slow down and pace yourself a little better which is what I was doing.
Patsy (aged 82)… because we slow down [... Percy], we all slow down.
Hannah (aged 78)… each year you get older you can look back to last year and almost
think, well I could run up the stairs last year, I can‟t run up the stairs this year. Each
year you can look and realise that your body is much older and you can‟t do what you
did last year. [FG]
According to Singh (2002; see Chapter 2, Section 3), the experience of slowing down with
age is „usual‟; however, this slowing down can be exacerbated by older people not
persevering with activity and, as a consequence of disuse, the body can decline further.
Therefore, a decline in physical fitness is not a biological inevitability but is learned through a
dominant sedentary discourse (Tulle, 2008). However, according to Clements (2005; and see
Chapter 2, Section 3), the evidence suggests that only the engagement in long-term
endurance exercise has a beneficial effect on aerobic fitness. Therefore, 30 minutes of
moderate activity a day (which is prescribed by the British Heart Foundation, 2007a) would
not have any positive effect on aerobic fitness. Consequently, if older people do want to
maintain fitness levels in later life and not „slow down‟, they will have to persevere with long
term endurance training, which does not reflect the guidelines laid out in active ageing
frameworks (British Heart Foundation, 2007a; Department of Health, 2004a). Subsequently,
although this study has provided evidence of shared corporeal experiences of ageing (aches,
pain, stiff joints, weight gain, and tiredness), thus supporting Dumas et al. (2005) and
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Dumas and Turner‟s (2006) concept of ageing habitus, there remains ambiguity regarding
whether „slowing down‟ is a result of internalising bio-medical narratives of decline (see
Chapter 3, Section 2b) or is a physical inevitability, part and parcel of the ageing process.
Furthermore, factors such as chronic illnesses, medical interventions and immobility can also
restrict older people‟s ability to be physically active. A series of individual case studies follow,
which provide a unique and rich, in-depth insights into some participants‟ experiences.
6.2b) Chronic illness, medicalisation and immobility: a series of individual stories
The probability of having a chronic illness increases in older age (Baltes and Mayer, 1999).
The inclusion of chronic illness within this thesis is not presenting chronic illness as
synonymous with ageing, or in other words, ageing is not being conflated with illness (Hardy,
1998; Turner, 2000) (see Chapter 3, Section 2b). Rather, chronic illnesses have been
included because they featured heavily in participants‟ diaries when asked about their
experiences of ageing corporeality whilst being physically active (see Appendices 5, 6, and 7
for exact wording). Only the chronic illnesses that were most dominant in their narratives
have been included and they are: arthritis (4 participants), heart problems (3 participants)
and diabetes (2 participants). Individual stories present in-depth accounts of the participants‟
corporeal experience of physical activity with a chronic illness, immobility (3 participants) and
while experiencing a medical intervention that was mis-diagnosed (3 participants), and,
therefore, give a rich and new insight into the daily lives of older people. The shared
embodiment of chronic illness and medical intervention also provides evidence to support
Dumas et al. (2005) and Dumas and Turner‟s (2006) concept of ageing habitus. Moreover,
participants have positioned themselves in a number of public narratives of ageing /
disability: risk and vulnerability, bio-medical, and resistance and obligation (see Phibbs,
2008; Somers, 1994; Chapter 3; Section 6.3e for more details). By positioning themselves in
these public narratives, participants are demonstrating their agency, by creating their
ontological narratives or personal stories (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994).
6.2bi) Arthritis – Victoria
Victoria‟s personal story of coping with arthritis exemplifies a bio-medical narrative of ageing
and disability (see Chapter 3, Section e). In this study, arthritis was a frequently mentioned
chronic illness, which reflects the national picture, with arthritis being the most common
chronic illness in the total population (one in five people in the United Kingdom have arthritis)
(Arthritis Care, 2007). Therefore, it is not surprising that, amongst the twenty participants in
this study, three had severe arthritis. Victoria (aged 63) had suffered with arthritis in her
knees before her forties, and, at the time of the interview, she also had arthritic hips and
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wrists. Before she had an arthroscopy (a form of keyhole surgery which repairs damage to
the knee joint) she was in continual pain:
whatever I was doing whether I was sitting down or if I had my leg up or whatever I
would just be in pain the whole time, I was always conscious of it, sometimes it was
bad as I took pain killers and it still didn‟t work… I am aware you know, that I am not
to move it too much, because, it is hurting, but, I am used to being in pain all the time
with it, I sat down and I am in pain, whatever I did and my hip is like that at the
moment, painful all the time. [I]
Without the intervention of a knee arthroscopy, Victoria felt her restricted mobility was
inevitable and ongoing, indicating a wear and tear bio-medical narrative (see Vincent 2003,
Chapter 3, Section 2b). This narrative is further indicated, as she feared that seated
resistance exercises would further wear out and aggravate the arthritis in her knee, as this
had happened in the past:
I just am sort of really worried; is the sort of activity at the gym aggravating it, it may
not be I don‟t know, but… it hasn‟t been bad for a long time, I mean my knee is always
playing me up but um, I mean I don‟t want that to get worse really… I have joined a
few gyms but I have got arthritis badly in my knee and it always ends up upsetting my
knee so I usually end up thinking ah this is stupid which makes it worse and I don‟t
go… [I]
Furthermore, the following entry illustrates a bio-medical narrative of wear and tear when
retelling her experience of how walking with her grandchildren has slowed down:
Went for quite a long walk with the girls and dog this afternoon. Trouble is I have
trouble keeping up with them. It‟s ok for the first 10 minutes then my knee starts
hurting and I just get slower and slower. The girls are good though. They keep looking
behind and every now and then wait for me to catch up. Walking used to be such a
pleasure. What a shame it isn't any more... [D]
Arthritis Care (2007) point out that ninety-three per cent of people with arthritis find walking
difficult. Furthermore, eighty-one per cent of people who suffer from arthritis are in constant
pain and, whilst they acknowledge how difficult physical activity is when suffering from
arthritis, they continue to promote the benefits that physical activity brings for older people in
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terms of mobility, joint strength and pain and weight management (Arthritis Care, 2004; see
Chapter 2, Section 4). Although Victoria has employed a bio-medical wear and tear narrative
of ageing and disability (see Vincent, 2003; Chapter 3, Section 2b), she continued to strive to
be physically active. The resistance she demonstrated by persevering with physical activity,
despite her physical restrictions, is also an example of how older people can also position
themselves in a narrative of inevitable decline as well as resistance, depending on the identity
they wish to construct (see Section 6.3c and 6.3e for a more in-depth discussion).
6.2bii) Heart problems – John
John‟s story exemplifies the positioning of self within a narrative of risk and vulnerability,
which underpins bio-medical narratives of ageing (see Chapter 3, Section 2b; Phibbs, 2008;
Somers 1994). Bio-medical narratives on coronary heart disease are underpinned by the
concepts of risk and vulnerability. For example, according to the General Register Office for
Scotland (2004), the risk of experiencing and dying from coronary heart disease increases
with age, with eighty-five per cent of deaths from the condition occurring in those aged over
sixty-five years. Furthermore, according to the British Heart Foundation (2007b; see Chapter
2, Section 4), morbidity rates are actually rising by twenty per cent in age groups of sixty-five
years and over. Therefore, it is unsurprising that a narrative of risk and vulnerability is
evident in John‟s (aged 78) personal narrative. Having had four heart attacks, in addition to
cancer, John (aged 78) feels his heart problems restrict him from being physically active:
I don‟t do a lot, I don‟t do any gardening because I cannit [sic]. I have got a neighbour
that does that for me, but at one time my garden was full of veg. Perfect, but the past
five years I cannit [sic] do it. I mean I have got heart troubles among other things; I
just try and take it easy as well as I possibly can… I don‟t do anything energetic that‟s
going to make me suffer from heart problems… I mean if I bend down I get so sore I
have to sit down for a couple of minutes, you know. I would like to be able to do the
garden but I cannit [sic], that‟s it really there is nothing else that I would like to do. [I]
Although according to Stewart et al. (2005; see Chapter 2, Section 3), physical activity is a
major protector against coronary heart disease, bio-medical narratives which are replete with
notions of risk and vulnerability are more readily accessible to people suffering from heart
problems (see Section 6.3d for a more detailed discussion of narratives of risk and
vulnerability). In addition, the presence of chronic illnesses, such as heart disease, is linked
to social class, even when the presence of risk factors like smoking have been taken into
account (Shaw et al., 2000). This link could be explained by the embodiment of different
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social classes and gendered „lifestyles‟, which include physical activity practices at work and
leisure, as well as diet (Bourdieu, 1984). Older people‟s ability to be physically active is
affected by their gender and class identities, which mediate access to resources or different
forms of capital (see Chapters 7 and 8 for further discussion).
6.2biii) Diabetes – Hannah
Hannah‟s story about the experience of her diabetes also draws upon a bio-medical public
narrative and positions herself as someone who has declining health (see Chapter 3, Section
2b). As with chronic heart disease, bio-medical narratives of diabetes emphasise the
inevitability of its experience in older people. For example, the British Heart Foundation
(2007b) states that Type-Two diabetes increases with age; those aged sixty-five to seventy-
four years are ten times as likely as twenty-five to thirty-four year olds to be diagnosed with
the disease. Nonetheless, evidence from research by Kelly and Goodpaster (2001) and Singh
(2002; see Chapter 2, Section 3) also indicates that physical inactivity is a risk factor for
Type-two diabetes. Therefore, Hannah (aged 78) positions herself within both bio-medical
(see Chapter 3, Section 2b) and resistant narratives of ageing / disability (see Chapter 6,
Section 3d):
I came home knackered - my heels hurt when I walk a lot at the moment think it‟s all
to do with the "Diabetic" lot, good rest does wonders. Otherwise I feel fine life still has
much to offer "thank god". [D]
However, Hannah then switches back to a bio-medical narrative to position her identity as an
older person who has a body which is wearing out:
Only in as much as you get tired quickly, I can‟t do as much housework as I would
have done. I keep more to that height [demonstrates height] [and I] have ladders to
do things [which] isn‟t very nice and of course I get so out of breath doing it, some
days I do a bit, on good days you do a bit more, a bad day when you start puffing a bit
too quick you stop. I do think that [about] my own personal health, because it is such
a nuisance. Like everybody else I have got health problems… [I]
Furthermore, Hannah sees the presence of her health problems not as an individual
experience, but rather as a shared experience with „everybody else‟. This shared
understanding of the ageing body indicates not only a corporeal understanding, but also a
social reality which is shared with other older people, as part of an ageing habitus (Dumas et
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al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006).
6.2biv) Mis-diagnosis – Elizabeth
This section presents an individual‟s story of how they experienced a medical intervention
during the course of the research. The intention in presenting this story is not to perpetuate
the medicalisation of ageing, but, rather, to highlight the dominance of bio-medicine, not only
in older people‟s lives, but also in how they use the bio-medical narrative to understand their
experiences and their identity as an older person (see Chapter 3, Section 2b; Phibbs, 2008;
Somers, 1994).
Elizabeth‟s (aged 75) story began with the prescription of beta-blockers to treat suspected
vertigo. Her changing corporeal experience was logged in her activity diary over six months.
In an interview after filling in the diary, Elizabeth explained what had happened:
Well you will see from the diary that, you wanted [me] to express how I was feeling
physically and mentally and all that sort of thing and I thought it was quite amazing
really... I... went to see the consultant… he was absolutely convinced that in fact I was
sort of almost getting silent migraine which was stimulating the vertigo… the drug that
my doctor had put me… on beta-blockers... had nearly killed me. My heart went
absolutely everywhere and I had got missing heart beats and I could hardly get up to
the shop and I had a friend who I walk with every week, with the dogs... she said I
have got to the point when I was almost going to say to you I can‟t walk with you I
can‟t take the responsibility of having you with me. It was that bad, you know I was
sort of breathless and red and it was ghastly so then I had an angiogram, all that sort
of thing, treadmill… and they said stop the beta-blockers and I am one hundred per
cent perfectly alright. [I]
Elizabeth‟s narrative unsurprisingly draws upon a bio-medical narrative of ageing / disability
to understand her experiences of being „sick‟, using medicalised language of diagnosis,
medication and medical procedures (see Chapter 3, Section 2b). She continues using this bio-
medical narrative to understand her experience of mis-diagnosis and the effect this had on
her ability to be physically active in her diary entries:
Walked up to Hill Top - forgotten how steep it is. Was quite distressed; had to stop
several times just to rest. Carrey said I was BRIGHT red!! When I felt I had to stop I
walked about 3/4 miles… Slightly taken aback when […] missing heart beat. Don‟t yet
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know what that means. [D]
In Halles Wood with Carrey. Very steep gradient and was O.K. - with a rest at the top.
Rest of walk quite flat but very wet which is always a bit tiring. Hot flushes, cold
sweats very evident - getting more severe. Don‟t know what they are. [D]
Research shows that older people are more likely to have medical input in their lives because
of the higher incidence of chronic illness in people over seventy years of age (Baltes and
Mayer, 1999; see Chapter 2, Section 4). Therefore, older people have greater access to bio-
medical narratives of ageing / disability than other age groups and will, as a consequence, be
more likely to position themselves within these narratives to construct their identities (see
Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). Notwithstanding, medical interventions that cause health
problems can seriously affect overall physical activity levels amongst older people who like
walking (Dawson et al., 2007). Accordingly, those over seventy years of age are likely to
experience the challenge of medical interventions when being physically active and, this will
contribute to a shared experience of ageing (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006).
This is especially true for those who experience mobility problems throughout their lives, as
was the case with Harry.
6.2bv) Immobility - Harry
According to Stewart et al. (2005; see Chapter 2, Section 3), physical activities provide
protection against chronic illness and being overweight; however, to present all physical
activities, including sport, as a panacea for health problems is spurious and, in fact, some
violent, competitive sports bring more risk to health in the form of injuries than they do
benefits (Waddington, 2004; White, 2004; see Chapter 2, Section 3). Harry‟s (aged 90) story
(mediated and interjected sometimes by his wife and carer Sally) illustrates that, although he
has participated in a variety of competitive contact sports throughout his life, in doing so he
has resisted a risk and vulnerability narrative (see Chapter 3, Section 2b) that advocates
participating in physical activity considered low risk of injury to be good for his health:
Harry… I ended up actually… representing the school for rugga, hockey, cricket, but not
so much cricket in my summer I eased off a bit, I didn‟t do so much rowing and also I
couldn‟t box because every time I got a bang on the nose my eyes used to run and I
couldn‟t see a thing. So instead I did fencing and I was good and in the end I was the
captain of fencing, I got into the public school finals for that, I‟m not bragging about it,
but I am just telling you.
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Sally… A lot of it is due to injuries and the fact that he is a man.
Harry… It‟s because I have hurt myself that I can‟t really do it anymore.
Sally… But he has told you he has played rugga and hockey and all that and running
and rowing and hockey. [I]
The way that Sally mentions his injuries in the context that „he is a man‟, fits with notions of
hegemonic masculinity which influences men „playing hurt‟ and further putting themselves at
risk of injury when playing sport, because being aggressive is, in western culture, what it
means to be a „real man‟ (Connell, 2005; Young et al., 1994; see Chapter 4, Section, 2d).
Harry received a number of injuries from participating in sport and physical activities over his
lifetime, which have negatively impacted his mobility:
I= was it the accident [a serious car accident] that stopped you from being physically
active or as you get older?
Harry… I suppose that‟s right I think it was the accident.
Sally… partly, partly, but he used to go skiing right… and he bashed his hip and then
he had to have a hip replacement, right and then he bought a bicycle and this was way
back when he lived in, before we were married… anyway so he was parking his bike on
the curb and someone burst into him so he had to have his hip redone, so he has had
two hip replacements and then he had a knee replacement… and then… we went on a
cruise about six months later… he decided he wanted to go onto the swimming pool on
this ship…. There was a big wave and he got… his leg stuck behind the ladder… he had
this enormous haematoma or whatever you would like to call it… and you know since
then he has really got slower and slower, but he does go up stairs to bed every day so
he does the stairs and he comes down in the morning, otherwise his only activity is
once a week when we go to Sainsbury‟s and he leans on the trolley… but he can only
be moved slowly but because he doesn‟t do very much he never does the physical
sorts of exercise that people have suggested, he is probably not as mobile as he could
be because as he said he is lazy and he doesn‟t like doing all that. [I]
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Sally and Harry both feel that it was the accidents and not ageing per se that has affected
Harry‟s mobility. Thus, his activity has resisted a risk-averse lifestyle and, instead, has had a
preference for violent contact sport. However, due to risk of injury, these activities can
actually negatively impact on overall health and mobility (Waddington, 2004; White, 2004;
see Chapter 2, Section 3). Nonetheless, lessening mobility is linked to the ageing process and
some non-contact physical activity can, in fact, help to maintain muscle mass and sustain
mobility into older age (Singh, 2002; see Chapter 2, Section 3).
6.2c) Preventing poor mobility
The functional mobility of the ageing body has received considerable attention in social policy,
because of its link with maintaining independence and a good quality of life in older age, thus
achieving successful ageing (see British Heart Foundation, 2007b; Chapter 2). In addition, by
taking steps to prevent a reduction in mobility in older age, policy makers, like the British
Heart Foundation (2007b), claim to be attempting to challenge the discourse of decline, which
is prevalent in understanding the later stages of older age. What is clear from the data
collected in this study, however, is that there are certain types of movements that emerge as
being particularly difficult and these experiences are shared within older age groups (Dumas
et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006). These included balance, getting off the floor, going
up stairs, sitting and standing. This section considers what kinds of physical activity are of
benefit to older people if moderate activity of „30 mins a day‟ (prescribed by active ageing
frameworks like the British Heart Foundation, 2007a; Department of Health 2004a) does not
have any positive effect on aerobic capacity (Clements, 2005). Jane (aged 82) suffered from
poor balance when walking:
[I]f something falls down I am not so good at picking it up. I have to sort of go over… I
am not so good at walking; sometimes I almost seem a bit drunk… I must say since I
have had one of my eyes done, it has got a bit better; I am not quite so unbalanced…
[I]
Jane also found it hard to get off the floor; however, she was interested in doing yoga and
seated aerobics, explaining she quite often got fed up with her own company and said:
I wouldn‟t mind anything that entails getting out and down on the floor, once I am on
the floor, I am not very good at getting up again… Well I am not up to it I am afraid…
those things are really out of the question I mean once I got down onto the floor I
would have difficulty getting up. [I]
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Physical activities, such as floor yoga, are difficult for many older people, who struggle with
balance and getting off the floor. Seated exercises could be an alternative to floor based
physical activities. However, participants who suffer from arthritis, such as Joanne (aged 68),
find sitting for long periods of time painful:
Yes, I think mine is most painful, if I have been sitting, when I get up I have to walk
around the furniture, because I think I ought really to have a stick but I won‟t give in.
[I]
Tracey (aged 72) talked about no longer being able to walk up and down stairs:
So it‟s come on my mobility a bit, you know I am a bit um, well I don‟t know I can‟t get
around the house as much now…I think the stairs would be definitely out, I can‟t get on
the coach I have to pull up now, you don‟t realise… I was going up [stairs in previous
house] on all fours and came down on me bum…Yes. It happens over the years doesn‟t
it? [I]
Tracey attributed her lack of functional ability to ageing and not to a lack of physical activity.
According to Narici (2000; see Chapter 2, Section 3), a loss of muscle strength and power
contributes to frailty and reduced mobility in older age. Reducing the likelihood of falls is
important, as it has been associated with disability and death (National Institute for Clinical
Excellence, 2004). Moreover, Heath and Fentem (1997, cited in British Heart Foundation,
2007b; see Chapter 2, Section 4) state that adaptations should be made to structured
exercise programmes for older people with medical conditions and impairments.
Nevertheless, the combination of accidents and medical interventions, due to poor mobility
that participants in this study have experienced, could, however, also be understood as
marking the crossing of a border from the third to the fourth age.
6.2d) Border crossing / epiphany – from the third to the fourth age
Retirement age, for many people, can be a significant point in their lives, or a „border
crossing‟ (Tulloch and Lupton, 2003). However, participants discussed another type of border
crossing or epiphany (Denzin 1989b) in their interviews and diaries, which signified passing
from a period of relative activity, to a more restricted corporeality, also known respectively as
the „third‟ and „fourth‟ ages (Laslett, 1989). For example, Hannah (aged 78) states:
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I think you know for our age, moving on past 60s and as you get older it restricts you
your arms don‟t go up so high for a start and you don‟t kneel down so quickly and you
don‟t bend over so easy. All these kinds of things do restrict what you do. [I]
The crossing of this border can be signified by an epiphanal in the form of an accident, illness
or trauma, whether as a major, minor or cumulative event (Denzin, 1989b). Although it is
acknowledged that ageing is not synonymous with illness, injury or disease, some
participants‟ narratives included descriptions of the influence that these occurrences had on
their experience of ageing. For example, Elizabeth (aged 75) stated that she is not as fit and
active as she was and I asked if she thought this was exclusively because of her accident or
whether getting older played a role as well:
I think it [being not as fit and active] is a combination… [of having an accident and
getting old] I think... this... is the story with most of my friends; that there is an
incident or an episode of some sort which knocks you for six… I keep hoping I will get
out of it [being physically restricted], but you don‟t actually… I think the damage is
there forever because you are getting older. [I]
Elizabeth experienced a major epiphanal moment, which is when an event occurs which
impacts every part of one‟s life and from which there can be no return. For Elizabeth, this
event marked the crossing of a border into older age and fundamentally changed her life
(Denzin, 1989b). This is evidence of a bio-medical narrative of ageing (see Chapter 3, Section
2b), because the physical experience of her body was being prioritised above the social
experience of ageing (Kontos, 1999). The self can be disproportionately defined by physical
characteristics. When the physical process of ageing takes place outside the locus of control
(Tulle, 2008), ageing can be seen as challenging a person‟s identity (Oberg, 2003). June
(aged 87) illustrates the impact a major epiphanal moment, which, in her case, was an
accident, has had on her ageing experience and her ability to be physically active:
…I tore the ligaments in my leg, I was down on the beach getting the lifesaving stuff
and I was sitting in the car, I opened the door, the wind caught it and I grabbed it.
That was all it was and it‟s been two years of a pain that is beginning to get a bit
better, but the pain is horrible. But I was in hospital for two weeks… Up until this
happened I could do most things, but I can‟t now. For instance when I cook, they lift
the heavy things for me because when you tense your muscles it hurts all the way
down, but you do what you can do, I don‟t sail anymore and um, I don‟t play tennis, I
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haven‟t played tennis for years, not that I ever liked it very much, but you organise
what you can do with your different ages… if it wasn‟t for my legs, well I could do more
or less anything… [I]
June talks about the physical activities she could do before the accident, in an attempt to
reassert her identity as a physically able woman. For example, she uses language that
compartmentalises her body into parts when she states „if it wasn‟t for my legs‟, which
implies that she feels her legs are responsible for „spoiling‟ her identity (Goffman, 1959) as a
physically able woman, instead of thinking of her body as holistically being responsible for her
changing identity. Heather (aged 73) not only had a serious illness, which required major
operations, but the death of her husband and other relatives at the same time:
I have had some pretty bad operations… I had a tumour on the spine and it was in the
sciatic nerve sheath… the size of a mandarin… I was in an awful lot of pain and this
was after my husband had died as well and… absolutely everything happened, bong,
bong, bong… so I ended up in Sunnyton Hospital… they messed it up the first operation
and I had to go back and have a second operation… I was all on my own and nobody
knew where I was… I had no support it was terrible until… a good friend in Mellor came
and helped and eventually my family helped… my son paid for me to go and have
nursing… and [I] didn‟t have to start dealing with things and that made a hell of a
difference.
When asked about how this affected her participation in physical activity she replied:
It took me about six months to even be able to run well you gradually get there in the
end... [I]
Heather‟s multiple traumas were „cumulative epiphany events‟, where a combination of
reactions to several different experiences occurs over a period of time (Denzin, 1989b). She
also states that no-one knew where she was and that she had no social support to start with
and she describes this experience as „terrible‟, reflecting the social disruption she felt as a
consequence of her physical traumas. Recovery is presented in participants‟ diaries as
another major epiphany moment (Denzin, 1989b), which, if successful, can enable physical
activity thereafter. However, if not successful, it can further restrict participants‟ physical
activity. Regaining physical capital after multiple traumas, like those experienced by Heather,
is dependent on economic and social capital, in the form of friends and family, who can
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support older people through challenging times. Section 6.3e and Chapter 8, Sections 4 and 5
explore how participants overcome experiences of multiple traumas by resisting their ageing
bodies, being busy and maintaining friendship groups. Margaret‟s excerpt, however,
encapsulates what happens when there is a lack of support for caring duties and how it has
affected her recovery from spinal surgery:
I went in on the Wednesday, I was operated on the Thursday and I came out on
Sunday, albeit in a wheel chair and a Zimmer frame and everything… I mean I never
had a pain killer… but of course I wasn‟t supposed to do anything in six weeks and
three weeks after I came out of hospital, Glen [her husband] started showing all the
symptoms and of course I had [to] lift him up out of bed and everything and that of
course didn‟t help, but of course that is just one of those things.
When asked if it impacted her spine more, she said:
I don‟t think it helped but I mean whether it did or not I don‟t know. I mean, having
seen the consultant again and I said to him about it, he said „told you not to lift‟ and I
said „well what do you do when you have got a dying man who wants to get out of
bed?‟ and he said „yes I understand what you mean‟… [I]
For older people, who have a greater risk of illness and disease, the likelihood of recovery
from medical interventions is heavily dependent on their social capital. For women like
Margaret (aged 64), for instance, who have caring responsibilities for family members (see
Chapter 8, Section 3a), the likelihood of a successful recovery from an operation is more
difficult without help from family and friends. However, the British Heart Foundation (2007b)
indicates that physical activity can promote disease prevention, mobility and independence in
older age, therefore, effectively delaying the onset of the fourth age (marked by an epiphanal
moment). Indeed, according to the British Heart Foundation (2007b), leading a physically
active lifestyle throughout life and into older age can enable „successful ageing‟. What
Margaret‟s story illustrates, however, is that not all physical activity is beneficial; physical
caring practices can actually have a detrimental effect on mobility and, especially, recovery
from medical interventions. Moreover, there is an unproblematic acceptance in successful
ageing literature that older people are able and have the resources and the inclination to be
physically active in older age (Wearing and Wearing, 1990; see Chapter 2, Section 6), which
is also discussed in the section that follows. For instance, some specific types of physical
activity do help to maintain mobility in later life; however access to these specific types of
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physical activity is mediated by access to different types of capital and resources (discussed
further in Chapters 7 and 8). Therefore, successful ageing is only possible for those who have
the capital (physical, cultural, social and economic). Moreover, successful ageing discursive
narratives do not consider what successful ageing is to older people themselves. Do older
people want to delay the onset of the fourth age or does successful ageing mean something
else to them? This will be discussed in Chapter 7, Section 3 and Chapter 8, Section 5. Having
presented the everyday corporeal experiences of the participants in this study, the next
section discusses the emotional responses of participants‟ to their corporeal experiences and
locates these responses in ageing narratives.
6.3) Emotional responses, ageing narratives and positioning
This section examines three elements of participants‟ narratives simultaneously: emotional
responses to their ageing bodies, the social and cultural narratives used to understand their
emotional experiences and, finally, how participants position themselves within these
narratives to construct their identity (see Chapter 3 for more details). Participants emotional
responses to their corporeal experiences included: embarrassment, feelings of decline and
loss, envy and frustration, feelings of obligation and perseverance. The discussion in this
chapter embeds these emotional responses what are often limiting in social and cultural
narratives, inasmuch as only socially sanctioned and acceptable emotions can be expressed
through the appropriate discourse (Crossley, 2001). Thus, older people‟s emotional responses
to their bodies and physical activity have been located / positioned within narratives of ageing
(see Dionigi and O‟Flynn, 2007; and Chapter 3, Section 2), which were identified as the
following: de-civilising narratives, narratives of decline and loss, narratives of risk and
vulnerability, and narratives of obligation and resistance. Furthermore, positioning refers to
how people locate themselves within different public narratives of ageing, to create different
identities at different times and in different spaces, thus demonstrating their agency (Phibbs,
2008; Somers, 1994; Chapter 3, Section 1). This theorising narrative draws on Feminist and
Foucauldian Feminist theories of how women are empowered through their identity
construction (see Chapter 4, Section 4c). Thus, the ways in which participants in this study
demonstrated their agency through their identities will also be discussed. Firstly, however, I
will examine the Cartesian dualistic understanding of the body and mind in order to
contextualise the discussion that ensues.
6.3a) Cartesian dualism
Historically, the body has been conceptualised within the mind / body dualism and this
Cartesian division has also been gendered (see Chapter 3, Section 2a). This separation
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between body and mind is reflected in the work of Featherstone and Hepworth (1991), which
conceptualised the disparities between the ways older people experience their corporeality
and how they feel in their mind, insomuch as old age is the outer shell that hides the identity
narrative within. There was some evidence of this dualistic thinking amongst the participants‟
narratives in this study. Therefore, the data, albeit small scale, in general tend to contradicts
malestream thinking, which separates and denigrates the corporeal experience (Letherby,
2003). However, Victoria‟s (aged 63) excerpt is one which aptly illustrates the concept of the
„mask of ageing‟:
…my knee really starts hurting and then I get slower and slower, almost like a really
old person, I mean I know I am old, but like a really old person, I don‟t really feel old.
Well as I say not up here [in her mind] I don‟t. [I]
Her body does not imitate her internal ageing identity. The two are not synchronised. This
sentiment was replicated when I attended a luncheon club and noted in my research journal:
Very lively group of older people organise and run the club which is every month.
When asked about older people they exclaimed they weren‟t „old‟, „you are only as
young as you feel‟. There are about 7 helpers which all get together and have a lovely
time organising. [RJ, 6th of February 2008]
According to Oberg and Tornstam (2001) and Oberg (2003), the disparity between the „feel-
age‟ and the chronological age increases with age; the higher the chronological age, the lower
the subjective age. These researchers attributed this discrepancy in age to the internalisation
of youthful images. Bytheway and Johnson‟s (1998) earlier work lends support to this idea
insofar as they argued that the desynchronised ageing of body and mind is not so much age-
denial as the influence of prevalent aged images. They posit that what is being presented is a
reassertion of identity and self (Bytheway and Johnston, 1998). Nevertheless, the lack of
evidence to support a narrative of mind / body dualism in this study (see Chapter 3, Section
2a) represents a shift in thinking within older populations who holistically experience their
bodies and minds, which correlates with other studies which adopt feminist approaches to
research (see Letherby, 2003).
6.3b) Narratives of decline and loss
In this study, older people‟s ontological narratives of their ageing are dominated by bio-
medical narratives and, in particular, narratives of decline and loss, in which ageing is
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synonymous with decline (Gullette, 1997; 2003; and see Chapter 3, Section 2b for further
details). Gullette (1997) argues that people internalise understandings and feelings about
ageing, resulting in negative emotional responses to ageing bodies. Indeed, Tulle (2008)
found that some veteran runners expected their performance to decline gradually with age.
Moreover, elements that constitute an attractive body, such as youth, beauty and physical
competency, are all features that the ageing body is considered to have lost (Featherstone et
al., 1991; Shilling, 2003; Turner, 1996). Narratives of inevitable decline were particularly
notable and were used by participants to understand and narrate their experiences (see
Somers, 1994; and Chapter 3). For example, Patsy (aged 82) states:
...you have got rheumatism and things like that which can slow you down and you
don‟t use that part of the body because you know it is going to hurt you, so that is
when you give up more or less. [FG]
Owing to participants positioning themselves within bio-medical narratives (see 6.2b and
Chapter 3, Section 2b), the presence of chronic illness and pain is understood to be
inevitable, therefore, inducing feelings that they should „give up‟ moving that part of their
body. Being „past it‟ was another feeling some participants shared when asked to view
healthy living leaflets (see Appendix 8 and Chapter 7, Section 3c for a more in-depth
analysis):
Hannah (aged 78)… It [the leaflet] doesn‟t make you want to be more active because
you know you are past it.
Percy (aged 84)… is it not the case in some cases that you think you are past it, but
you have not tried to find out?
John (aged 78)… you don‟t need to think, you know. [FG]
John says that „you know‟ when you are past the point of being active; you do not need to try
it first. John has not tried to be physically active but is making an assumption that he is
unable to be physically active. This negative assumption of his ability reflects narratives of
decline and a sense of stigma surrounding the ageing body (Goffman, 1963). Furthermore, it
supports the research completed by Dionigi and O‟Flynn (2007), who found that older people
internalise discourses of ageing, which denote „age appropriate‟ physical activities, and also
describe themselves as „past it‟. Additionally, Percy‟s narrative is also one of „foreclosure‟,
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which occurs when individuals do not have access to adequate cultural resources to be able to
live in a meaningful way and, thus, accept their „narrative fate‟ (Freeman, 2003).
Furthermore, Frances‟ (aged 75) narrative is also a narrative of foreclosure as she feels that
her physical decline is inevitable, due to the physical work that she has participated in:
I did have some trouble with my back I trapped a nerve in my spine… the lads at the
farm up at the valley threw the [tractor] cushion away… and then I had to borrow it
[the tractor] to do some topping down our end and the ground was hard and the
tractor was bouncing and bumping about and jarred my spine and I trapped a nerve
and I was in bed for a month at home… I suppose I am lucky considering all the work I
have done. Lots of other people have worked as hard as I have I am sure. There are
other people do it yourself people who work just as hard as me. [I]
Frances positions herself within a bio-medical narrative theory of ageing, which is, more
specifically, a narrative of „wear and tear‟ (Vincent, 2003), constructing an understanding of
the corporeality of ageing as an inevitable process of loss of physical capital (Dumas and
Turner, 2006). Men experience this loss of physical capital especially intensely, because
hegemonic masculinity in western society is defined in opposition to femininity, which is
characterised by physical weakness, whilst male identity is linked to their physical power and
ability (Connell, 2005). While experiencing a decline in physical capital, older men are
mourning the loss of their masculinity and youthful, capable selves (Featherstone et al.,
1991; Shilling, 2003; Turner, 1996). For example, Percy (aged 84) described how he
sometimes felt „down‟ about his knee:
Walk and collect Sunday papers. Breakfast etc. not feeling too good. No reason other
than my knee still very uncomfortable. Not saying anything to Hannah not wishing to
worry her now. Blossoms on trees, really beautiful. Feeling a bit down. [D]
The loss of physical capital, which participants experienced, is frequently accompanied by
frustration and a yearning for their younger selves. Harry, for example, illustrates his
corporeal experience of being ninety:
I think I am very lucky to have [Sally] who almost guides me in what I ought to do,
because, when it is very hot and sunny we get out and… I don‟t walk around the
garden much, I might walk once and turn around but then I sit in the sun, there is not
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a lot you can do when you get to ninety, you can‟t exactly go running around the
countryside, I wish I could. [I]
A sense of [wishing] they [could] was replicated throughout many of the participants‟
experiences of their bodies and physical activity, when they felt they had lost physical capital
(Dumas and Turner, 2006; see Chapter 4, Section 2a). This feeling was something that was
evident across genders; for example, Tracey (aged 72) wished she could do more physical
activity:
After going to the shops had visitors for a while this morning. So we had a little chat.
After dinner sat with my paper, didn‟t go out in the garden a lot as I got burnt
yesterday and I am little burnt some on my neck and arms. Pull a few weeds out this
evening when it was cooling off. Wish I could do more gardening that‟s one thing I do
really miss as I used to have a large greenhouse with plenty of plants. But age is
beginning to tell. [D]
Clearly, Tracey feels her experience of having less physical capital to do the physical activities
she enjoys is due to the ageing process (Dumas and Turner, 2006). Tracey expresses
negative feelings about her current state of physical restriction, which is highlighted by
questioning her physical activity levels which, in itself, can negatively impact on wellbeing.
Similarly, Valerie (aged 72), who now has a cleaner, expresses her feelings of frustration
when not being able to do the housework:
[It] does make you a bit frustrated, because, although I have got a good little girl…. I
would like to get the Hoover out and pull things out and yet… I have learnt to sort of
calm down, you know… as I say… I am quite a placid person, I don‟t crave for nothing,
if something turns up well then I can do it you know, but if not, well not always but as
I say he [her husband] is not very well but I don‟t go out but that‟s it, it doesn‟t bother
me, no, I don‟t get cross like that, no it is not worth it. [I]
Although Valerie feels frustrated about her own and her husband‟s loss of physical capital
(Dumas and Turner, 2006; and see Chapter 4, Section 2a), she has accepted her declining
corporeality and thus feels anything that she can do is a bonus. Valerie has also foreclosed on
her narrative fate (Freeman, 2003). By positioning themselves within a bio-medical narrative
of decline and loss (Gullette, 1997), participants feel a sense of frustration and [wishing] they
[could] do activities is the emotional reaction to the loss of what they understand to be their
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once capable, younger corporeal selves (Featherstone et al., 1991; Shilling, 2003; Turner,
1996).
6.3c) Narratives of risk and vulnerability
Narratives of risk and vulnerability, synonymous with bio-medical approaches to ageing /
disability (see Chapter3, Section 2c), were evident in some of the participants‟ accounts.
Dean (1999) theorises that „risk‟ develops out of a need to reduce uncertain events so that
they become governable. In bio-medical narratives, ageing is conceptualised as an unknown
threat to abnormality and is quantified and made controllable through risk discourse, thus
ensuring „normality‟ (Pickard, 2009). For instance, in active ageing rhetoric (see Chapter 2),
falling is constructed as a risk to the normal functioning body for older people (British Heart
Foundation, 2007b), marking a shift into the fourth age of dependency (Laslett, 1989). The
fear of falling, which positioned them within a narrative of risk and vulnerability, was evident
in many participants‟ stories, of which Percy (aged 84) is but one example:
I can‟t do as much in the garden as I wanted to or would like to do because of my hip;
I am frightened of leaning over too far… [I]
In addition, Harry (aged 90) uses a vignette from a book he was reading about a barrister
known as „Rumpole of the Bailey‟, to express that physical activity is „dangerous‟:
…Rumpole he always smokes and he drinks and generally he is a mess… but his wife
tries to get him to be active and he says it‟s the most dangerous thing he said people
can die of being active, the funny thing is his doctor in the book, his doctor tries to get
him to be active and „don‟t you think you ought to go jogging‟ and things like this and
„no‟ he said „it‟s completely tasteless‟ and the doctor says that „I am doing it myself‟
and the doctor then has a heart attack while jogging. He said doing anything to make
yourself fit is very dangerous. [I]
Harry and other participants utilised a narrative of risk and vulnerability to position their
identities as older people for whom physical activity is „dangerous‟ or risky (see Chapter 3,
Section 1; Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). Moreover, a physical loss of capital that participants
have felt is linked to feeling physically under threat (Tulle, 2008) and, therefore, vulnerable.
Ironically, instead of enabling older people to control their lives, the risk discourse actually
works to do the opposite; older people feel they need greater social support, which makes
them more dependent on others (Commission for Social Care, 2006). This was particularly
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true for women who were widowed and felt vulnerable when going outside and walking to
places alone. Margaret (aged 64) wrote:
Quick change and arrive back to Rivendale for charity evening. Why are chairs always
so uncomfortable? Able to park close by but when I leave (before the end of the
evening) into empty street am aware of vulnerability of being alone and keep keys in
my hand. Drive home and like to be back before village pubs empty. [D]
Although this could be an experience of a younger woman walking alone in the evening, older
women, who are more likely to be widowed, are more likely to position themselves within
narratives of risk and vulnerability because of the era in which they were born and the impact
of narratives of respectability (Mitchell et al., 2004; see Chapter 8, Section 4a for further
discussion). For instance, Patsy (aged 82) felt physically threatened by younger people who
occupied the social space in the village, by the local shop:
I wouldn‟t go up there for one [thing] because of these youngsters hanging around
these dark nights, I mean, they get outside the Co-op sometimes, and, when I come
back in the car because they bring me right around, and I sometimes go to bingo on a
Tuesday afternoon, well that is alright because I walk up there because it is light.
Wednesday is dinner [at a local Age Concern centre] and that‟s it that is as far as I go.
[I]
Feeling vulnerable or threatened in social spaces is a consequence of public spaces being
deeply embedded with social inequalities and, therefore, producing gendered, racialised and
aged identities (Shilling, 1991) and sexualised. Furthermore, social space is where gendered
and aged identities impact on access to resources and involvement in social networks, which
restricts or enables physical activity (see Chapter 8 Section 2 for full discussion).
6.3d) Narratives of obligation and resistance
Literature is replete with active ageing messages which promote resistance to the ageing
process but do not account for social barriers (Baltes and Cartensen, 1996; see Chapter 2 for
further discussion). Furthermore, resistance to inactivity is said to be an internalisation of the
healthy or successful ageing narratives (Dionigi and O‟Flynn, 2007). Physical activity regimes
have been promoted as a key ingredient for preventative health approaches (Grant, 2002;
O‟Brien Cousins and Horne, 1999). Moreover, physical activity is presented as a way to resist
the ageing process and delay the fourth age (a period defined by dependence and decline)
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(Gilleard and Higgs, 2002). The government‟s use of active ageing policy, it has been argued,
is primarily attributable to economics in an attempt to save money spent on older people‟s
health and social care (Hargreaves, 1994; see Chapter 2, Section 2.2c). This section
discusses the ways in which older people feel they and others must be physically and
mentally active to delay the signs of ageing.
Feelings that physical activity is an individual obligation are in part a reflection of social
policies employing healthism that track the shift of responsibility for health from the state
onto the individual (Crawford, 1980; see Chapter 2). In the field of gerontology, this narrative
of healthy or successful ageing similarly emphasises the individual‟s responsibility to be
physically active, to reduce the financial burden on health services (Dionigi and O‟Flynn,
2007; see Chapter 2, Section 2.2c). Foucault‟s (1978; see Chapter 4, Section 2b) concept of
bio-politics can also be linked to this; institutions such as the health service attempt to
regulate people‟s health outcomes and control the social and individual body, nudging people
into what is considered to be a successful ageing regime of healthy eating and physical
activity. Participants in this study articulated feelings of obligation, in combination with
feelings of anxiety, resulting in the unintended consequence of negative impacting on
wellbeing. For example, participants felt the need to be physically active, even though they
did not enjoy it. For example Victoria (aged 63), wrote in her diary:
Went to the gym this morning. OK, I just wish I enjoyed it!
Went to gym today. Just wish it wasn‟t such an effort to go. It takes nearly all morning
and there are much nicer things I'd rather be doing.
I have thought about looking into doing water aerobics. See if I can manage that. My
gym subscription needs to be renewed. 15th September so I need to make my mind up
soon. If I don't do something I shall just let time slip by and I know I need to do
something. [D]
These excerpts show that Victoria experiences little enjoyment from being physically active;
however, she knows it is something she needs to do. „The need‟ to be active has been
constructed through narratives of healthy or successful ageing (see Chapter 2; Chapter 7,
Section 3b). Margaret (aged 64), however, does not see why she should make herself
participate in something that she does not enjoy:
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[A] quite large lady… goes off to the gym three times a week, she doesn‟t like it, but
she goes and I think oh if I don‟t like it, why should I force myself to go… I mean I just
think to myself well, I have got to this stage, why suddenly change now? [I]
Margaret‟s justification is that she is still alive now, so what are the benefits of being
physically active? She resists the healthy or successful ageing narrative, which has
constructed the „need‟ for older people to be physically active. Earlier, however, Margaret
used a narrative of risk and vulnerability (see Section 6.3d) to construct her ontological
narrative (see Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994; Chapter 3, Section 1). By using public narratives
of both risk and vulnerability and then switching to a resistance narrative, she demonstrates
agency by constructing a self by positioning herself within an appropriate narrative for the
social context. Another participant, Luke (aged 76), feels that unless he is physically active,
he is being lazy:
…I know perfectly well that I ought to be [more active], I also know that my natural
inclination to laziness comes through… so yes I have been using my bike, I used to go,
you will see in the diary, pretty well once, twice three times a week on my bike, but
more recently I have done it less often partly from laziness, partly because of the
weather and really partly because I have needed to drive my wife about so I can hardly
put her on a cross bar… [I]
Further to feeling lazy, Luke feels he „must keep going‟ and resist inactivity; otherwise, he
feels, he will lose control over his weight and overall corporeality:
I am actually… probably physically fit at the moment… so I tend to sort of say no, I
must keep going, so I do… Well I know perfectly well that, if you sit about doing
nothing, you can easily sit about, and sit about, and do nothing, and get fatter and
fatter and fatter… so it is all part of the situation where one doesn‟t want to fade into
physical inactivity and so far I am not. [I]
Luke‟s intense urge to be physically active is evidence of the internalisation of healthy and
successful ageing narratives, prevalent in the 20th century, which have resulted in a
heightened fear and resistance to the ageing body (Dionigi and O‟Flynn, 2007; Gilleard and
Higgs, 2000). This negative construction of the self, using concepts of „laziness‟, expresses a
sense of anxiety within this personal narrative, which could impact negatively upon wellbeing.
The self-responsibility that participants felt other older people should have over their bodies is
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captured in this excerpt from Frances‟s (aged 75) diary:
Well of course I am not so fit, I haven‟t got the muscle. I mean I have been pretty
strong, it has just been the way and the type of life I have had, and you do get people
who keep fit and active and healthy, I think it‟s up to the person themselves to what
type of body they have. Whether it is healthy or not…. I think it is up to people in their
own lives to look after their bodies, and to stop and think what they are doing with
themselves and their bodies… [D]
Frances feels that it is the individual‟s responsibility to care for their body and she echoes the
government‟s health policies concerning ageing populations, which emphasise choosing
healthy lifestyles (Department of Health, 2004a; 2004b; 2004c; 2005; see Chapter 2, Section
2d). Self-responsibility can also be linked to the concept of discipline and, more specifically, a
sense of self-discipline (Foucault, 1991; 1978; see Chapter 4, Section 2b). However, Frances,
earlier, also expressed a sense of inevitability that, even with hard work, the body would
wear out (see Section 6.3c); thus, this demonstrates that Frances too has positioned herself
within a bio-medical narrative of decline and loss, as well as within one of personal obligation
and responsibility for the ageing body, empowering her to construct different self-identities in
different situations (see Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994; and see Chapter 4, Section 2b, Chapter
6, Section 3b). A sense of self-discipline can be seen in the following excerpt from an
interview with Gladys (aged 77), in which she describes her conceptualisation of attractive
older bodies:
[S]omebody that has really cared for themselves, not over the top, and somebody that
hasn‟t sort of just because they are getting elderly that they haven‟t let themselves get
all fat and flobby or whatever, you know what I mean. Somebody that dresses not over
the top, somebody that dresses to what they can afford, and somebody that they don‟t
have to spend lots… that looks fresh and approachable… I can‟t bear people that sort of
go about in their slippers down the road and you know. I am not being horrible but
some of these… people who have got rather large and they wear these stretchy shorts
that look like knickers and then these T-shirts and they don‟t wear a bra and it‟s not
necessary is it… [I]
To Gladys, older people who have not „taken care‟ of themselves and their appearance are
unbearable. A lack of control and care of self, according to Foucault (1986), is linked to
morals or ethics, insomuch as „good‟ people practice self-restraint, moderation and mastery
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over themselves, caring for themselves (Markula, 2003; see Chapter 4, Section 2b for further
discussion). On the other hand, „bad‟ older people do not demonstrate this corporeal control
of weight and do not restrain themselves using clothing, like bras, for example. Regulation of
dress and consumption is a key area where age-ordering can take place (Laz, 1998; Twigg,
2003). Age-ordering is the adoption of different forms of dress at different ages according to
moral constructions of what is „appropriate‟ (Twigg, 2007). For older populations, clothing
transgressions are understood as an indication of „social and moral decline‟ and those who
commit them risk being rejected from „mainstream society‟ (Twigg, 2007). In this case, an
internalisation of age-ordering norms seems to be evident and is used to harshly discipline
and regulate fellow older people‟s bodies. Furthermore, remaining physically active and
demonstrating corporeal morality, through the embodiment of a healthy and socially
conforming body, is seen as a moral imperative (Tulle, 2008). For example, Harriet‟s (aged
75) active lifestyle and the benefits she has gained from this mean that she cannot
understand other older people who are not as active as herself:
Well the impression I get is a lot of people, when they get older really are static. They
don‟t do much, I don‟t know what they do, they probably just sit… I am surprised they
are not motivated into doing more really, because I think some people have the wrong
attitude, that once they are sixty or once they are sixty five, or once they are retired,
that is their excuse not to do anything, and having said that, I do notice in the village
for instance, the Great Company, it is a group of over sixties or sixty fives, they
obviously look forward to the meetings, because they just sit around, and wait for their
tea and cakes to be put in front of them… [I]
Harriet considers it older people‟s responsibility to remain physically active. However, not
everyone in older age has the relevant cultural, physical and social capital to draw upon
(Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 4, Section 2a). She unconsciously draws upon neo-liberal
rhetoric, which emphasises the individual responsibility for older people to maintain their
health (see Chapter 2, Section 2a). Furthermore, individualistic discourses do not consider
the social constraints in achieving an active lifestyle in older age (Wearing and Wearing,
1990). For example, Harry (aged 90), who has mobility problems and has had many sporting
injuries, accidents and operations over the years, would like to be physically active:
Well [Sally] thinks I ought to be a little bit more active and I would like to be more
active, I used to, I think I told you I used to swim quite regularly and I have found
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swimming all my life I have been regularly swimming and I do miss it because… it used
to make me keep fit… [I]
However, what Harry enjoys doing now is shopping:
Sally… he likes going around Sainsbury‟s, as Sainsbury‟s have got the trolleys which
are not the very big ones but they are higher up…
Harry… Yes I do like shopping yes, [Sally] helps me go and I thoroughly enjoy it. [I]
Harry has been physically active during his life and, in fact, some of the injuries he sustained
have been linked to the physical activity and sport he has participated in (see Section,
6.2bv). Therefore, being physically active in older age is not just based on individual
responsibility, but also on ability. At his present age, he is doing some physical activity
(shopping) with the assistance of a trolley. Furthermore, Harry previously in this section has
used narratives of decline and loss (see Section 6.3c), and risk and vulnerability (see Section
6.3d), again demonstrating how he has been positioning himself within several public
narratives to construct different self-identities in different social situations with different
audiences (see Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994; see Chapter 3, Section 1), thus illustrating his
agency. For example, he refers to what his wife Sally would like him to do and then uses a
more positive narrative of enjoyment to describe physical activity. Many participants who
suffered with immobility in older age continued to be physically active. For example, I spoke
to Heather (aged 73) on the telephone and noted in my research journal:
Spoke to another woman [Heather] who said she has just had two operations on her
knees, an arthroscopy, so she hasn‟t been doing much exercise recently, but did go on
a five mile run beforehand! [RJ, 27th August 2008]
In her diary, Heather wrote about how she had just had the knee arthroscopies and
proceeded to walk to church:
Church and Gardening 45 mins. Changed bedding.
Walked to church AM cannot kneel to pray!? [D]
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This excerpt demonstrates the level of self-discipline that Heather exerts over her body
insofar as she and other participants in this study persisted through pain, operations and
immobility to be physically active. Thus, Heather has normalised the internalised disciplining
practices into her everyday life to resist inactivity in later life (Foucault, 1978; see Chapter 4,
Section 2b). Additionally, Heather employs a „restitution narrative‟, when individuals try to
restore their bodies to their former predictability and stable sense of self and view their body
as something that can be worked on and fixed (Frank, 1995). Percy‟s (aged 84) narrative also
illustrates how he practices walking and increases the distance each time:
I didn‟t think I could walk as far as I have done, when I feel in the mood to do it. I
never thought I could walk to Westery and back. But the first couple of times I felt
knackered but then I got more practised at it. And also I didn‟t do it on a regular basis
because sometimes I thought yeah, I will have a go and then I think about it and I
think no and then I walk to Westery and I thought yeah I have got to walk there one
day, I am fed up I have got to do it, it is no good sitting around, so I walked to
Westery the first time and I felt quite good, I even met the flaming bus there, not
because I was running or anything but because the bus must have been late… [FG]
This practising and achieving of his goals makes him „feel good‟. This sense of achievement
and discipline is an example of a technology of the self, using physical practices to transform
social and corporeal identity (Foucault, 1985; see Chapter 4, Section 2b). Percy is controlling
and transforming the ability of his body to walk through practise, thus generating feelings of
empowerment. For example, he is full of confidence when asked about possible future
physical activities that he may participate in:
Well I mean I am quite prepared to go along with anything on the exercise side of it…
[I]
Although Percy exudes confidence, using a narrative of resistance to construct his corporeal
and social identity, he previously employed narratives of decline and loss (see Section 6.3c),
expressing the emotional impact of the pain in his knee. Additionally, he positioned himself
with a narrative of risk and vulnerability (see Section 6.3d), where he explained that he
feared falling when participating in physical activity. Percy‟s use of different narratives to
construct different ageing identities empowers him, insomuch as, through positioning, he is
demonstrating his agency (see Phibbs 2008; Somers, 1994; and see Chapter 3, Section 1;
Chapter 4, Section 2c). The confidence and sense of optimism that Percy exuded in some
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parts of the interviews, is also reflected in Hamish‟s (aged 76) narrative. When asked about
how he had experienced the ageing process and its effect on his corporeal experience, he
explained how he felt more appreciative of his fitness with age:
[I]n a different way I am fitter than I was, but then again I didn‟t realise how fit I was
and when you‟re young you just don‟t appreciate it… Well certainly in one way I am
fitter than I was I mean at the time years ago I didn‟t realise how fit I was, but now I
appreciate it that I can do what I do, and I pace myself and yes I am alright, I am very
fortunate… I am more active now… than I was. [I]
This passage demonstrates how the competence of the ageing body can be managed without
referring to narratives of loss and decline (Tulle, 2008). In addition, Hamish states that he
actually feels more fit and active now than when he was younger, providing evidence for an
ageing „body in flux‟ and not degeneration (Tulle, 2008). Hamish also employs a restitution
narrative, where he constructs a happy ending, in which he is more active and fit with age
(Frank, 1995). In addition, he did not appreciate his fitness when he was younger, but, now
that he has to work harder at being fit with age, he appreciates it more. Feeling fortunate
that he is „alright‟, acknowledges that those in his peer group, through no fault of their own,
have less physical capital, are not as physically able and cannot be as physically active as he
can. Thus, Hamish‟s comments evidence a subconscious critical understanding of health and a
rejection of neo-liberal rhetoric that stresses that the individual is solely responsible for their
health (Crawford, 1980; see Chapter 2). Nevertheless, there was overwhelming evidence of
participants feeling that it was important for the individual to remain both physically and
mentally active in older age. Harriet (aged 75) typifies this phenomenon:
I fill my time with a lot of the activities in the village and one of them being the line
dancing, I say in the village it is actually now, it was in the village but now the classes
are held at Camery and I do go once a week sometimes more if I feel inclined. This
week was a social on Saturday night in the village hall, which I will certainly go to
because I will be dancing from eight o‟clock to half past eleven and anything else which
is going on really, as you say gardening, walking housework, shopping all those
activities but that is just normal things to do isn‟t it… I do double book sometimes… I
try to remember to write things in my diary… it is important to look after your body
and have… mental and physical exercise… [I]
In addition, when I visited a village luncheon club, I noted in my journal:
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They like to keep busy and organise several things in the village and a woman of
eighty is apparently one of the busiest in the village… One women of eighty does
everything for other people… [RJ, 6th of February 2008]
This theme of women keeping busy was also expressed by Diana (aged 75), who felt that it
was important to be busy and both mentally and physically active and that volunteering was
an important vehicle for this:
I take the money, to keep my brain in working order. So I am quite busy… Well some
weeks you have got everything, other weeks not so much but um, yes, I am quite
active in the village… Yes, I keep busy. There is no point sitting down all the time like
some people when they retire they just sit and do nothing, you have to do something.
[I]
The dichotomy between „active mind‟ and „busy body‟ is linked to dualistic notions of the mind
and body being separate (Paulson and Willig, 2008; see Chapter 3, Section 2a for further
details). This disembodiment is used to distance and distract from the ageing body and is
linked to the discourse of decline (Katz, 2000). In addition, the „busy ethic‟, according to
Ekerdt (1986), is linked to the work ethic, which, in retirement, functions to engage and keep
older people active. Being busy is seen to be desirable, although the actual activity is
secondary to the presentation of a busy self (Ekerdt, 1986). Nevertheless, pursuits that
involve volunteering, maintenance and hobbies are usually the activities of choice (Ekerdt,
1986). The busy ethic was present in Frances‟ narrative, when she described to me how she
liked to keep busy:
I haven‟t got any more indoor projects… I will probably do some walking and
gardening, because I put my gardening in some competitions, there [are] certificates
over there, the first time I did it last year, because I had to put my mind to something,
because my hubby died in 96. So I will have twelve years on my own and I did get
another gentleman friend, very local and I knew him for about two years and then he
became ill and I had to get him into hospital and he died so, I have had to put my
mind to something else, I thought I will do the garden, enter this gardening
competition, it was with Martlet homes you know and I spent a lot of money on plants,
I must have spent about one hundred pounds. [I]
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Additionally, after speaking to Frances (aged 75) on the telephone, I wrote in my research
journal:
Spoke to [Frances] today who has entered a garden competition and so she has been
busy outside working all day. Yesterday she was working outside until 8pm. She has
very little time to fill in the diary… [RJ, 7th of May 2008]
For Frances, however, being busy was more strongly associated with widowhood and being
single than a work ethic per se. She says „she has to put her mind to something else‟ and
maintenance of her garden fills the time she would have been spending in someone else‟s
company. This was also the case for Harriet (aged 75), mentioned earlier. I noted in my
research journal my experience of interviewing her for the first time:
The next interview was with a woman who had just lost her husband and she was quite
raw when she spoke about what happened and about her feelings… she was very
obviously just keeping herself busy to get through her grieving. [RJ, 11th March 2008]
Thus, there is a third function of the busy ethic, which is as a distraction from the trauma of
losing a significant other and the loneliness of being a single woman in older age (see Chapter
8, Section 3). Having a busy ethic when widowed demonstrates agency and independence,
which was very important to participants in this study and, again, fits with a Foucauldian
Feminist theoretical framework, which emphasises the ability for individuals to demonstrate
their agency through constructing new corporeal and social identities, through physical
practices and narrative positioning (see Chapter 4, Section 2c).
6.4) Conclusion
This Chapter, has explored the extent to which experiences of frailty are a result of ageing
habitus or lifestyle (Bourdieu, 1984; Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006), finding
in the process the ways in which physical restrictions and access to different forms of capital
affect older people‟s ability and inclination to be physically active. It has become apparent
that everyday corporeal experiences of aches, pains, weight gain, tiredness and slowing down
are the result of both a shared corporeal experience (that is unique to later life) and of the
adoption of different lifestyles, constrained by social factors, such as, social class and gender
(Bourdieu, 1984; Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006). In addition, due to the
higher presence of chronic illness and disease in older age, the experiences of chronic illness
and the medicalisation of everyday life is part of an ageing habitus. Thus, older people often
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position themselves in bio-medical narratives of ageing and disability whilst creating their
ontological narratives about their corporeal experiences (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 2004; see
Chapter 3). Moreover, regardless of previous physical activity levels throughout life, there
comes a point at which older people experience an epiphany or series of moment(s) (Denzin,
1989b), which marks the crossing of a border from the third to the fourth age (Laslett, 1989).
Nevertheless, older people can maintain their physical capital through practices such as
strength, balance and stability exercises (Narici, 2000; Province et al., 1995; Wang et al.,
2004). However, the role of physical activity in preventing weight gain and increased aerobic
fitness is less clear. For example, Clements (2005) states that only long-term endurance
exercise has any benefit on aerobic fitness. Therefore, thirty minutes a day (British Heart
Foundation, 2007a), is unlikely to have positive physical benefits on health, unless it is an
exercise that promotes strength, balance and stability.
This chapter also looked at older people‟s emotional responses to their ageing bodies when
being physically active and how they located these emotions in narratives used these to
position their individual identities. The majority of older people experienced their bodies not
dualistically, but, holistically within a social and cultural context. A number of participants
located themselves within bio-medical narratives of inevitable loss and decline, with the
second most popular narrative being one of obligation or resistance. Thus, I utilised the work
of Somers (1994) and Phibbs (2008) to highlight the different ways participants used various
public narratives available to them to construct different identities, empowering them through
the construction of their agency (see Chapter 4, Section 2c). Shame and guilt were also
present in narratives and this supports some of the findings of Dionghi and O‟Flynn (2007),
who identified that neo-liberal rhetoric, which draws on individualistic notions of ageing,
successfully creates moral divisions between those who have physical capital and those who
do not. Health promotion disciplines, that use healthy or successful ageing narratives as an
attempt to control the social body, place older people into binary positions of „needy‟ or
„independent‟, which further perpetuates the haves and the have nots (see Chapter 2;
Chapter 7, Sections b and c for further discussion). Furthermore, these dualistic subjectivities
cause anxiety for those older people lacking in physical capital, who are blamed for their
inappropriate ageing, regardless of possible social constraints. The social and practical
constraints that the older people who participated in this study experienced when being
physically active will now be examined.
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Chapter 7: Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus
7.1) Introduction
7.2) Practical factors: enabling and restricting participation
a) The use of space and the physical environment
b) Transport and mobility
c) Weather, wellbeing and safety
d) Economic capital
e) Cost of transport, physical activity and social groups
7.3) Tailoring physical activity services and information
a) Physical activity preferences in later life: themes and diversity
b) Experiences of the receiving and giving of physical activity information
c) Responses to images of active older people
i) The promotion of sex as a physical activity
7.4) Conclusion
7.1) Introduction
The previous chapter explored older people‟s corporeal and emotional experiences of physical
activity and how individuals positioned themselves within narratives of ageing / disability. The
findings of Chapter 6 indicated that older people experienced their bodies in a specific way
and share a corporeal understanding with other older people (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and
Turner, 2006). This chapter examines the ways in which the built environment, facilities,
transport services, cost of physical activity and transport, physical activity services, healthy
living information and images, are experienced by people in later life. The chapter is divided
into two sections. Firstly, by using Bourdieu‟s (1984) concepts of capital, habitus and field
(see Chapter 4, Section 4 for a fuller explanation), I examine how the presence or absence of
resources and power in rural space can either restrict or enable participation in physical
activity. I have also drawn upon feminist theorists to highlight how gendered identities
influence access to resources and how this affects experiences of ageing and physical activity
(Arber and Ginn, 1991; Arber et al., 2003; Brackenridge, 2001; Ginn and Arber; 1993).
Additionally, the accounts presented within this section can also be located within a narrative
of dependency, whereby people over sixty five years old are understood to be economically
and socially „dependent‟ on the state, their family and the community (Thornton, 2002; and
see Chapter 3, Section 2c for an in-depth discussion). Secondly, I shall discuss the ways in
which services and information are experienced by the older people in this study, employing
Foucault‟s (1978, 1991) work to identify how healthy living information devised and
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distributed by experts is understood and how healthy living images, in the form of leaflets,
affect older people‟s subjectivities.
7.2) Practical factors: enabling and restricting participation
This section examines how the presence or absence of factors, such as facilities, transport,
weather, safety concerns and money contribute to older people‟s ability to be physically
active in rural West Sussex. Previous research, at a national level, indicates that issues such
as health and safety concerns, the competency of physical activity leaders, transport and the
weather act as barriers to participation for older people (British Heart Foundation, 2007c).
Although these restricting factors are present for the general population, older people also
experience declining physical capital as part of their ageing habitus (Dumas et al., 2005;
Dumas and Turner, 2006; see Chapter 6, Section 2). This section reveals how older people‟s
ageing habitus is not considered when designing the built environment, facilities, transport
and the cost of transport and physical activities. By structuring society in a way that restricts
physical activity in later life, dependency on others is reinforced and, thus, the dependency
narrative becomes a „self-fulfilling prophecy‟ (see Chapter 3, Section 2c; Merton, 1968). This
argument is similar to those made about disabled populations, in that society is dis-abling
older people (Thornton, 2002).
7.2a) The use of space and the physical environment
Individuals‟ use of public space is connected to a number of factors, including the
maintenance and management of the built environment (Holland et al., 2007). Participants in
Bowling‟s (2005; see Chapter 2, Section 4) study gave low ratings for social and leisure
facilities for older people in their areas. These findings were replicated in this study, as some
participants were not able to access facilities in order to participate in physical activity. Age
Concern (now Age UK) was imbued with power struggles between the members and the
committee. At the time, I wrote in my research journal:
Sharon from the council was there [at the Age Concern centre] with a voluntary person
who is going to find out about some activities that can take place, like seated aerobics
and perhaps get a grant for it, which is positive. But a lot of the members feel like it is
a waste of time, as the organiser will find a way of preventing it from happening. [RJ,
21st of August 2008]
Bourdieu‟s (1984) theory of the field (see Chapter 4, Section 2a for a fuller discussion) is
relevant here as the committee regulated the use of social space and attempted to control
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and dominate through a hierarchy. Although this is only one specific example of how older
people are regulated, it is important that it is highlighted. If older people are not able to use
appropriate facilities in order to be physically active, the design and management of public
spaces needs to address the issue. Seating and location of street furniture can also prevent
older people from venturing out (Holland et al., 2007; see Chapter 2, Section 4). For
example, accessible seating in public places enables older people to be physically active as it
provides somewhere to rest in between bouts of physical activity. Jane‟s (aged 82) narrative
exemplifies this point:
...I haven‟t got much feeling in my feet and I went into Rivendale because there are
seats that you can sit on and I can‟t walk very long distance without getting a bit
puffed... so I can sit down when I feel exhausted...[I]
Moreover, if there is not suitable seating at a venue, older people are de-motivated to
participate in social and physical activity. Margaret (aged 64) wrote in her diary:
Gardening Club - give it a miss - chairs are so uncomfortable and meeting drags on.
OK for the chairman as he lives opposite village hall. [D]
The types of seating needed for frailer bodies are seats with backs and arm rests (Holland et
al., 2007; see Chapter 2, Section 4). If these are not available, this negatively impacts on
older people‟s ability to participate and enjoy the experience. Furthermore, if no seating is
available, some older people find standing for long periods of time difficult (see Chapter 6,
Section 2f). Therefore, older people with less physical capital are less likely to have less
variety of physical activities available and to be dependent on others for transport. Tracey
(aged 72) for instance, writes in her diary about a boat trip:
Had visitors in the morning and in the afternoon had a boat trip up the canal with
cream tea... Had a bit of a problem with the steps to the boat but with the help of a
couple of the ladies I managed it. It was very nice everybody enjoyed it. Do it again
later in the year. [D]
However, it would be very difficult for Tracey to be able to attend the boat trip without her
friend to assist her. Tracey is dependent on others for help when she wants to get out of her
immediate environment and to be socially and physically active. This dependency narrative is
much in evidence in Tracey‟s story; she heavily draws upon this readily available discursive
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resource to construct her ontological narrative (see Chapter 3, Section 2c; Phibbs, 2008). The
element of choice is important because, even if facilities and physical activities are available
in the local environment, if older people do not want to or cannot participate, the physical
activity will be discontinued, as there is not enough interest. In addition, at a focus group I
attended, I noted in my research diary:
Disability issues came up a lot. Lots of people want to exercise but there aren‟t enough
facilities and activity services to cater for disabled people with lower ability levels. [RJ,
3rd February 2008]
The issue of how the built environment can dis-able older people from being physically active
is similar to the problems faced by „disabled‟ bodies. For example, within the definition of
disability, according to the Disabled Peoples‟ International (2005:1), “The International
Classification of Functioning (ICF) defines disability as the outcome of the interaction between
a person with impairment and the environmental and attitudinal barriers he/she may face”.
The emphasis on the social impact, in terms of the environment and the attitudes of others, is
also relevant for older people, as the issues faced are similar for both groups. According to
Waaler Loland (2004; see Chapter 2, Section 4), structural and cultural factors, such as the
physical and social environment, lack of facilities and physical activity opportunities, have a
large part to play in explaining the inactivity of older age groups. Furthermore, dis-abling
older people in the built environment forces them to be dependent upon others and works to
confirm the stereotypes of dependent older people (Thornton, 2002; see Chapter 2, Section
4).
7.2b) Transport and mobility
According to the Department for Work and Pensions (2005), transport is a key issue for older
people who wish to age actively. They suggest that older people should be involved in the
planning of local transport services, and that free, off-peak, local bus services should be
provided to this group. This is especially the case for older people in rural areas where the
bus service is the only form of transport available to them, due to a loss of physical and
economic capital (Dobbs and Strain, 2008; see Chapter 2, Section 5). Accessing services such
as leisure, health and physical activity clubs or facilities becomes more difficult for those with
no access to a private car (Dobbs and Strain, 2008; see Chapter 2, Section 5), enforcing their
dependency on others and the regulation of their corporeal movements in public spaces (see
Foucault, 1991; Chapter 4, Section 2b). However, reliability of services varies according to
area and, in rural areas, these can be limited (Department for Work and Pensions, 2004).
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According to the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (2004:68; see Chapter
2, Section 5) forty per cent of people aged seventy-five years or over who are living in rural
areas do not have access to a car. However, the majority of leisure centres in West Sussex
are not in rural areas (Ecotec, 2006) and, therefore, older people in this study who did not
drive found it hard to access physical and social activities located in urban areas. In addition,
when I visited an Age Concern centre in an urban area, I noted in my research journal:
Went to see a man in Swampville today, he often talked about Sunny Centre and how
wonderful it was, so I went to see for myself and it is a fantastic facility for the
residents and although it is available to everyone in West Sussex, only those within
Swampville can get transport here and the manager herself is aware those in rural
areas with no car cannot access the facilities. [RJ, 22nd September 2008]
This centre had a wide range of social and physical activity facilities; however, not all older
people want to access these generic facilities. Gladys (aged 77), for example, preferred
volunteering as a marshal at Formula One motor racing events as a social and physical
activity but she found it hard to access with no car:
Um, yes, I suppose because I have always been active, and I am friends with lots of
people so I can get a lift but not always because if somebody‟s, I mean next week its
Brands Hatch after this weekend, well I have got to find out when I go to Thruxton if
anyone is going to Brands and if there is nobody going I can‟t go… But as far as being
fit I am alright, my arms are alright, my legs are alright, but I suppose as far as the
things you just don‟t do is because when you are on your own and you don‟t drive you
can‟t go for a ride on a Sunday or do things like that. [I]
Not being able to drive was a notable theme within the data, and was linked to a notion of
lost independence. Maintaining independence is a strong theme throughout government
pension and social care policy (Department of Work and Pensions, 2004; Department of
Health, 2005 see Chapter 2, Section 2a). The lack of suitable public transport available for
older people and the enforced dependence on others regulates their movement in public
spaces, enforcing corporeal docility (see Foucault, 1991; Chapter 4, Section 2b). According to
Dobbs and Strain (2008:91), “older age, being female, being single and having cognitive,
sensory or motor impairments put people at a higher risk of dependence on others for
transportation”. Jane (aged 82) fell into all of these categories and talked about her
experience of not being able to drive anymore:
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Yes. At that time I still had a car, I was living in Lemming, but as I didn‟t start driving
until I was 50 because… I had epilepsy, although that is now controlled with medicine.
I had to drive an automatic car and then I found that I suppose it was part of the not
feeling at the bottom of your feet, I couldn‟t feel when I got on the brake… And there
were one or two near misses and the last near miss was at Rivendale roundabout and I
could have either have gone into the person in front of me or the lamppost, and I
chose the lamppost... It didn‟t take long for a policeman to persuade me that I was too
old to drive... I missed it terribly to begin with but since we have been able to go freely
on buses I make use of that a lot. I do find that it is great to be able to do that… I
think it has a vast effect, because if you haven‟t got a car you can only rely on the bus.
[I]
In addition, I noted in my research journal how participants at a focus group were only able
to get to the social club because they knew someone who could still drive:
A lot of them could only come from their isolated villages because they had a car which
someone could drive, otherwise they would be stuck. [RJ, 25th January 2008]
According to Glasgow and Blakely (2000) and Bowling (2005), older people dependent on
others for transport are less likely to participate in social networks that can lead to active
engagement in the community, thus regulating their physical movement and physical activity
participation (see Chapter 8, Section 2 for an in depth discussion). Reliance on rural public
transport can be problematic, due to reduced and fragmented services (Dobbs and Strain,
2008). Dobbs et al. (2004; see Chapter 2, Section 5), found that older people most
frequently rated public transport in their rural area as poor. The frequency of the service is a
problem in rural areas where service providers have sparsely populated areas over which the
service is spread (Dobbs and Strain, 2008; see Chapter 2, Section 5). Linked to these
challenges of providing transport over a large area is the time it takes to travel, which
Victoria (aged 63) found impeded her ability to access physical activity services:
I go to the gym now in Rivendale its MotorVate… it‟s a bit of a drag up there and it‟s
the whole morning gone… I leave here at nine and I don‟t get back until twenty past
eleven, that‟s when I go in on the bus, which is twice a week... two and a half hours
that it usually takes me on the bus… I just get irritated... I could be doing other things.
[I]
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According to Bowling (2005), less than fifty per cent of participants rated the bus service as
above average and, thus, transport can inhibit rather than facilitate older people‟s
participation in society. Moreover, community transport services are often focussed on
enabling older people to have access to health services. However, this was not the case for
Tracey (aged 72) who wanted to be able to access physiotherapy services, which would help
her to be more mobile:
I have been thinking about going up the doctor to see if there is a physio [sic]... how
am I going to go to St. Kings if I am not at the bus stop? So I can‟t. [I]
When discussing the possibility of alternative transport, such as a taxi, Tracey replied:
Yes, but its costly isn‟t it. It is going to be two, three times a week and… they say it
would be ten fifteen pound a day... I don‟t know whether a surgery might have a
physio [sic]… I will find out, because… [I] can get around to there easily… And of
course before I moved here I went to the hospital three times a week for physio [sic],
well they laid on transport for me because I was a carer, so time was precious for me
to be at home, so you know I was buttered up a little bit and pampered. [I]
Older people with the greatest health care needs [like Tracey for example] are most likely to
be transport-dependent and have healthcare and mobility needs that are not met (Dobbs and
Strain, 2008). This is further compounded when living in rural areas where physical activity,
leisure, health and supermarket services are not usually located, and have patchy or limited
public transport services. The restrictions faced by older people could also be interpreted
through a social theory of disability, moreover, the dis-abling and dis-empowerment of older
people in social space can also be understood through a Foucauldian / Foucauldian Feminist
theoretical framework, in an attempt to regulate the movements of older people in social
space, thus rendering them docile (Foucault, 1991; see Chapter 4, Section 2b). Narratives of
risk and vulnerability (see Chapter 6, Section 3c) also contribute to the regulation of older
people‟s movement in social space, which, in this section manifests itself in their interaction
with the weather and their ageing habitus (Dumas et al., 2008; Dumas and Turner, 2004).
7.2c) Weather, wellbeing and safety
Although this section also draws narratives of risk and vulnerability which were discussed in
Chapter 6, Section 3d, and theories of risk (Lupton, 1999), the focus here is on how
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practicalities, such as weather, wellbeing and safety, are experienced by older people when
physically active. Physical activities, including walking and cycling, are promoted to older
people in rural areas (see Department of Environment, Transport and the Regions, 2000).
The weather, however, was especially salient as participants positioned themselves within
narratives of risk and vulnerability to understand the impact the weather had on their
physical activity experiences (Chapter 6, Section 3c). Furthermore, for older people with less
physical, social and cultural capital, the bad weather is seen as a risk to wellbeing and, thus,
they use a narrative of risk and vulnerability to position themselves as vulnerable older
people (Chapter 3, Section 2c). Hannah (aged 78) illustrates this succinctly in her narrative:
The rain puts you off, if you have got heart problems, or one of the other complaints
and still the wind affects me. It does and I say, „I don‟t like the look of that‟ and I say
„I won‟t‟, I will stay at home. Of course living on your own, if you catch cold, who is
looking after you? You know, it‟s easy for them to say, oh do this do that, we know we
should but if you‟re on your own there is a lot of restrictions there. [I]
Hannah refers to the restrictions of being alone and not having social support such as
neighbours, significant others, family and friends to draw upon if unwell (this is explored in
more depth in Chapter 8). With regards to practical safety concerns, road safety was a factor
which was deemed particularly inhibitive and frequently mentioned by participants, especially
when talking about cycling and walking, Hannah (aged 78) commented:
I remember Jenny leaving her bike here, I think you must have been here about
eighteen months or something like that and you were in your seventies and I said
that‟s alright dear I will ride it around to you, but I got on it and rode it to the end of
the road and I said „oh my God‟ and the cars were coming in quick and I walked it
around.
Percy (aged 84), described what he perceived as the dangers of walking to Westery, he said:
...when you get up over the bridge and the cars are whizzing down and a couple of
times I thought now if I was to topple over here would any of them stop, they [the
cars] were going so fast I don‟t think any of them would notice me. [Walking] [b]ack is
a different story maybe they would have seen me… [FG]
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Older people, lacking in physical capital, make sense of their ageing corporeality by using
narratives of risk and vulnerability, which derive from bio-medical explanations of ageing and
inevitable decline and act to inhibit their people‟s movement in social spaces (see Chapter 3,
Section 2b). Thus, this section can also be understood through a Foucauldian lens, insomuch
as this lens contributes to understanding older people‟s corporeal regulation in public spaces
(Foucault, 1991; Chapter 4, Section 2b). However, this concern for safety with age was not
the case for all older people in this study. Gladys (aged 77), for example, who is a marshal at
Formula One racing events, is content with taking risks to her safety:
It is lovely when you are up there with a piece of polystyrene with two minutes on it
and you have got about thirty cars with their engines all revving ready to go, you have
got two minutes, one minute and then I have to do the thirty second board...
Somebody said aren‟t you frightened they are going to run me over? I said no, I said I
would rather somebody said oh [Gladys] died on the motor circuit than dying of
pneumonia or something. [I]
Gladys evidently much enjoys participating in the risk-taking activity of motor racing.
Lupton‟s (1999) work discusses how risk-taking behaviour is a gendered performance in
which young men are constructed as the risk-takers and older women usually inhabit the
binary opposite position of being risk averse. Gladys, in this respect, is transgressing both
aged and gendered binary socially constructed positions; for instead of being satisfied with
inhabiting the „everyday‟ profane world, she prefers to enter into the exciting, traditionally
masculine, „risky‟ and sacred arena of motor racing. When asked about joining other groups
in the village, Gladys replied:
I would get bored, I don‟t want to go and make cakes, I don‟t mind taking flowers for
people and doing things, but I don‟t want to go and make cakes… [there] is not a lot
really around here [to do]… [I]
Lupton (1999) goes on to suggest that women are starting to challenge these binary
positions, which are not only gendered, but aged as well.
The alternative to being physically active outside in varying weather conditions and road
safety issues is to participate in physical and social activities indoors, yet, once again, my
participants positioned themselves within a narrative of risk and vulnerability (see Chapter 6,
Section 3c). Many felt that physical activity leaders without professional training were unsafe;
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the excerpt from an interview with Heather (aged 72) which follows explains how some
physical activity leaders do not always take the age of participants in their groups into
account when warming up to prevent injuries:
[Y]ou have got your main posture that you are working toward and because of my
dancing background I am very conscious of preparing that part of the body before
somebody goes into that sort of stretch, well it is health and safety isn‟t it? Not all
teachers work like that, believe you me, I have had a few shocks… it depends how old
you are… and how fit you are… There [are] so many different branches of yoga you see
so you have got to get the right teacher for the right person and at different ages you
need different people. [I]
The training of older physical activity leaders, who are likely to be more in touch with the
needs of older people as well as being reassuring about injury worries and giving enough
recovery time, is something that Sport England (2006) presented as key to addressing
potential safety related barriers. This is, of course, a legitimate concern which should be
addressed; however, it does also fit within a narrative of risk and vulnerability, which is both
gendered and aged, which acts to restrict physical movement in social space (see Chapter 8,
Section 4b). Narratives of risk and vulnerability are particularly pertinent for women who
have suffered physical or sexual abuse in public spaces. For example, Frances (aged 75)
experienced sexual abuse as a child when swimming for a club:
I was asked to swim for the Wellington County in swimming, but I didn‟t take it up,
because this is another thing that happened to me. I won‟t go into details but you see
they didn‟t have lady trainers in those days and… We had to have gone to do some
training after the baths had closed in the evening and I wouldn‟t do that because all
the staff would be gone and you would have a trainer and perhaps one other man. I
had an incident as a child where I was assaulted by what is known now by a
paedophile and in those days there was no name for those sort of people and if you
spoke about it, I was so frightened that I never spoke about it, you don‟t tell anybody
and you see this is why I stayed at home a lot. I didn‟t go out… so I wouldn‟t take up
this swimming thing, because… I … [was] … a teenager of fifteen, sixteen and you are
conscious of your body and it is extraordinary. How would you put it? I didn‟t want to
be caught in the changing rooms on my own with a couple of fellas about, there would
be one or two other people there I don‟t know… But I was a good swimmer. I went to
loads of races and… the Wellington County Council wrote to me [and said] would I like
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to swim for the county. If things had been different in those days, if there was a few
women about… people I knew. When you go to school you see, you have all your
friends around you, you have got your teachers and everything is fine, but to go after
the baths had closed with perhaps two or three men about or one or two other
youngsters it wasn‟t the same I wouldn‟t do it, so I stayed at home more and this is
why I don‟t go out as much… [I]
This experience is situated at a time when, as Frances said, there were very few female
swimming coaches and people who committed such offences were not criminalised as „sex
offenders‟. The reason that sex offenders were not criminalised is because of the differing
ways in which sexual exploitation has been constructed in sport over time (Brackenridge,
2001). Furthermore, Brackenridge argues that, before 1993, when the high-profile „Hickson-
case‟ occurred in swimming, in which Paul Hickson (a former Olympic swimming coach) was
sentenced to seventeen years imprisonment for sexual assaults against teenage women in his
care, most sporting governing bodies had no policies for child sexual abuse. Moreover, „child
abuse‟ was not recognised as a concept in wider society until feminist research (Dobash and
Dobash, 1979) explored abuse in the family in the 1970s (Brackenridge, 2001). Therefore,
Frances‟ experience of sexual abuse is situated in an era where „child abuse‟ had not been
recognised. Furthermore, sexual exploitation in sport had yet to be formally recognised by
sporting organisations. This narrative highlights the diversity of experiences that can give
people an aversion to certain types of physical activities, and the way in which, for this cohort
group, past experiences are a product of the era in which they lived. Another way in which
the past can be seen to have affected participants‟ ability to be physically active is in their
relationship with the economic system.
7.2d) Economic capital
Material resources have a clear effect on older people‟s ability to participate in healthy
lifestyle practices like physical activity (Health Education Authority, 2000). Katz‟s (1996:67)
analysis of the advent of pensions resulted in the conclusion that, although pension reform
defined people in later life as „older people‟ with an identity (see Chapter 1, Section 3a), the
discourses surrounding pension reform categorised older people as „needy, dependent and
unproductive‟. For example, the baby boomer generation experienced relative prosperity
throughout their lives, whilst, simultaneously, reforms to pensions during the 1960s and
1970s have resulted in a rising of living standards amongst retirees, known as the „golden
age of retirement‟ (Hannah, 1986; Phillipson, 1998). However, although the baby boomers
experienced prosperity during their lifetime, there is evidence from the Economic and Social
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Research Council (2006, cited in Murakami et al., 2008) that suggests that the poorest poor
sector of the population did not benefit from the period of economic growth following the end
of World War Two and, as a result, the gap between the rich and poor has actually widened.
According to Wenger (2001), older people in rural areas make up the lowest income group in
Britain (see Chapter 2, Section 5). Furthermore, a quarter of older people in rural areas of
Britain have an income which is sixty per cent below the national median value (Countryside
Agency, 2003). Those with the lowest incomes are older people who have lived throughout
their lives in rural areas, whereas incomers tend to be financially better off (Murakami et al.,
2008). The experience of financial wellbeing in older age is also a gendered one; therefore
women experience double jeopardy (see Chapter 3, Section 3a). Being a primary carer for
children, firstly, disadvantages women in terms of their pension (Department for Work and
Pensions, 2005), and, secondly, it means that they are financially dependent on their
husband and the state. If they are widowed early, they raise children alone, suffering greater
inequalities than men in later life (Arber et al., 2003). This section explores the gendered and
aged needy, dependent and unproductive subject positions that the state has created through
the pension system and the effect this has had on access to physical activity and social
groups (see Section 7.2e).
Access to different forms of capital throughout life affects overall wellbeing in later life (Arber
and Ginn, 1991). For instance, Gladys (aged 77) receives a pension, but her narrative
illustrates how there is relatively little disposable income left after paying for living expenses:
It is not a lot of money, I only get one hundred and twenty six pound pension and my
son puts a bit in every month but that‟s still gobbled up once all the things have gone
out. But I don‟t know where it has come to, or going to. I wouldn‟t be able to run a
car... [I]
Gladys‟s hobby is acting as a marshall at motor racing events and this is where she
experiences some physical activity; however, she is unable to travel to some events because
they are only accessible by car (see Section 7.2 b). This is not something she can afford and
her ability to continue participating in her chosen physical activity is, therefore, compromised.
Moreover, according to a national survey carried out by Schaft (2003), forty-five per cent of
older people suffered from poverty and were not able to meet their basic needs. Walker‟s
(1993:283; see Chapter 3, Section 2c) research supports this finding and he states that there
is a „high incidence of poverty and low incomes among older people‟. In this study, the
women who had expressed particular feelings of concern for finances were those who had
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been widowed early in life. Elizabeth (aged 77), for example, was made significantly poorer,
financially, when her husband died, and this has impacted the rest of her life:
[T]here hasn‟t been much time in my life where I haven‟t been under stress so I mean
I am quite used to it, but I sometimes think… I do resent it, the constant financial
worry, I mean pensions... I was only married, not quite eight years, so… money has
been very difficult for me because well for obvious reasons really, I mean the Solicitor‟s
Benevolent Association helped me enormously in the early years, but money has
always been a great problem and has stopped me from doing things that I wanted to
do... I would go and see Gina [her daughter] much more often if I had the funds to do
so… [I]
Elizabeth had to bring up six young children on her own when her husband died. Because, at
the time, it was expected that her husband would provide for her, she was discouraged from
having a career by her family (see Chapter 8, Section 3b) and, therefore, her earning power,
even when her children had grown up, was limited. This is the case for many women of this
era, because, when occupational pensions came into force, a lack of participation in the
formal employment system meant that older women experienced higher levels of poverty in
later life than older men (Ginn and Arber, 1993; see Chapter 3, Section 3a). This experience
is compounded for groups of women who have to raise children alone (Arber et al., 2003; see
Chapter 3, Section 3a). The women in this study who had been widowed early, as well as
other participants who also had less disposable income, found themselves economically
disempowered and dependent on the state, finding the cost of transport, physical activity
sessions and joining social groups problematic. Indeed, Katz‟s (1996) analysis that pension
reform produced docile older people who were dependent on the state is relevant here.
However, women have experienced double dependency jeopardy in this system (Ginn and
Arber, 1993; and see Chapter 3, Section 3a).
7.2e) Cost of transport, physical activity and social groups
For older people on low incomes who live in rural areas, the cost of transport can have a
significant effect on accessing facilities and social networks (Scharf and Bartlam, 2008). The
ways in which older people are said to be transport-dependent, with no access to a private
car, were outlined in Section 2b. Issues were raised about the patchy and poor quality bus
services in rural areas; nonetheless, when free travel for older people on buses came into
force throughout Britain in April 2008 (Directgov, 2009), it had a dramatic effect on the
participants who lived in such areas. Victoria (aged 63) for example, explains the impact it
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had on her life:
I just think the bus doesn‟t cost me anything… I don‟t pay to park and I am not using
petrol so I just thought it is better to use the bus really… If I wanted to go swimming it
is how much it costs you… I can either take the car or get the bus… the bus it doesn‟t
cost me a penny… I think that is quite good, I know some people who now… because of
this bus pass just go out for the day… I know that we have got a good bus pass which
starts today which means you can go on any bus… [I]
Nearly all participants mentioned, during the course of the study, the positive impact the bus
pass had on their lives. They felt more able to be mobile, despite the issues they previously
cited regarding the poor service. Free bus travel had such an effect because of the dependent
relationship that older people have with public transport, which they rely upon to access
services outside their local area. When the free public bus and tube travel policy was
implemented, in Metropolitan London, travel cost was no longer cited by older people as a
restrictive factor (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2006). In the case of physical activity
and social groups, cost was also felt to be a limiting factor for some participants in this study.
Victoria (aged 63) expressed this on several occasions:
[H]ow am I going to pay for [the gym] next year... It is about four hundred pounds a
year… but I think the expense of things puts people off doing a lot of things, I think
people would do more but … you think well the instructors have got to be paid for…
when you look at it logically you can see why they are the price they are, but I think it
must stop an awful lot of people doing things… But I did see in the paper I think it was
this weekend‟s Observer that Apple Leisure Centre is joining some scheme that the
government has got going where over sixties go swimming for free and they are trying
to introduce it for children as well, they can swim for free, they have to go in when
they haven‟t got other things on, but you know you can do it at any time can‟t you. [I]
Victoria is referring to the initiative to provide free swimming for people aged sixty or over,
that was in force from April 2009; this was after the data collection phase of this study and
the effects of this initiative were, therefore, not captured in the data. However, the expense
of physical activities such as going to the gym did put Victoria off re-joining:
Went to gym again this morning. I must make up my mind about re-joining. It is an
expense and my income had gone down a lot this year - more tax to help politicians
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survive on their meagre salary I suppose.
Furthermore, the cost of social groups like the Women‟s Institute (WI) can exclude older
people from participating, as Harriet (aged 75) explains:
[I]t can make you quite tired if you do all these outings, but it is enjoyable.... the WI
which is getting more expensive... I think it was around twenty pounds a year now,
which is quite a lot really, it is not very much if you pay a pound per month but it is if
you pay all in one lump which is expected. [I]
In another study by Scharf and Bartlam (2008), the cost of the WI in rural communities was
shown to have excluded some older people from participation. In an urban area in North
London, Clarke (1993) found that forty-seven per cent of the sample said that the cost of
activities prevented them from doing what they wanted to. Although the cost of physical and
social activities is a barrier at any age (British Heart Foundation, 2007c), older people on low
incomes who experience poverty are more likely to be women (Ginn and Arber, 1993). In
addition, older people in poverty are more likely to be living in rural locations (Wenger,
2001), and originate from a working class background with limited access to different types of
capital (Arber and Ginn, 1991). The section that follows discusses how services and
information can be tailored more effectively to meet older people‟s needs.
7.3) Tailoring physical activity services and information
Having now established the practical factors that can help or hinder older people in
participating in physical activity; this section explores what can be done to more effectively
meet the general physical activity preferences of older people in rural areas of West Sussex.
As the British Heart Foundation (2007c) states, the ideal way to understand the „barriers‟
facing older people is to ask older people themselves, and this is what has been done in this
study. The first section below outlines the types of physical activities that older people would
like to participate in and why. The second looks at how older people pass on information
about physical activity to others, and, also, how information from medical practitioners and
physical activity professionals has been received by the older people who participated in this
study. Finally, reactions of older people to physical activity leaflets are examined, in order to
determine the extent to which the images and messages therein are relevant and have
appeal. A Foucauldian theoretical framework is utilised in this section to make sense of their
emotional reactions to healthy living messages.
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7.3a) Physical activity preferences in later life: themes and diversity
Having taken a feminist approach to this research, it was important to consult and seriously
consider older people‟s physical activity preferences (see Chapter 4, Section 2c). Although
this section outlines the general and frequently mentioned preferences of older people in this
study, it is not intended to suggest that older people are a homogenous group who all have
similar physical activity preferences. Therefore, in the second half of this section, the diversity
of physical activity preferences is presented. Nonetheless, older people‟s corporeal
experiences are subject to access to different types of capital and should be understood
within discursive narratives of ageing (see Chapter 2; Chapter 3; Chapter 4, Section 3). For
instance, it is important to highlight the gendered nature of physical activity preferences and
how families are a key site for socialisation of tastes and preferences which continue into later
life (see Chapter 3, Section 3; Chapter 8, Section 3a for a full discussion).
The physical activities which were more frequently mentioned by older people as being
experiences they would like to participate in were dancing, keep fit exercise and walking,
mirroring the most popular physical activities in Britain (Collins and Kay, 2003). Frances
(aged 75), for example, wanted to participate in dancing specifically for older people:
I think the older sort of dancing [ballroom dancing] is good, I mean we have got quite
a decent village hall here which they are going to knock down and build another one. I
am going to Whist on Thursday, just to go out and get a bit of confidence with people.
But the older sort of dancing I think… [I]
And Joanne (aged 68) felt that keep fit for older people was beneficial:
There needs to be exercise and keep fit stuff for older people that really is sort of
promoted and people are encouraged to do it… [I]
These physical activity preferences are arguably gendered and influenced by discourses of
asceticism and femininity dominant throughout history (Hargreaves, 1994). With reference to
general keep fit classes for older people [women], chronic illnesses, such as heart problems
(discussed in Chapter 6, Section 2b), can disproportionately affect older people and some
participants felt that physical activities that are tailored to chronic illnesses are beneficial. For
example, Heather (aged 72), felt that walking is a good activity for older people because it
helps to keep their hearts healthy:
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[B]ecause the walking group I belong to does a four-mile hike, 4-5 miles usually, one
or two are a bit longer... It is specifically targeted to people to keep a healthy heart
and you know they start off with small walks and gradually increase them because it‟s
not so much the length it‟s the vigour really. [I]
This type of narrative can be located within ageing narratives of risk and vulnerability and
decline and loss (See Chapter 3, Section 2b; Chapter 6, Sections c and d; Chapter 7, Section
2c). This positioning, a vulnerable older people, influenced the type of physical activities that
older people, in general, would like to participate in, as they preferred those that were
tailored and promoted to older people specifically. Additionally, they wanted to participate in
the activities with people who shared their ageing habitus (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and
Turner, 2006; see Chapter 4, Section 2a; Chapter 6, Section 2). Moreover, activities that
were flexible and did not „dis‟able those with lower mobility levels or physical capital, due to
chronic illnesses, are preferred. In addition, physical activities that are in close vicinity were
also preferable for some participants in this study. For example, Hamish (aged 76) discussed,
in the interview, how, as he got older, he wanted to be near a day centre, which had lots of
activities available. He actually moved to a city to be near an „Age Concern‟ centre. Thus,
when asked if he would like to do anything further, this was his reply:
I don‟t know, well I am doing what I want to do. I mean I wouldn‟t like to go and climb
Mount Everest... No, nothing in particular... Well there is nothing else I can do, I do
within my limitations with what things are around here and the Sunny Centre [Age
Concern] is great, if that was ever to close, well I know I would do something else but
I would be quite upset. [I]
Hamish feels limited by his corporeality and, therefore, participates in activities in his local
area. Older people‟s preference for local activities can be attributed to the closer proximity to
members of social networks and, therefore, greater feelings of social connectedness (Ashida
and Heaney, 2008). Linked to this is evidence to suggest that, in later life, the reasons for
participation in physical activity shift to developing relationships (Thurston and Green, 2004)
and sustainable relationships are easier to maintain when in the local area. In addition,
experiencing an ageing habitus intensifies factors concerning safety and risk (as explored in
Section 2c) and, therefore, the physical activities that older people, in general, want to avoid
are those that are seen to be putting them at risk of damage in some way. For example, Luke
(aged 76) said:
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I think it is if you do something very physically violent like play squash or tennis and all
those sorts of things, cricket I suppose I think you probably can‟t go on doing this, you
can swim because that supports the body but therefore the things like [sailing] on the
water it hasn‟t affected me so far. [I]
Swimming is an activity that is expressed here as being non-damaging and more beneficial
for older people than competitive sports, like cricket. Swimming is also advocated by the
British Heart Foundation (2007b), as it helps to support joints. Nevertheless, in general, older
people in this study wanted to participate in physical activities tailored to their age group,
with dancing, keep fit exercises and walking being the most popular. However, the
preferences stated in these personal narratives are located within narratives of ageing (see
Chapter 3; Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994) and their physical activity preferences can be limited
by their access to narrative, cultural, social, physical and economic resources. For example,
Luke (aged 76) was resource-rich (see Appendix 1), had a very specific physical activity
preference and was able to resist cessation:
I have always sailed, I am in my 61st season of sailing, I started when I was fifteen I
suppose at Boney End on the Teale [river]… I went on sailing… with my family and the
children had started to sail as well, so it became the thing we did…we have now got to
the stage now we are in our seventies that we decided we are too old to prove
anything and we sail when it is nice and we don‟t sail just for the sake of it… [T]here is
a group in the village who do Pilates or something but the question can I see myself
doing all these things, the answer is no I couldn‟t be bothered with that, I mean I go
and swim and I get out in a boat and sail because of course there are all sorts of little
things that… you have an interest in… So I think… that‟s what we really enjoy doing,
but I don‟t think those other things, I mean there are people… who go to classes, we
have got a very active Scottish dancing and that is energetic, but again we don‟t
actually do any of those things…[I]
In the cases of Luke and four other participants in this study, there were specific interests
that they had participated in throughout their lives. This was also the case in a study carried
out by Long and Wimbush (1979), which showed that older men, especially, wanted to
continue past activities and not take up new ones. Furthermore, the resistance to cessation of
sporting practices can be understood through the lens of Goffman (1963), as individuals can
build their identity around a [sporting] organisation and, when their role within this is
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disrupted, their conceptions of themselves become unsupportable (see Chapter 4, Section
4e). To discontinue a practice that indicates and symbolises a large part of personal identity
can be seen as a bio-graphical disruption (Wainwright and Turner, 2003). Further to this,
participants like Heather (aged 72), who was also resource-rich (see Appendix 1), felt a
potential physical activity should be familiar to her:
Well Pilates is so like yoga that it does take a lot of yoga and then leaves the
philosophical side behind, so I would just equate that with floor based yoga really, well
I could certainly do that and chair yoga, what‟s the other thing that you said?
I= Well there was line dancing, low impact aerobics.
I have not been trained to do that. I think I am a bit too old to start doing that now,
it‟s best to stick to the things I know… [I]
Familiarity was also important to participants in Clarke‟s (1993) study of older people in North
London, who found that it helped to develop feelings of stability and wellbeing. However, for
some participants who were not resource-rich, material resources were vital for participation;
for example, Tracey was one of two participants who did not feel competent in swimming,
when asked if she had considered it:
I would have loved to be able to swim but I can‟t swim. [I]
Therefore, in order for older people to participate in activities such as swimming, cultural
capital (Bourdieu, 1984) as a child or young adult is an antecedent for learning to swim. In
addition, Elizabeth (aged 77) had a preference for the particular environment in which the
physical activity took place:
It would have to be outdoors, I don‟t know I don‟t think I would ever see myself
climbing, I can see myself ballooning, but that is not really a sport is it?! [I]
Although older people have a shared experience of ageing embodiment, there are individuals
for whom sporting practices form a large part of their identity. Discontinuing these practices
would lead to the disruption of their sense of self and they, therefore, wanted to maintain
them as a familiar source of stability and wellbeing (Clarke, 1993). However, in order to have
a strong sporting identity, there needs to be the cultural, social, physical and economic
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capital available for them to participate (Bourdieu, 1984). Furthermore, older people need the
narrative resources available to them in order to demonstrate their agency in choosing a
physical activity preference, instead of choosing risk-averse physical activities because of the
dominance of risk and vulnerability and decline and loss ageing narratives (see Chapter 3).
Moreover, as these examples indicate, although there is a common experience of ageing
emerging, there is also considerable diversity when examining physical activity preferences.
Thus, older people need a wide variety of activities to access, to know what is available in
their area (with the aid of physical activity information) and to be given the resources to be
able to access them.
7.3b) Experiences of the receiving and giving of physical activity information
This section examines how older people in this study received public health information from
medical practitioners and physical activity professionals in the form of healthy living
messages and leaflets. This topic is examined because of evidence that medical professionals‟
advice can influence older people‟s physical activity behaviour (Jimenez-Beatty Navarro et al.,
2007). Foucault‟s theoretical framework is used to make sense of their subject positions or
responses to public health messages, specifically using the concepts of bio-politics, expert
(1978), surveillance and discipline (1991; see Chapter 4, Section 2b). Receipt of information
from medical and physical activity professionals (which includes General Practitioners (GP),
medical specialists, physiotherapists and physical activity leaders) is examined, including the
ways in which this information is selected. Furthermore, the ways in which older people also
give „expert‟ information to others will be presented.
A range of experiences, with regard to the receiving of public health messages from medical
practitioners, was expressed by the participants. One prominent healthy living message
addressed the participant‟s weight and not their physical activity per se. Victoria‟s (aged 63)
case illustrates her perception of the emphasis her GP put on her weight:
I= is the most prominent message about your weight [rather] than about keeping fit
or…
Yes, nobody says about being fit.
I= or even... helping your wellbeing generally?
Well yes, I think because they say that if you are exercising more you are obviously
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using up some sugar so that helps with the diabetes, so I suppose there is a bit of
wellbeing in that, but I think it is more aimed at your weight most of the time, that‟s
what anybody ever says… [I]
The use of healthy living messages has been seen as a regulation of not only people‟s bodies
but of populations generally (Lupton, 1995; Nettleton and Brunton, 1995). Furthermore, older
people, as a key population, have been targeted with health promotion policies (Hepworth,
1995). A relationship between lifestyle and preventing unsuccessful ageing has been
established through the rhetoric of positive ageing (Hepworth, 1995; see Chapter 2). Wright
(2009) applies the concept of bio-politics to understandings of obesity and states that so
called regimes of truth (Foucault, 1980) can be applied to populations to encourage
individuals to work on themselves in terms of what they eat and do, for the good of their
health and the health of the population as a whole. Additionally, Wright (2009) argues that
discourses of obesity which are constructed using moral dichotomies of „good‟ / „bad‟, „pride /
guilt‟ and „shame‟ are internalised and result in emotional responses like self loathing, which
can, in fact, negatively rather than positively impact on wellbeing. Victoria described how she
felt when medical practitioners gave her healthy living messages:
…you feel guilty if you are not doing something, I never used to think about it years
ago, but, it is only just because… I know I am overweight, so the whole time that is on
your mind, you say „oh well if I did more maybe I would‟… I did go to the doctor once
because I was putting on weight and I couldn‟t see any reason for it and I was being
really careful with what I ate… and this doctor said to me, „oh there weren‟t any fat
people that came out of Belsten [concentration camp] you must be eating too much‟…
[I]
When asked how this made her feel, Victoria replied:
[G]uilty. Guilty because I don‟t like exercise, guilty because I am not doing [it] and
guilty that even when I am doing it, because I don‟t seem to be getting the results…
you are not losing weight, you are not enjoying it and… I feel like these people that
you see running around the streets that look like they are in agony and I think why are
they doing it if they are in such discomfort? Obviously they are hopefully getting
something out of it but who knows why they are doing it, I mean I must be getting
something from it, or I wouldn‟t go [to the gym] and do it and be also trying to think
what else can I do that might be ok. I don‟t know. [I]
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Victoria (aged 63) is working on her body by attending gyms and continuing to exercise,
despite her lack of enjoyment and lack of weight loss. Victoria has unknowingly internalised
discourses of obesity and, through this regime of truth, has been positioned in a guilty
subject position (Wright; 2009). Nonetheless, Victoria is, in fact, resisting this discourse of
obesity, through the process of narratisation. Kleinman (1988) argues that people express
their feelings of uncertainty and losses from corporeal betrayal through the process of
„narratization‟ (see Chapter 6, Section 2a), which can be a process whereby people
acknowledge and distance themselves from internalising discourses, such as obesity, thus
demonstrating their agency. In comparison with Victoria, Elizabeth (aged 77) acknowledges a
pointed affirmation of her low weight by a medical practitioner:
My doctor more than the consultant… you see... there was a lot of approbation when I
went back about my leg… [to] check up on the break… I had a lot of… „you have really
done very well it has mended beautifully‟, but in the same voice they would say „but of
course most of that is because you are very fit and you don‟t carry any excess weight‟.
That‟s what they said, and that was said not once but sort of several times and you
know you get little asides like „thank goodness she is very light, there is no extra
weight‟ and that was underlined I would think. [I]
When asked how this made her feel, she replied:
Pleased and a bit vain and I mean it was amazing… [I]
Elizabeth embodies the moral discourse of self-responsibility, which includes presumptions of
self-discipline, restraint and self-mastery (Markula, 2003; and see Chapter 4, Section 2b).
“Experts play an important role in mediating between the authorities and individuals”
(Lupton, 1995: 10), as experts use the normalised „truth‟ discourses of successful or positive
ageing to create „good‟ and „bad‟ subject positions. In addition to the emphasis medical
practitioners gave to some participants‟ weights, some participants also spoke about getting
advice or information about physical activity, specifically. For example, Joanne (aged 68) was
told by a medical practitioner that she should continue being physically active, even though
she needed a knee replacement:
No keep fit - saw the knee specialist. He confirmed I should continue to exercise - but
says I need a knee replacement. [D]
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This was also the message received from a physical activity professional:
Pilate‟s leader says I should try and continue to keep the knee moving. [D]
This can be seen as a reflection upon positive ageing or successful ageing discourses, which
emphasise the need for older bodies to be moving, regardless of levels of physical capital
(Wearing and Wearing, 1990; and see Chapter 2; Chapter 6, Section 3d). Some successful
ageing messages are particularly prescriptive, such as the advice offered by the Department
of Health‟s (2004a; see Chapter 2, Section 2d) policy, At least five times a week, evidence of
which is found in Victoria‟s diary entry:
We went to Felt Leisure Centre. Exercise is apparently what we all need to do. At least
30 minutes a day! [D]
Burrows et al. (1995) state that health is a cultural and political discourse which is endemic in
all forms of media and social spaces. This is the case with successful / positive ageing
discourses. For example, Victoria came across a British Heart Foundation magazine in the
gym:
…when I was going to that gym [I] picked up a magazine from the Heart Foundation
which was out there on a coffee table, because… a girl I know who has had a couple of
heart attacks [and] I thought that she might be interested because you can have it
sent to you free of charge, so it was quite interesting actually. It was a magazine and it
was monthly or bimonthly and there was all sorts of articles in it about exercise, and
keeping the heart healthy, and there was some recipes in there as well, but I thought it
was quite good... [I]
The British Heart Foundation (2007b:11) states that:
...current policies consistently emphasise the need for strategies to promote successful
ageing, which will enable older people to maintain their capacity to undertake all the
activities of daily living and to maintain their social networks.
However, as argued above, successful ageing policies emphasise the individual‟s
responsibility and overlook ability, inclination and opportunity (Wearing and Wearing, 1990;
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and see Chapter 2, Section 6). Having said this, older people are not just docile bodies that
are being controlled and their bodily activities regulated in order to conform (Foucault, 1991)
to health policy without agency. Participants, like Margaret (aged 64), stated that medical
practitioners had attempted to give information regarding physical activity to her:
Oh yes the physio [sic] is always giving me stuff….
When asked if she felt it was useful, Margaret replied:
No. Especially these stupid leaflets with little diagrams on, you know this leg should be
here and that arm, oh God.
And when asked if this discouraged her from being physically active, she replied:
Oh definitely. [I]
Leaflets and diagrams of the body from different perspectives are unappealing to people who
do not see their bodies in instrumental ways. Using a Foucauldian (1978; see Chapter 4,
Section 2b for further explanation) theoretical framework, to interrogate the practice of
experts, such as physiotherapists, who give people physical practices, it can be seen how
they are using anatomo-politics of the body to enhance older people‟s health; power is
exerted on individual bodies, to fashion them into efficient, economic and docile bodies.
Resisting discourses that create and allocate moral categories of „healthy‟ or „unhealthy‟
requires access to alternative narrative resources through which older people can create a
different self-story. However, not everyone has access to alternative discourses (Maynard,
1994). The cultural capital (see Chapter 4, Section 2a) possessed by Margaret and Hamish
enabled them to resist the internalisation of regulatory health discourses, through their
narratives. Indeed, Hamish (aged 76) states that he selects the information that he requires
from the healthy living leaflets available in his doctor‟s surgery but does not internalise all the
healthy living messages presented to him:
Oh I have seen them in there but I have just put them away, I don‟t sort of take them
home, I think oh yeah and put them down, and of course the main thing I am
interested in I suppose is about health and nutrition and about how things work, I look
at that and study it up and then take what I want from it… [I]
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Concepts of bio-politics, disciplining techniques and the influence of successful ageing or
positive ageing discourses can be useful for understanding how moral binaries construct
subject positions, such as „good‟ and „bad‟ and „guilt‟ and „pride‟, which older people embody.
Nonetheless, there is also evidence presented here that demonstrates that older people are
not docile bodies who receive healthy living messages without demonstrating agency (see
Chapter 4, Section 2b for further details). Some participants in this study did not find the
leaflets useful at all, or selected the information they felt was of use to them and ignored the
rest. In contrast with the early work of Foucault (1978), this suggests that some older people
who have cultural capital, in the form of education, are able to resist discourses of health,
demonstrating their agency. Further to this, June (aged 87), Heather (aged 73), Harry (aged
90) and Luke (aged 76) talked in their narratives about how they gave information to
younger people about sport. For example, Luke sailed for most of his life and disseminated
this knowledge to children at his sailing club:
I have done quite a lot of training, doing kids training… years ago we used to have half
term sailing for kids, you know, and I think we charged them a pound and in those
days of course you could say to the parents, well you leave them down here… [I]
This not only demonstrates agency, but also that older people are not purely the recipients of
physical activity information, but are, in fact, acting as „the expert‟ and as the source of a
great deal of knowledge that is useful for all ages. The role of an older person as an „expert‟ is
not a dominant stereotype and nor is it prevalent in images of older people (see Healey and
Ross, 2002). The responses of participants to images of older people will now be considered.
7.3c) Responses to images of active older people
Images of older people in the media are unrepresentative of people in later life, inasmuch as
they represent only seven per cent of television coverage, with older men being featured
twice as much as older women (Communications Research Group, 1999). Moreover, women
depicted on television were, on average, ten years younger than men (Arnoff, 1974).
Representations conformed to negative stereotypes such as “dependent, frail, vulnerable,
poor, worthless, asexual, isolated, grumpy, behind the times, stupid, miserable, ga-ga,
pathetic and a drain on society” (Healey and Ross, 2002: 110; see Vincent 2003, Chapter 3,
Section 2c). Furthermore, in television news and informative magazines, narratives of
dependency presenting older people as a burden on the economically active population were
prevalent (Jurgens, 1994). The emergence of positive ageing images, however, is an attempt
by some gerontologists to construct an alternative discourse through which older people are
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understood, thereby changing social practices that encourage wellbeing (Featherstone and
Hepworth, 1995). The British Heart Foundation and West Sussex County Council have
employed a number of images showing older people being physically active in their
promotional leaflets (see Appendix 8). These images can be seen as an attempt by these
organisations to construct and encourage successful and positive ageing. Wray (2003; 2005)
has highlighted that „success‟ is culturally and temporally defined. Moreover, despite attempts
to create new and positive healthy ageing constructs, these images ironically create an „other‟
unsuccessful mode of ageing, a subject position in binary opposition to what is conceived to
be successful ageing by the state (see Chapter 4, Section 2b). This „other‟ is characterised by
decline and degeneration, which further perpetuates ageist attitudes towards those who have,
for whatever reason, reached the fourth age (Laslett, 1989). Further, using successful or
positive aging images can be seen as an attempt to delay or deny the ageing experience
(Blaikie, 1999). For June (aged 87), these images of positive ageing represented something
inconceivable:
I= [Do] you think that [the leaflet] would encourage you to be more active than you
already are?
Well you know I can‟t walk don‟t you? You know I have torn the ligaments in my leg
and therefore I can hardly walk at the moment, I used to walk miles but I can‟t now.
[I]
Featherstone and Hepworth‟s (1995) case study analysis of the monthly Retirement Choice
Magazine found that, since the 1960s, there has been a shift to more positive images of fit,
healthy young-older people in rural idyllic settings. Perhaps these images are also feeding on
popular notions of older people migrating to rural areas, where they live happy, healthy lives
(Le Mesurier, 2004; Wenger, 2001). However, for Harry (aged 90), the images in the leaflets
have no relevance to him:
I don‟t take much notice of these leaflets I am afraid. I am not active enough am I? [I]
This reaction exemplifies the void between positive ageing notions of happy, healthy third-
agers being active and Harry‟s embodied reality at ninety years old. Furthermore, Margaret
(aged 64) states the images are of people who are „too young‟:
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Too young looking as well. She just puts me off too smug [Appendix 8, source C]. That
could have been put onto just one sheet. [I]
In addition, members of a focus group went further to say that they felt the pictures
represented older people in the third rather than the fourth age (Laslett, 1989):
Patsy (aged 82)… I think you have got the wrong age group Bethany.
Hannah (aged 78)… I think… there are two age groups, there is the sixty to the
seventy age group and then the seventy or older age group, I think by the time you
are seventy five the majority of those activities are only available to very few people. It
doesn‟t make you want to be more active because you know you are passed it… the
pictures on the front they are just dreams, dreams of what I would have liked to have
been ten years ago… we all wish we could. It isn‟t the case that we wouldn‟t.
Patsy… we have just gone full circle with these that we can‟t do these things. [FG]
Joanne (aged 68) identifies with the images that are non-threatening:
That one and the walking one, that‟s really nice and looks sort of, doesn‟t look
threatening or daunting in any way, you know they are enjoying themselves. [I]
Joanne, being in a young-old age group, positions herself in a narrative of risk and
vulnerability (see Chapter 6, Section 6d), rather than in a narrative of decline and loss (see
Chapter 6, Section 6b). Nonetheless, the third age is characterised as a life stage where
physical activity and active engagement in social networks take place; the fourth age is
characterised by dependency and decline (see Laslett, 1989; and Chapter 6, Section, 2d).
According to Featherstone and Hepworth (1995), images in magazines like Retirement Choice
magazine are aimed at the young-old and rarely depict images of people in „old-old‟ age, due
to its association with chronic illness and decline. However, as Hannah states, the young-old
active and healthy embodied realities are only available to a minority of people at the age of
seventy-five. For older men and women in the third and fourth age, positive ageing images,
such as those in Appendix 8 and those presented in Featherstone and Hepworth‟s (1995) case
study of Retirement Choice Magazine, are representative of the types of capital, both
economic materiality and cultural narratives, only available to those with cultural capital
(Bourdieu, 1984). In comparison with Patsy and Hannah, Heather (aged 72) has had
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economic and cultural capital available to her throughout her life, and, as a result, a wider
choice of narrative resources through which she can position her identity as a professional
physical activity leader (see Chapter 3; Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994; Chapter 6, Section 3);
she said:
I think I do more than a lot of people my age; well I never put weight on so I have
been lucky really. I don‟t think that is a very good picture of the posture; they could
have done it better from a different angle. Actually it is a combination of two different
postures which is neither one nor the other, it is part of [name of postures]. Anyway
physical activity and high blood pressure, well I have high blood pressure, but it is
being controlled and I don‟t have any problems. [I]
Instead of feeling too old to identify with the images, Heather felt able to utilise a professional
experience and educational (cultural capital) narrative response. Discursive choice, through
which people shape their subjectivities, is, however, more available to the privileged and not
freely available to everyone (Maynard, 1994). For example, in comparison to Heather, Patsy
(aged 82) and Hannah (aged 78) had less cultural capital, occupied more traditional roles
within the family and, due to the economic system throughout their lives, were not able to
take advantage of more privileging expert narratives of physical practice. Additionally, Harriet
(aged 75), who had an abundance of cultural capital, also identified personally with other
positive ageing images:
Yes. I think the cycling one and leaflet ones would appeal to me the most. [I]
When asked why, she replied:
Well I can just imagine how that feels to be doing exercises like that. [I]
The extent to which participants identified with the images was not just based on age and
social class, but also ethnicity. The ways in which ethnicity is constructed in rural villages,
through discourses of order and traditionalism, creating subject positions of „Englishness‟ and
„the other‟ (Neal and Agyleman, 2006) is discussed in more detail in Chapter 8, Section 2b.
Although this was not a topic intentionally explored by the researcher, the ethnicity of the
older people represented in the images emerged in discussions [see Source C, Appendix 8].
Some participants questioned the relevance of the images for rural West Sussex. For
example, Elizabeth (aged 77) states:
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I think that is not terribly relevant for Rivendale I would have thought that photograph;
you know when do you see a black couple? Of that age group, you see students but
you don‟t, I can‟t think of any that I know, I really, really can‟t. [I]
Heather (aged 72) goes further and actually feels annoyed at the growing discourse of
multiculturalism that she feels is being represented in the images:
But err, why is it always, [pointing to Appendix 8, source C] I know we are a mixed
society but it seems to be more that way these days… It does make me slightly
irritated. [I]
The issue of ethnicity can be an emotive topic for discussion and one which Blakemore (1993)
conceptualises in terms of cultural forms of identity and representation. The issue of whether
images of older people who belong to a minority ethnic group are relevant to older people
living in rural West Sussex is indicative of how the English countryside is racially coded (Neal
and Agyeman, 2006). This sentiment echoes early work exploring racism in the countryside
by Jay (1992) and Derbyshire (1994), whose rural residents in the West of England and
Norfolk felt that race was an irrelevant consideration in what they considered to be white
space. In addition, by defining what is relevant to people living in West Sussex as non-
multicultural, Heather and Elizabeth are reinforcing the binary divisions between what it is to
be English and an „Other‟. Therefore, although some participants may not feel these images
(Appendix 8, Source C) represent their lived experiences, reacting so negatively and
divisively towards them because the people they depicted were not white, this could in fact
indicate the underlying reason why rural West Sussex has remained largely a white space.
For example, Frankenberg (1997:9) argues that, “whiteness is a construct or identity almost
impossible to separate from racial dominance” (discussed further in Chapter 8, Section 2b).
Another representation in healthy living leaflets, which was largely seen to be irrelevant, was
of older people being sexually active.
7.3ci) The promotion of sex as a physical activity
It is only very rarely that sexual activity in later life is represented in the media (Bell, 1992),
even though two out of three married older people in the third age are sexually active
(Pedersen, 1998). In the sexual relationships represented in the media, the sexual activity of
women was particularly absent (Bell, 1992), whereas male sexual activity was more common
(Kessler et al., 2004). Kessler et al. (2004) argue that the absence of women participating in
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sexual activity is a reflection upon a wider societal taboo and the stereotyping of older women
as lacking in sexuality. However, according to Featherstone and Hepworth‟s (1995) study of
positive ageing images, themes which included health, fitness and sexuality were evident in
retirement literature as part of the emergent positive ageing discourse. Therefore, it seems
that sexuality, as well as physical activity, is being used to challenge ageist notions of decline
and degeneration. This conceptualisation is, however, aimed at the young-old or third-agers,
who have become the targets of consumer marketing campaigns, selling active and
empowering lifestyles (Featherstone and Hepworth, 1995). The responses by older women in
this study, however, covered a range of responses, commenting on the false pose, its
inappropriateness, feelings of nervousness and incapability. For example, Elizabeth (aged 77)
felt the depicted image was false:
I mean I am not offended by it [Source B, Appendix 8] in any way, but I just think it is
inappropriate really and the whole thing is… And I think it is very poor as a design
feature… because the body language is so obviously false… I think that is pathetic. It is
actually totally pathetic.
I= Why is that…?
I think because of the falseness it‟s so contrived it really is, I mean really… the body
language, they are hardly touching there… I think it is awful… How many men look like
that when they are really getting on… he is probably not much more than forty eight,
fifties you would have thought… I think that is dreadful, absolutely dreadful, it‟s
pathetic; that is the British Heart Foundation… [I]
It is notable that Elizabeth states that the picture is too young for a man in older age, which
is a reflection upon these images being aimed at third, not fourth, agers. Furthermore,
Elizabeth uses the word „inappropriate‟, which reflects wider society‟s assumptions that sexual
activity in older age is not „age appropriate‟ behaviour, especially activity that involves older
women, providing another example of age-ordering (Twigg, 2007). This also links with the
embodiment of feminine respectability, central to the control of women‟s behaviour in social
space (see Chapter 8, Section 4 for a fuller discussion). Joanne (aged 68) also uses the term
„inappropriate‟ when viewing the image promoting sexual activity:
The rest of the things [leaflets] alright but I don‟t know, for me that has sexual
connotations. It looks as though they should be advertising some sort of Viagra or
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something, sorry but… But just to me it would put me off even thinking about it… It is
just inappropriate. [I]
And when asked why, Joanne replied:
As I say it looks to me, I mean I take health supplements and it is the sort of thing
that would be in a health supplement magazine encouraging you to take some kind of
enhancement. [I]
Joanne relates this to other images seen in magazines advertising sexual enhancement drugs
which, therefore, have connotations of an attempt to commodify sex for older people.
According to Featherstone and Hepworth (1995), sexuality is actively being marketed to third
agers as part of their idyllic retirement package. They suggest that this is part of the
commercialisation of products, services and goods under the banner of empowerment and
successful ageing. Joanne, who is a widow, feels nervous about having a new sexual
relationship with someone:
I don‟t like the picture; the text is alright, but… [I]
When asked why she did not like the picture, she replied:
I would think they are supposed to be a married couple or something but I look at it as
if like somebody trying to make a relationship, but I am quite nervous about these
things, especially when you‟re in my position, especially when somebody says can I
give you a lift home, I think will I be safe. It‟s stupid really. [I]
This fear of starting new relationships is particularly common in widows, who feel more
vulnerable when they become single (see Chapter 8, Section 3c). Moreover, the prospect of a
new sexual relationship positions older people within a narrative of risk and vulnerability (see
Chapter 6, Section 3c). Furthermore, one participant was especially anxious about having a
sexual relationship with someone new, as she was not sure if she was physically capable of
having sex:
Sex, oh no.
I= what do you think of that one [Source B, Appendix 8]?
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I think you have to be careful about sex wouldn‟t you?... Because your feelings
overtake your capabilities with action… Well I should think… a couple who are
established, but I wouldn‟t say in my case, because I did have a gentleman friend, he
was older than me… unfortunately he died… but I don‟t think we would have ever taken
it up because he couldn‟t rise to it and I have had a hysterectomy and your parts
obviously shrink because it withdraws back in there, but the cervix is still there, but of
course it is not active… If my husband would have been alive, probably after healing
properly you could have resumed because I did ask about it, I said I had a gentleman
friend and I had this operation three or four years [ago] and over that time your
private parts seem to shrivel and draw up a little bit and the lubrication is not there
and its dry and difficult and your skin is more tender as you get older and this Sister…
said you have to be careful. [I]
Participants did not identify with the images because the representations were too young, not
of their ethnic group or too active. One participant felt the sexual activity images reminded
her of the commodification of sex in magazine advertisements. All the images discussed in
this section are representative of the positive ageing discourse, whereby sexuality, health and
fitness are being used to challenge negative, ageist attitudes towards older people
(Featherstone and Hepworth, 1995); however, ironically, this discourse is also creating an
„other‟ less successful older person who cannot conform or buy into these third-age
conceptualisations of ageing.
7.4) Conclusion
This Chapter examined the practical factors that inhibit or promote physical activity
participation in later life, and then explored the ways in which services and information were
experienced by the participants in this study. Participants‟ narratives draw upon available
narrative resources and their experiences are thus located within discursive narratives of
ageing / disability, including narratives of risk and vulnerability, „dis‟ablity and dependency,
and bio-medicine (see Chapter 3). For example, in Section 7.2, the ways in which the built
environment is constructed, the provision of physical activity and social gathering facilities,
the transport system and, finally, the way in which the economic system is structured, have
created a physical environment and material situation whereby, due to their ageing habitus,
older people are dependent on others and / or the state to maintain their health and
wellbeing. Furthermore, I would contend that, due to the dominance of bio-medical
explanations of ageing, older people (particularly women) are risk-adverse and use narratives
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of risk and vulnerability to understand their corporeal experiences of physical activity
participation. However, when older people had educational and material resources it enabled
them to position themselves within a wider variety of ageing / disability narratives and, more
importantly, enabled participation in physical activities, which became part of their identity.
Health promotion discourse makes the assumption that older people are or will be dependent
on the health service; “[t]he debate reflects oversimplified stereotypes and fixed age
categories leading to „worst case‟ scenarios of the economic burden” on health and social care
(Thornton, 2002:308; and see Chapter 2, Section 2c; Chapter 3, Section 2c). Thus, current
public health and physical activity information can be understood as an attempt to regulate
older people‟s bodies, with medical practitioner and physical activity professionals as
„experts‟, playing a key role in mediating between the state and the individual. Some older
people who had access to capital were able to resist this regulation through narratisation, by
constructing their chosen identities as physical activity „expert‟ themselves. However, when
positive ageing images, such as the Healthy Living shown to participants (Appendix 8), that
were of active healthy older people in the third age, were presented to participants who
consider themselves to be in the fourth age, they were described as irrelevant and, instead,
placed the recipients into a category of „an unsuccessful older person‟ who is potentially
dependent on the state and a drain on resources. Similarly, the promotion of sexuality as part
of the positive ageing discourse was also perceived to be largely inappropriate, especially for
women in the fourth age, and construed to be part of the commodification of sex. Finally, the
responses to the ethnicity of some of the older people represented in the images indicated
how the countryside is racially coded (Neal and Agyeman, 2006). The issue of racial coding in
the countryside is discussed in more detail in the next chapter, examining older people‟s
social experiences of participation in physical activity in rural West Sussex and how
membership of social networks and identities influence these experiences.
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Chapter 8: The construction of ageing identities in rural space and the influence of
capital
8.1) Introduction
8.2) The construction of rural social space
8.2a) Insiderness
8.2b) Outsiderness
8.3) Family: gendered physical activity habitus
8.3a) The socialisation of tastes and preferences
8.3b) Family networks: gendered social capital
8.4) Marriage and widowhood: gendered experiences
8.4a) Marriage: a gendered institution
8.4b) Widowhood: an experience of social isolation
8.5) Friendship: choosing social and cultural capital
8.5a) Older people’s priority in later life: maintaining social capital
8.5b) The benefits of socially centred physical activity
8.6) Conclusion
8.1) Introduction
According to Frank (1991), bodies exist within three spheres, namely: institutions, discourses
and corporeality. While this is helpful, it fails to fully recognise that bodies are also
constructed in social spaces (Frank, 1991; see Chapter 4, Section 3a), this lacuna has begun
to be addressed by, Bourdieu (1984), feminist scholars Green and Singleton (2006), Scraton
and Watson (1998) and Skeggs (1999), as well as those examining ethnic and rural identities
in social spaces (Neal and Agyeman, 2006) have examined the spatial dimension in which
bodies are constructed. In this chapter, older people‟s experiences of physical activity will be
interpreted with reference to the work of Bourdieu (1984), and, more specifically, his
concepts of capital and field. Thus, the chapter is structured around the identified social-
cultural resources that affect physical activity participation for older people in rural village
life: family, marriage, and friends. Research examining how ethnicity is constructed through
racial coding in rural social spaces will also be drawn upon (Neal and Agyeman, 2006). In
addition, feminist literature examining the gendered way in which bodies are understood and
experienced in social space is utilised (Green et al. 1990; Green and Singleton, 2006; Scraton
and Watson, 1998; Skeggs, 1999) and feminist theory has also been useful in the
understanding of gender roles and the division of labour within the family (Firestone, 1972;
Millet, 1970; Mitchell, 1972; Oakley, 1972). The final section examines which aspect of
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physical activity women feel improves their wellbeing, empowering them with a sense of
agency (Wray, 2004).
8.2) The construction of rural social space
Rural life is often defined in relation to urban life and, according to Bell (1992), rural society
is characterised by a strong sense of community; it is less focused on status and
competitiveness and has a slower pace. However, writers such as Little and Austin (1996)
and Newby et al. (1978) have deconstructed the concept of rurality, questioning its
synonymy with an idea of community and highlighting the gendered and classed nature of
rural communities (see Chapter 3, Section 5b). These social divisions lead to the classification
of insiders and outsiders within villages (Newby et al., 1978). The established group
stigmatises and rejects newer members of the village community (Elias and Scotson, 1993).
Additionally, the field of the village as a social space is hierarchised and capital is allocated
according to social class, gender and ethnicity (Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 4, Section 3a).
In this section, the ways in which a rural village life in West Sussex is experienced as
inclusive will be discussed, followed by the ways in which rural village life in West Sussex is
experienced as exclusive. Whether rural village life is inclusive or exclusive is important with
regards to participation in physical activity, as research has shown that being included into
village life helps people to stay active in older age (Murakami et al., 2008).
8.2a) Insiderness
It is worth noting that the sense of community, which is partly defined by a sense of knowing
other people within a rural village (Bell, 1992; see Chapter 3 for a fuller discussion), was
evident in narratives of older people in this study who had recently moved to villages in West
Sussex. For example, Margaret (aged 64) wrote about a sense of support within the village,
resulting from participation in a leisure activity (playing skittles) in her local village:
Gardening Club Skittle Evening in Village Hall. Like so many village events tends to
be overloaded with widows but the men put up the skittles and do the hard work.
The ladies cook the meal and it usually costs only £4!!
Village life is wonderful if you join in when we first moved here from a city we
decided to be part of village life and everyone is very supportive. [D]
Margaret is clear that she made a choice to be a part of village life when she moved there
from an urban area and this is why she has enjoyed living in a rural village. Margaret‟s
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experience challenges Elias‟ theory that the established population stigmatise newer members
of the community (Elias and Scotson, 1993). However, Margaret identifies herself as a
member of the middle classes (see Appendix, 1) and Findlay et al. (1999) suggests that
incomers who have wealth are more likely to be older, as the activities taking place in the
rural villages appeal to older people. Therefore, due to her high levels of capital she has been
placed in a favourable social position within the village hierarchy (Bourdieu, 1984; see
Chapter 4, Section 3a). However, Margaret‟s diary excerpt also draws attention to the gender
roles constructed in this rural space; the women cook the meal and the men put up the
skittles and do all the hard work‟, suggesting that a sexual division of labour within rural
villages exists. The work that men perform is perceived as harder than the work that women
perform. Feminists have challenged this unequal construction of women‟s labour as
supposedly lacking material and social value (Oakley, 1975). For example, Little and Austin
(1996), found that women‟s work, such as organising fetes, the church, and the parish
council, are not only vital to structuring village life, but also to defining the notion of
community.
The village church is an institution which can integrate older people living alone, isolated from
friends and family, and can help them to feel a sense of belonging to the village community
(Murakami et al., 2008). In comparison to urban areas, older people and, especially, women
living in rural communities, are more likely to be members of a local church (Wenger, 2001).
Owing to the smaller scale of villages, the likelihood of informal voluntary support reaching
older people is higher and, as women outnumber men in older age groups (see Section 8.3a),
they are more likely to participate (Wenger, 2001). Furthermore, being involved with the
church and the parish council is considered women‟s work (Little and Austin, 1996) and
involvement in the church has thus been constructed to be a woman‟s role (see Chapter 3,
Section 5a). Women‟s participation in the church not only benefits them socially and
physically by volunteering and attending church, but the church also benefits from their
involvement (Murakami et al., 2008).
In Sally‟s diary, she writes about how she walks to church and Harry travels in his buggy.
Sally here engages in physical activity, but, in fact, both benefit from the social activity of
attending church:
Walked to church with Harry in his buggy. He likes to 'up' the gear so that I have to
move quickly.
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He was reluctant to go but actually enjoyed himself as we went early so he could see
his friends coming out of the previous service.
Harry got to church in his buggy so I had an extra walk. He loves the opportunity to
meet friends he hasn‟t seen for a long time. He can ride in buggy right up to church
door. If he goes in car the walk is too far for him. [D]
This example illustrates the role that the church can play in integrating those older people
into village life who are isolated from friends due to physical frailty. What is also notable here
is that Sally is physically assisting Harry to facilitate his attendance. Gendered caring roles
present in leisure narratives are internalised by women and they are, therefore, much more
likely to be the carers for their male counterparts in older age (see Chapter 3, Section 3b;
Section 8.4a for further discussion).
The village church is an established institution offering access to cultural and social capital via
hierarchical social networks (Bourdieu, 1977; 1984; see Chapter 4, Section 3a); this is
especially true for older people who find it hard to access elsewhere, due to a lack of physical
capital. However, the social networks are overwhelmingly maintained by women‟s unpaid
labour (Little and Austin, 1996; see Chapter 3, Section 5a). Six women talked about carrying
out voluntary work for the church, which involved physically activity. This supports the
findings from the Countryside Agency / Age Concern (2005, cited in Murakami et al., 2008),
who found that volunteering helps to maintain an active lifestyle. For example, in Sally‟s
diary, she wrote about delivering the parish magazine on foot and helping with cooking in the
local church-run community centre:
Delivered Parish Magazine - more walking, this is a monthly activity and is great as I
meet a lot of people. Then visited 2 elderly friends that I keep an eye on.
Cooking in St Cuthbert‟s Community Centre. [D]
The women who participate in voluntary work promote relationships and enable subsequent
social network to develop, contributing to the community feel in villages (see Simmonds et
al., under review). Voluntary organisations like the church are dependent on older people,
who have the right skills and experience to be able to engage with a varied age range of
community members, for example, when delivering parish magazines (Dingle, 2001;
Rochester and Hutchinson, 2002). Therefore, women provide a vital role in maintaining social
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capital in rural villages, instilling a sense of community (Simmonds et al., under review). For
example, Frances (aged 75) wrote about how she felt she should visit her neighbours and
about how she carries out chores for her neighbour, which involve physical activity:
I feel that I must go and visit my neighbours as both are in Hospital both couples have
not been very active always using their cars to go to the post office and shop which is
only 10 MINS away. Burt could be coming home tomorrow. Earnie is not so as his
kidneys are not doing their job. He is also on oxygen all the time.
…I‟ve noticed the grass is dry so I will mow Burt‟s lawn. [D]
In the first entry, Frances mentions that her male neighbours have low levels of physical
wellbeing. The need to give informal social and physical support through visiting neighbours
and doing chores such as mowing a lawn supports what Bell (1992) found in his study to be a
rural sense of community, where people know each other and provide support for one
another. This excerpt exemplifies the gendered nature of voluntary work in rural
communities, as Frances is providing unpaid labour to male neighbours (see Chapter 3,
Section 5a). According to the Commission for Rural Communities (2006), the presence of
chronic health issues is associated with heightened vulnerability. Neighbourly services are
invaluable, but they are precarious as they are provided on an ad hoc basis, rather than as a
result of state provision because, in villages, the majority of informal unpaid labour is carried
out by women (Little and Austin, 1996; see Chapter 3, Section 5a). Furthermore, in order to
access this social and cultural capital, older people, must have been integrated into village
life, as an insider (Newby et al., 1987). The next section makes the case that the integration
of older people moving into rural village life is based not only on their conformity to socially
constructed identities such as gender and class, but also ethnicity.
8.2b) Outsiderness
Older people, who lack cultural resources, are not as quickly integrated into rural village life
and become outsiders (Newby et al., 1978). For example, Frances (aged 75) explains how
she finds the church community in the village exclusive, but this has not always been her
experience. The current lack of rapport she experiences has meant that she no longer
participates in the gendered physical activity roles she was used to, like cleaning the church,
which further distances her from the establishment (see Simmonds et al., under review).
When asked if she felt belonging to a religious organisation helped to include older people
into the village, she replied:
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I think it does. But I think the church could do more, they, I think the church could do
more to help people. It‟s a little closed sect, you know, and if you‟re not in that closed
sect. I don‟t go to church not now because, we used to. But I used… to clean the
village hall and I used to clean the telephone kiosk and he [her husband] used to do
the fires and the boilers in the church in the winter, so we used to and that was more
of the village life and that was years ago. You haven‟t got that same rapport in villages
now. [I]
Firstly, Frances‟ reference to the church as a „closed sect‟ indicates that she experiences it as
exclusionary. Secondly, this passage implies that the participant, as an older person, is
looking back to a Golden Age (Rowles, 1983; see Chapter 3, section 5a), where rural
communities were spaces where people knew and had a „rapport‟ with each other. The shift
from a distinct understanding of what characterises a rural community to a blurred
understanding replicates and lends support for Valentine‟s (2001) analysis, which states that
the most simplistic way of characterising rurality is by linking it with the idea of community
(see Chapter 3, Section 5a). The assumption that rural areas have a strong sense of
community is outdated and exacerbates the dichotomy between the urban and the rural as
two distinct spaces, demarcated and discrete, which, partly as a result of social migration
patterns, is becoming increasingly indistinct (Bell 1992; see Chapter 3, Section 5a). For
example, Percy (aged 84) has experienced a change in rural village life over time and feels
that the traditional close-knit village culture has been eroded, particularly through social
migration:
I was saying to Hannah the sort of old village environment, where there was a close
knit community or unit, now of course it doesn‟t apply with people moving in and out,
no longer applies, it‟s called a village still, but it is not in the true sense of the word in
the old fashioned way. [I]
Percy‟s comment supports the idea that people living in rural communities were categorised
by longevity of residence; long standing members of the village in the past, considered
themselves as insiders, or the established, and the newer members as outsiders (Newby et
al., 1978; Elias and Scotson, 1993; see Chapter 3, Section 5a). However, Percy refers to
people „moving in and out‟ and social migration more generally as important for older people
who feel the social space around them forms part of their identity (Rowles, 1983; see Chapter
3, Section 5a). Social migration has muddled the clear distinctions between the insiders and
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the outsiders that previously existed within villages. Furthermore, Frances‟ and Percy‟s
narratives express nostalgic and traditionalist tones, which reference an idealised discourse of
rurality (Tyler, 2006; see Chapter 3, Section 5).
The ethnic makeup of rural villages has not been specifically explored within this study;
however, some data has emerged from the present research that indicates that, for some
residents of rural villages, ethnicity is a factor for differential treatment of incomers.
Moreover, the rural village is said to have become the platform upon which white, middle
class, English ethnicity is performed and reproduced (Tyler, 2006; see Chapter 3, Section
5b). The heterogeneous white, middle class, English ethnicity of the residents is clearly
evident and is a basis upon which „incomers‟ are othered (Neal and Agyleman, 2006; see
Chapter 3, Section 5b). Ethnicity is an ambiguous term which refers, broadly, to experiencing
a shared culture, whereby the individual and the group have a distinct identity and
perspective on life in comparison with the rest of the world (Bradley, 1996; see Chapter 3,
Section 5). Moreover, religion, nationality and „race‟, are characteristics that also constitute
someone‟s ethnicity (Bradley, 1996). Accordingly, these characteristics are discussed in this
section, as elements of an English identity. Writers such as Little and Austin (1996) and
Newby et al. (1978) have examined the gendered and classed nature of rural communities
(see Chapter 3, Section 5a and b). Englishness, as an ethnic identity, has been invisible in
research of ageing and physical activity in rural spaces. This absence is largely due to the
powerful and dominant way of seeing English rural spaces and the English nationhood as
white (Neal and Agyeman, 2008).
Although most of the participants taking part in the present research in rural West Sussex
were originally from England, one participant was from Scotland and one from Wales, these
can nonetheless be considered different configurations of ethnicised national identity (Neal
and Agyeman, 2006). The dominance of one ethnic group in the study is significant because
the English countryside is racially coded, insomuch as, people are categorised in a hierarchy
according to notions of „race‟ and ethnicity (Neal and Agyeman, 2006). Moreover, that the
countryside encapsulates what is quintessentially English, as it represents not only an idea of
rurality but, also, what is understood to be the nation as a whole (Neal and Agyeman, 2006;
see Chapter 3, Section 5). Although it is not conclusive, there is some evidence in this study
that incomers belonging to minority ethnic groups are placed low in the hierarchy of social
space or the field and, thus, allocated less capital and are not as easily integrated into rural
villages (Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 4, Section 3a). For example, Elizabeth (aged 75), talks
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about her experience of living in a rural village in West Sussex and the effect accents have on
older people‟s participation:
...a village like this the way you speak, very different, very, very important… It doesn‟t
matter if you‟re Scottish of course that is ok, because as you know that is ok politically,
I mean we are absolutely in the hands of Scotland aren‟t we. So Scottish, Welsh
wouldn‟t be acceptable that‟s a, Welsh accent is [a] no no. Irish is suspicious, are you
going to blow us up or something like that and Scots is ok. Foreign, not terribly
important, doesn‟t matter where you come from, there was a couple from Egypt here
but they went to the St Cuthbert‟s they were regular churchgoers so they were ok.
And... being Egyptian they were very pale skinned, but we don‟t have any black people
in Smallville at all. There was a nurse and she had a room here or something like that,
no-body was ever friendly to her, I used to give her a lift in regularly. I don‟t know
what happened to her, she moved out of Smallville...
I= so black people are not really welcome?
No. Perhaps that is going a bit far. People wouldn‟t go out of their way to welcome
them. That is probably a bit more accurate and that would go for oriental, far eastern,
or anything. Europe‟s ok…
I have got acquaintances here that haven‟t a good word to say... [about] black people
or coloured people or whatever you would like to say. So it is a subject I would never
bring up because, I would get rather excited about it… And class and racism are
intertwined. [I]
Elizabeth‟s quote reveals one participant‟s experience of the cultural attitudes towards
minority ethnic groups and exemplifies how white space is reproduced through notions of
rurality by people in rural communities (Tyler, 2006; see Chapter 3, Section 5b). Elizabeth,
herself, was born in Wales and, therefore, has personal experience of belonging to an ethnic
minority within a rural village. The exclusion of other minority ethnic groups, such as „black
people‟, is problematic, especially considering that, within the wider population of older
people, growing numbers belong to minority ethnic groups (Nazroo et al., 2004; see Chapter
3, Section 5b). Further, previous research has indicated that older people from minority
ethnic groups have experienced inequalities in their health and wellbeing. These inequalities
are not only related to ageism and racism, but also to cultural barriers that intrinsically exist,
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making access to the dominant cultures, policies, practices and services much harder; this is
known as triple jeopardy (Norman, 1985; see Chapter 3, Section 5b), which could be further
compounded by living in a rural community. Although these insights are only based on
Elizabeth‟s comments, they do have congruence with the wider body of research by Neal and
Agyeman (2006), Connolly (2006), Robinson and Gardener (2006), Le Lima (2006), Tyler
(2006b), Askins (2006), Hetherington (2006), Bhopal (2006) and Dhillon (2006), who discuss
how notions of „ethnic whiteness‟ and „ethnicised national identity‟ shape understanding about
belonging, exclusion, disruption and racialised spaces in rural communities (Neal and
Agyeman, 2006). Neal and Agyeman (2006), draw upon Foucauldian theory to understand
how social space is produced through power relationships, by racialised, classed and
gendered discourses. What can be seen and understood as rural is shaped through an English
narrative, characterised by social order and tradition (Neal and Agyeman, 2006) insomuch as,
because whiteness is largely invisible and ethereal, it is not seen but performed, as a process
(Frankenberg, 1997). Elizabeth‟s narrative (excerpts located above and below this discussion)
refers to a rural village order and tradition which draws upon a residual „Raj‟ colonial culture,
which according to Silbey (1995) eradicated positive connotations of blackness, and uses
church involvement to exclude and include older people in social and physical activities. For
example, when asked whether religious involvement increases participation in village life,
Elizabeth answered:
Unquestionably, unquestionably and I am sure this would probably shock you, I made
a very conscious effort when I came to this village because I thought, I have lived in
other places and I knew how things went and I knew to get really accepted… you have
got to involve yourself with the St. Cuthbert‟s Church.
I= interesting, do you think that is true of other villages?
Yes. As I said unquestionably. Now, I have got friends who don‟t go to the St.
Cuthbert‟s Church and they have integrated perfectly happily, but it has taken longer…
There is somebody who has moved into the village and they are non-church goers, but
they are helping with the lunch, now that‟s a way in… she [the non-churchgoer] is
involving herself with parish matters and she will be alright, she will get asked to… six
o‟clock drinks… [where you are expected to] leave at half past seven or at eight
o‟clock… It‟s a hang up from the Raj, hang up from custom…[but] if you didn‟t do
things [in the village], people would nod [and] not much more than that… there is an
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awful lot of snobbery, absolutely shocking and I don‟t think you would get rid of it…
until my children‟s generation. [I]
According to the excerpts presented from Elizabeth‟s narrative, hierarchical colonial culture,
where people are divided by class and religion (see p167-168 for the excerpt where she
states this), is prevalent in older populations of rural villages across West Sussex. Therefore,
discursive narratives of order and traditionalism produce classed and ethnicised subject
positions that include and exclude „the other‟ (Neal and Agyleman, 2006). According to
Frankenberg (1997), ethnicity, class and gender interweave in a complex way to produce
insiders and outsiders at different times in different social spaces. Furthermore, in support of
Elizabeth‟s narrative, a journal entry written at a lunch club in a rural village in West Sussex
documented my own experience:
The people who attended the club, were in my judgement, very much middle to upper
class in their mannerisms, tastes and preferences and were linked with the church
which was Roman Catholic. If you weren‟t Roman Catholic then you would or might
have been put off by it all. [RJ, 1st February 2008]
My observations lead me to believe that there did seem to be a classed and religiously
defined culture present in the lunch club where older people socialise and developed social
networks. This club could have made older people who were not Catholic or Christian feel
uncomfortable. However, according to Elizabeth‟s narrative, if someone does not attend
church then volunteering can be a way of being accepted within the church community
(Countryside Agency/Age Concern, 2005, cited in Murakami et al., 2008). Therefore, the
„other‟ subject position is not fixed, but fluid and changing; it is open to resistance and
transformation. Heather (aged 73), who is a yoga teacher, provides further evidence that
religions other than Christianity are not understood within some churches in West Sussex;
she has sometimes experienced difficulties in finding venues for her yoga classes because of
its associations with Hinduism and Buddhism:
[S]ome churches don‟t rent their hall to someone that is doing baby yoga, I mean I ask
you, it is just so pathetic, what have you got to be frightened about, it comes through
Hindu philosophy, it comes from India, there is no denying that, but why does that
make it bad, because the Yamas and the Niyamas which are the dos and the don‟ts,
just equate to the ten commandments really... I think it is lack of knowledge you
know, I did work in a Methodist church hall in [Leafy street in rural village] at one
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stage and he [the vicar] used to find a reason to walk through the class to get to
something somewhere and I made sure he heard things like peace and love and
relaxation you know, I am not going to spout Hindu at them, because I agree that it
was founded [on] Buddhist Hindu background, doesn‟t mean to say that it is purely
that religion… I don‟t know what their problem is… I am Christian and I am a yoga
teacher and to me there is no conflict… you are keeping yourself fit and well, to do
God‟s work. [I]
Although Heather has run some yoga classes in churches, she felt her experiences of a church
in a rural area, which was not accepting of other faiths, was significant. This excerpt reflects
the dominance of the white, Christian, middle-class ethnic discourses over other non-
Christian ethnicities within the rural village setting (Tyler, 2006). Moreover, it highlights the
indirect ways in which racist discourses operate in rural spaces (Nye, 2001). This has
implications for other physical activity practitioners working in rural areas. It is important to
note, however, that although this section discusses how religion and ethnicity can be dividing
factors within rural villages, because this is not the focus of the study, the primary data is
limited and, therefore, the findings are inconclusive. Nevertheless, it does raise issues about
the dominance and invisibility of the English white ethnicity in rural village settings, insomuch
as, Englishness is not necessarily conceptualised as an ethnicity, but, rather as a given in
rural communities and therefore, „others‟ people who do not fit according to classed,
ethnicised and gendered discourses which affects people‟s integration into rural villages (Neal
and Agyleman, 2006). Further, there is some evidence in this study to suggest that this lack
of integration of „othered‟ identities is due to them being placed low in the hierarchy of social
space or the field and thus allocated less relative capital than white, middle class, men
(Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 4, Section 3a). An institution, apart from the church, that is
also a key site for constructing notions of age, gender and class, is the family.
8.3) Family: gendered physical activity habitus
According to Bourdieu (1984), early socialisation is responsible for the structuring of tastes
and preferences for sport and physical activity in later life. These tastes and preferences are
embodied through social practices that take place in institutions such as the family and, at
the same time, they shape our preferences and practices in the wider social world (Laberge
and Kay, 2002). This is an interactive relational phenomenon that Bourdieu (1984) called
habitus (see Chapter 4, Section 2). Alongside Bourdieusian theory, the family can also be
understood through a feminist lens, to highlight the influence of gender roles within the
family and the effect this has on physical activity participation in later life.
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8.3a) The socialisation of tastes and preferences
Bourdieu (1984) states that the family is a key site for the formation of tastes and
preferences for sporting activities. John (aged 78), June (aged 87), Frances (aged 75) and
Luke (aged 76) indicated that physical activities were passed down through their family. For
example, Luke discussed the sport that his family had a preference for:
I have always sailed… I went with my family and the children had started to sail as
well, so it became the thing we did… I mean the children just assume we will go sailing
and my daughter and son in law which are the closest to us and my grandson who are
very energetic themselves and… they come and sometimes sail on my boat and we
have to come and make it ready so they can come across and that‟s all physical
activity. [I]
Luke has sailed for his entire life. This is a sport that it is possible for him to continue into
older age. Sailing, as a physical activity, is a practice that symbolically and culturally indicates
a particular lifestyle and social class (Bourdieu, 1984). In each social class:
[t]here are hidden entry requirements, such as family tradition and early training, or
the obligatory manner (of dress and behaviour), and socialising techniques (Bourdieu,
1984: 217).
These socialising techniques are reproduced through generations. Fathers had a particular
influence on participants‟ physical experiences and sporting interests throughout their lives;
participants even compared themselves to their fathers at the same age. Luke (aged 76)
compared his own experience to his father‟s health and fitness levels at his age and this
encouraged him to be physically active in later life:
I think probably physically fit at the moment, I will probably die tomorrow, but better
than my father [who] was at the age I am now and he died, when he was eighty one...
although he had been very active in his youth and did lots of things… his actual degree
of exercise tapered quite seriously in his middle sixties onwards… I am in fact doing
more physical activity than my father was when he was my age… I am still able to
climb hills and… walking not running… I am not as fat as my father was at this stage…
[I]
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The notion that Luke was doing more physical activity than when his father was at the same
age was comforting to him, because his father died at an earlier age than Luke‟s age. He
attributed his father‟s physical decline to his reduction in physical activity. According to
Hockey and James (2003), the family is a key site in which identities are present and future
identities are formed. Observations are made in the family which influence understandings of
old age (Featherstone and Wenick, 1995). This process is gendered, with men focusing on a
loss of control and independence (Phoenix and Sparkes, 2006). Luke understood old age by
observing his father‟s decline, which created a vision of a possible future (which he feared) in
which he would decline and die. Keeping physically active was a strategy to delay older age
and eventual death. According to some participants‟ narratives, it was the fathers‟ interests
that were passed on. For example, Frances (aged 75) spoke about how she developed her
interests in DIY, cycling and swimming:
Well I think my father was [an influence]. I started tinkering about with bits of saws
and hammers and nails when I was a child of about seven or eight… I used to help
them with the displays at school… cutting out little ducks and hens and geese and
sheep and cows… My father worked in a tannery… But he used to be a PT training
instructor in the army when he went at the end of the First World War. I mean he must
have been very fit because he and a group of young men cycled all over Europe… I had
two bicycles, I used to cycle everywhere. I had one to go to work on and one for
Sundays... it must be in the genes as they say, but we didn‟t know about that then.
Because my father was a very fit man and he was bolt upright, straight as a rod. So it‟s
in the family. [I]
Frances‟ father strongly influenced her sporting and physical activity tastes and preferences.
Another woman, who was participating in a bulb-planting event whilst living in a residential
home, also cited her father as influencing her interest in gardening:
Went to plant bulbs at Linton‟s Care Home and spoke to two residents, one woman and
one man. The woman was middle class and brought up in Surrey in Gooding (fairly
urban and privileged environment). She has an allotment and goes up there every two
days and cost £20 per year.
Asked her about her interest and where it stemmed from. She said her father was a
keen gardener and encouraged her to get involved. She also walked regularly and
watched her diet. [RJ, 18th October 2007]
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The experiences of these residents can be interpreted as being part of their class habitus,
inasmuch as parents socialise their children according to their class tastes and preferences
(Bourdieu, 1984). Frances‟ mother, however, is not mentioned as having influenced her
interests in any way and this is typical of the participants‟ narratives. Women in rural
communities are more likely to be in the private sphere, playing a supportive role for male
participation, washing the sportswear and providing refreshments (Imray and Middleton,
1983). This supportive role is replicated within the family by undertaking physical tasks for
other members of the family, as evidenced in Frances‟ diary:
I am going to see my daughter today and help her stake her lawn so that she can
spread some coarse sand on it to help with drainage. It‟s a bit clayish and hard full of
weeds… It gets water logged and we are going to spike it all over with a big fork then
brush coarse sand into the holes. [D]
Instead of influencing their family‟s physical activity choices, women carried out physical
activities, such as cooking, cleaning, gardening, caring and shopping for their families.
According to Talbot (1988; and see Chapter 4, Section 2d), the domination of communal
(public) space by men and the presence of gender prejudice, especially on sporting premises,
results in women being discouraged from participating in sporting or physical activities in
outdoor or public spaces. Instead, women play supportive roles for their families in the
private sphere (Horne et al., 1999). The policing of women‟s bodies and movement in public
space limits their ability to create identities independently from men (Massey, 1994; see
Chapter 3, Section 3b). As a result of these limits to their movement, the physical practices
that women participate in are different to men‟s. Additionally, these physical practices
contribute to women‟s gendered habitus (Bourdieu, 1984; see Chapter 2a). Families,
however, do not just shape tastes and preferences of people throughout their lives, but, in
addition, act as a source of social capital in older age.
8.3b) Family networks: gendered social capital
Family networks can act as sources of social capital, which older people draw upon to
maintain healthy lifestyles (Wenger and Keating, 2008). For example, Percy (aged 84),
Hannah (aged 78), Harry (aged 90), Joanne (aged 68) and Gladys (aged 77) mentioned in
their narratives that family outings involved physical and social activity. Gladys provides one
example:
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Charlie and I went to look round St Cuthbert‟s at the new stained glass window which
has hurricane plane in memory of an American pilot who was shot down in last war…
Back across Green Common we walked a different way this time. [D]
This example is typical of the family outings that the participants in this study detailed in their
diaries. They socialised with their family member(s) and, at the same time, they walked and
were physically active supporting findings from the Social Exclusion Unit (2006) which
indicate that personal relationships with family members can enable active participation and
improve wellbeing. For Gladys (77 years), however, family outings were infrequent because
her family were dispersed across the country. Since the Second World War, family size and
structure has changed fundamentally (Bond et al., 1993). „Intimacy at a distance‟ refers to
generational links have been stretched across further distances, due to social mobility and the
impact of divorce (Bond et al., 1993:9). As a result of these changing family structures,
participants‟ access to social capital through family networks was limited and their ability to
be active reduced. Frances (aged 75) provides an example of this in an interview, where she
said:
I had one daughter. She has just moved from this district really, she has gone further
down the coast. That‟s a pity because I used to like walking over to see her, which was
a quick twenty minute walk, but I don‟t get that now which is a pity. [I]
Instead of walking, she has to drive to see her daughter:
I have to take my daughter a wheelbarrow to her today. She has moved away to
Hamville about 16 MLS away.
I will have to take it to [my] nieces to get it into my car. [D]
This excerpt demonstrates how providing social support, such as lending her daughter a
wheelbarrow, has become difficult. According to Fennell et al. (1988), the social phenomenon
of older people living further away from their families, is a form of generational segregation,
which happens as a result of rising living standards and re-development planning, resulting in
the building of better quality houses for families on green field sites, leaving older relatives in
areas populated mainly by other older people. Family networks are a vital source of social
interaction for older people in rural villages, often leading to physical activity. For example,
Hannah‟s (aged 78) diary regularly documented shopping as a physical and social activity
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undertaken with the female members of her family:
Jenny [daughter] took me shopping got a lovely bit of bacon for tomorrow. I'll make
little one's cakes then leg a bit shaky today, wish I didn‟t get this cramp feeling in my
ankles and feet. Went out in the evening with Glenda [daughter] she seems brighter
thank heaven. [D]
Not only is social support being exchanged (children providing transport and parents
providing emotional support) but both mother and daughter are participating in the social
world in a physically active way. This type of close-knit family was prevalent in working class
communities up until the early 1950s and was characterised by households that shared a
dwelling with a relative, exchanges of emotional and practical services between generations
and extended family living nearby (Townsend, 1957). Hannah‟s family was extended and
close-knit, and, although not common in this study, it does provide evidence of the social and
physical benefits of close-knit family networks. These benefits are especially significant for
older people with limited economic and physical capital, who are not sufficiently socially
mobile to visit their family regularly. However, research examining the family has found that
close-knit families are overwhelmingly maintained by women‟s emotional and physical labour
(Young and Willmott, 1957). Feminists have since critiqued the family to be the site of
women‟s subordination, taken-for-granted roles and limitation of their opportunities (Millet,
1970; Mitchell, 1972; Oakley, 1972; see Chapter 4, Section 2d). Furthermore, the sexual
division of labour that exists in families, where women are expected to provide unpaid
emotional and physical labour, is exploitative (Firestone, 1972). Nonetheless, activities with
grandchildren were a key feature of both men‟s and women‟s narratives. Activities either took
place while participants were caring for them or when they spent time together during family
visits. A selection of Percy‟s (84 years) diary entries illustrate how caring for grandchildren
involves physical activity:
Bright day, little chest pain, usually comes Paddleton bus. Granddaughter here for the
day, which I enjoyed, she enticed me to play hide and seek which kept me mobile
today at the least but it was lovely to hear her laughing, smiling, just having fun….
Exhausted me but felt great, my only wish was to be been more active to keep up with
her, as I was able to with her brother, still she was happy which was the main thing.
Played cards with Wife and John, he went home I mowed lawn. Great day.
Lovely day. Not feeling too bad odd ache not bad shopping with wife. Home gardening
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keep reasonably active. Granddaughter visited, running, jumping. Granddad, can you
catch me etc. Lovely to see her happy, smiling, laugh. Asking numerous questions. All
helps to forget ones aches and pains they come later when she goes home. Happy day.
Beautiful day. Afternoon granddaughter came around she has so much energy,
certainly keeps me on the go, playing in garden. I did manage to repair garden chair.
Glenda and Katie [daughter and granddaughter] come, Katie had me in garden playing
catch with tennis ball, how she is growing and active agile. [D]
Grandparents in Britain play a key role in grandchildren‟s lives, providing an average of
sixteen hours of childcare for grandchildren per week (Age Concern, 2009). This grandchild
care is in addition to older people caring for spouses or other older family members (see
Section 3a). According to the Social Exclusion Unit (2006; see Chapter 3, Section 3b), the
emotional and physical labour that grandparents provide is greatly valued within the family,
although it is often not recognised in the public domain. From a feminist perspective,
however, unpaid physical and emotional labour within the family is exploitative (Firestone,
1972) and grandparents‟ provision of care for grandchildren is comparable to the exploitation
of women‟s unpaid emotional and physical labour in the family. Notwithstanding,
grandchildren can also play a positive role in that, whilst caring for and playing with them,
participants are also being physically active. This supports the findings of a survey carried out
by Age Concern (2009), who found that fifty-eight per cent of grandparents are physically
active with their grandchildren when they visit. Although the intergenerational exchange of
support with grandchildren is one which is deemed important to the older people in this study
and the wider population (Age Concern, 2009), social exchange theory argues that if power
imbalances are present and the exchange of resources are not equal, conflict can occur (Blau,
1964). Further, power relations within heterosexual marriage contribute to the construction of
women‟s bodies in social space, shaping my participants‟ access to social and cultural capital.
8.4) Marriage and widowhood: gendered experiences
The absence of a significant other in older people‟s lives is not only experienced as a loss of
that person, but drastically changes the social networks people feel they belong to.
Furthermore, women live longer than men for both social and biological reasons (and this gap
is slowly increasing) (Vincent, 2003).
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The ratio of females to males increases progressively from 1:1 at age 71, to 2:1 by the
age of 89. This reflects the higher life expectancy of women at older ages and higher
male mortality during the Second World War (Office of National Statistics, 2009:1).
Consequently, older age and widowhood are said to be gendered experiences, as women are
more likely than men to experience the death of their significant other and live alone (Arber
and Ginn, 1991; Arber et al., 2003; Arber, 2005; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). This national
picture is exaggerated in this study with the gender ratio being five men to fifteen women. In
this section, the gendered experience of widowhood is examined to understand how social
resources are accessed differently according to gender. Firstly, participants‟ past marriages
are examined to see how their relationship with their significant other affected their leisure
time throughout their married life. Secondly, women‟s experiences of being widowed, living
alone and being single are discussed, examining how narratives of respectability and the male
gaze affect physical activity participation.
8.4a) Marriage: a gendered institution
Heterosexual marriage is a social institution, which, for some, is historically and culturally
embedded with gender inequalities, resulting in differential distribution of social and domestic
labour (Faulkner and Jackson, 1993). Women have traditionally earned less than their
husbands and have taken responsibility for the majority of the domestic labour within the
household (Bradley, 1996; Faulkner and Jackson, 1993; Green et al., 1990; Jowell, et al.,
1992; see Chapter 3, Section 3a and b). The lack of economic capital and time for leisure
activities that women possessed (Women‟s Sport and Fitness Foundation, 2006) has resulted
in women having different experiences of physical activity in marriage to men. This sub-
section explores how, in the past, participants‟ marriages affected levels of leisure time. The
type of activities in which people have participated in the past is important because these
physical practices are then inscribed and embodied, affecting corporeality in later life
(Wainwright and Turner, 2006; see Chapter 3, Section 3b).
Research by Green et al. (1990; see Chapter 3, Section 3b), Jowell et al. (1992) and Faulkner
and Jackson (1993) found that the domestic division of labour within marriage was unevenly
distributed and, as a result, women had little time for physically active leisure pursuits.
Moreover, limiting women‟s movement in public spaces restricted their opportunities to
develop leisure and work identities away from the domestic sphere (Green et al., 1990;
Rosaldo and Lampher, 1974; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). Elizabeth was one of three women
in this study who felt that they had no time for leisure once they were married:
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I went back to beagling [hunting with beagles] and then I went and got married like
one did, there wasn‟t any leisure time I can absolutely promise you… [I]
Elizabeth‟s hobby and leisure time was sidelined as soon as she got married. What is
revealing in Elizabeth‟s (aged 75) narrative is her indication that at the time of her marriage
women were expected to get married rather than aspiring to have a career:
I won a bursary to Bagger or Abberton [Universities]… and I desperately wanted to do
Agricultural Botany and my mother said I wouldn‟t get married and we fought and
screamed for weeks and weeks and I gave in, because one did give in then. [I]
Bourdieu (1984) examined the gendered and classed framework for women‟s domestic and
occupational labour and concluded that women‟s positions in the workplace were of the
lowest order. Moreover, in rural communities, families and heterosexual relations were closely
bound with patriarchal gender relations (Davidoff and Hall, 1987; Green et al., 1990; Little,
1987). Working class women were expected to participate in paid and unpaid manual labour
roles in rural communities and not in highly skilled occupations (Massey, 1994). Frances, for
example, was discouraged from her chosen career:
…Because you see at one time I would have loved to have been a carpenter, it was
unheard of… they didn‟t have girls doing that sort of thing, they didn‟t have girls
veterinary surgeons, they didn‟t have lady doctors, what else didn‟t they have, they
didn‟t have plumbers, they didn‟t have electricians, they have got loads of them now
and the electricians are girls and nobody would have dreamed of being an engineer,
but you get women engineers now and they are jolly good...
I= so things have changed a little bit since you were…
Oh yes, we were more expected to stay at home and look after the children. [I]
In post-war Britain, women‟s lives were located in the domestic private sphere; caring for the
family, including the husband, was the priority and their own needs or wants, with regard to a
career, leisure or physical activity were secondary (Green et al., 1990; Lewis, 2001; see
Chapter 3, Section 3b). A woman‟s role was to reproduce the patriarchal mode of production
by using her body as an instrument of labour to serve her husband, so that he could
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undertake paid work (Walby, 1992; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). The notion that women‟s
roles should be based on caring for the men in the family continues to be evident throughout
the life-course into older age. Older people make a considerable contribution to caring for
older and younger family members (Arber and Ginn, 1998; Social Exclusion Unit, 2006).
However, due to the relationship between the family and the welfare state, the division of
labour meant that women were responsible for the low paid caring roles within the family
(Morris, 1991b; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). If women were in work prior to taking on caring
responsibilities, a quarter had to give up paid work altogether after first cutting their hours
and/or perhaps changing jobs (Glendinning, 1992; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). Tracey, for
example, gave up work in order to care first for her mother and then her husband:
…my husband he wanted me to pack up work, so I said well I didn‟t want to, so he said
go for part time… I got... hours to suit me and um, I retired early to look after my
mum... I was about fifty seven I suppose, my dad died and my mum was in a
wheelchair… I looked after her for eight years, she died and then my husband went
down with Alzheimer‟s so I had to look after him, so since 1990 until two years ago I
was caring… So it‟s come on my mobility a bit, you know... I can‟t get around the
house as much now… I mean I sort of had a hoist with my mum, alright they are handy
but you still have to work them they are not electronic, you have to pump it up you
know and then poor old Bert [husband] was in a hospital bed and he couldn‟t even
move, you had to pull him in because he would get up and he kept sliding in the bed,
you know so, I am hoping that I get a few years relaxing. [I]
Women who give up paid work, as a result of caring responsibilities, have lower pension
contributions and a higher risk of deprivation in older age (Arber, 2005; Ginn and Arber,
1995). Further, caring has a class dimension, with women married to a manual labourer
being twice as likely to care for their husbands than women from another class (Glaser and
Grundy, 2002). Like caring, doing manual work throughout the working day, negatively
influences women‟s inclination to be physically active in their leisure time (Dumas and
Laberge, 2005). Repetitive physical practices, participated in throughout life, inscribe the
body (Wainwright and Turner, 2006); participating in repetitive physical practices like caring
inscribes the body and forms a caring habitus, through which people who have cared for
others, share a common experience of embodiment. For example, Harriet (aged 75)
experienced being a carer for her husband but managed to fit some physical and leisure
activities in around her caring activities:
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...social services always encouraged me to follow my own interests: go to my art
classes and go to the dancing because, it is important I think they were preparing me
for the time he would die and I would want some life to cling onto afterwards... I just
used to leave him here and he just used to sit on the settee or lie down or he might be
in bed all day sometimes but… he used to go to bed very early, so when I was going off
to the line dancing about ten to eight... So I would come home and find him in bed and
that was fine, so the fact that he slept quite a bit really was a breather for me,
otherwise I couldn‟t have done it I suppose. [I]
Harriet was given some state support so that she could pursue her hobbies, which included
dancing, while she cared for her husband. Although there was limited evidence amongst my
participants, according to the Social Exclusion Unit (2006), many older carers feel isolated
and lonely, caused by a sense of stigma and ignorance about illness and disease in older age,
and exacerbated by a lack of access to transport and leisure facilities, such as private
gymnasiums for older people with disabilities. The absence of such facilities means that
carers cannot take their significant other with them when they engage in leisure facilities.
During their marriages, some women had different leisure tastes and preferences to their
husbands and, according to Lewis (2001; see Chapter 3, Section 3b), who explored the
gender dynamics in marriage, older couples lived almost separate lives when it came to
leisure activities. Joanne‟s narrative demonstrates the economic dependency present in a
marriage when she talks about how her leisure activities were determined by her husband‟s
career and not on her own interests when they were posted to Africa:
I hated it, I didn‟t like it at all, my husband liked it because he liked the social side and
he was a rugby player so he got into a rugby crowd and… you were expected to stay
with BP [British Petroleum] people, there was quite a lot of BP expatriates out there
and they went to the beach together on a Sunday… [I]
Later on in their marriage, the roles reversed and Joanne (aged 68) had a larger social
network than her husband, which reflects the role women play as „kin-keepers‟ (Arber, 2005):
I mean my husband worked from home for a long time and… he would say „yes, you
have been a long time‟. I don‟t go far, as I walk down to the village, because I have
been on the parish council. I have been a governor. My children have been through…
swimming lessons and guides and all this stuff and… I walk through the village I speak
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to a lot of people who stop and chat... Although he had friends and we went to the
local pub together, he didn‟t know people in the village to the same extent because…
his friends tend to be either sort of friends to drink with or friends to play golf with… [I]
The second part of Joanne‟s narrative demonstrates the clear division of social and leisure
spheres that she and her husband inhabited. Her husband‟s social and leisure sphere revolved
around friendship networks developed through work, whereas Joanne‟s sphere of social and
leisure activities was very much based in the local community. This supports the work done
by Lewis (2001; see Chapter 3, Section 3b), who suggests that older men and women have
separate social and economic spheres, with women‟s activities being formed around caring for
the family and maintaining the family in the nearby locality. Furthermore, feminists have
highlighted this private versus public divide as a gendered division of social space
(Garmarnikow et al., 1983; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). This gendered division of space
curtails women‟s movement and the construction of their identities independent of men
(Massey, 1994; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). In addition, Lewis (2001; see Chapter 3, Section
3b) found that, in older couples, the disparity between men and women‟s leisure time was
not acknowledged to be „an issue‟ and the division of time between older generations of men
and women was not even a topic for discussion. This is something which Valerie‟s narrative
supports:
Well no not really, I do think, when you are married you don‟t go out so much but not
really we never used to go to pubs or things, as I say I used to go to my dancing, that
was sort of once every other week or something like that, so no, that has never
bothered me, I know it does bother a lot of wives, but no it doesn‟t bother me. [I]
Valerie‟s (aged 72) acceptance that married life does not necessarily include spending leisure
time together is salient to this discussion as it demonstrates the extent to which she accepted
the division of roles in the marriage (Lewis, 2001). In contrast to Joanne‟s narrative,
Margaret (aged 64) indicated that she and her husband had similar leisure interests, but also
that she was independent of her husband both socially and economically:
Yes, but the mutual thing was… I like sailing so he bought the boat, invited me on
board and that was it. It might have been something to do with the bottle of gin we
took on board every weekend… we used to spend Friday night to Monday morning
sailing, that I suppose is the biggest thing… travelling and sailing we both enjoyed. I
mean personally I am quite a believer I don‟t want to stick with him twenty-four hours
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a… [day] I mean going back one generation my parents, when my father died my
mother didn‟t know how to write a cheque, nothing and I remember taking her to the
building society one day and she was absolutely shaking because she was worried that
they would be upset that she wanted some money, she didn‟t have to pay a bill… and
there are still women like that. So I think that makes a difference and if you have got
some sort of separate life as well. [I]
Margaret was born in the baby boomer era, and, as she indicates in her narrative, she feels
that the nature of economic dependency of women upon men has, to some extent, changed
in her generation. Margaret was an educated, professional woman who had no children (see
Appendix 1). Therefore, she possessed cultural and economic capital that Valerie, whose work
took place in the domestic sphere, did not. Moreover, the amount of capital can be attributed
to the extent to which the women were financially dependent on their husbands. More
generally, older people, who were lacking in capital and spent a large amount of time in the
home, were more likely to be socially isolated. This finding is supported with the work of
Wenger (2001), who found that people who have retired and migrated to rural areas and
have a lifestyle revolving around the home become more socially isolated the frailer they get.
8.4b) Widowhood: an experience of social isolation
Social isolation is most common in those groups who are older, live alone, have health or
mobility problems, do not have access to a car and whose family networks are at a distance
(Commission for Rural Communities, 2006; see Chapter 2, Section 5). Participants living
alone found that, unless they were part of social networks, their ability and inclination to be
physically active outside the home was curtailed. Victoria‟s (aged 63) experience was as
follows:
I know lots of people well three or four people that actually used to go out for the day
on the bus to somewhere a different place each week and have a walk around the
town… they are getting out and... walking around a park or a country house or
something… it would be quite good to get some people out of their house and out of
their chair and also I think when people are interacting with other people... it gives
people a different outlook on life and bucks them up because they are talking to other
people rather than sitting indoors and watching television or something. [I]
This extract demonstrates how being a part of social networks increases individuals‟ likelihood
to be physically active. This contributes to their overall wellbeing (Peace et al., 2003; see
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Chapter 2, Section 5). Margaret‟s diary entry supports the idea of the link between social
capital (Bourdieu, 1977; see Chapter 4, Section 2a) and the promotion of physical capital
when she talks about the social networks in her life that get her out of her home, without
which she would have withdrawn:
[British Legion] Ladies Section Meeting. Look at other ladies, some in 80s and 90s. Will
I get to the stage of having a cup of tea is the highlight of my month. Whilst I have the
car I MUST keep going out or else I will curl up in a corner. I don't fancy old people's
clubs but getting people out of their homes should be a priority for a lot of people. [D]
In addition, Margaret‟s entry highlights the importance of having access to a car in a rural
village environment in preventing social isolation (Department of Work and Pensions, 2005;
see Chapter 7, Section 2b for further discussion). In contrast to Margaret‟s narrative, Patsy
(aged 82) does not have access to a car and, therefore, according to her diary, goes from
week to week not leaving her house or having any visitors, and here are a selection of typical
entries over the six month period of filling the diary in:
Didn‟t go anywhere for bank holiday weather not too bad, had a few wild strawberries
out of the garden, very sweet. Had roast as usual for lunch.
George‟s [her husband] Birthday today he has been gone for over nine years didn't go
to AC for Bingo again getting lazy should go out more didn't see anybody again.
No visitors again today.
Betsie died today she used to come to lunch at AC [Age Concern].
Fetched paper as usual did weekly wash as usual.
Gets boring doesn't it.
Didn't see anybody again. [D]
A narrative characterised by isolation and loneliness was particularly evident in the diaries of
participants who had no access to a car and were widowed, whose family had moved away
and whose friends were dying. For example, I wrote about the experience of Gladys (aged
77) in my journal:
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Went to interview a woman [Gladys] on her own, who is very lonely. Her life used to
revolve around racing and now she doesn‟t have a car she can‟t get to the races
anymore. She really misses her husband and doesn‟t see anyone from one day to the
next sometimes. I do feel quite sad for her because it‟s hard to know what you can do
to help. There really isn‟t anything apart from the lunch club going on and the church.
She feels scared to go out on her own which is understandable. Her family do ring but
live away so it must be difficult to see her. [RJ, 1st October 2008]
Most of the participants in this study who were socially isolated were women and were over
seventy-five years old. This demographic profile mirrors the work done by Peace et al. (2003;
see Chapter 2, Section 5), who found that a social community which is accessible daily and
appropriate for the individual is a key „focus‟ that promoted wellbeing for older people. In
addition, there is evidence that indicates that those older people who feel lonely are less
likely to continue with physical activity (Jancey et al., 2007). A key group of older people
prone to social exclusion are those who live alone. The number of lone households in Britain
headed by someone receiving a pension is fourteen point four per cent, which makes up
almost half of all lone households in Britain (Office of National Statistics, 2007). Twenty per
cent of men over the retirement age and forty-five per cent of women over sixty-five years
old live alone (Abrams, 1995). In addition, Wenger (2001; see Chapter 2, Section 5) found
that more people live alone in rural areas. Of the fourteen widows and widowers in this study,
lived alone, apart from Heather, who spent time living at both her partner‟s house and her
own dwelling. In Section 4d, evidence was given to support the assertion that social
interaction with other members of the older population is an important motivation for
participating in physical activity. Gladys (aged 77) is a widow whose social interaction has
been curtailed since losing her husband:
I have been living on my own for seven years… You get used to it, but it‟s not very
nice, because I know I would have been packing up today to go to Thruxton with the
caravan and stayed there until Tuesday morning and then that is just one of those
things that happens and you have to get on with it… That‟s how it seems to happen,
because I can be here all day and I won‟t see anybody to speak to until you are here
today. [I]
Gladys is socially isolated, as her family have moved away. She lives alone and does not have
a car or financial security. Many participants expressed a sense of loneliness after the loss of
their husband or wife. Loneliness is a common characteristic amongst older people who
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perceive their social relationships to be inadequate (Victor et al., 2000, 2004) and has been
used as a pivotal factor when assessing older people‟s wellbeing (Bernard et al., 2004; see
Chapter 2, Section 5). It leads to depression for some older people, especially for older men.
There is some evidence to say incidence of depression in older men, is linked to
conceptualisations of masculinity being contingent and fragile, under threat if men are no
longer able to perform their masculine identity, for either physical, social or cultural reasons
(Connell, 2005; Courtenay; 2000; Culbertson, 1998; Emslie et al., 2006). It can be
particularly strongly felt after the death of a spouse and can lead to suicide (Social Exclusion
Unit, 2006; Spirduso et al., 2005). Although there is no evidence of suicide in this study, John
(aged 78) for example, was depressed after the loss of his wife and lives alone:
This was my wife's Birthday. I still buy her a card - even though she is not here.
Without her, loneliness can be an awful feeling and can very easily cause depression,
of which I suffer a great deal. Although I am on medication for it, it is still a struggle to
manage. [D]
John was one of seven participants who mentioned depression in their narratives. Older men
who lose their significant other react particularly badly to the loss of the person they feel
most close to (Arber, 2005). Due to his depression, John struggled to get up some mornings
and continue to be physically active throughout the day:
Not a lot, I read a lot, I obviously do all the housework and everything like that, but
that‟s when I feel like it and not when it necessarily has to be done. If I feel like not
doing it, I will lie in bed until nine or half past nine. There is no point in getting up
early… I mean I get up some mornings and it takes me an hour to get started on what
I am going to do you know. I am just thinking to myself, perhaps I shouldn‟t say this,
but many a time, I think, well what am I doing here, like today. I get depressed, I
know I shouldn‟t, but I do. [I]
He also finds it hard to get out of the house:
I try to go out every day. It does not always work as I can get terribly depressed over
my wife's death. That is the worst moment in my entire life. But it was a relief in a way
because she was really so ill and did not even know what was happening around her.
God bless her. [D]
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Women such as Margaret (aged 64) also expressed feelings of depression after her husband
died, which left her not wanting to get up in the morning:
…I am very conscious of filling my time. I am not saying that if I don‟t fill my time and
my day, I would either have a week with nothing, I think I wouldn‟t get up and I mean
that‟s eight months now. But the first three months, the first three or four months I
had so much to do in paperwork and so on, I had a reason but then I had got
everything sorted out, I did become I think with hindsight, probably depressed
although I would have never admitted it, I didn‟t go to a doctor or anything, I just
didn‟t want to get up and you know, if someone rang me up and said do you want to
come to so and so, I went, but if I didn‟t have an invitation that was it... [I]
Margaret also wrote about her experience of having low spirits in her diary:
Feeling very low. Go out to get papers and then back to bed. Read/sleep all day.
Choice of events today but don't go out at all - too much effort.
Glen [late husband] always said I would end up sitting in a corner!! [D]
The incidence of depression and loneliness is high in rural areas, in comparison with some
urban areas, and this can be attributed to poor transport, lack of financial resources, living
alone, lack of local services, geographical isolation, ongoing poor health and gender/marital
status, with men being more likely to feel isolated than women (Social Exclusion Unit, 2006;
see Chapter 2, Section 5). Bereavement negatively affects older people‟s wellbeing, which
may never return to previous levels, and changes to their social environment are experienced
as stressful (Social Exclusion Unit, 2006). The life changing impact of bereavement is
supported in research carried out by the Commission for Rural Communities (2006) which
found that, especially for women, the process of bereavement increased older people‟s risk of
material and physical disadvantage. Conceptualisations of risk not only differentially affect
women‟s experience of bereavement but, also, affect women‟s experiences of widowhood.
Similar to the women researched in Green et al. (1990; see Chapter 3, Section 3b) and Green
and Singleton‟s (2006) studies, some widowed women in West Sussex also experienced the
management of their bodies in social spaces through the notion of risk. They felt they were
seen as a danger to others, such as to heterosexual couples. For example, Elizabeth had been
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widowed for a long time and she expressed the feeling of being characterised as a „dangerous
woman‟, which she felt narrowed her opportunities to be socially active:
Yes, oh very, very political, but being on your own as a single person, it is very difficult
sometimes, very difficult. It was difficult when I was younger as a widow because there
you didn‟t, well it is quite interesting, but it hardly comes into your reaches really
because I was widowed when I was thirty-four, so we are not talking elderly, but the
first, Rod [husband] died in July and the first Christmas I had thirteen invitations to
Christmas drinks you see, I was living in Shindig, the next year I had two and the
following year I had none. I don‟t suppose for one moment any of them got together
and said we will not ask her, nothing like that, but they wanted you to get off on your
own feet, so I think there was an element of that, just an element, but because you
are dangerous you see, like divorcees, you‟re dangerous. [I]
Women generally felt that they were limited in the types of activities they could participate in
as a single woman. Elizabeth expresses here how being widowed as a woman was
experienced as a pivotal moment in her life:
If you‟re lonely you‟re not going to go into a pub and have a pint are you? I mean you
are just not going to. Partly as you said because we were brought up not to do that
sort of thing, you know, when I was a girl you didn‟t go into a pub on your own, but a
girl will now…. you sort of have to don‟t you, but if I am in that situation I always read.
I mean if I go to M and S [Marks and Spencer] for a cup of chocolate and I can‟t
usually afford sometimes I have to be in Rivendale for some period, you know perhaps
I have got the dentist and then something else, if I go into M and S and get a choccie
or something like that, I always take a paper… these women who are suddenly on their
own or are suddenly widowed… they are not going to stop wanting to go out and have
a meal, it‟s quite dramatic the change to your life. [I]
This narrative indicates notions of respectability through which women‟s behaviour in public
spaces is evaluated (Mitchell et al., 2004; see Chapter 3, Section 3b). These notions of
embodied feminine respectability are central to the ways in which women participate in
leisure and social spaces; they are less likely to be comfortable with socialising as a single
woman, especially in public spaces involving alcohol, which are linked with connotations of
prostitution (Green et al., 1990). Moreover, women‟s bodies are scrutinised and subjected to
the male gaze in public spaces (Scraton and Watson, 1998; see Chapter 3, Section 3b),
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either as a young sexually attractive woman or an older woman whose presence is out of
place. In this way, widowhood is said to be gendered, as men and women have differential
experiences, based on social constructions of gender and their embodiment. The next section
examines how older people used social networks to mediate major epiphanal moments that
changed their lives irredeemably (Denzin, 1989b).
8.5) Friendship: choosing social and cultural capital
Having taken a feminist approach to this research, this final section examines what aspect of
physical activity older people feel improves their wellbeing. According to research by Douglas
and Carless (2005), older women were not receptive to the positivistic promotion of physical
activity based on „experts‟ views of their health; instead, women wanted research that was
representative of their experiences. Douglas and Carless (2005) found that women were
motivated to participate in physical activity not to improve future physical health and function
but, instead, to maintain social relationships which had an immediate effect on their
wellbeing. Similarily, in this study, older people draw upon friendship networks to access
resources and engage in society, which brought them a sense of „collective agency‟ (Wray,
2004). Ajrouch et al. (2005) describe friendship networks as „social convoys‟, because people
of a certain era experience life at the same time together, as opposed to family and
community networks. Friendships networks, as sources of social capital (Bourdieu, 1977), are
different from other sources of capital, such as family and neighbours, because friendships
are made entirely by choice (Baltes and Baltes, 1986). Physical activity friendships can
develop in an informal way, by firstly being socially active, and then being physically active as
a social group. They can also occur through planned physical activity sessions, where
friendships develop as a result of attending. What is clear, however, is that maintaining social
networks in older age is important as it brings a sense of belonging and of collective agency
(Wray, 2004).
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8.5a) Older people’s priority in later life: maintaining social capital
This section locates older women‟s ontological narratives within a gendered narrative of
supporting social networks (see Chapter 3, Section 3c). Bourdieu‟s (1977; see Chapter 4,
Section 2a) concept of social capital has been evident amongst older men and women as a
powerful resource to maintain physical activity, health and wellbeing in older age. For
instance, interacting in social networks was used as a form of therapy to help them through
life changing events and enabled them to demonstrate their agency, becoming active once
again. Participants who attended a widows‟ / widowers‟ group felt it helped them to be
socially active again. Joanne (aged 68) said:
[T]he group sort of taught you to, you know socialise again, because I think there were
people who had hardly been out at all since they had lost their husbands, before they
joined the group they had gone to the shops and that was it. Very difficult, I mean I
have set myself goals, I went to Paddleton on the train a couple of weeks ago... but I
thought... I am going to have lunch on my own… so that‟s a hurdle I passed… it has
just been such a huge success [the widows‟/widowers‟ group]... I stood there at
Penny‟s Nursery and I thought I don‟t know that I can do this, I don‟t know any of
these people and someone came in behind me and said „are you here for the group?‟,
she said „yes‟ and I said „I am not sure about it‟ and she said „nor am I, shall we go in
together?‟ and that immediately that was a sounding off thing and it was fine from then
on… we were all in the same boat. [I]
In the process of joining a widows‟ / widowers‟ group, Joanne became more confident and
started to go out and be active in the social world on her own again. Social clubs, such as
lunch clubs, companion clubs and Age United Kingdom (Age UK, formally Age Concern) day
centres, played a role in enabling active engagement. For example, I noted in my journal the
experience of Hamish (aged 78) when attending an Age Concern centre:
My participant has met someone through the centre who is like minded and wants to
do similar things with him, so Hamish is an amazing example of what a difference a
centre like this can be to people‟s lives. He is busy everyday doing different physical
activities and said he specifically moved to the area to be near the centre. But not
everyone can do that. He found out about it through his aunt who lived here too. [RJ,
22nd September 2008]
The centre provided access to clubs, activities and the opportunity to meet other older people
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who share his view of life and expand social networks, thus being able to access more social
capital (see Bourdieu, 1977; Chapter 4, Section 2a). An entry in Tracey‟s diary communicates
her priorities from her experience of being a widow who lives alone and has chronic health
problems, in rural West Sussex:
Went to the Age Concern. Not many there today (Holidays). Didn‟t do much. But still
you feel better meeting people. Main thing is to get out and meet others. [D]
Tracey (aged 72) makes her point quite clear; empowering social networks were more
important to her than anything else (see Chapter 3, Section 3c). However, due to a lack of
statutory services within rural settings, responsibility for providing services such as day care
for vulnerable members of the community falls upon voluntary organisations, which often
cannot overcome significant barriers within their organisations to provide the social capital
required by older people (Le Mesurier, 2004). Finally, Joanne‟s experience provides an
example of how continuing to attend physical activity classes helped her to cope with the
death of her husband:
Pilates class again - it‟s good to see so many people I knew before my husband died. It
makes me feel so relaxed although quite tired. [D]
The class also had physical benefits as it made her feel more relaxed. Therefore, social
groups such as widows‟ / widowers‟ and physical activity groups play a vital role in providing
an opportunity for older people going through the bereavement of a significant other to meet
up with other older people and share their experiences (see Chapter 3, Section 3c). In
addition, social interaction in groups can promote physical activity, whether this would be
walking to the club or participating in physical activities at the club itself, and thus helps to
maintain physical capital in older age. However, Joanne lived in an urban area and people in
rural areas had a slightly different experience of being socially and physically active.
According to a study carried out by Fast and de Jong Gierveld (2008), older people in rural
communities tend to have larger networks of friends in comparison with younger adults. The
friendship networks in which older people participate are broad and informal (Fast and de
Jong Gierveld, 2008). In this study, friendship networks helped participants to be active in an
informal way, which, according to Rainey (1998; see Chapter 3, Section 3c), is something
that reduces people‟s feeling of reliance on formal organisations. Hannah (aged 78) did not
participate in planned physical activity but was physically active whilst socialising with her
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friends. Two diary excerpts demonstrate this:
Walked up and saw John for an hour. He's fine really, can‟t expect to feel on top of
everything so soon, but we had a laugh and he thanked us for going.
Got up and felt I wanted out so caught the bus to North end and did a bit of shopping,
was worn out when I got home but walked to Patsy with some pig-trotters! [D]
Hannah is maintaining social ties with friends and, consequently, levels of social capital
(Bourdieu, 1977; see Chapter 4, Section 2a), which contributes to her sense of empowerment
and belonging to the community (Fast and de Jong Gierveld, 2008; see Chapter 3, Section
3c). In the process of maintaining her social networks, she is also walking to her friends‟
houses and being physically active. These findings are supported by the results from a similar
study in a rural area of Cornwall, that indicated women prioritised friendships above personal
health improvement because they want to live for today and not prepare for tomorrow
(Douglas and Carless, 2005). Therefore, any possible health benefits of being physically
active are an unintended consequence of maintaining friendship relationships with others.
Nevertheless, not all physical activity was unintended; planned physical activity was also
present in participants‟ narratives.
8.5b) The benefits of socially centred physical activity
As with unintended physical activity, this section also locates older women‟s ontological
narratives within a gendered narrative of supporting social networks (see Chapter 3, Section
3c). Moreover, Wray (2004) argues that an ethnocentric western conceptualisation of agency
that focuses on the expression of individuality, choice and autonomy is inadequate to account
for the experiences of all women universally. Instead of a individualistic western notion of
agency, this thesis provides evidence for this more inclusive conceptualisation of agency
which is based on older women coming together as a group, to do socially-centred physical
activities, which empower older people by enabling them to feel they belong to a community
of people with whom they can relate and who can help them through difficult times. For
example, social networks helped people in later life to overcome major epiphany moments
(Denzin, 1989b) like retirement, bereavement, chronic illnesses and/or accidents (see
Chapter 6, Section 2c). Indeed, Elizabeth (aged 75), Hannah (aged 78), Harry (aged 90),
Percy (aged 84), Joanne (aged 68) and Heather (aged 73) mentioned that their friendships
enhanced their experiences of participation in planned physical activity; this included
friendships made between the group leader and the members. Heather, for example, shared
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her experience of being a yoga instructor, and how she made friends with her group
members:
[Y]our students become your friends… Um, and it was so nice going back and doing the
odd class at Gumtree and seeing my old friends again. I really enjoyed it… and you
know this girl at Gumtree she is one of the teachers and she does all the classes and
she is dying of cancer and she made me that [mobile] when I retired with the chakra
colours… when somebody let me down at the very last moment she came and did a
class, she did that to help me out. [I]
This type of friendship not only encourages physical activity, but contributes to the wellbeing
of older people‟s lives in a way that helps them to feel a sense of belonging to a group,
providing emotional and social support (Fast and de Jong Gierveld, 2008), leading to a feeling
of greater affinity with the social world (Gross, 2001). For example, Margaret (aged 64),
wanted to join a physical activity group to be social and for enjoyment:
I like to get into a group and certainly when he [her late husband] was dying one of his
worries was that I would end up sitting in a corner all on my own like a recluse, so he
asked three couples to make sure it doesn‟t happen, so, and I was very aware of it,
that‟s one reason why I joined the Brunch Club, it was advertised just at the right time
for me and I thought what else was there and I looked around and two or three friends
they all went to carpet bowls or mat bowls and I said what about me going and they
said well come along, you can come for three sessions and see if you like it and I went
to that and I thoroughly enjoyed it, I went to Thursday mornings and I thought
because I had a problem with my back, I thought my physiotherapist might say no,
she said oh that‟s wonderful, so I played short mat bowls. [I]
The social support of social networks during widowhood prevents the experience from
irreversibly impacting their wellbeing (Garung et al., 2003). Physical activity gives older
people a chance to meet new people, with whom they can exchange support (Strathi et al.,
2002). The sharing of positive coping narratives amongst widows or widowers is a potent
mechanism for maintaining physical activity post-bereavement (Douglas and Carless, 2005).
Furthermore, Joanne was one of three participants who talked about how physical activity
with other people helped to combat loneliness.
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I think the gym is a bit sort of soulless it is not my sort of thing…. because I was I
think it is just a sort of lonely thing to do, it is not a social thing to do is it... And also I
think if you are gardening with someone it is better than gardening on your own… you
are sharing and talking about shall we do this and shall we, perhaps we should cut this
back or what do we plant here, so when the gardener is here I tend to almost work
alongside her really… just more enjoyable really… [I]
Joanne (aged 68) feels that the types of physical activity in which she might participate on
her own often contribute to feelings of isolation and loneliness, whereas, when these activities
are engaged in with other like-minded people, they become enjoyable. Moreover, Litwin
(2003) concluded that those older people with the most diverse social networks engaged in
the most physical activity. Hamish (aged 76) felt that, as he spent most of his time alone, he
would enjoy spending time being physically active with other people:
Ah well I spend a lot of time on my own, I prefer to go out in a group, but whereas if it
was the other way around [and spent a lot of time in groups of people] I would
probably prefer to be on my own, but you have got to balance it out… [I]
The need to be with other people could be a reflection of being retired and not having the
social paid work networks that were formerly available on a daily basis (Sport England,
2006). Victoria (aged 63), Frances (aged 75) and Tracey (aged 72) talked about how physical
activity with other people empowered them to have confidence in their own physical ability.
Tracey suffers from the chronic illness, arthritis, and she found that she could walk further
than she thought when she walked with others. This was partly due to the distraction of
talking to other people, but also because she did not have the confidence in her own ability to
be able to attempt that length of walk on her own:
We went to… Pilton harbour... we went walking around, and I thought oh I am not
going to do this, the ladies were around and they were very good, they said come on
we will keep talking to you, and you will do it, and all the way through these high
weeds, and God knows what, and when I got there, there was a seat, I had a sit down
and came back. I said to Toby [driver] I wish I could do that more, because you don‟t
realise how far you are walking when you are talking to somebody, and you think oh
look how far I have done, but you wouldn‟t do it on your own... they don‟t just walk off
and leave me, because I am slow, they do talk and because I am talking and walking
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[which] helps you along… I am not one to just get up and walk around the streets, but
if I have got something there to walk to and have a look at it... [I]
Walking two miles or more is the most popular form of physical activity amongst people over
sixty years old (Social Exclusion Unit, 2006). From the evidence presented in this study, in
order for walking to be accessible for older people, social networks are required. These help
them to enjoy walking, and, more importantly for some older people who lack confidence in
their physical ability, walking with others empowered them to feel more physically able.
Further, research by Damush et al. (2005) found that older people, like Tracey, with pain
from arthritis, desired social support from friends and family in order to be physically active.
Socially-centred physical activity is a useful source of social capital (Bourdieu, 1977; see
Chapter 4, Section 2a) for older people suffering from chronic illnesses to draw upon to cope
with the limiting effects that chronic illness has on their lives, whilst also re-building their self
confidence.
Diana (aged 75), Harriet (aged 75), Margaret (aged 64), Valarie (aged 72), Victoria (aged 63)
and Joanne (aged 68) felt physical activity was more enjoyable with others. Older people who
enjoyed coming together as a group with people who had a shared view of the world gave
them a feeling of belonging to a wider community (Wray 2004). Feeling a sense of belonging
is particularly important to older people whose narratives are characterised by change,
including changing rural social space (see Chapter 8, Section 2), the loss of physical capital
with ageing (see Chapter 6, Section 2) and the loss of social and cultural capital through
bereavement (Chapter 8, Section 4). Further to the sense of belonging that resulted from
participating in a physical activity community, it also demonstrated older people‟s agency
(Wray, 2004). This, I would argue, is contingent on feeling they identified with the social
group what they had to feel they belonged to a wider cohort of people who shared very
similar life experiences sentence not clear. For example, Tracey (aged 72), like Luke (aged
76) talked in her narrative about how motivation for physical activity with others depended
on who those others were:
…it depends on the group I suppose. I mean I did go to a knee clinic at the last hospital
and they were like rugby players you know and you feel oh God you were on the floor
with your legs up in the air, I mean nobody took any notice but it seems a little bit at
first… especially if you are carrying weight you know, but um, you get used to it… [I]
The apprehension that Tracey feels when she is with a group (rugby players, in this case) and
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„carrying weight‟ reflects society‟s cultural perceptions, where fat is not considered attractive
(Bell and Valentine, 1997). Tracey‟s feeling of inadequacy was also experienced by women
who were overweight in Douglas and Carless‟ (2005) study. Furthermore, many myths
surrounding ageing characterise older people as not wanting to be competitive anymore. For
example when Elizabeth (aged 75) was asked if she preferred to be physically active on her
own or in a group she replied:
Yes, on my own.
I= that‟s interesting. What is it that you like about doing it on your own rather than in
a group?
Um, well, I think when you‟re on your own there is no competition so you‟re not
thinking: oh well I can stretch further than so and so or I can tuck my toes better.
There is none of that. [I]
Elizabeth‟s excerpt illustrates how she feels when she participates with others and that she
does not like to demonstrate physical prowess through outdoing others but knows, because of
her competitive nature, that this would be inevitable if she were in a group. This is contrary
to previous research, which suggested that older people become less competitive with age
(Coakley and Pike, 2009). Elizabeth is very competitive and, because of this, she actively
avoids competitive environments. The phenomenon of her avoiding being in situations where
she would be competitive with other older people is worth examining. Women and femininity
were in the past viewed as not being associated with competitiveness or assertiveness, but,
instead, with being caring and submissive (McCrone, 1988). Older women, like Elizabeth,
experience double standards in society; not only are they presumed to be non-competitive
older people, but they are also expected, as women, to be naturally submissive to others
(Ginn and Arber, 2003; see Chapter 3, Section 3c).
8.6) Conclusion
In summary, the rural village is a social space in which older people participate in physical
and sporting activities accessible with certain levels of social and cultural capital accumulated
through community, family and friendship networks (Bourdieu, 1984). Nonetheless, incomers
are placed in hierarchies present within village life and allowed access to social and cultural
capital according to their classed, gendered (Bourdieu, 1984; Elias and Scotson, 1994) and
ethnic status (Neal and Agyeman, 2006). Furthermore, while community and family
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interaction encourages both intended and unintended physical activity, this is within gendered
institutions, which depend heavily on women‟s unpaid emotional and physical labour
(Firestone, 1972). Moreover, within the social institutions of the family and heterosexual
marriage, women‟s bodies, identities and levels of capital are regulated in social space
(Garmarnikow et al., 1983; Green et al., 1990; Mitchell et al., 2004; Rosaldo and Lampher,
1974). This is significant, because the amount of social and physical capital that older people
possess greatly affects their ability to cope with life changing events such as widowhood
(Baltes and Baltes, 1986). Social and physical activity clubs accordingly play a key role in
enabling older people, especially women, through major epiphany moments (Denzin, 1989b),
by providing a much needed source of social capital (Bourdieu, 1977). It was those
friendships and the maintenance of social networks that older people, especially women, felt
were important in order to develop a sense of belonging to a wider group of like-minded
people, thus enhancing their physical and mental wellbeing. This, I would argue, is evidence
of a sense of collective agency (Wray, 2004), which was particularly important to older people
living in rural communities who have been subject to social, cultural and physical change.
When examining the findings of this chapter from a broader perspective, it can be seen that
rural areas have proportionally higher populations of older people than urban areas in the
United Kingdom (Le Mesurier, 2004; Murakami et al., 2008; Wenger, 2001). There have been
discussions in the fields of gerontology and rural studies that seek to account for this. For
example, Le Mesurier (2004) argues that this claim is dependent upon how „older people‟ and
„rurality‟ are defined and that the migration of older people to rural areas is a myth; most
migration is undertaken by younger age groups, with older people, instead, being the
witnesses to these trends. Le Mesurier (2004: 2) argues that:
Older people, particularly indigenous older working class people can easily become
isolated, hidden, particularly if local population changes bring incomers who have little
in common with their norms and experiences, and who therefore effectively change the
social „character‟ of the community.
This poses a challenge for the integration of incomers into rural villages, who move to be
closer in proximity to public services, due to their health (Wenger, 2001), with residents with
a particular white Christian English ethnicity demarcating their „white space‟ (Frankenberg,
1997). Moreover, according to Warnes and McInerney (2004, cited in Murakami et al., 2008),
due to immigration waves in the 1950s, there will be large increases in the numbers of older
people from minority ethnic groups in the United Kingdom when those immigrants in the
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1950s reach retirement age. Consequently, the issues raised in Section 8.2b about
integration in later life need further research, in addition to other topics which have emerged
from this thesis. The next section concludes this thesis and includes recommendations for
further research.
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Chapter 9: Findings and reflections
9.1) Introduction
9.2) Findings and implications
a) Making sense of ageing embodiment
b) Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus
c) The construction of ageing identities in rural space and the influence of
capital
9.3) Suggested further research
9.4) Reflections on the theoretical framework and research limitations
9.5) Reflections on methodology, methods and the research journey
9.1) Introduction
This final chapter draws together the key findings and the implications for physical activity in
later life. Section 9.2 demonstrates the implications of this thesis for the „active ageing‟ social
policy agenda and Section 9.3 makes some suggestions for further research which develop
the findings of this thesis. Section 9.4 is more reflexive in nature and evaluates the strengths
and weaknesses of the theoretical framework and the limitations of the study. In concluding,
I reflect on my methodology and methods and research journey.
9.2) Findings and implications
In 9.2, the findings and subsequent implications are thematically presented in sections that
correspond with the topics of the three discussion chapters, „Making sense of ageing
embodiment‟, „Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus‟ and „The construction of
ageing identities in rural space and the influence of capital‟. Furthermore, for clarity, my
position within the healthism versus inactivity debate is as follows: older people who can, and
want to be physical active should be enabled to do so, and those who can not and / or do not
want to participate, should not be made to feel guilty. Therefore, this position should be
borne in mind when reading what follows.
9.2a) Making sense of ageing embodiment
Findings exploring this theme demonstrate that everyday corporeal experiences of aches,
pains, weight gain, tiredness, slowing down and chronic illness are the result of both a shared
corporeal experience (Dumas et al., 2005; Dumas and Turner, 2006) and different lifestyles,
constrained by social factors such as social class and gender (Bourdieu, 1984). Thus, older
people‟s choices to be active are restricted by their ageing corporeality and their lifestyles,
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mediated by access to different forms of capital (see Chapter 6). Therefore, the neo-liberal
assumption that older people are responsible, as individuals, for their health and can choose
to be healthy (see Chapter 2, Section 2.2d) is incomplete. Evidenced in Chapter 7, are the
practical constraints that older people face when being physically active. The state needs to
create accessible opportunities for older people to be active, regardless of their levels of
capital. Moreover, as a result of interrogating active ageing frameworks, such as 30 mins a
day anyway (British Heart Foundation, 2007a), there is clearly limited evidence to suggest
thirty minutes of exercise a day would have a significant influence on weight loss and aerobic
fitness. Williams and Woods (2006) suggest that even the most active older people gain
weight in later life; thus, in order to maintain weight, older people must significantly increase
vigorous physical activity. Nonetheless, thirty minutes a day of weight training can enhance
strength, balance and stability in later life (Narici, 2000). New physical activity guidelines
have been published taking a life-course approach to being physically active and, therefore,
include factsheets for people over sixty five years which differentiate between the physical
and psychological (although not social) benefits gained from different types, intensities,
durations and frequencies of physical activity, including the specific benefits of strength
training (Department of Health, 2011).
Furthermore, findings indicate that older people most often position themselves in bio-
medical narratives of ageing and disability to make sense of their corporeality. This reflects
the dominance of bio-medical approaches to ageing and the physical bio-medical
interventions in their lives (Hardey, 1998). Notwithstanding, some of the same individuals
also position themselves within narratives of obligation or resistance, demonstrating their
agency in constructing different ageing identities for different social contexts (Phibbs, 2008;
Somers, 1994). As such, it is evident that, with reference to whether older people are inclined
to be physically active in later life, the answer is that this is not fixed; it is dependent on their
narrative resources, the social space (see 9.2c) and audience as to which narrative of ageing
/ disability the participants position themselves in and, therefore, the ageing identity they
want to construct (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). The implication for active ageing policy is
that older people do have agency and construct different identities for different situations.
Therefore, at certain times, they may or may not have the inclination to be physically active,
and this is explored further in the section to which now I turn.
9.2b) Negotiating practicalities with an ageing habitus
This thesis has demonstrated how practical factors, such as the built environment, facilities,
transport and economic system, „dis‟able people with an ageing habitus insomuch as, by
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structuring the physical environment and facilities so that older people are dependent on
others, they become disempowered, occupying docile bodies (see Foucault, 1991). It is thus,
important that facilities, transport and services are available, accessible, acceptable,
affordable and adaptable for older people‟s corporeality, to enable physical activity to take
place (Dobbs and Strain, 2008). It is recommended that rural areas provide transport
services that pay particular attention to routes, times and frequencies. Moreover, those public
spaces in villages enable the participation of older people in physical activities by encouraging
and supporting volunteering in their local communities. For instance, voluntary organisations,
like Age UK (formally Age Concern), could ensure that participants are empowered to
organise physical activities within their local group, even when services are franchised.
In addition to narratives of „dis‟ablity and dependency, themes of risk and vulnerability were
also prevalent in older people‟s narratives and these themes are inextricably linked, inasmuch
as older people would feel more safe and free from risk of harm when participating in physical
activity where the built environment, facilities and transport systems are tailored to an ageing
body and are „older-people-friendly‟ (Eales et al., 2008). More especially, it is recommended
that a greater provision of physical activities tailored for older people are made accessible,
especially for those older people with lower mobility levels. Furthermore, training courses
should be provided in higher education for potential physical activity leaders, to equip them to
tailor their services to older people, with particular reference to health and safety, including
an understanding of the effects of negative past experiences on confidence.
Nevertheless, not all older people employed narratives of risk and vulnerability; some had
educational and material resources to position themselves within a wider variety of ageing /
disability narratives, able to resist the dependent older person identity, achievable partly
through their sporting identities (Diongi and O‟Flynn, 2007; Tulle, 2008). For older people
with these specific sporting / physical activity identities, the provision of individual grants,
available at a local level, are recommended, so that sporting interests can be maintained
where possible.
Underlying neo-liberal health discourse regarding older people is the assumption that they are
or will be dependent on the health service (Crawford, 1980; 2006; Thornton, 2002). There is
evidence in this thesis that this health discourse attempts to regulate older people‟s bodies,
through information and healthy living messages (Burrows et al., 1995). The latter are
communicated by „experts‟, such as medical practitioners and physical activity professionals,
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who play a key role in mediating between the state and the individual (Lupton, 1995). If an
older person does not fit into the subject position of a „successful ager‟, as displayed in
positive ageing images, they are, by default, categorised as „an unsuccessful ager‟ who is also
potentially dependent on the state and is a drain on resources. Thus, it is recommended that
medical and physical activity professionals are provided with further training on the negative
effects that some health promotion messages have on older people without the ability or
resources to be physically active. For example, expressing someone‟s need to lose weight or
to remain active whilst experiencing a chronic illness may induce feelings of anxiety, guilt and
self- loathing, which negatively impact emotional wellbeing (Wright, 2009). Moreover, healthy
living leaflets that have pictures of older people should include individuals in the fourth age
and demonstrate lifestyles that are accessible for those with less economic and cultural
capital. However, this thesis does also evidence that some older people who had access to
capital were able to resist this regulation through narratisation (Kleinman, 1988),
constructing their chosen identities as physical activity „experts‟ themselves. Older people
who are physical activity experts should be encouraged to lead and distribute physical activity
information to others and be treated as valuable resources to promote wellbeing in later life.
Additionally, the promotion of sexuality as part of the positive ageing discourse was construed
to be the commodification of sex; therefore, older people need to be consulted further on the
promotion of sexual activity as a physical activity in later life.
9.2c) The construction of ageing identities in rural space and the influence of capital
The findings indicated that discursive narratives of Englishness, Order and Traditionalism
were drawn upon to construct and perform rural English ethnicity, producing „an English‟ and
„an Other‟ subject position (Neal and Agyleman, 2006), in which people in rural villages were
placed. It is thus, recommended that religious organisations promote a more inclusive
approach to older people with different spiritual beliefs and to physical activities that originate
from non-western countries. Furthermore, health promotion for older people should use a
subjective and flexible understanding of wellbeing, rather than a quantified western-centric
notion of quality of life (Wray, 2010). Moreover, findings have demonstrated that identity
construction is contingent on how space and different gendered, class, and ethnic identities
influence the accumulation and access to levels of practical resources, which, in turn affect
older people‟s ability and inclination to be physically active. Subsequently, it is recommended
that, to successfully promote wellbeing in later life, active ageing social policy is tailored to
either rural or urban spaces.
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Finally, salient findings indicated that the rural community depends heavily on women‟s
unpaid emotional and physical labour (Little and Austin, 1996) and, thus, women largely
perform a sense of community through their physical activities (Simmonds et al., under
review). The contribution that older people make through caring and community practices has
been acknowledged and support is provided by the state (see Directgov, 2011). Nevertheless,
sixty per cent of carers are women and twenty five per cent are over sixty five years (The
Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2010). Therefore, it is recommended that the
contribution that older people and women make through caring practices to society, both
socially and economically, be further acknowledged and supported in monetary form, by the
Department for Work and Pensions. Moreover, in social institutions such as the family and
heterosexual marriage, women‟s bodies, identities and levels of capital are regulated in social
space, using discursive narratives of risk and respectability (Mitchell et al., 2004; Scraton and
Watson, 1998). Thus, it is recommended that women in rural villages are encouraged to
openly participate in physical activity in public spaces, to act as role models for other women.
This could be achieved by promoting volunteering schemes, which highlight the possible
social and physical benefits to wellbeing for men, but, particularly women in rural villages.
Moreover, when widowed, social and physical activity clubs play a key role in helping older
people, especially women, through major epiphanal moments (Denzin, 1989b) and provide
evidence of collective agency, which has been constructed through a sense of group identity
(Wray, 2004). It is recommended that these friendship and physical activity group be brought
together more systematically, to provide support for older men and women dealing with life-
changing events. The impact of socially-centred physical activities on older people‟s wellbeing
is significant, to prevent social isolation and encourage physical activity. In conclusion, the
main recommendation of this thesis is that more support be provided by the state to enable
socially-centred physical activities as part of an active ageing agenda.
9.3) Suggested further research
I have identified a number of areas for further research, which would cultivate the innovative
findings of this study. The most significant topic for further examination, arising from this
thesis, centres on the topic of gender. The first possible study would further examine the
experiences of women with regard to physical activity (Hargreaves, 1994; Markula and
Pringle, 2006; Wray, 2007), specifically building upon previous research that explored the
effects that gender roles have on shaping corporeality and, additionally, examining how they
may differ for women born in the baby boomer era. The second study, examining gender
identities, would explore how notions of risk and feminine respectability affect older women‟s
movement in social public rural space and sense of competitiveness in physical or sporting
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activities. This draws together work done by previous scholars on competitiveness in later life
(Dionigi and O‟Flynn, 2007; Tulle, 2008; Pike, 2011b) and of those who have examined how
notions of risk and feminine respectability affect younger women‟s movement in public spaces
(Green et al., 1990; Mitchell et al., 2004; Scraton and Watson, 1998). The third possible study
might investigate how discourses of masculinity and the loss of physical capital affect men‟s
experiences of older age and, in particular, feelings of loneliness and depression, which builds
on some previous research already undertaken (Connell, 2005; Courtenay; 2000; Culbertson,
1998; Emslie et al., 2006).
Another topic in consideration of further research is the effect that different ethnic identities
have on social and physical activity participation in later life for those in rural communities.
This directly develops the findings inadvertently captured in this thesis (see Chapter 8,
Section 2b). Additionally, linked to this, is an exploration of the effect that social migration
and mobility has on older people‟s sense of community, identity and ethnicity.
Further research specifically exploring ageing identities could examine epiphanal moments
(Denzin, 1989b) throughout the life-course and the effect these have on older people‟s
identities, physical activity participation and wellbeing. Finally, further research could be
conducted which applies the work of Hepworth and Wernick (1995), who examined the
cultural representations of ageing, investigating which kinds of images of active older people
would encourage participation in physical and social activities.
9.4) Reflections on the theoretical framework and research limitations
Mason (2002) provides a useful overview of how theory is used during the research process
and, like Blaikie (2000), she proposes that researchers use both deductive and inductive
research strategies. I entered the field with some theoretical frameworks (Foucauldian
Feminist and Bourdieusian theory) and literature in mind, which influenced the choice of
inquiry, methods and my research focus, but I had not decided upon a theoretical framework
(see Appendix 10). Rather, my theoretical framework of the ageing body in social spaces was
developed as a result of a continual process of moving between the theory and the data over
a four-year period.
Combining Bourdieusian, Foucauldian and Feminist theories and applying them to the ageing
body opened up new possibilities to understand corporeality in later life. Bourdieu offered a
comprehensive theory of embodiment and Foucault provided an understanding of how the
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body is constructed in social space, whereas feminist theory provided a critique of
androcentricism, present in both Bourdieu‟s and Foucault‟s theories of embodiment.
My theoretical framework contributes to and develops Frank‟s (1991) theory of the body. In
this thesis, I have illustrated the ways in which the discursive narratives that shape corporeal
identities are locally and temporally constructed; as a result it is my contention that theories
of the (ageing) body include a spatial dimension. The (ageing) body is thus understood
differently in different social spaces and in different historical periods. Further, the gendered
body is understood through discursive narratives of gender and performed through physical
practices.
As a (Foucauldian) feminist researcher, I intended to capture experiences of older people‟s
embodied realities which counteract the neo-liberal appropriations of successful and positive
ageing discourses, to open up alternative and resistant subject positions which older people
can occupy. This has been achieved by employing Somer‟s (1994), Phibbs‟ (2004) and Wray‟s
(2004) theories of narrative identity, positioning and collective agency respectively. Older
people have demonstrated their agency by positioning themselves in different narratives at
different times, thus resisting being placed within just one dependent or bio-medical narrative
by „the experts‟. Furthermore, as a collective group, older woman were socially and physically
active in public spaces, thus resisting discursive narratives of respectability and the influence
of the male gaze.
Nevertheless, theories are mediated and constructed and different theories produce different
truths (Lincoln and Guba, 2003). Thus, my findings have been framed by my developed
theoretical framework and represent a truth for my participants, who mostly lived in rural
area, were over sixty years, had mixed genders, activity levels and social classes, and all of a
White British ethnicity.
9.5) Reflections on methodology, methods and the research journey
Taking a feminist approach to research yielded rich, in-depth, authentic and credible data;
the focus groups and narrative interviews were particularly valuable, productive, but the most
successful method was overwhelmingly the use of diaries to capture older people‟s physical
activity experiences. The eighty eight per cent return rate dispelled low completion rates,
which can be a problem with using diaries (see Chapter 5, Section 3c). The diaries provided a
source of reflection for participants‟ thoughts, feelings and physical activity, although it
should be noted that some older people felt it was a chore, which was repetitive and difficult
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to remember. There is clearly a balance to be struck between building trusting relationships
and compromising participants‟ right to refuse (Simmonds, under review). Nevertheless, the
overall success of using diaries in this manner to capture subjective experience was, I
believe, largely attributable to my adoption of a feminist approach to this research, where a
non-hierarchical reciprocal relationship was maintained over a nine-month period (Simmonds,
under review; and see Chapter 5, Section 5b). However, I acknowledge that the diaries were
time consuming for the participants and not all the data provided was relevant. Nonetheless,
they did generate rich and unexpected data, which gave contextual information in which
participants‟ physical activity experiences could be situated (Simmonds, under review).
Another method that was particularly successful was the use of visual prompts in eliciting
sensitive and taboo data, such as sexual activity in later life and attitudes to minority ethnic
groups. Using visual elicitation also provides a useful way to locate the focus on the
participant rather than the researcher, and, thus, is a method that is compatible with feminist
approaches to research.
The analysis process was lengthy, because I coded all the data both inductively and
deductively. It was systematic and rigorous, which contributed a great deal to the
authenticity and credibility of the findings. The analysis process was significantly aided by
using CAQDAS, which enabled me to triangulate the data from all the methods, analysing the
text segments as one participant‟s narrative. Additionally, Attride-Stirling‟s (2001) thematic
frameworks were particularly useful in taking a systematic approach to the qualitative
analysis. Also, the development of a diagram encapsulated the theoretical-conceptual-
methodological links, as a way of demonstrating the theoretical underpinnings of the
developed research methodology (see Diagram 2).
As previously mentioned in Chapter 5, my research journey has been long, at times difficult,
but, nonetheless, rewarding. The pre-data collection interview (see Appendix 10) highlighted
a range of possible issues, from struggling with my epistemological perspective as a social
constructionist researching ageing bodies to issues of capturing the voices of those older
people who were isolated, as well as coping with the responsibility of their trust and openness
about their daily isolated lives. There were moments during the data collection that I found
extremely upsetting, including an incident when Frances (aged 75) disclosed her experience
of sexual abuse and Harriet (aged 75) recounted her experiences of caring for her husband
with a mental illness and his subsequent death. My reaction to the latter was captured in my
RJ entry:
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I asked her what old age meant to her and she struggled through and looked teary.
She wanted to talk to me and I think she might have felt like I could be a shoulder to
cry on. I didn‟t mind as long as I didn‟t get too involved and wanted to be as sensitive
as possible by building up to any more difficult questions. [7th February 2007]
Revealing an information sheet indicating external organisations, giving specific advice,
guidance or advocacy (see Chapter 5, Section 5c; Appendix 11) did not do these women‟s
stories justice, but, hopefully, sharing their stories in this thesis and elsewhere will. In
processing my emotional response, it was helpful to reflect in my research journal and to
discuss my research experiences with my supervisor.
Another poignant issue that I foresaw in the pre-data collection interview that would be
unsettling was the influence of my relationship with my own grandparents (see Appendix 10).
At the point of data collection, I was a twenty-five year old woman and my participants were
over twice my age. Therefore, I was „researching out of my age‟ and relationship roles of
grandparent / granddaughter started to emerge during the research process. This was mainly
a very positive research experience as I felt accepted and honoured to be privy to their lives
for a nine-month period, as my RJ entry indicates:
Today was enjoyable; I feel like they could be my family, they have all been really
lovely to me. I think they think I am a bit strange with the types of questions I ask,
but, they answer them anyway! It‟s amazing how insightful some people are and the
amazing difference class makes to people‟s out-looks. Some people really are so lonely
and you can just tell they just really appreciate being able to talk to people. And they
share so much with you, it‟s quite an honour. [21st March 2008]
There was also a day however, that I got quite upset after visiting my own grandparents:
Spent the weekend with my own grandparents and it wasn‟t the most pleasant of
experiences. My granddad was talking as if he was getting ready to die. Apparently his
doctor thinks he is not long for this world and was asking for his next of kin. He then
went on to talk about his will and everything. I found this very upsetting and didn‟t
really know what to say. We then went to see my grandma in the nursing home and
that was even worse. She looked very frail now and can‟t do anything for herself. She
can‟t eat, drink, go to the toilet walk etc. But, I also feel very guilty because my
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grandfather must be so lonely, just like many of the people I am speaking to. Why
can‟t I just spend time with him in the same way I do with my participants in my
research, it seems so ironic to me. [11th February 2008]
Unfortunately my granddad passed away in May 2010, a few days before his 95th birthday.
However, the recognition that my participants could easily have been my grandparents has
made me even more determined to represent and research the stories of older people who
are sequestered from society. Comparisons can be made between researching „out of your
age‟ and researching „out of your ethnicity‟. For example, the researchers in a study exploring
experiences of race and gender in sport (Scraton et al., 2005) were of white British ethnicity,
while their participants were from minority ethnicities. They problematised the possible power
imbalances that their „whiteness‟ could have posed and argued for more reflexivity within
white researchers‟ work. However, in my case, as predicted in my pre-data collection
reflexive interview (see Appendix 10), the power relations were complex. Although I was
younger and could be seen to have more power in some respects, I often felt (particularly
interviewing men) lacking in power, as this journal entry illustrates:
The first interview last week was interesting, I was trying to be as professional as
possible and not interrupt him, but, he rarely stopped talking and at the end of the
interview when I tried to make chit chat about me being a rower, he wasn‟t really
interested. When he did ask me about myself he assumed this was an undergraduate
dissertation and also commented that ladies shouldn‟t row, as it‟s not ladylike! Which I
found very sexist. [31st of March, 2008]
This excerpt demonstrates the fluid nature of identities and how, in some circumstances,
gender power imbalances over-ride age. Therefore, the complex interactions between an
interviewer‟s identity and the research population are subject to the same positioning
dynamics present in all social interactions (Phibbs, 2008; Somers, 1994). Moreover, to argue
that an older researcher would have been a more appropriate researcher is ageist in itself,
because it makes assumptions about the ability of a researcher to empathise with older
people based purely on age. Furthermore, an older researcher researching a similar
population carries its own risks of over-identification with the participants‟ experiences and
not actively listening to their responses.
In my pre-data collection reflexive interview below, I described how I approached this
project, with openness, empathy and a willingness to understand.
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I am not going to pretend I understand I am going to be... like, „I don‟t know tell
me?‟... I don‟t know what it feels like... I want to know and hopefully they will be able
to tell me... how they are feeling and experiencing... the ageing process, I am not
going to make assumptions. [See Appendix 10]
Ultimately, this is why I feel this project has been so successful in its innovative use of
activity diaries, insightful presentation of individual‟s stories; it yielded data that has
contributed to ageing body knowledge frameworks, and produced findings that have
significantly furthered understanding of physical activity experiences in later life.
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APPENDICES:
APPENDIX 1: Biographical sketches
Pseudonym: John
Born: 1930
Gender: Male
Nationality: English
Occupation: John was in the Army for three years since he was eighteen years
old, then he worked on the gas board in 1950 and became a coalminer for fourteen years. He
eventually went into the retail trade and worked in furniture stores, carpet stores and finished his career as a furniture store manager in Blaketon. He then retired and came to Sussex
where his wife was originally from.
Family: John had one daughter, who was born in 1956 with his first wife,
and then his marriage broke down and lost contact with his daughter. John has two
grandchildren whom he has not met. He remarried and was widowed in 2006, leaving him
with two step-daughters who are in regular contact with him.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self selected social class: Working class.
Pseudonym: Percy
Born: 1924
Gender: Male
Nationality: English
Occupation: Percy was an officer in the Navy for most of his working life he then became a customs and excise officer.
Family: Percy is married to Hannah, has three daughters, one son and two grandchildren. One of his grandsons lives with Percy and his wife.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Unknown.
Pseudonym: Hannah
Born: 1930
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
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Occupation: Homemaker and brought up four children.
Family: Married to Percy, has three daughters, one son and two
grandchildren. One grandson lives with both Hannah and her husband.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Class seen as unimportant and does not identify with any class.
Pseudonym: Patsy
Born: 1926
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Patsy used to work in a factory which made sanitary towels. She
joined the Army as a Batswomen for officers, which involved cleaning their brass for them, cleaning their Nissan hut and doing personal washing. She got married and started a family in
1951 and became a homemaker. Patsy also did some part-time work, like housework and
working at a paper shop.
Family: Patsy met her husband, got married and lived in the same house
for fifty seven years. Her first son was born in the house in 1952 and the second son was
born in 1957. She has little contact with either son now and is widowed.
Housing: Private rented, rural.
Self-selected social class: Unknown.
Pseudonym: June
Born: 1921
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: June was a secretary to the Managing Director of a factory during the war. She got married and still kept working for a year and then as soon as she became
pregnant she stopped. She had a son and then moved to Sussex in 1960 because her
husband was a Director at Utensils.
Family: Widowed in 1979, has one son and one grandson.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle
Pseudonym: Frances
Born: 1933
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Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Frances worked with horses with her husband for most of her working life on farms, kennels, stables and studs.
Family: Widowed and has one daughter who just moved from this district
down the coast.
Housing: Housing association rented, rural.
Self-selected social class: Working class.
Pseudonym: Gladys
Born: 1931
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Gladys left school and worked on a farm for seven years as a
tractor driver when she was fourteen. She then worked at Shears Factory for one year and
hated it, so instead did housework for people part time.
Family: Widowed in 2001 and has lived in the same village for fifty years.
She has one daughter, one son (who lives in Scotland) and a grandson.
Housing: Housing Association rented, rural.
Self-selected social class: Gladys does not identify with a social class and thinks pejoratively about it.
Pseudonym: Jane
Born: 1926
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Before Jane had children she used to be a potter. Then she had children, but children and pottery „did not really mix‟, so she gave up pottery.
Family: Widowed in 1991, has two sons who live nearby.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle class.
Pseudonym: Elizabeth
Born: 1933
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Gender: Female
Nationality: Welsh
Occupation: When Elizabeth was eighteen she went to college and won a University bursary to do Agricultural Botany, but, her mother said she would not get married
if she went to University, so she left Wales and became a secretary in Lemming.
Family: Elizabeth married at twenty three and moved to Bempton because her husband decided he wanted to bring his children up outside Lemming. Her husband was a
solicitor, but, changed to a firm in Rivendale and so they moved to Searle for a year and then
Shindig. In 1964 she had been married for eight years, had six children and was widowed. She spent eighteen years in Shindig, moved out of Shindig, remarried and parted after a
year. She moved within Rivendale several times and has been in West Sussex for fifty years.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle class, but believes social class is strongly associated with political party preferences.
Pseudonym: Harry
Born: 1918
Nationality: English
Occupation: Harry joined the Army as an officer, went to the west coast of
Africa, West of India and Basra. He passed some banking exams as they thought that the
officers should be re-habilitated, but, he wanted to get trained as an architect. So in 1946 he wrote to all the architect schools and they were all full up because of the war. He was told he
needed to be taken by a college, so he wrote to all nineteen colleges and got accepted to one.
He qualified as an architect and got a job at the county in Rivendale, where he became Chief
Assistant.
Family: Harry‟s first marriage ended in divorce, but, he had one son and
one daughter. He then married a second time to Sally aged seventy years old, who cares for him.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Unknown.
Pseudonym: Joanne
Born: 1940
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Joanne started as a secretary in Lemming, then moved out of
Lemming and worked part time. She had difficulty having children as she had a lot of
miscarriages, but, worked on and off in between, mostly doing secretarial type work. In 1967 her husband was posted to Africa, so she lived there for two years and in the second year she
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worked again as a secretary during the Biafrian war. Her husband was an accountant for
British Petroleum and Shell, but, he decided that he had been with British Petroleum for ten years and wanted to do something else, so they ran a small hotel for five years. Joanne then
applied as a secretary to do youth work, but, instead they trained her as a youth worker and
so she worked in the youth club with the school for thirteen years part time. She also worked
for social services as a sessional worker with teenagers, which she loved.
Family: Widowed, she has two daughters and three grandchildren.
Housing: Owner-occupier, urban
Self-selected social class: Unknown.
Pseudonym: Hamish
Born: 1932
Gender: Male
Nationality: Scottish
Occupation: Hamish came out of the Army and there was no work in Enterim so
he came down with his brother to England doing odd jobs in factories. He decided he wanted to do something more interesting working in the health service, so he did his training in the
field of mental handicap general nursing and was promoted to a teacher of nurses. Hamish
retired at fifty five years old and cared for his wife until she died.
Family: Widowed and has three children.
Housing: Owner-occupier, urban.
Self-selected social class: Questions the concept of class being fixed.
Pseudonym: Margaret
Born: 1940
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Teacher in Further Education and also owned a restaurant / pub
with her husband.
Family: Widowed and has no children.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle class.
Pseudonym: Victoria
Born: 1945
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Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Originally Victoria was a hairdresser and stopped to have children. She went back to work part-time for two and a half years, working for an architect in
Bimpton, sorting out the orders for the shops. Finally, she worked as a receptionist for an
osteopath and retired when she was aged fifty two.
Family: Widowed. She has a daughter and a son.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Working class
Pseudonym: Tracey
Born: 1936
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Tracey worked in office printing for twenty seven years „on the
machine‟ and she only had two jobs in her life. She then cared for her mother for six years
and then her husband for ten years.
Family: Widowed and had no children.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle class.
Pseudonym: Diana
Born: 1936
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Diana left school and worked as a telegrapher at an office in
Penridge. Then she worked as a telephonist, until she had children and did part time jobs like daisy picking and tulip picking, to get a bit of extra money. She went back to work in the
accounts department in Joan Jennings until she retired when she was sixty one.
Family: Married with children and grandchildren
Housing: Housing Association rented, rural.
Self-selected social class: Feels class is linked to housing tenure, but, does not identify
with a particular social class.
Pseudonym: Valerie
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Born: 1936
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Child care and being a homemaker.
Family: Married and has two daughters.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Is linked with housing tenure but does not know which social
class she identifies with.
Pseudonym: Harriet
Born: 1933
Nationality: English
Gender: Female
Occupation: Harriet had a variety of jobs, like running a riding school, working
for the Forestry Commission as a temporary accounts clerk, where after three was promoted
to draughtswoman. Harriet also has experience in retail. She then had two daughters and worked part time. Subsequently, she worked in a delicatessen hosting private functions.
Finally, she opened a little business selling herbs, spices and health foods, and ran a little
café. Harriet retired at age sixty seven.
Family: Widowed, and she has two daughters and grandchildren.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Middle to lower class.
Pseudonym: Luke
Born: 1932
Gender: Male
Nationality: English
Occupation: Luke went to University when he signed up for the Army to do his
national service, followed by theological college, was ordained in 1958 and has been a parish priest ever since. Luke retired but still is a parish priest, but, does not participate in church
councils.
Family: Married with children and grandchildren.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Does not feel social class is important.
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Pseudonym: Heather
Born: 1935
Gender: Female
Nationality: English
Occupation: Heather has had own dancewear shop and worked at the Royal
Ballet School for a year and then became a yoga teacher. Eighteen years ago she moved to
West Sussex to retire, but, continues to work as a yoga teacher.
Family: Widowed, has four children and grandchildren.
Housing: Owner-occupier, rural.
Self-selected social class: Feels it is defined by where people live, but, does not identify
with a social class.
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APPENDIX 3: Topic Guide for Focus Groups Versions 1 and 4
Topic Guide for Focus Groups Version 1
Introduction
My name is Bethany Simmonds and I am doing a PhD at the University of Chichester, which
is looking at „Older People‟s experiences of physical activity: A sociological investigation of the
barriers and benefits to participation‟.
By „physical activity‟ I mean a broad set of activities including anything that increases the
heart rate substantially for a sustained period of time (20-30minutes) this could include
gardening, housework, brisk walking, physical activity classes and organised sport.
There are two broad aims to the research; firstly, to explore what sorts of barriers that older people experience which prevent older people from accessing leisure, sporting and physical
activity services. Secondly to examine the benefits that physical activity brings to individuals
health and to older people as a social group in society as a whole.
The aim of today‟s session is to get a good feel for some of the issues that you might have
when participating in physical activity. Then I would like to talk to about 20 people at some
stage in the next few months in more depth. I will also ask the those people to keep an activity diary to note down the activity they are participating in and notes of the experience of
undertaking this physical activity.
The outcomes of this research will be used to make recommendations to local authorities like
West Sussex on the policy and provision of physical activity services for older people.
Your thoughts today will be completely anonymous, private and confidential. If at any time
you don‟t want to continue participating that is fine. But if you would like to participate in this
project further come and see me at the end.
Topics and prompts
1. What do you think old age is?
Chronological age / mindset
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2. What does retirement mean to you?
Wanted / unwanted
Constraining / enabling
Stigma / honourable
3. Do you feel physical activity benefits older people?
If so, is what ways?
Physical / psychological / social?
Or if not, why not?
4. Do you feel that living in a rural community affects your ability to participate in physical
activity?
If so, in what ways?
Barriers?
Benefits?
5. What other things can you think of that affect participation of older people in physical
activity?
Income
Information
Gender
Disability
Ethnicity
6. When you think about older people participating in physical activity, what sorts of images
come to mind?
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Bodily images
Identify with yourself?
Positive / negative
7. What do you think about the physical activity facilities and services on offer to older people
in rural parts of West Sussex?
Adequate / inadequate
Transport
Cost
Variety
No-one to go with
Close
Anything else anyone would like to add?
Thank you for participation. Please come and find me if you would like to participate in the
study further. Just to reiterate everything is completely confidential and anonymous.
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Focus Group Topic guide Version 4
‘Exploring the experience of older people and physical activity’
Introduction
My name is Bethany Simmonds and I am doing a PhD at the University of
Chichester, which is looking at „older people‟s experiences of physical
activity‟.
By „physical activity‟ I mean a broad set of activities including anything
that increases the heart rate substantially for a sustained period of time
(20-30minutes) this could include gardening, housework, brisk walking,
physical activity classes and organised sport.
There are two broad aims to the research; firstly, to explore what sorts of
things that prevent older people from accessing leisure, sporting services
or participating in physical activity. Secondly to examine how physical
activity affects people‟s lives, either positively or negatively.
The aim of today‟s session is to talk about issues around physical activity.
Then I would like to talk to people in more depth at some stage in the
next few months. I will also ask those people to keep an activity diary to
note down the activity that they are participating in.
The outcomes of this research will be used to make recommendations to
local authorities like West Sussex on the policy and provision of physical activity services for older people.
Your thoughts today will be completely anonymous, private and confidential. If at any time you don‟t want to continue participating that is
fine.
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Topics
1. What do you think old age is?
2. What does retirement mean to you?
3. How do you think physical activity affects older people‟s lives?
If so, is what ways?
Or if not, why not?
4. Do you feel that living in a rural community affects your ability to do any physical activity?
If so, in what ways?
5. What other things can you think of that affects your ability to be
physically active?
6. When you think about older people being physically active, what sorts
of images come to mind?
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7. What do you think about the physical activity facilities and services on offer to older people in rural parts of West Sussex?
Conclusion
Anything else anyone would like to add?
Thank you for participation. Please come and find me if you would like to
participate in the study further. Just to reiterate everything is completely
confidential and anonymous.
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APPENDIX 4: Semi-structured / Narrative interview guide
(Version 4)
Thank you for agreeing to talk to me some more about physical activity. I am talking to you
today to explore some of the issues in a bit more depth.
Just to remind you of the aims of this research: to explore what sorts of things prevent older
people from being physically active and secondly explore some of the benefits to participation in physical activity.
By physical activity I mean any activity that increases the heart rate substantially for a period
of 20-30mins. This could be walking, gardening, housework or an exercise class or organised sport.
The outcomes of this research will be used to make recommendations to local authorities like
West Sussex to help shape the provision of their services for older people in this area.
Once again this interview will remain completely private, confidential and anonymous. If at any time you decide not to participate in this research that is absolutely fine.
Biographical information
Firstly I would just like to ask a few basic questions about you as a person….
You are… years old and you live in… do you live on your own or with anyone
else?
What did you do during your working life? Occupation / bringing up children
What did you used to enjoy doing in your leisure time when you where younger?
What do you spend your time doing now? Leisure / volunteering / caring etc?
Topics and prompts
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1. Some people have mentioned that they would like to do physical activities such
as yoga, gardening, swimming, Pilates, line dancing, low impact aerobics, seated
exercise, the gym.
a) Could you see yourself doing any of these physical activities? Why/why
not? b) If yes, would you prefer to do these exercises alone or in a group? Why?
2. a) Can you describe to me the ideal role an organiser would play within a group of
people?
- Authoritative / facilitator?
b) Have you ever experienced this in your life?
- Yourself / someone else?
3. Do you think that being a member of a religious organisation affects your ability
to participate in village life?
- Feel isolated as a result?
- If so why / why not?
4. People have mentioned that certain things can affect their motivation to be
physically active, such as having a pet, the weather, being in a routine, transport access and cost. Has this been your experience?
- Why?
5. Some people mentioned that living with a husband or wife has an effect on their
leisure time. Has this been your experience?
- more time / less time
- more physical activity / less
6. One topic which has come up as a factor which can restrain people from being
physically active has been their bodies and how over time they can‟t do the things they
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want to do like shopping and housework. Can you tell me the effect your body has had
on your ability to be physically active as you have got older?
- How does it make you feel? - Pain?
7. a) If you were asked to describe an ideal body what does that look like? b) When you think about your own body how similar is this to your ideal?
8. a) Has your body changed over time? If so how?
b) If you could waive a magic wand and change anything about your body is there
anything you like to change?
9. a) Have you ever thought you might do something to change the shape or appearance
of your body?
- Goals / aspirations
b) How did you achieve these changes?
c) Is there anything that you felt prevented you from making those changes?
d) Have you changed your mind about changing your body as you have got older?
10. Thinking now about the cost of things such as transport or physical activity. Can you tell me what affect money has had on your ability to participant in activities throughout your
life?
- Enabling / constraining
- Has this changed as you have got older?
- If so how?
11. a) Finally just thinking now about social class, can you just describe to me what social class means to you?
b) Can you define it?
c) Do you feel you identify with any particular social class?
- If so which one?
- If not why not?
Close
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Is there anything else you would like to add or say?
Thank you for your participation. Just to reiterate everything is completely private confidential and anonymous.
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APPENDIX 5: Diary instruction schedule
Outline the aims of the study
Just to remind you of the aims of this research: to explore what sorts of things prevent older people from being physically active and secondly explore some of the benefits to participation
in physical activity.
The outcomes of this research will be used to make recommendations to local authorities like West Sussex to help shape the provision of their services for older people in this area.
Once again this diary will remain completely private, confidential and anonymous. If at any time you decide not to participate in this research that is absolutely fine.
Go through the diary instructions below which are in the first couple of
pages of the diary
The purpose of this diary is for you to note down your experiences of physical activity, how you feel in your social environment and how it made you feel emotionally and physically
before during and after.
Physical activity could be any activity that increases the heart rate substantially for a period
of 20-30mins. For example walking, gardening, housework, an exercise class or organised sport.
Use this example diary entry as a guide but feel free to add in anything that you feel may be
relevant to understanding your experience of physical activity.
Please feel free to write in this diary when you have experienced some physical activity in
whatever form, you just need to be slightly out of breath for a 20-30 period. The more
information you can give me the better, as I will be able to understand your experiences
more thoroughly and accurately.
This information is really important to me as I wish to understand how doing physical activity
makes you feel.
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Discuss the need to be as honest and accurate as possible and
explain there are no right or wrong answers
Discuss that I would like them to keep the diary for a six month
period.
Ask them if they would like me to call them on the telephone every
two-three weeks to check up on the diary filling and discuss any issues
that have arisen or if there are any other methods of contact which are
more appropriate.
Go through my contact details, telephone, email, postal address
Any questions
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APPENDIX 6: Unstructured diary insert
Experiences of physical activity diary
The purpose of this diary is for you to note down your experiences of physical activity, how you feel in your social environment and how it made you feel emotionally and physically before during and after.
Physical activity could be any activity that increases the heart rate substantially for a period of 20-30mins. For example walking, gardening, housework, an exercise class or organised sport.
The following is an example of an entry in my diary for your guidance:
“I went shopping in town today; I couldn‟t get a parking space in my usual place so I had to park about a mile out of town and then walked in. I was carrying a heavy bag which weighed me down and which made it harder, especially up the hills! People were looking at me huffing and puffing which made me feel a little uncomfortable. I did my shopping and met up with a friend for coffee which was a well needed break and then struggled back to the car. I was feeling quiet tired at this point and my hips were feeling sore which meant I was quiet slow. When I got to the top my arms were hurting too, so it was a real relief to get into the car and drive home and have a cup of tea. This evening I feel more content and relaxed having done some exercise. My body is quiet tired so I think I am going to sleep really well tonight.”
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This entry is purely a guide, so feel free to write about anything that you feel may be relevant to understanding your experience of physical activity.
The more information you can give me the better, as it will enable me to understand your experiences more thoroughly and accurately.
Thank you for agreeing to complete this for me. It will deepen my understanding of your experiences of physical activity which is very important for this research project.
If you have any questions feel free to contact me, Bethany Simmonds on: 01243 816350 or email B.Simmonds@chi.ac.uk
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APPENDIX 7: Structured diary insert
Diary questions
The purpose of this diary is for you to note down your experiences of physical activity and how it made you feel emotionally and physically before during and after.
Physical activity could be any activity that increases the heart rate substantially for a period of 20-30mins. For example walking, gardening, housework or an exercise class or organised sport.
You could start by answering the following questions
What was the physical activity?
Where did you do the physical activity?
At home / in a leisure centre / in the countryside / in a town or city How long was the physical activity for?
(In number of minutes)
How strenuous did the activity feel?
Hard / a struggle / challenging / easy
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Was the activity with other people or on your own?
In a physical activity group / with friends or partner / on own How did the physical activity make you feel
emotionally before, during and after?
Happy / sad / tired / energetic / motivated / lonely / sense of belonging
How did your body feel before, during and after
the physical activity?
Strong / energetic / enabling / tired / restrictive / weak If you are working towards any goals with regards
to your body, fitness or health, how did this physical
activity help you achieve these goals?
Helped / hindered / neither helped or hindered Were there any other factors which affected your
physical activity experience either positively or
negatively?
Transport access / cost of physical activity / attitude of staff / attitude of other participants or spectators
Please use this set of questions as a guide but feel free to add in anything that you feel may be relevant to understanding your experience of physical activity.
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Please feel free to write in this diary when you have experienced some physical activity in whatever form, you just need to have been slightly out of breath for a 20-30 period. The more information you can give me the better, as it will enable me to understand your experiences more thoroughly and accurately.
Thank you for agreeing to complete this for me. It will deepen my understanding of your experiences of physical activity which is very important for this research project.
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APPENDIX 8: Visual props – healthy living leaflets
Source A: British Heart Foundation (2007) 30 a Day Poster – Beach Couple [Available
Online] http://www.bhf.org.uk/publications/view_publication.aspx?ps=1000544 (Accessed 1st June 2009).
.org.uk Registered Charity Number 225971
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Source B: British Heart Foundation (2005) Physical activity and weight loss, London: British
Heart Foundation.
R
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Source C: British Heart Foundation (2005) Physical activity and high blood pressure, London:
British Heart Foundation.
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Source D: Chichester District Council (no date) HeartSmart Walks: Walk for your Hearts
sake, Chichester District Council: Chichester.
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APPENDIX 9: Re-interview semi-structured interview topic guide
Additional questions on social policy and ‘healthism’
[Present them with several leaflets]
Have you ever been given any leaflets like these before?
Which of these leaflets do you like? Do any encourage you to be active? Which ones don‟t you like? Why?
Do you feel you receive messages from the media, your doctor or any other people about what you 'should' be doing in terms of physical activity and health? If so what are these messages? How do these messages make you feel?
What would you ideally choose to do?
[How this all fits with the enabling and constraining features of their lives]
How did you find filling the diaries in?
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APPENDIX 10: Pre-data collection reflexive interview - 11th
January 2008
I = Ok um, can you start by telling me what it is that interests you in ageing as a concept?
What really interests me about ageing is that everyone is going to experience it, so everyone
at some point, well all their lives they are constantly experiencing it. So it sort of unifies
everyone as a experience of losing, well not necessarily losing, but your body is changing and the way society sees you is changing. So as an inequality it is obviously a universal one, so
that‟s what I find is interesting about ageing and the fact that it happens from the very
moment you are born and people often see it as affecting much older people but I see it as a constant process that everyone is always goes through and it is the most prevalent form of
discrimination is age discrimination, probably for that reason because everyone is always
experiencing in different age brackets they are experiencing discrimination according to where they are, so I find that also quite interesting.
INTERVIEWER: you‟re specifically looking at a particular age bracket which is…
Sixty plus basically.
INTERVIEWER: Ok, so could you kind of describe your kind of view or conceptualise ageing and what it means to be in that bracket?
Um, it‟s difficult for me to imagine being that age obviously because I am twenty five, so this
is partly why I wanted to do the research is to try and understand what experiences they are
going through at that age, and try and put myself in their position, empathise with them.
INTERVIEWER: why what is it about that…
What that interests me?
INTERVIEWER: Mmmm.
Um, I basically I am interested in anything that I haven‟t experienced already so the fact that I haven‟t really experienced older age I find interesting and also I suppose I have got
grandparents that I am close to and from a granddaughters perspective I have got an
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understanding but it is different when it is your family member so its, but when you think of it
intellectually it is a whole different understanding of what they are experiencing. If that makes sense? I just to be honest, any group that I feel is being discriminated against or are
vulnerable I feel I want to try and help them, sounds a bit corny but or at least represent
them, their voices, so I suppose that is maybe why I was attracted to it.
INTERVIEWER: So tell me a little bit more about your research aims and perhaps maybe some specific research questions if you know them at this point?
Well it is really just looking at some of the barriers that older people have when trying to
participate in physical activity and then the benefits as well. Specifically looking at how social class effects participation and it is based in West Sussex, which is a generally rural county, I
am interested in how socially isolated and geographically isolated groups of older people and
how that affects their participation in physical activity.
INTERVIEWER: So I understand what you said you are interested in the experience of life of people in that age bracket, where does the exercise bit come into that?
Well initially I originally thought I suppose I was quite, well I hadn‟t read enough about the
area, so originally I was looking at this as a really positive thing to try and get older people more active, which yes in the main probably is the case that it may be a positive and
beneficial thing, but however having read a lot of the government policy and been critically of
that, I have sort of taken a different sort of approach in that ultimately it is up to older people themselves to want to engage in physical activity and not forced to be active if they don‟t
want to be, or you know, yes, ok, they might not participate in physical forms of physical
activity but they might do other forms so I think I am just a bit more critical of the
government policy on physical activity and not saying that it is necessarily always a positive thing for everyone maybe, but initially I thought this is a really positive thing for older people.
INTERVIEWER: So just describe how you see the government policy, what you think it is?
Well I think it is really an economic one, the reason they are trying to get older people into physical activity is to prevent people using the NHS is because they have got chronic illnesses
and things like that which will ultimately benefit the older people as well, because they won‟t
get chronic illnesses, but the point is that surely it is up to that person to make that choice
and I think the government is just trying to save money really in taking a preventative approach to chronic illness really and I think that is ultimately their agenda.
INTERVIEWER: so looking at the life of an older person, going back to what you were trying
to understand and the experience of what it is to be in that age group what your daily or global experience is, what‟s your view of how exercise can contribute to how an individuals‟
experience of old age?
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Um, I think it can be positive, I am not saying it is not, I just think that people are so
different and you can‟t lump older people into one big bracket and they are all going to do
seated Tai Chi, I think it should be up to the individual to decide what their preference is and how they would like to go about doing it, whether they want to do it with other people. But if
they do want to do it then it should be accessible to them.
INTERVIEWER: So you think there is a notion of human agency here that people should have
a choice and be responsible for that choice. I understand what you are saying there, but what I am trying to ask, or trying to get at is if people do exercise if they do make that choice, how
do you see exercise as contributing to their life their experience, I suppose the quality of their
life?
I think if it something they want to do then I think obviously it will be beneficial, generally it
is social so you have got so many benefits if people want to be active. The literature shows
without a doubt that there is psychological, social, physiological benefits to physical activity
so I think it would really enhance their lives but ultimately I don‟t think it should be forced upon people so yes, encourage people and facilitate it for them and I think that is really
important to overcome those barriers especially if they are rurally isolated and you know
older people, I think there is a hell a lot of prejudice and stigma attributed to older people being physical and I think that is maybe another barrier that they find in society generally
older people‟s bodies, that notion of physical older people is not really positive, it is not a
positive image.
INTERVIEWER: In what way is it not a positive image? In what way is a stigma attached?
Well I think it‟s because, well I would suggest it is that notion of older people, there is this
very thin line between ageing and illness and disease. I think people in the general population
are scared of ageing and to see older people exercising well, not necessarily exercising but being physical and perhaps their bodies being visible as well is presenting them with their
future and what is ultimately going to happen to them, perhaps they find that uncomfortable?
INTERVIEWER: Is that a broader thing about the visibility about older people generally in
society?
Probably yes, I think it is even more though where older people‟s bodies being exposed,
because it is even more visible.
INTERVIEWER: Physical deterioration is visible when you are exercising; the chances are you will physically be more visible. So we have got the government is obviously pushing the
agenda of older people being more active, but there seems to be some social stigma against
activity, is that right?
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Well pretty much, I would say so, I don‟t think in a gym for example, I would say there are
more and more older people using gyms but I think there probably is a little bit of a stigma,
especially if there is lots of young people that are fit and healthy and you know muscles bulging everywhere, I think they might feel uncomfortable with older people and older people
might feel uncomfortable being there as well so, but I think that is a reflection on society and
a general reflection on society which again is a barrier which needs to be sort of broken
down. That maybe that is a barrier to them participating in mainstream physical activity, but, um, I don‟t know these are just ideas from what I have read so far.
INTERVIEWER: ok so what barriers might you expect to find for the specific population in the
geographical area that you are looking at?
Well I am looking at probably transport that is probably going to be a major one, just
physically just trying to get somewhere, especially older people who might be disabled, they
might have multiple inequalities which is impacting on them, not only through just generally
ageing, but there is a higher prevalence of disability when you are older, so just getting somewhere, Liz was saying today about how the government well they want everyone to be
twenty minutes away from facilities to be able to exercise but they sort they are assuming
there that older people can actually walk somewhere in twenty minutes, you know they might not be able to walk, or have a car and are able to drive it, so I think there are a lot of
assumptions around forcing this activity agenda down every bodies necks and they are not
thinking about some of the barriers that older people have that are not being addressed and then being blamed for not being active so they are in a lose-lose situation.
INTERVIEWER: What other barriers do you think?
Ah transport, I think possibly with lower social classes, maybe the cost of it, um, I think
maybe social barriers like some people might want to go with other people, they might not know anyone that wants to go with them, yes and information basically, not knowing that
there is those facilities out there.
INTERVIEWER: Ok, are you expecting to find something different for that particular age
bracket, than you might for other age brackets, because obviously there has been extensive research on barriers to exercise and physical activity for well, there has been a lot for people
in lower age brackets, there are more and more for children as well?
I don‟t think there is going to be necessarily different issues I think they are just more compounded by other inequalities. So any sort of issues that the general population, or issues
that the general population like gender, disability, class are then compounded by age and
having that social stigma as well as possibly physical deterioration so, I would say probably not but I would say everything is compounded and as I say that social stigma is ultimately
probably the hardest thing to get over really.
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INTERVIEWER: In what ways have you, if I had asked you that question at day one of your
PhD, would I have got a different answer from you?
In terms of what the difference?
INTERVIEWER: What the barriers are, what I am saying is have your views and ideas moved on from when you first started?
I wouldn‟t say a great deal, I probably would have thought, I am thinking back to when I did
my proposal and I think I had similar inklings then, but now I just know the details of it.
INTERVIEWER: So where is the evidence or information, what are you basing those hunches
on?
What originally or now?
INTERVIEWER: Originally and what‟s changed?
Originally I think it was just, I hate to use the word common sense, you know stuff that I
have picked up on and knowing and having a close relationship with my grandparents, also I
have worked in a housing association that had a sheltered accommodation for older people and I worked quite closely with that section with the housing association, so I knew about
some of the issues that older people faced in accessing services generally. Also I did some
previous research with blind people in Cornwall, so they were again socially isolated, disabled
mainly older people, so I suppose various things I have probably picked up on stuff.
INTERVIEWER: What‟s influenced how those ideas have then developed over the last six
months for you?
Just mainly through the reading, I have read quite a lot, and I have actually spoken to quite a lot of people actual supposed experts, people that work with older people at various meetings
and conferences, I have spoken to a lot of key agency workers and they have also reiterated
the same things as I have been reading really so it‟s a combination of sort of informal
discussions as well as reading.
INTERVIEWER: So you are expecting to find the kinds of things that are evident in the
literature?
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Probably yes, but that is the whole point of doing the research, I think what I have done is
used the research to narrow down my questions and focus, but now I have narrowed that
down I want to go and see what they have to say.
INTERVIEWER: I will ask you a bit more about that process in a moment but you‟re interested also in benefits that exercise brings to older people‟s lives, so can you again do a similar thing
and tell me what you are expecting to find from that side of things?
Yes, well firstly I am trying to get a mix of sedentary and active people, so I am expecting the people who are active to be very positive about the benefits and you know probably say
that, well I have done some pilot interviewing with a couple of people who were doing some
line dancing and they are very very positive about dancing and social aspects of it and the physical aspects of it and they do, they are very active type people who go along to these
things and get involved they have probably been active their whole life and they do other
things like go for walks as well so, I think they would be pretty positive about the benefits.
INTERVIEWER: So you are saying those are potentially your active people who have a history of activity, they see a range of positive benefits; you mention the social aspects as well as
their physical and health aspects as well.
And probably psychological, they may not put it in that way although they may not say that they may say they feel happy in themselves and you know, more generally less anxious and
things like that.
INTERVIEWER: What about the sedentary group then?
Um, yeah, I think they are probably going to struggle with A probably even though they are sedentary they probably do physical activity and they just don‟t class it as physical activity,
like housework and gardening and things like that so probably firstly it will be trying to get
them to think about physical activity that they actually do, or have done in the past maybe and then maybe they might be sceptical of the benefits I don‟t know, they may try and justify
their own inactivity by playing down the benefits, I don‟t know really, so that will be an
interesting group to see. I think the active group are going to be quite straight forward, I
think the sedentary group are going to be a little bit more…
INTERVIEWER: And you will get a better sense of the barriers from that group.
Exactly they are going to indicate some of the barriers, yes.
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INTERVIEWER: So what, sociologically, because I know you sociologists like a bit of theory,
what are you, what theoretical framework are you applying, what angel are you coming at?
Um, I haven‟t pinned it down one hundred per cent yet, I think I am thinking more Bourdieu
and perhaps Foucault, but probably more Bourdieu so looking at cultural capital and looking
at class as in not so income related but in terms of the different social capital that they have
had throughout their lives and the tastes and preferences that they have acquired through their upbringing and their experiences.
INTERVIEWER: So you are trying to understand people‟s current experiences and perceived
barriers and benefits in that kind of framework?
Yes.
INTERVIEWER: Ok.
So this is where social class comes into it and I am thinking that not only, it is not necessarily
only income related but if they have had a family where they have gone out and gone to the golf club or tennis club or they have been a member of this that and the other, the chances
are that they will probably continue that in their lives, if they haven‟t had that from an early
age then I don‟t know then maybe their tastes, maybe they don‟t want to choose to do an activity I don‟t know, or sport in the traditional sense, so that‟s the main, I think that‟s where
it is going to get interesting is finding out how that works actually, I don‟t know how it‟s going
to work.
INTERVIEWER: What contribution do you think your research is going to make?
Well, what the aim is trying to produce a typology of different types of older people that
participate in exercise or don‟t participate in exercise, so the different stories that come up
either from a sedentary or active person.
INTERVIEWER: And do what with it then?
Um, and then try and well we have made links with West Sussex County Council so hopefully,
well they are quite keen to take on board some findings so hopefully from a policy point of
view, I will make some recommendations perhaps try and take that on board when they are looking at rurally isolated lower class, or class and how that effects it as well, so looking at
these stories that come out of it.
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INTERVIEWER: Ok, ok, talk to me about your methodology and maybe your kind of, more
your methodology than your method, so epistemologically and ontologically, what, where are you coming from in that point of view, what assumptions do you hold going into the
research?
Um, that is a difficult one because I am probably very much a social constructionist from my
previous studies, but it sort of sometimes leaves you in sort of a epistemological relativism i.e. nothing is important , you end up that everything is blurred into relativism, which makes
it hard to have any findings, because is socially constructed everything means something to
that person, so it‟s all important so what‟s… you can‟t pick out the findings from that so it‟s difficult to know, because really I would like, it would be better if I was a realist because then
I could take the stance that this is their reality, which in a way that is how I see it, it is a
construction of their reality so I don‟t necessarily believe that there is a reality but the stories their making is a reflection of their reality and the way they are constructing their reality so it
is a product of construction of their reality.
INTERVIEWER: so you said if you are a pure social constructionist, you would have difficulty
in really making sense of your data and producing anything definitive and drawing out commonalities and therefore making recommendations so how are you going to cope with
that, it sounds like a bit of a struggle.
Yeah, this is why I don‟t want to fall into that pit of not being able to say anything about my findings so which is pointless really, so I will take a more of an in-between realist and social
constructionist stance and just say basically that the construction of their stories is a
reflection of their reality and there are many realities and then I mean I think everyone‟s
stories are important but I suppose the way I could present my findings is that say that there are common stories and I am presenting the most common story so I could get round it that
way and just say these are the most prevalent types of stories.
INTERVIEWER: It just obviously you are hoping to develop a typology, how are you going to present or represent that typology are you writing indicative narratives?
I think I will just try and summarise the type of stories that are coming through in terms of
the content as well as the style, so the way they are, so using the sort of narrative analysis
stuff so you know there is the, I suppose there might be things like the optimist and the pessimist and things like that, where there are particular ways of telling the story.
INTERVIEWER: So I know that you are doing some focus groups, what other data collection
methods that you are doing?
I am doing narrative interviews.
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INTERVIEWER: With?
With twenty older people and then I am asking them to fill out activity diaries for six months and then interviewing them again in six months, so that is two interviews per person.
INTERVIEWER: Right and then the focus groups are with whom and how many are you doing?
There is two with sedentary groups and two with active groups, with eight to ten people in
each and just try and get a mixture of genders and ages, but they are all going to be based in rural parts of West Sussex, so not in the major cities like Rivendale and Cassey.
INTERVIEWER: And the people that you are interviewing are they also going to be in
geographically remote areas as well?
Yes, I am going to try and through the focus groups that is going to be my sampling frame, so either I will actually, well I am going to try and pick out people from the groups that are
quite diverse and getting them to fill out their demographic information and then leave it with
me and I will contact whoever I think is appropriate and then hopefully also snowball a little bit as well and ask them if they know of anyone that is isolated that may be good to talk to.
That way I not only get the people that always come along to these things but get the ones
that people someone knows is a bit more isolated and doesn‟t come along to these sorts of things, because that‟s the problem with focus groups because they always have the same
sorts of stories that are the same don‟t they, so I am trying to access the more isolated
hopefully.
INTERVIEWER: so you are interested in people‟s experiences that live in an isolated and more rural isolated area?
Yes.
INTERVIEWER: Ok, so moving on now to how. You have got an understanding of the literature, you have got some ideas you have had some experience of working with people of
this kind of profile and as you said you are obviously close to your grandparents and
appreciate or have seen their experience so how does that then impact on you are a
researcher through your research process and the choices that you make in collecting your data, analysing your data, representing your data?
I think it is going to be, I am anticipating it to be quite difficult to be honest, because I think
quite a lot of my personal experiences like perhaps my relationship with my grandparents could come into it and I do find it quite difficult to listen to people who are socially isolated I
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must say, so it is not going to be easy and I think the biggest danger will be just getting too
involved I think and getting too emotionally involved in it and feel almost guilty of not being able to help them in a way that possibly I couldn‟t, do you know what I mean, so that‟s
ultimately what I am worried about.
INTERVIEWER: How that might that impact I would imagine the interview probably more than
the focus group, because the focus group have a minimal input in, but how might that impact the data that you collect?
Um, I think it will probably help the quality of the data that is coming through as long as I am
not upset by the data that is coming through.
INTERVIEWER: how will it improve the quality?
I just think that the more that you show that you are emphasising with someone or you do
care about what they are saying I think the more they will open up and they will probably will
say things that they might not normally say, so I think it would probably help the quality of data but I just think afterwards I just think that I would probably and maybe when I am
going through the data that I might just, I mean I know from previous studies, that when you
go through all these stories, the stories come back to you and you get quite overwhelmed by the whole experience so I think as long as I try and detach myself a little bit from it maybe, I
don‟t know when I come to that stage.
INTERVIEWER: How are you going to do that?
Good questions because I think that probably the answer would be to think of it as this is my research this is data and try not to think of them so much as people, but I am not really, I
find that difficult, because I feel a responsibility then to those people to try and represent
them in the best possible way which is a good thing but I suppose I have just got to try not to be overwhelmed by that responsibility and just as I say just try and think of it as a project, or
that I would do a better job at representing their views if I was a bit more detached and look
at it that way, so yes, I am thinking that I will get quite upset throughout the process and I think I have got to try and…
INTERVIEWER: What is likely to upset you do you think?
I think if I come across lonely people that are isolated and have had difficulties in their lives
and haven‟t had the resources to be able to do what they want to do in their lives, maybe that might resonate with some of my own experiences as well, so, I think that is probably
where I will be affected by it so. From my previous experience of doing research I did get
really, or even with the blind people in Cornwall I got quite like, it does affect you a lot when
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you a listening to people talking to you like that, about things like that all the time, so maybe
if I just talk to someone either my supervisor or someone else about it maybe that would help, so yes.
INTERVIEWER: Are your participants going to get anything from participating in the study
other than involvement in the study and the promise of linking into policy?
Um, I have thought about that and I thought I might be able to, I was talking to Andy and maybe if they do want to get into some exercise programme or I don‟t know some advice
then I could either signpost them to organisations or other groups in the area to give them
more information, I could possible offer Andy‟s services I don‟t know, I could try and help them by signposting them rather than taking it all on my shoulders, so yes, that‟s probably
another way. So sort of like, I suppose what they get out of it is, an opportunity to access
some or have some information if they are interested. Other than that I suppose it is just
talking to someone really.
INTERVIEWER: I am going to ask you a question which probably isn‟t strictly necessary for
this interview but I am interested in it, if you get somebody who is isolated and is lonely and
so on and you have a, you do some interviews which are not only emotionally upsetting for you, they are also upsetting for them, where is your responsibility lie then as a researcher?
Good question, um, I think I would have to definitely signpost them to an organisation who
could help them, well it is hard because you are obviously making them upset well I would obviously there are all the normal things that they could stop the interview at any time and
things like that.
INTERVIEWER: But you still walk away and leave them upset, the interview stops…
Yes, I think me as a person, I would make sure that they were ok, i.e. hang around and have a cup of tea, talk informally outside of the interview. Or just see if there was a neighbour or
someone who could come and sit with them. So I wouldn‟t walk away from someone that was
really upset, just as a person, but as a researcher I don‟t know really I think, it is a difficult one really, I think you should stay if they want you to, I think that is probably what you
should do.
INTERVIEWER: Can I just go back, I really want to ask you slightly more about your
assumptions or your preconceptions and how that is going to impact on data collection first of all, so think about for example your construction of your interview guide, can you just have a
think out loud about how it might impact your interview guide, the questions you choose to
ask, how you ask them actually in the interview?
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Um, well I might, well all the literature I have read will influence the questions I am going to
ask, so I might assume, that maybe rurality is going to affect them and it might not, I am going to try and be as neutral as possible and not ask them leading questions but ultimately I
probably will, but yes.
INTERVIEWER: How are you going to safeguard that or try and prevent that from happening
first of all?
I think I am going to try and go in and sort of remind myself of the assumptions I have made
already, i.e. that they are isolated, that they are being in a rural community means that they
can‟t access things that isn‟t necessarily the case, you know that class might have an effect on them it might not, just try and be as open minded as possible really and then just pick up
on what they are saying so I am going to try and do that as much as I can, so but yes,
ultimately it is never kind of completely do that but I am going to try and be as open, I mean
I know that I do tend to talk too much sometimes in interviews and sort of not butt in but interrupt sometimes so I am going to try and, because it is a narrative interview just ask an
open question, a neutral open question and just let them talk, if they are not talking then
prompt, so I am not going to, it is so easy to think that is like a conversation but it is not so.
INTERVIEWER: Are you doing some pilots?
Yes, so that should be good.
INTERVIEWER: the next issue, I know you are interested in this, is how the research impacts
on you kind of personally and professionally, so what are your thoughts about how it might have done so far?
I think the only thing that it has influenced me so far is the relationship with my grandparents
because on one hand you have got this very personal relationship but when you hear them going through all the things that you are reading about, but there is not really anything you
can do about it, even though you have got the knowledge about what they should be doing it
is quite difficult. I suppose like for example my granddad he is on his own and my grandma is in a home, she doesn‟t go out really, doesn‟t socialise you know he is pretty isolated, now he
can‟t drive so he is even more isolated and all my reading says try and get him out meeting
people in groups, go along to, I don‟t know anything that is meeting people, but ultimately he
doesn‟t want to do that, so it is up to him, so I think that is where I have got this understanding of yes, ok, all these things are great but it is up to that individual and they
have got that choice. You can give them the information and make them aware of the issues,
but you can‟t force them to. So, but I think that is probably the most it has affected me at this stage, because as I say I haven‟t really had much contact with the actual older people
themselves so.
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INTERVIEWER: What do you anticipate, how do you anticipate being affected through the
process?
Probably just what I have mentioned before about being pretty upset I suppose and feeling
like I want to do more for people than I probably can and also guilty of going in there and
taking these stories away, collecting these stories and then leaving them, it just feel that
sometimes it just makes me feel very cold and so I think ultimately I think that is what I am going to really battle with and hopefully I will overcome that by maybe afterwards just
hanging around if they want someone around and try and be, signpost them as you say, not
just leave them, so maybe I could overcome it by doing things like that. I think that is probably what I will find hardest.
INTERVIEWER: Do you think that there is anything that you are missing and failing to see at
the moment with your research because of your experiences or preconceptions?
I think the only thing that I might find difficult is the other thing that I am a little bit worries about is the fact that I am probably from quite a middle class background, even though we
haven‟t always had the income, my attitudes and preference are very middle class and when
it comes to interviewing people who are working class people, there might be a bit of an issue there perhaps with my assumptions of how they should behave and what sorts of things they
should be doing or they might think and react against me being middle class and you know, I
don‟t know, try and say what I want to hear, so I think that is where I am going to struggle maybe, empathising anyway maybe I don‟t know.
INTERVIEWER: What about the age thing, I mean obviously we were joking about it earlier?
Yes, that is a massive one really because how can, how are they going to trust that I am
going to understand what they are going through so yes there is that big negative is that I have not experienced it.
INTERVIEWER: How could you deal with that in the data collection process?
Well the way I was going to play it as it were was as I am dumb I don‟t know what it feels
like, tell me I want to know, hopefully then they will be able to tell me, but also positive because I haven‟t gone through the ageing process I am not going to make assumptions as
to how they are feeling and experiencing, so that is a positive to it.
INTERVIEWER: You have some assumptions that you have talked about?
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Yes, good point, but I am not going to rely on my own experience which maybe some older
interviewers might do, so there is positives and negatives and I think, I am not going to pretend to understand I am just going to be really like I don‟t know tell me, so that could
work in my favour, but yes there might be some really sensitive issues that they might not
want to discuss with me which is fair enough I think.
INTERVIEWER: they may not want to discuss it with anyone.
So just try and be sensitive and empathise with them as much as possible. Hopefully, well it
is going to have an effect obviously but I suppose yes just acknowledging that.
INTERVIEWER: Ok is there anything else that your aware of at this point in your research process?
Um, the only other thing is possibly the fact that I am a girl and I might be interviewing older
men that could be an issue maybe.
INTERVIEWER: What could be an issue with that?
Well, they might have assumptions about me which they might not, but that again could work
in my favour in that they might not think that I know very much or that I am knowledgeable
or anything. But I suppose everyone is different and try not to have any preconceived ideas about people. I think a lot of it is actually the skill of talking to lots of different people and
adjusting to who it is, so as long as I am not treating everyone the same then I think it will
be ok.
INTERVIEWER: Ok, I think that is all I have got down here, is there anything else that we haven‟t covered that you wanted to cover?
No I think that is it really.
INTERVIEWER: Do you want to go over anything in more detail more thoroughly?
No I think you have hit, or you have talked about quite a lot of things that I didn‟t expect so that was good, it has given me quite a lot to think about.
INTERVIEWER: Has your awareness been raised about anything in particular?
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Um, yes I think the epistemological perspective, I haven‟t thought about that for a little while
so that has made me rethink that, and also the ethics around researching or interviewing
older people and leave them in distress that is something that I have thought about and probably need to reconsider really and maybe think of other ways and strategies of
proceeding with that, I don‟t know what but maybe try and think of someone, so yes that has
definitely made me think about some things, so that‟s good.
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APPENDIX 11: Additional signposting information
Contact Information Sheet
Age Concern Chichester & District
1 North Pallant
Chichester
West Sussex
PO19 1TL
Tel: 01243 528346
Fax: 01243 527553
Email:
chichester@acwestsussex.org
Age Concern West Sussex
County Offices
Suite 2, 1st Floor Littlehampton
West Sussex
BN17 6BP
Tel: 01903 731800
Fax: 01903 738300
Email:
information@acwestsussex.orghttp://www.acwestsussex.org
Source: Age Concern Website http://www.ageconcern.org.uk/AgeConcern
/default.asp
West Sussex County Council
Adults' social care services
The Grange
Tower Street
Chichester
PO19 1QT Tel: 01243 777100
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Fax: 01243 777679
Textphone: 01243 642077
Source: West Sussex County
Council Website http://www.westsussex.gov.uk/ccm/conten
t/social-care-and-health/adults/older-people.en
Chichester District Council
East Pallant House
1 East Pallant
Chichester
West Sussex PO19 1TY
Tel: 01243 785166 (Main
Switchboard)
Email: helpline@chichester.gov.uk
Sport
Tel: 01243 534799
Email:sport@chichester.go
v.uk
web:www.chichester.gov.u
k/sport
Health
Tel: 01243 785166
ext.2298
Email:health@chichester.g
ov.uk
web:www.chichester.gov.u
k/healthandsocialcare
Bognor Regis, Chichester
and District Samaritans
13 Argyle Road
Bognor Regis
West Sussex
PO21 1DY
Tel: 08457 90 90 90 or contact
the branch on 01243 826333
Source: Samaritans Website http://www.samaritans.org/bognor
The Samaritans of Horsham and Crawley 21 Denne Road
Horsham
West Sussex
RH12 1JE
Tel: (01403) 276276/01293
515151 Usual hours open to
receive callers: 9am - 9pm
Source: Samaritans Website http://www.samaritans.org/horshaman
dcrawle
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APPENDIX 12: Informed consent form
“Older people’s experiences of physical
activity”
This project is aiming to explore the different ways in which older people
in the Sussex region experience physical activity, including the barriers
and benefits to participation. These findings will be used to inform policies and provision for appropriate physical activity opportunities for
older people.
Participating in this project will involve talking about your experiences of
physical activity and keeping an activity diary to note down the activity
that you are participating in and how it felt.
Everything you contribute to the project will be completely anonymous,
private and confidential and if at any time you do not want to continue
participating at any point in the research that is fine.
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I [name]…………………………………….. do consent to participate in the above
research project.
Address:
Telephone number:
Age:
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APPENDIX 14: STATEMENT OF ETHICAL PRACTICE FOR THE
BRITISH SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION
MARCH 2002 (Appendix updated May 2004)
Statement of Ethical Practice
This statement is one of a set of Guidelines on a variety of fundamental aspects of professional sociology.
The British Sociological Association gratefully acknowledges the use made of the ethical codes and statements
of the Social Research Association, the American Sociological Association and the Association of Social
Anthropologists of the UK and the Commonwealth.
1) The purpose of the statement is to make members aware of the ethical issues that may arise throughout the
research process and to encourage them to take responsibility for their own ethical practice. The Association
encourages members to use the Statement to help educate themselves and their colleagues to behave ethically.
2) The statement does not, therefore, provide a set of recipes for resolving ethical choices or dilemmas, but
recognises that it will be necessary to make such choices on the basis of principles and values, and the (often
conflicting) interests of those involved.
3) Styles of sociological work are diverse and subject to change, not least because sociologists work within a
wide variety of settings. Sociologists, in carrying out their work, inevitably face ethical, and sometimes legal,
dilemmas which arise out of competing obligations and conflicts of interest.
4) The following statement advises members of the Association about ethical concerns and potential problems
and conflicts of interest that may arise in the course of their professional activities. The statement is not
exhaustive but summarises basic principles for ethical practice by sociologists. Departures from the principles
should be the result of deliberation and not ignorance.
The strength of this statement and its binding force rest ultimately on active discussion, reflection, and
continued use by sociologists. In addition, the statement will help to communicate the professional position of
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sociologists to others, especially those involved in or affected by the activities of sociologists.
Professional Integrity
5) Sociological research is a valuable activity and contributes to the well-being of society. Members should strive
to maintain the integrity of sociological inquiry as a discipline, the freedom to research and study, and to publish
and promote the results of sociological research including making data available for the use of researchers in
the future
6) Members have a responsibility both to safeguard the proper interests of those involved in or affected by their
work, and to report their findings accurately and truthfully. They need to consider the effects of their
involvements and the consequences of their work or its misuse for those they study and other interested parties.
Sociologists should note that there are national laws and administrative regulations (for example Data Protection
Acts, the Human Rights Act, copyright and libel laws) which may affect the conduct of their research, data
dissemination and storage, publication, rights of research subjects, of sponsors and employers etc..
7) While recognising that training and skill are necessary to the conduct of social research, members should
themselves recognise the boundaries of their professional competence. They should not accept work of a kind
that they are not qualified to carry out. Members should satisfy themselves that the research they undertake is
worthwhile and that the techniques proposed are appropriate. They should be clear about the limits of their
detachment from and involvement in their areas of study. (Also see 45.-47)
8) Social researchers face a range of potential risks to their safety. Safety issues need to be considered in the
design and conduct of social research projects and procedures should be adopted to reduce the risk to
researchers.
9) In their relations with the media, members should have regard for the reputation of the discipline and refrain
from offering expert commentaries in a form that would appear to give credence to material that, as researchers,
they would regard as comprising inadequate or tendentious evidence. (Also see 20.-24).
Relations with and Responsibilities towards Research Participants
10) Sociologists, when they carry out research, enter into personal and moral relationships with those they study,
be they individuals, households, social groups or corporate entities.
11) Although sociologists, like other researchers are committed to the advancement of knowledge, that goal
does not, of itself, provide an entitlement to override the rights of others.
12) Members should be aware that they have some responsibility for the use to which their data may be put and
for how the research is to be disseminated. Discharging that responsibility may on occasion be difficult,
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especially in situations of social conflict, competing social interests or where there is unanticipated misuse of the
research by third parties.
Relationships with research participants
13) Sociologists have a responsibility to ensure that the physical, social and psychological well-being of research
participants is not adversely affected by the research. They should strive to protect the rights of those they study,
their interests, sensitivities and privacy, while recognising the difficulty of balancing potentially conflicting
interests.
14) Because sociologists study the relatively powerless as well as those more powerful than themselves,
research relationships are frequently characterised by disparities of power and status. Despite this, research
relationships should be characterised, whenever possible, by trust and integrity.
15 ) In some cases, where the public interest dictates otherwise and particularly where power is being abused,
obligations of trust and protection may weigh less heavily. Nevertheless, these obligations should not be
discarded lightly.
16) As far as possible participation in sociological research should be based on the freely given informed
consent of those studied. This implies a responsibility on the sociologist to explain in appropriate detail, and in
terms meaningful to participants, what the research is about, who is undertaking and financing it, why it is being
undertaken, and how it is to be disseminated and used.
17) Research participants should be made aware of their right to refuse participation whenever and for whatever
reason they wish.
18) Research participants should understand how far they will be afforded anonymity and confidentiality and
should be able to reject the use of data-gathering devices such as tape recorders and video cameras.
19) Sociologists should be careful, on the one hand, not to give unrealistic guarantees of confidentiality and, on
the other, not to permit communication of research films or records to audiences other than those to which the
research participants have agreed.
20) Where there is a likelihood that data may be shared with other researchers, the potential uses to which the
data might be put must be discussed with research participants and their consent obtained for the future use
of the material.(iv). When making notes, filming or recording for research purposes, sociologists should make
clear to research participants the purpose of the notes, filming or recording, and, as precisely as possible, to
whom it will be communicated. It should be recognised that research participants have contractual and/or legal
interests and rights in data, recordings and publications.
21) The interviewer should inform the interviewee of their rights under any copyright or data protection laws
22) Researchers making audio or video recordings should obtain appropriate copyright clearances
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23) Interviewers should clarify whether, and if so, the extent to which research participants are allowed to see
transcripts of interviews and field notes and to alter the content, withdraw statements, to provide additional
information or to add glosses on interpretations
24 ) Clarification should also be given to research participants regarding the degree to which they will be
consulted prior to publication. Where possible, participants should be offered feedback on findings, for example
in the form of a summary report.
25) It should also be borne in mind that in some research contexts, especially those involving field research, it
may be necessary for the obtaining of consent to be regarded, not as a once-and-for-all prior event, but as a
process, subject to renegotiation over time. In addition, particular care may need to be taken during periods of
prolonged fieldwork where it is easy for research participants to forget that they are being studied.
In some situations access to a research setting is gained via a 'gatekeeper'. In these situations members should
adhere to the principle of obtaining informed consent directly from the research participants to whom access is
required, while at the same time taking account of the gatekeepers' interest.
Since the relationship between the research participant and the gatekeeper may continue long after the
sociologist has left the research setting, care should be taken not to compromise existing relationships within
the research setting
26) It is, therefore, incumbent upon members to be aware of the possible consequences of their work. Wherever
possible they should attempt to anticipate, and to guard against, consequences for research participants that
can be predicted to be harmful. Members are not absolved from this responsibility by the consent given by
research participants.
27) In many of its forms, social research intrudes into the lives of those studied. While some participants in
sociological research may find the experience a positive and welcome one, for others, the experience may be
disturbing. Even if not harmed, those studied may feel wronged by aspects of the research process. This can be
particularly so if they perceive apparent intrusions into their private and personal worlds, or where research gives
rise to false hopes, uncalled for self-knowledge, or unnecessary anxiety.
28) Members should consider carefully the possibility that the research experience may be a disturbing one and
should attempt, where necessary, to find ways to minimise or alleviate any distress caused to those participating
in research. It should be borne in mind that decisions made on the basis of research may have effects on
individuals as members of a group, even if individual research participants are protected by confidentiality and
anonymity.
29) Special care should be taken where research participants are particularly vulnerable by virtue of factors such
as age, disability, their physical or mental health. Researchers will need to take into account the legal and ethical
complexities involved in those circumstances where there are particular difficulties in eliciting fully informed
consent. In some situations proxies may need to be used in order to gather data. Where proxies are used, care
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should be taken not to intrude on the personal space of the person to whom the data ultimately refer, or to
disturb the relationship between this person and the proxy. Where it can be inferred that the person about whom
data are sought would object to supplying certain kinds of information, that material should not be sought from
the proxy.
30) Research involving children requires particular care. The consent of the child should be sought in addition to
that of the parent. Researchers should use their skills to provide information that could be understood by the
child, and their judgement to decide on the child’s capacity to understand what is being proposed. Specialist
advice and expertise should be sought where relevant. Researchers should have regard for issues of child
protection and make provision for the potential disclosure of abuse.
Covert Research
31) There are serious ethical and legal issues in the use of covert research but the use of covert methods may
be justified in certain circumstances. For example, difficulties arise when research participants change their
behaviour because they know they are being studied. Researchers may also face problems when access to
spheres of social life is closed to social scientists by powerful or secretive interests.
32) However, covert methods violate the principles of informed consent and may invade the privacy of those
being studied. Covert researchers might need to take into account the emerging legal frameworks surrounding
the right to privacy. Participant or non-participant observation in non-public spaces or experimental manipulation
of research participants without their knowledge should be resorted to only where it is impossible to use other
methods to obtain essential data.
33) In such studies it is important to safeguard the anonymity of research participants. Ideally, where informed
consent has not been obtained prior to the research it should be obtained post-hoc.
Anonymity, privacy and confidentiality
34) The anonymity and privacy of those who participate in the research process should be respected. Personal
information concerning research participants should be kept confidential. In some cases it may be necessary to
decide whether it is proper or appropriate even to record certain kinds of sensitive information.
35) Where possible, threats to the confidentiality and anonymity of research data should be anticipated by
researchers. The identities and research records of those participating in research should be kept confidential
whether or not an explicit pledge of confidentiality has been given.
36) Appropriate measures should be taken to store research data in a secure manner. Members should have
regard to their obligations under the Data Protection Acts. Where appropriate and practicable, methods for
preserving anonymity should be used including the removal of identifiers, the use of pseudonyms and other
technical means for breaking the link between data and identifiable individuals. Members should also take care
to prevent data being published or released in a form that would permit the actual or potential identification of
research participants without prior written consent of the participants. Potential informants and research
participants, especially those possessing a combination of attributes that make them readily identifiable, may
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need to be reminded that it can be difficult to disguise their identity without introducing an unacceptably large
measure of distortion into the data.
37) Guarantees of confidentiality and anonymity given to research participants must be honoured, unless there
are clear and overriding reasons to do otherwise, for example in relation to the abuse of children. Other people,
such as colleagues, research staff or others, given access to the data must also be made aware of their
obligations in this respect. By the same token, sociologists should respect the efforts taken by other researchers
to maintain anonymity.
38) Research data given in confidence do not enjoy legal privilege, that is they may be liable to subpoena by a
court and research participants should be informed of this.
39) There may be fewer compelling grounds for extending guarantees of privacy or confidentiality to public
organisations, collectivises, governments, officials or agencies than to individuals or small groups. Nevertheless,
where guarantees have been given they should be honoured, unless there are clear and compelling public
interest reasons not to do so.
40) During their research members should avoid, where they can, actions which may have deleterious
consequences for sociologists who come after them or which might undermine the reputation of sociology as a
discipline.
41) Members should take special care when carrying out research via the Internet. Ethical standards for internet
research are not well developed as yet. Eliciting informed consent, negotiating access agreements, assessing the
boundaries between the public and the private, and ensuring the security of data transmissions are all
problematic in Internet research. Members who carry out research online should ensure that they are familiar
with ongoing debates on the ethics of Internet research, and might wish to consider erring on the side of caution
in making judgements affecting the well-being of online research participants.
Relations with & Responsibilities towards Sponsors and/or Funders
42) A common interest exists between sponsor, funder and sociologist as long as the aim of the social inquiry is
to advance knowledge, although such knowledge may only be of limited benefit to the sponsor and the funder.
That relationship is best served if the atmosphere is conducive to high professional standards.
43) Members should ensure that sponsors and/or funders appreciate the obligations that sociologists have not
only to them, but also to society at large, research participants and professional colleagues and the sociological
community. The relationship between sponsors or funders and social researchers should be such as to enable
social inquiry to be undertaken professionally. In research projects involving multiple funders or inter-disciplinary
teams, members should consider circulating this Statement to colleagues as an aid to the discussion and
negotiation of ethical practice.
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44) Research should be undertaken with a view to providing information or explanation rather than being
constrained to reach particular conclusions or prescribe particular courses of action.
Clarifying obligations, roles and rights
45) Members should clarify in advance the respective obligations of funders and researchers where possible in
the form of a written contract. They should refer the sponsor or funder to the relevant parts of the professional
code to which they adhere. Members should also be careful not to promise or imply acceptance of conditions
which are contrary to their professional ethics or competing research commitments.
46) Where some or all of those involved in the research are also acting as sponsors and/or funders of research
the potential for conflict between the different roles and interests should also be made clear to them.
47) Members should also recognise their own general or specific obligations to the sponsors whether
contractually defined or only the subject of informal and often unwritten agreements. They should be honest and
candid about their qualifications and expertise, the limitations, advantages and disadvantages of the various
methods of analysis and data sources, and acknowledge the necessity for discretion with confidential
information obtained from sponsors.
48) They should also try not to conceal factors that are likely to affect satisfactory conditions or the completion of
a proposed research project or contract.
Pre-empting outcomes and negotiations about research
49) Members should not accept contractual conditions that are contingent upon a particular outcome or set of
findings from a proposed inquiry. A conflict of obligations may also occur if the funder requires particular
methods to be used.
50) Members should clarify, before signing the contract, how far they are entitled to be able to disclose the
source of their funds, the personnel, aims and purposes of the project.
51) Members should also clarify their right to publish and disseminate the results of their research.
52) Members have an obligation to ensure sponsors grasp the implications of the choice between alternative
research methods.
Guarding privileged information and negotiating problematic sponsorship
53) Members are frequently furnished with information by the funder who may legitimately require it to be kept
confidential. Methods and procedures that have been utilised to produce published data should not, however, be
kept confidential unless otherwise agreed.
54) When negotiating sponsorships members should be aware of the requirements of the law with respect to the
ownership of and rights of access to data.
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55) In some political, social and cultural contexts some sources of funding and sponsorship may be contentious.
Candour and frankness about the source of funding may create problems of access or co-operation for the social
researcher but concealment may have serious consequences for colleagues, the discipline and research
participants. The emphasis should be on maximum openness.
56) Where sponsors and funders also act directly or indirectly as gatekeepers and control access to participants,
researchers should not devolve their responsibility to protect the participants' interests onto the gatekeeper.
Members should be wary of inadvertently disturbing the relationship between participants and gatekeepers
since that will continue long after the researcher has left.
Obligations to sponsors and/or Funders During the Research Process
57) Members have a responsibility to notify the sponsor and/or funder of any proposed departure from the
terms of reference of the proposed change in the nature of the contracted research.
58) A research study should not normally be undertaken where it is anticipated that resources will be
inadequate.
59) When financial support or sponsorship has been accepted, members must make every reasonable effort to
complete the proposed research on schedule, including reports to the funding source.
60) Members should, wherever possible, disseminate their research findings as widely as possible and where
required make their research data available to other researchers via appropriate archives.
61) Members should normally avoid restrictions on their freedom to publish or otherwise broadcast research
findings.
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